• TABLE OF CONTENTS
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 Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Abstract
 Introduction
 The Uganda context
 Farm household income and protected...
 Conclusions and recommendation...
 Base model: Middle aged household...
 Model results
 Reference
 Biographical sketch






Group Title: Protected area policies in Southwestern Uganda: income shocks on small farming systems due to an increase in a forest's protective status
Title: Protected area policies in Southwestern Uganda
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00055221/00001
 Material Information
Title: Protected area policies in Southwestern Uganda income shocks on small farming systems due to an increase in a forest's protective status
Physical Description: v, 63 leaves : ; 29 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Trenchard, Peter C
Publication Date: 1999
 Subjects
Subject: Forest protection -- Uganda -- Bwindi Impenetrable National Park   ( lcsh )
Family farms -- Economic aspects -- Uganda -- Bwindi Impenetrable National Park Region   ( lcsh )
Forest Resources and Conservation thesis, M.S   ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Forest Resources and Conservation -- UF   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Thesis: Thesis (M.S.)--University of Florida, 1999.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references (leaves 60-62).
Statement of Responsibility: by Peter C. Trenchard.
General Note: Printout.
General Note: Vita.
Funding: Electronic resources created as part of a prototype UF Institutional Repository and Faculty Papers project by the University of Florida.
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Bibliographic ID: UF00055221
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved, Board of Trustees of the University of Florida
Resource Identifier: aleph - 002531863
oclc - 43707730
notis - AMP7787

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Title Page
        Page i
    Table of Contents
        Page ii
        Page iii
    Abstract
        Page iv
        Page v
    Introduction
        Page 1
        Effects of biodiversity conservation on local incomes
            Page 1
            Page 2
            Page 3
            Page 4
        Research problem
            Page 5
            Page 6
        Objectives
            Page 7
    The Uganda context
        Page 8
        General socioeconomic situation
            Page 8
            Page 9
            Page 10
        Political economy of southwestern Uganda
            Page 11
            Page 12
            Page 13
            Page 14
            Page 15
        The Bwindi impenetrable forest
            Page 16
            Page 17
            Page 18
            Page 19
            Page 20
            Page 21
            Page 22
            Page 23
            Page 24
    Farm household income and protected areas: A linear programming model
        Page 25
        Methods
            Page 25
            Page 26
            Page 27
            Page 28
            Page 29
            Page 30
        Assumptions
            Page 31
        Data
            Page 32
            Page 33
            Page 34
            Page 35
        Analysis and findings
            Page 36
            Page 37
            Page 38
            Page 39
            Page 40
            Page 41
            Page 42
            Page 43
            Page 44
            Page 45
            Page 46
            Page 47
    Conclusions and recommendations
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Conclusions
            Page 50
        Recommendations
            Page 51
            Page 52
    Base model: Middle aged household with full forest access
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
    Model results
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
    Reference
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
    Biographical sketch
        Page 63
        Page 64
Full Text








PROTECTED AREA POLICIES IN SOUTHWESTERN UGANDA:
INCOME SHOCKS ON SMALL FARMING SYSTEMS DUE TO AN INCREASE IN
A FOREST'S PROTECTIVE STATUS.












by

PETER C. TRENCHARD


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF SCIENCE

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1999













PROTECTED AREA POLICIES IN SOUTHWESTERN UGANDA:
INCOME SHOCKS ON SMALL FARMING SYSTEMS DUE TO AN INCREASE IN
A FOREST'S PROTECTIVE STATUS.












by

PETER C. TRENCHARD


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF SCIENCE

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1999














TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...................................................... iv

CHAPTERS

1 INTRODUCTION .................................................. 1

Effects of Biodiversity Conservation on Local Incomes ................... 1
Research Problem ............................................... 5
Objectives .................................................. 6

2 THE UGANDA CONTEXT ......................................... 8

General Socioeconomic Situation .................................. 8
Political Economy of Southwestern Uganda .......................... 11
The Bwindi Impenetrable Forest .................................... 16

3 FARM HOUSEHOLD INCOME AND PROTECTED AREAS:
A LINEAR PROGRAMMING MODEL .......................... 25

Methods ............... ...................................... 25
Assumptions ................................................. 31
Data ................................... ................... 32
Analysis and Findings ........................................... 36

4 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........................ 48

Conclusions ............................................... 50
Recommendations ............................................. 51

APPENDICES

A. Base Model: Middle Aged Household
W ith Full Forest Access ....................................... 53

B. M odel Results .............................................. 56














LITERATURE CITED ................................................ 60

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................... 63










































iii

















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science

PROTECTED AREA POLICIES IN SOUTHWESTERN UGANDA:
INCOME SHOCKS ON SMALL FARMING SYSTEMS DUE TO AN INCREASE IN
A FOREST'S PROTECTIVE STATUS.

By

Peter C. Trenchard

December 1999


Chairman: Dr. Douglas Carter
Major Department: School of Forest Resources and Conservation


It is often debated that developed nations must partly reimburse national

governments of tropical countries for the cost of protecting biodiversity, a world heritage.

However, costs are also borne by communities living within the shadow of a tropical

national park once its resources become off limits. Little attention has been directed to the

effect of a forest's conservation status on the income of local farm households. This paper

addresses the above issue for the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, an Ugandan forest

park upgraded in status from forest reserve in 1991. Changes in household income and

land use are estimated during this time using a linear programming model. In part to








compensate locals for the loss of forest access, several social forestry/rural development

projects in these communities were initiated as mitigation measures. The extent that

interventions or policy changes can mitigate against the loss in income is also appraised.

The linear program was developed for several household compositions (family age and

gender) with different quantities of land, labor and cash resources. The program examines

household abilities to meet their objective of maximizing household discretionary funds,

ensuring good nutrition for the family and providing for family education expenses.

Finally, the linear programming model examines the effect of different forest product

prices on farm crop production and forest resource use.

Change in forest conservation status had a negative effect on farm income, between

a 10 percent and 23 percent decrease overall. Increasing matoke production, coupled with

other interventions such as increased law enforcement and fines, may keep farmers from

exploiting gold and timber. Higher costs for forest products decrease the amount of use of

those resources. In the context of the park manager, increased law enforcement and fines

would provide enough of a disincentive to greatly reduce gold mining and pitsawing when

there is limited forest access.













CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION



The goal of this study is estimate the effects of decreased forest access on farmers'

livelihood and farm land choices in southwestern Uganda. This study directly addresses

social and economic issues that confront protected area managers trying to conserve

biodiversity while helping neighboring communities in their economic development.

The location of this study is the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, an Ugandan

park upgraded in status from forest reserve in 1991. The study appraises small farm

household income for both levels of forest protection. Moreover, the extent that

interventions or policy changes can mitigate income losses are appraised. Without such an

appraisal the true impact of the increased conservation status on local households will not

be known.



Effects of Biodiversity Conservation on Local Incomes

The need to conserve biodiversity has received much international attention. It is

generally recognized that developed nations must partly reimburse tropical countries for

the cost of protecting biodiversity, a world heritage. Developing countries are pressured

to put aside vast natural resources in protected areas, resources that could be used for

economic development. National park systems gladly expand their acreage, eager to













CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION



The goal of this study is estimate the effects of decreased forest access on farmers'

livelihood and farm land choices in southwestern Uganda. This study directly addresses

social and economic issues that confront protected area managers trying to conserve

biodiversity while helping neighboring communities in their economic development.

The location of this study is the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, an Ugandan

park upgraded in status from forest reserve in 1991. The study appraises small farm

household income for both levels of forest protection. Moreover, the extent that

interventions or policy changes can mitigate income losses are appraised. Without such an

appraisal the true impact of the increased conservation status on local households will not

be known.



Effects of Biodiversity Conservation on Local Incomes

The need to conserve biodiversity has received much international attention. It is

generally recognized that developed nations must partly reimburse tropical countries for

the cost of protecting biodiversity, a world heritage. Developing countries are pressured

to put aside vast natural resources in protected areas, resources that could be used for

economic development. National park systems gladly expand their acreage, eager to








increase their mandate and access to public or international funds. However, the cost

borne by communities living within the shadow of a tropical national park once its

resources become off limits is not adequately addressed.

Protected area managers in tropical countries are trying to increase participation of

local communities in the conservation of biodiversity. During the last twenty years

African conservation projects and protected areas have increasingly tried to include local

communities directly in decisions on resource management. Different methods have been

tried to incorporate local development with conservation. Many of these interventions are

made according to the needs of each location, but there are discernable trends. Integrated

conservation and development projects (ICDPs) have used forest product substitution on

farm sites, conservation partnerships, community involvement, economic development,

decentralized local governments, market creation and marketing of natural goods as

methods to include local communities in natural resource management (Child 1996, Wells

and Brandon 1992, McNeely 1993, Pimbert and Pretty 1995, Schelhas and Shaw 1995).

Early in their history, the most common approach adopted by ICDPs was

substitution of forest products for farm grown equivalents (Kremen 1998). Substitution

allows farmers to have continued access to a certain product by growing the product on

their own land or, to use forest products to enhance and increase farm production (i.e., by

using indigenous agroforestry species in intercropping or live fences).

Not all feel that linking conservation and development or increasing public

participation should be the main emphasis in resource protection. Some critics, such as

Spinage (1998) feel that this unproven approach is taking the place of law enforcement.








They see the emphasis on participation as a total abandonment of a traditional

conservative approach emphasizing law enforcement.

In unison with ICDP efforts there has been an increased effort by economists to

value forest resources, recognizing that forests have value beyond any commercial timber

value. Resource valuation is conducted in different ways, all of which provide different

information to the protected area manager. Resource values can be assessed at different

levels; internationally, nationally, regionally and locally. Resources are also valued

according to the direct or indirect uses society places on them. Moreover, there is more

recognition today that society places other values on resources that are not easily

monetized such as option and existence values.

These valuations are useful to determine the intrinsic value of a forest resource and

can affect policy by suggesting the extent society will go to protect that resource. Policies

however are most effective if they address issues around the actual resource users. In

areas where the main resource user groups are in or adjacent to the resource, the

economic value placed on the resource should be done in their point of view and not only

society at large. Methods that have been used to do this include contingent valuation,

which evaluates a person's willingness to pay for a resource. Others include valuing the

market value of the resources that people get out of the forest.

Recent studies have determined costs and benefits of tropical forest conservation on

different levels of societies (Chomitz and Kumari 1998, Kengen 1997, Shah 1995, Wells

1997). Cost/benefit analysis has also been used to determine overall benefits of protected

areas on society, mostly at a regional or national level. Locally, most of these studies

focus on evaluating changes on farms due to project interventions. Project success is






4

generally determined by the amount of new technologies adopted by farmers (Wells 1993).

In a few cases, projects monitor farm income as an indicator of success (Shyamsundar and

Kramer 1997, Wells 1997). Very little attention has been focused on the effect of

increased forest conservation status on the income of farm households.

Wells (1997), Shyamsudar and Kramer (1997) and Skonhoft (1998) explored costs

and benefits accrued by local people. Wells (1997) departs from the normal approach of

identifying and measuring protected area economic costs and benefits. Instead, he

concentrated on the distribution of economic costs and benefits at different levels (local,

national/regional and international). He concluded that economic benefits are limited on

the local scale and increase at higher levels while economic costs follow the opposite

trend. Skonhoft models costs and benefits of wildlife conservation in East Africa in the

context of comparing resource benefits to a park agency managing a national park and a

group ofagropastoralists living in the vicinity of the park. This analysis of the conflict

between pastoralism and tourism under different market situations found that it is possible

to benefit both groups if the market is well understood. Coupled with few local incentives

and limited national or regional incentives for protected area conservation local people

often resist conservation efforts. These studies indicate that an economic analysis at a

local level is an important bridge between economic valuation studies and identification of

conservation measures.

A better understanding of farming systems is important in this economic analysis.

ICDPs are starting to move away from activities concentrating purely on forest resource

substitution towards obtaining a better, detailed knowledge of local farmers' livelihood

systems. For instance, the World Wildlife Foundation Mount Cameroon Project is








studying traditional farming practices to determine local household livelihood systems.

These studies the project helps develop more realistic strategies for the management of

resources on Mount Cameroon that account for local resource use (Brocklesby and

Ambrose 1997).

Recently, more effort has been made on assessing the impact of resource

conservation at the household level. Protected area managers need more direct, detailed

knowledge of how people make their livelihoods and to what extent they rely on a

resource, legally or not. The effect of a loss of resources on farmers' livelihood is

important for protected area managers so they can detect what other threats may be

created in the future. Much of this work is in Madagascar where ICDPs are actively

trying to test the conservation and development paradigm. A good example is the work of

Abel-Ratovo (1997) who looked at household resource use in the context of monitoring

impact of an integrated conservation and development project.



Research Problem

This paper addresses the above issues in the context of the Bwindi Impenetrable

National Park, an Ugandan park upgraded in status from forest reserve in 1991.

Specifically the paper will address the following issues:

1. Local households may have been negatively affected by restricted forest

access when the Bwindi forest became a national park in 1991.

2. To improve relations with the public, park managers want to mitigate

against this loss. How best to compensate, and to what extent, is not

known.








This type of analysis is important for protected area managers and policy makers as

they need to decide where best to put government resources. They recognize that a

natural area like Bwindi may warrant the full protection that a park provides, but have

social costs associated with it. A better understanding of these social costs can better

direct scarce government funds.

Results from this type of study may also shed some light on other problems facing

protected areas and the conservation of biodiversity. Some of these larger issues include:

What are the costs (in terms of income loss) local populations bear

because of resource protection?

How can the conflict between people and parks for resource use be

minimized?

Will economic development of communities around parks reduce pressure

on the park's resources or act as a magnet to encourage more people to

settle in the area?

What policies can be introduced to minimize the financial loss local

populations suffer because of increased restriction on resource use?

The main hypothesis of this study is that the financial impact of an increase in

conservation status of a neighboring forest on a small farmer system is negative.

Furthermore, current efforts to mitigate this loss fall short of replacing this lost income, so

care must be given to ensure investments are made in the most appropriate technologies.








Objectives

The main objectives of this study are to:

1. Estimate the impact that the change from forest reserve to a national park

had on average farm income.

2. Estimate how farm livelihood systems changed to adjust for this loss.

3. Identify which farm activities should be invested in to mitigate against the

lost income.

Moreover the study will also:

4. Assess what economic stresses or incentives exist that encourage local

farmers to use forest resources illegally.

5. Provide policy recommendations that make it less economically viable to

exploit forest resources.













CHAPTER 2
THE UGANDA CONTEXT


General Socioeconomic Situation

Uganda has gone through several politically disruptive periods and economic

collapse during the last thirty years. The current socioeconomic and ecological situation

in Uganda must be viewed in this historical context. During the 1960s, Uganda's civil

service was efficient and used as an example for surrounding countries. Government

services were partly decentralized to local districts that profited directly from revenue

sharing from protected areas (Burke 1964). Since the 1970s however, the country's

economic development has been curbed by armed conflict and disintegration of public

infrastructure, public services and laws. Political power was highly centralized and

resources controlled from the capital. The most serious conflicts occurred in 1979-1980

and 1984-1986. These episodes caused serious declines in agriculture production and

were characterized by high inflation and scarce foreign exchange. The rapid growth in

production that Uganda experienced after 1986 was partly due to a recovery from this

very low base.

Since 1986, the government has been stable and has made the decentralization of

government services a priority. The National Resistance Movement, which has governed

Uganda since this time, follows a ten-point program that lays out its intentions for grass-













CHAPTER 2
THE UGANDA CONTEXT


General Socioeconomic Situation

Uganda has gone through several politically disruptive periods and economic

collapse during the last thirty years. The current socioeconomic and ecological situation

in Uganda must be viewed in this historical context. During the 1960s, Uganda's civil

service was efficient and used as an example for surrounding countries. Government

services were partly decentralized to local districts that profited directly from revenue

sharing from protected areas (Burke 1964). Since the 1970s however, the country's

economic development has been curbed by armed conflict and disintegration of public

infrastructure, public services and laws. Political power was highly centralized and

resources controlled from the capital. The most serious conflicts occurred in 1979-1980

and 1984-1986. These episodes caused serious declines in agriculture production and

were characterized by high inflation and scarce foreign exchange. The rapid growth in

production that Uganda experienced after 1986 was partly due to a recovery from this

very low base.

Since 1986, the government has been stable and has made the decentralization of

government services a priority. The National Resistance Movement, which has governed

Uganda since this time, follows a ten-point program that lays out its intentions for grass-








roots governance. Because of this program, participation of local people is a common

theme in all government projects.

Uganda's economy is predominately based on rain fed agriculture. Agriculture

accounts for 51 percent of GDP (Government of Uganda 1991), more than 90 percent of

exports, and employs 80 percent of the employed household population. Agricultural

output is mostly from small holders, 80 percent of which have less than two hectares of

land available. About 90 percent of the farms in western Uganda are primarily crop

production oriented. The rest of the farms are mixed crops and livestock production. The

central region has the most livestock ranches with about 50 percent of the farms oriented

exclusively toward livestock (World Bank 1993).

Per capital income is low in Uganda at about $250 per year. Around 54 percent of

rural households live on less than $526 per annum. Rural incomes are estimated at only

$104, 71 percent of which is expended on food. However, the Uganda Ministry of

Finance and Economic Planning states that while these numbers are low the farmgate price

of home-grown food is sufficient to allow an adequate consumption level.

Household expenditures in rural areas average around $10 per capital per year,

compared with $218 in urban areas and $116 for the country average. Again, farmgate

prices are much lower than urban prices so these figures are difficult to compare.

Relative returns of food versus cash crops have been high so food staples have

become attractive cash crops. The main cash earners for rural families are now food crops

or dairy products sold in urban areas. This is especially true in the study area because of

its access to big urban markets in Uganda and Rwanda.






10

Yields in the food sector have remained relatively stable or increased slightly during

the 1980s. Because of political history and the economic boom since 1986, wages needed

to hire labor away from their own production have risen as well. This rise in labor costs

has squeezed profit margins on large estates. According to the World Bank (1993), given

these lower returns to export-crop production, the amount of farmers' labor devoted to

export crops has declined, affecting yields and quality.

The Government of Uganda estimates that the returns to food crop production fall

on or around the going wage of $0.51 per day. This suggests a certain coherence between

the food market, the labor market, and the returns from alternatives to food production

(which most of the laborers have).

Four main types of land tenure exist in Uganda: customary tenure, freeholds, mailo

(owners and tenants) and leaseholds. Customary tenure is most prevalent and their

management varies by ethnic group and location. This type of tenure does not recognize

individual ownership. However, individuals have the right to use their holding as they

think best, sell land to people approved by the clan, dispose of land according to

customary inheritance traditions, and dispose of trees. This is the prevalent tenure type in

the study area.

Estimates of land cultivated by family average 1.35 hectares per household with an

additional 1.03 hectares of other land available (Government of Uganda 1991). In

southwest Uganda, this is significantly less because of the higher population density.

About 85 percent of all rural households in Uganda possess plots of less than two

hectares.






11

The market for labor among small holders is active but small and fragmented. Small

holders enter times of labor shortage together therefore those with more access to capital

can pay for labor and obtain timely assistance. This of course has consequences on yields

and profits. The ability to obtain credit is a key constraint to improving yield, cultivated

area, and farm income in most of Uganda (World Bank 1993).



Political Economy of Southwestern Uganda

In the context of this study, southwestern Uganda includes three districts,

Rukungiri, Kisoro and Kabale Districts'. These local governments are located close to the

borders of Zaire and Rwanda. Much of the land area is in the foothills of the Western Rift

Valley between 1,200 and 1,800 meters in elevation. Rainfall averages 1,200 mm per year

during two growing seasons. Some of the agricultural land is terraced, a product of

forced labor during Uganda's colonial days. The population density within the district

averages about 300 people per square kilometer (Hamilton 1982 and Tukahirwa and Veit

1992). One paved road connects the district to the capital of Kampala (250 kilometers

away) and continues to the capital of Rwanda (150 kilometers away). There are few

roads into the interior of the district and those that exist are in poor condition.

Kabale district has the highest precipitation rate. The region is marked by very steep

hills with incised streams and many small and medium size lakes. There is a general

decrease in temperature with elevation. Most of the area is in terraced crop land with a




'Districts are the highest level of local government in Uganda. They are sub-divided into
counties, sub-counties, parishes and villages.






12

predominance of small farms. Precipitation is relatively evenly distributed throughout the

years with June and July the driest months (Yost and Eswaran 1990).

The Bwindi Impenetrable Forest (Bwindi) also falls partly in all three districts.

Through the years it has given many households an escape valve for the increasing

demands on the highly fragmented small farm plots. Besides many important forest

products and the additional cash it provided, the forest rendered additional land for cattle

grazing, illicit farms, and the possibility to encroach on its border to increase the

household's farm size (Cunningham 1992 and Howard 1991).

Two distinct tribes, the Batwa and Bakiga, live in the districts. The Batwa are a

hunter-gatherer group of about 1,800 people. Bakiga are cultivators who comprise over

90 percent of the population in the study area and number more than 250,000 (Langlands

1975). Although the political economy of the Batwa is discussed, this study focuses on

the Bakiga for reasons that will be discussed shortly.

The Batwa are nomadic hunter-gatherers who occasionally become sedentary and

practice farming for a short while before moving on again. A pygmoid ethnic group, they

are different from the Mbuti pygmies in the Congo because they live and work on the edge

of the forest instead of making their livelihoods from within the forest. Groups of Batwa

are found in the forests of Burundi, Rwanda, Zaire and Uganda. When the Bakiga moved

into the area about 600 to 1,000 years ago they found the Batwa already there. With the

arrival of the Bakiga, the Batwa quickly moved to a barter economy and a symbiotic

relationship with the majority tribe. The Batwa traded forest products and medicinals for

farm-raised starches. Starchy forest food products are lacking in the west rift forests,

unlike in the lowland forests of Zaire.








The Bakiga are cultivators who arrived in the area by some accounts over 1,000

years ago. Because rainfall and soil conditions favored agriculture, population density in

the area has always been high. During colonial days people were forced to migrate to

other areas. Those who remained were made, by law, to construct terraces. These

terraces are the only ones found in Uganda. Post-independence years saw a decline in the

maintenance of these terraces but during the last 10 to 15 years increased efforts are being

made by farmers to maintain and in some cases rehabilitate the terraces using vetiver grass,

Vetiveria zizanioides (Tukahirwa and Veit 1992 and Kamugisha 1993).

Land is passed on from the father equally to all his sons when they marry. Over the

generations, with intermarrying, this has led to highly fragmented land holdings. It is usual

for a household to have five or more plots, some more than ten kilometers away.

Households tend to have less than one hectare of total farm land among these fragmented

parcels.

On average, 15 percent of households are headed by women. During seasons when

men are working elsewhere (e.g., pitsawing, mines, or in towns) the number of households

headed by women may rise to 40 percent. Most households are large with over five

members according to the following table:

Table 1: Distribution of different household sizes among the population of
Southwestern Uganda
Number of people in Percentage of population
household
1 4 21.4
5-9 52.7
10+ 25.9
Source: Uganda Household Budget Survey (Government of Uganda 1991)






14

The main farming system features bananas (several varieties) as the main food crop,

with arabica coffee and tea as cash crops (Jameson 1970). Higher altitudes permit

cultivation of temperate fruits, vegetables and Irish potatoes. The major food crops are

bananas, beans, maize and sweet potatoes. Other food crops include peas, Irish potatoes,

wheat, yams and pumpkins. Surplus food crops are sold on the local markets.

Most households have cattle, which are allowed free range from June to August

during the dry season. At other times the cattle are either zero-grazed at the homestead or

herded with other families' cattle in a common herd. Shortage of grazing land is often

cited as the primary reason for reducing the number of cattle (Tukahirwa and Veit 1992

and Cunningham 1992). Goats and chickens are also kept on most farms.

The major cash crop in the study area is tea. Fertilizer, pesticide and truck transport

is provided by the local tea factory. Distance to tea pick-up points is a factor in the

number of households able to grow this crop as tea must be sent to the factory the

morning it is picked. Tea is grown on good soils at altitudes over 1,200 meters and

rainfall of more than 1,200 mm per year. This crop has been well established in

southwestern Uganda and is generally free of pests and diseases. Tea requires minimal

labor, mainly weed control and fertilization. Tea is grown on large estates with

production facilities and by family farms. Tea exports are subsidized by donor funds.

Current production costs average $1.26 per kilogram while export prices for tea factories

range between $1.00 and $1.13 (Grants Management Unit 1995).

Coffee, pyrethrum and tobacco are locally important as cash crops depending on

farm proximity to the small local factories processing these goods. Climbing bean is

increasingly becoming a major new crop with Kabale District providing over 30 percent of








the country's production. Finally vegetables (e.g., cabbage, carrot, cauliflower, onion,

eggplant and tomato) are grown for sale in the towns and cities.

Major forest products (those that have commercial value) and other activities in the

forest are illegal since the forest became a national park. Most of these are wood products

including blacksmiths and bellows fuels and materials, canoes, beer boats, building poles,

bean stakes, fuelwood and pitsawing. Other non-wood activities are gold mining,

livestock grazing and poaching. Although illegal, many families continue to profit from

these activities.

Agricultural production comes primarily from family farms with the family

(including children) providing most of the labor. The main difficulty in managing the labor

input in family farms arises at the times of peak demand; weeding and harvesting. The

strategy used to meet additional labor requirements has differed by region. Historically,

the Buganda region of Uganda took in permanent laborers, many of them immigrants from

Rwanda or Zaire, who worked year round on coffee and cotton. Labor sharing

arrangements were common in the northern and eastern regions of the country.

Bakiga households have responded to land scarcity in the districts by exporting

labor (Tukahirwa and Veit 1992). Kabale men provide most of the labor for the copper,

cobalt and salt mines of neighboring Kasese District. Employment is also found in the

capital, Kampala. The proximity of Kabale to Zaire and Rwanda provide lucrative

opportunities for smuggling coffee and timber. In this context, remittances from exported

labor can be an important source of income for family members remaining on the farm.

This migration out of the area is thought to be in response to land pressure. However,

during times of political crisis the population density in the southwest may have increased






16

more rapidly than population growth as former migrants returned to their ethnic area. The

absence of migrant workers from Rwanda since the early 1980s has affected production

relationships and wages for export crop production. Migration of poorer farmers from the

land-poor southwest into the western and central areas continues. While migrants may

start as agricultural laborers, they will often end up establishing their own holdings,

especially in the western areas of Uganda.



The Bwindi Impenetrable Forest

The importance of conserving Bwindi is described in Butynski (1984 and 1985),

Howard (1991 ), Struhsaker (1987), and Hamilton (1982 and 1984), and afromontane

forests in the western rift valley by Weber (1987).

Bwindi is one of the few remaining afromontane forests in Africa, the rarest of

ecosystems on the continent. This forest type has declined from 1.2 million hectares in

1958 to 0.7 million hectares in 1987 (UNEP 1988). Bwindi is relatively small (321 km2),

and lies within an altitudinal range of 1,190 to 2,607 meters, which is not well represented

in the remaining, protected afromontane forests. Most important, it provides sanctuary to

320 out of 600 of the remaining world's population of mountain gorillas, Gorilla gorilla

beringei. This significantly increases its conservation value to the world.

The forest's vegetation changes by altitude with Entandrophragma prominent on

the lower slopes, Newtoni in the middle altitudinal zone and Podocarpus at the higher

peaks. The forest has the characteristics of a Pleistocene refugium with a high degree of

endemism. It contains tree genera endemic in afromontane forests (Afrocrania, Ficalhoa,

Hagenia, Xymalos and Balthansaria) and representative of afromontane forest:








Entandrophagma exelsum, Podocarpus latifolius, Ocotea usambarensis, Aguaria

salicifolia, Aningeria adolfi-fredericii, chrysophyllum gorungosanum, Parinari execelsa,

Prunus africana, Syzygium guineense and Strombosia scheffleri (Cunningham 1992, and

Howard 1991).

The forest department conducted surveys of its forest estate in 1989. The Bwindi

survey indicated a high degree of species diversity, restricted range species and endemics

as seen in table 2. Because of this diversity, Bwindi was and is considered one of the most

important protected areas in Africa.

Table 2: Diversity Indicators for the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park
Taxon Total Species Restricted Regional
Range Species Endemics
Trees and Shrubs 324 46
Birds 348 75 23
Small Mammals 34 6 4
Butterflies 310 36 12
Large Moths 87 10 3
Source: Howard 1991


The soils are very fragile and are derived from the Precambrian phyllite of the

Karagwe-Ankolean system. They are tropical red earth overlain with spongy humus.

Soils on the upper slopes largely consist oflatosols and loams, in valleys clay occurs under

a layer of peat. The soils are structureless, becoming loose and friable as they dry and,

because of steep gradients, highly susceptible to erosion when disturbed.

The extraction and marketing of timber for domestic consumption was, and

continues to be, of considerable economic importance to local people. Timber is usually

harvested one tree at a time by a small group of 2 to 6 people in a pitsaw operation.






18

Pitsawing entails cutting the tree down and digging a pit underneath it to accommodate a

two man saw. One person stands in the pit and the other on top of the log to operate the

saw. The logs are cut into boards and then transported out of the forest. A large

proportion of the local community traditionally earned a living from pitsawing and board

carrying. However, although income from these activities was significant to the local

community, low market prices and smuggling resulted in most of the revenue being

realized by people residing far from the forest.



Management of the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park

The Impenetrable Forest has had protected status since the 1930s when it became a

Forest Reserve under the jurisdiction of the Uganda Forest Department. Extraction was

allowed but under the control and authority of the Forest Department. Through the years

the forest has provided many households with an escape valve for the increasing demands

on the small farm plots. Besides many important forest products and the additional cash it

provided, the forest rendered additional land for cattle grazing, illicit farms and the

possibility to encroach on its border to increase the household's farm size.

In the early 1970s, the Forest Department strictly regulated logging, charcoal

burning and revenue collection. During the Amin period, as the Forest Department

declined, the system of high tropical forest management broke down and sawmill

management deteriorated. As a result, arbitrary logging practices degraded the forest

environment and damaged wildlife habitats. Boundaries were not respected and there was

uncontrolled and damaging harvest of timber species (World Bank 1993). The forest was








a major source of timber for local consumption in Uganda but timber was also smuggled

into Rwanda.

In 1981 all pitsawing was banned in forest reserves and public land. This

announcement also banned charcoal making in the forest reserves (Hamilton 1984). Fines

for pitsawing and gold mining range from $30 to $50 for each arrest. However, because

management is not that aggressive, most people get off with a small $2 to $3 fine given

directly to park rangers.

Butynski (1984) estimated that between 140 and 280 people were involved in

pitsawing and carrying timber and another 100 to 200 people were involved in panning

gold from river valleys. This was thought to be a conservative estimate based on actual

observations of these activities. Howard (1991) estimates that 10 percent of the forest

remains intact, 61 percent heavily exploited by pitsawyers and 29 percent has had the best

hardwoods disappear through selective pitsawing.

Generally, local communities are resentful of the park. The main reasons for this

hostility stems from the loss of access and income, crop damage by wild animals, exclusion

from participation in park decision making, and a lack of awareness of importance of

Bwindi as a national heritage.

In 1991 the forest was upgraded in status from forest reserve to a national park.

Management of the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park now resides with the Uganda

Wildlife Authority. Due to this increased protected status, local access to this forest was

subsequently denied under stricter law enforcement. Almost overnight the local

population lost considerable amounts of land and forest resources that augmented their

farms' income.






20

In part to compensate locals for the loss of forest access, the Ugandan government

initiated several social forestry/rural development projects in these communities. Most

important, the park adopted a policy of sharing tourism revenues with the surrounding

population. This has the potential to be significant as the total income from gorilla

tourism alone came to $300,000 in 1995. Several scenarios to share the revenue were

discussed including 20 or 25 percent to local households around the park, or 25 percent

of the revenue to be shared with communities around any national park. The Uganda

Wildlife Authority finally settled on 12 percent to be shared among all communities

adjacent to all Ugandan national parks. This limited amount has greatly decreased the

value of using this revenue to affect meaningful change among communities directly

concerned by the park's protection.

Additionally, a trust fund (the Mgahinda and Bwindi Conservation and

Development Trust) has been established with an endowment of five million dollars by the

World Bank and the United States Agency for International Development. This provides

a minimum of $250,000 per year in perpetuity for households living around the national

park. Most of this money is to be used for increasing economic development of

households near the national park. Distribution of these funds started in 1996 so it is too

early to gauge their impact. However, because the Trust concentrates its investments on a

specific area, it is bound to have a greater impact on the local communities than the park

revenue sharing scheme.








Economic Value

The primary uses of the forest include hardwood timber extraction, mining for gold,

tin and wolfram, collection of edible wild plants, beekeeping and honey collection,

medicinal plants, vines for basketry, bamboo for construction and fuelwood (Cunningham

1992). Wood is also collected to make beer boats for fermenting local beer, building

poles, bean stakes and canoes. Finally, because of the presence of the mountain gorilla,

tourism is an important activity in the area.

Of these uses, gold mining and timber extraction are the most important in

generating cash. Illegal pitsawing has resulted in a reduction in the number of mature

specimens of favored species including African mahogany Entandrophragma spp.,

Newtoni, Fagara, and Podocarpus (Butynski 1984). The control of pitsawing is still a

major issue for the park. Illegal gold mining causes pollution, endangers wildlife, destroys

vegetation, diverts river courses and causes erosion. The use of mercury to separate gold

from ore is a serious source of pollution (Grants Management Unit 1995).

According to the protected area assessment conducted by the Uganda Wildlife

Authority, in the 1997/98 fiscal year, the park generated approximately $795,000 against a

total park expenditure of about $200,000. Projects contributed an additional $310,000

during the period. The park is managed by six senior staff and 79 junior staff. Park

income is deposited in a centralized national park account and can be distributed to any of

the ten Ugandan national parks.

Indirect use values of the forest include climate modification and water catchment.

Tea plantations are generally found immediately adjacent to the forest to take advantage

of these characteristics. Other indirect use values of a more global importance include








biodiversity preservation, soil conservation and carbon sequestration. Finally genetic

values of wild relatives of crop and forage plants and chemical structures for new

pharmaceuticals are also notable. The forest also has significant cultural value, especially

to the Batwa tribe that has lived in close association with the forest for hundreds of years.

The national and international communities also place option and existence values

on the forests, again mainly due to the presence of an attractive endangered species like

the mountain gorilla. UNESCO designated the forest a World Heritage Site in 1987

highlighting the importance the international community places on the forest and giving it

an additional conservation status.

In 1995, an environmental impact assessment (EIA) was conducted on a proposed

road through the northern section of forest, close to where the gorilla tourism was

centered (Grants Management Unit 1995). Relative benefits between a new road (access

to new markets) and tourism were weighed. The EIA team talked to women in the area

who recognized the park was developed for tourism and felt that potential tourism benefits

might be enough to compensate for the road. The women said that they wanted

development assistance and felt that 1,000 shillings (around $1) per week may be a good

amount of money for them and could be enough assistance. In Buhoma, the center for

gorilla tourism, it is estimated that 85 percent of the town of Buhoma benefitted from

tourism.

Uganda Wildlife Authority revenue sharing remits 12 percent of revenue collected

from gorilla permits and park fees, ten percent of which goes to communities neighboring

the park and 2 percent to districts. Local officials place real value on this income source.

When the Assistant District Executive Secretary of Rukungiri District (as quoted in Grants








Management Unit 1995) was given a choice between a new road through the forest and

continued tourism he felt that the Bwindi Trust and tourism were very important to the

district and would not agree to risk losing those sources of income.

Many people in the area exploited forest products both for home consumption and

the market. Over 77 percent of the forest harvesters interviewed in a study by Tukahirwa

and Veit (1992) indicated that the proceeds from the sale of forest products represented a

major part of their cash income. Since pitsawing now is outlawed and the collection of

other forest products is limited to prescribed levels, the desire for compensation is strong.

Incomes for most people have declined over the last several years and a majority directly

attribute this decline to the closure of the forest. People feel a right to alternative

development to compensate for the loss of income. A strong sentiment expressed during

the study was that unless this compensation was forthcoming, revenge might be taken

against either the park or the gorillas.

For the more nomadic Batwa tribe, the forest holds important cultural and economic

value. The forest has always represented an important source of food, medicines and

income for them. However, the status of the Batwa has deteriorated dramatically over the

past several decades. Traditionally, the Batwa would stay on farmers' (Bakiga) land for

short periods (usually no more than several months), and then would move into the forest

to hunt, and collect and gather forest products. This system had little impact on the forest

and the surrounding people as the Batwa were constantly moving from place to place.

In this context, the Batwa always had insurance in form of access to the forest and

its products. The Bakiga had a more complex relationship with the market and relied on

societal insurance, more fragile and complex than that of the Batwa. Reliance on relatives








and neighbors is more prevalent than use of the forest as a resource in times of stress.

This is perhaps because of the long history of labor export from the area to mines and

industry within the region (Grants Management Unit 1995)

When Bwindi was upgraded in protective status, the Batwa were effectively

excluded from the forest. They openly fear entering the parks because of increased

enforcement. To make matters worse, their alienation from the forests has made them a

distinct liability to surrounding farmers. Farmers fear that because the Batwa have been

forced into a sedentary existence this will result in the Batwa making permanent

settlements on the farmers' land. Therefore, most farmers no longer allow the Batwa to

stay on their land.

The loss of access to the forest for the Batwa means they will have to adopt a new

way of life as farmers. This will make it difficult for them to make a living, at least in the

short-term. As a result, there is a higher risk that they will exploit forest products for

short-term returns.













CHAPTER 3
FARM HOUSEHOLD INCOME AND PROTECTED AREAS:
A LINEAR PROGRAMMING MODEL

Methods

The general methods employed in this study include:

1. Develop a linear programming model to simulate farming systems in the

vicinity of the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park;

2. Use the model to estimate effects of forest access restrictions on farm

income of different household compositions; and

3. Use the model to estimate effects of different values of forest access on

farm income of different household compositions.

The linear programming model represents an average household in southwestern

Uganda in the vicinity of the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park. It is designed to explore

the effects of fluctuations in income derived from the forest on land use decisions on the

farm. The objective of the model reflects the general goal of households in the area: to

maximize discretionary funds at the end of the year while maintaining food security and

ability to pay tax and education costs. This objective function is formulated as:













CHAPTER 3
FARM HOUSEHOLD INCOME AND PROTECTED AREAS:
A LINEAR PROGRAMMING MODEL

Methods

The general methods employed in this study include:

1. Develop a linear programming model to simulate farming systems in the

vicinity of the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park;

2. Use the model to estimate effects of forest access restrictions on farm

income of different household compositions; and

3. Use the model to estimate effects of different values of forest access on

farm income of different household compositions.

The linear programming model represents an average household in southwestern

Uganda in the vicinity of the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park. It is designed to explore

the effects of fluctuations in income derived from the forest on land use decisions on the

farm. The objective of the model reflects the general goal of households in the area: to

maximize discretionary funds at the end of the year while maintaining food security and

ability to pay tax and education costs. This objective function is formulated as:










MaxZ= J=1 YjVj+f= Of J-Sk=1 Exk



subject to:



Ej=i aoYj
Yj0, j = 1,...,n

Of O, f= 1,...,q

ExkYj 2 0, k= l,...,s

Where:

Yj = the level of the jt activity

Vj = the value per unit of the j* activity

Of = the level (or opportunities available) of the fh activity

Vf = the value per unit (or opportunity) of the fl activity

Exk = the expenditure for the k* activity

a, = quantity of the i" resource required to produce one unit of the jt

activity

bi = maximum or minimum availability of the i* resource

j = farm household activities: crops produced, sold and consumed over

two seasons; milk produced, sold and consumed over two seasons;

and cash flow to account for cash transfers from one season to the

next. Crops include Irish potatoes, pea/beans, matoke (bananas),

sorghum, tea, and produce from a homegarden.






27

f = forest activities which are limited in the model to gold mining and

pitsawing.

k = household expenditures including those to meet consumption needs

and payment of taxes and education fees.

i = resources available to the farm household: Land, including crop

land and land set aside for tea and for the homestead; Labor

availability by season; and Cash available at the beginning of each

season and at end of year.

There can be multiple objectives in a linear program, some expressed as constraints.

The main constraints of land, labor, cash and consumption are formulated as follows:



Land: Land holdings are highly fragmented and average about 0.286

hectares per person. Perennial uses of farmland are considered

permanent land uses by the model. These include tea (0.20

hectares) and land that contains the household buildings and

gardens (0.10 hectares). This constraint limits the amount of

hectares available for crop production other than these.


> 1 HJ-HHS(0.286) -(HT+HHG)


Where:

Hj = hectares ofj* activity

HHS = household size (the total number of individuals is six)








HT = tea land available (hectares)

HHG = homegarden land available (hectares)



Labor: All labor is provided by the family. Adult male and females provide

260 days of labor a year. The remaining days are set aside for

leisure, cultural and civic obligations, and holidays. One adult

female's labor is decreased by 90 days per year if the household

has children under the age of five. As the model forces meeting

educational costs, adolescent males and females are assumed to be

in school and therefore only provide 65 days of labor for the family

per year. Women do most of field work but men share in the labor.

Women provide 68 percent of labor for food crop

cultivation and 53 percent of labor for cash crop cultivation.


I Lj



Where:

Lj = total labor available for the j* activity

M = number of adult males

F = number of adult females

A = number of adolescents (5-15 years of age)

I = infants (less then 5 years of age)






29

Cash: Minimum household cash requirements include local taxes collected

annually, education fees (clothing and books) paid biannually.

These costs are fixed according to the Uganda household budget

survey (1989) and adjusted for family size. Cash is also needed for

crop inputs which are purchased seasonally. Also, additional cash

is needed to purchase food to supplement that grown on the farm.


E, CyED(A)+T+rE P +E HHExj


Where:

Cj = total cash needed to meet household expenses for j* activity

ED = education costs

A = number of adolescents (3-15 years of age)

T = yearly household tax obligation

Pj = cost for input for jt activity

HHEx = household expenditures for consumption of the j* activity (crop)



Consumption: Consumption of each crop grown was fixed on the household

requirements for that product according to the Uganda household

budget survey (1989) and as indicated in table 4.


E;i CNI CAd (Ad) +CA(A) +CI(1)

Where:

CNj = household yearly consumption ofj* activity (crop)








CAd, = amount consumed per adult per year

CA = amount consumed per adolescent per year

CIj = amount consumed per infant per year

Ad = number of adults

A = number of adolescents

I = number of infants

The model considers different household compositions designed to represent the

normal aging of a family and the changes this makes in available labor. Three household

compositions are used representing the family when it was young, middle aged and older.

Household size is constant and corresponds to the average regional household

composition of six individuals, half male and half female. Adults are over 18 years of age,

adolescents are five to 18 years and children are less than five years old.

Table 3 shows the household composition for each household age. The youngest

family has one adult male and one adult female, one adolescent of each sex and two infants

of each sex. Labor is highly restricted in this age household as effort is expended caring

for the younger children.

As this household becomes "middle aged" the adolescents grow older but are not

yet adults, while one infant (the female) has grown into adolescence. In this household,

more labor is available from the additional adolescent and from the adult female who is

now spending less time caring for infants.

The three adolescents from the middle aged household composition grow to

adulthood when the household becomes older. The remaining infant (a male) becomes

and adolescent. The older household represents a family with most members out of school






31

and therefore a high amount of family labor available. Family consumption requirements

are higher in this family age.


Table 3: Household Composition
Household Adults Adolescents
Infants
Male Female Male Female
Young 1 1 1 1 2
Middle Aged 1 1 1 2 1
Old 2 3 1 0 0


Categories of household activities include those to produce food crops, cash crops,

livestock, and major forest products (for cash). Major crops grown in southwestern

Uganda are included in the model and include Irish potatoes, sorghum, matoke (a type of

plantain) and pea/bean intercrops. Tea is the main cash crop grown. There are two dry

seasons (January to March, June to August) and two rainy seasons (April to May,

September to December) so farmers can get two crop rotations in a year.



Assumptions

The model is based on average data from several sources. It assumes a household

producing and selling all of the major crops at average prices. Such a household would be

hard to find in the real world. However, it provides the starting point for the model,

which can be modified to specific household data or used to simulate other households.

The model also assumes that the farm is equally suitable for each crop and the

farmer will grow (or can choose to grow) all of the most common crops in the area. All

resource allocation and production decisions are made on a seasonal basis with a one-year









planning horizon. Finally, the farming region around Bwindi is marked by highly

fragmented farm sites. The model assumes that this is accounted for in the yield data.

As in all linear programs, the model assumes all equations are linear, ignoring

diminishing productivity, biological growth functions and synergism among variables.



Data

Data used in this study come primarily from published statistics from the World

Bank (1991). Household consumption data were gleaned from the Uganda National

Household Budget Survey of 1989-1990 (Government of Uganda 1991). In this nation-

wide study 4,598 households were surveyed on their household consumption and sources

of income. This included 1,020 households in 102 parishes in the southwestern region of

Uganda. Information from these 1,020 households was used in this model. Finally

additional first hand information was obtained from contacts with Uganda park personnel,

farmers and forest resource users in the region.

Table 4: Average Yield, Price and Consumption Data for Southwestern Uganda
Activity Yield* Price* Labor Required* Consumption**
Kg US$ pd/h*** Kg/pers/month
Irish Potatoes 6,300 0.03 180 12.35
Peas/Beans 750 0.23 104 2.60
Matoke 5,200 0.05 310 21.65
Sorghum 1,600 0.13 160 3.30
Tea (Greenleaf) 2,500 0.06 105
Homegarden 3,270 0.10 5.20
Cattle (Dairy) 270 0.05 360 16.10
Source: World Bank (1993) and Grants Management Unit (1995)
** Source: Government of Uganda (1991)
***pd/h= person days per hectare








Procedures

Different solutions were obtained using the base linear programming model to

determine results for each of the objectives. The base program focused on an average

household facing average crop yields and prices. It assumed full access to the forest and

therefore represented the situation when Bwindi was a forest reserve.



Objective 1. Estimate the impact that the change from forest reserve to a national

park had on average farm income.

Procedure. The base model was changed by restricting income from the forest, all

else in the model remained equal. Income from the forest was calculated based on the

number of opportunities for gold mining or pitsawing. One opportunity for gold mining

was set at 14 days of labor, and pitsawing was set at 10 days. This represents the normal

amount of time to complete one discreet effort for each of these activities. A maximum of

10 opportunities was set for both gold mining and pitsawing which would absorb all the

labor of one adult for a year. Full compliance with park laws means that no opportunities

exist for forest resource use. The difference between full access and full compliance to

park laws was calculated for each household composition.

The total loss in income is difficult to calculate as it would necessarily include items

for sale locally and commercially and for domestic consumption. Consequently this paper

focuses on the two major cash income earners from the forest: gold mining and pitsawing.

Both activities are discrete and opportunistic, requiring little initial capital. A farmer can

decide today that he will mine gold or cut lumber tomorrow. Income earned from these

endeavors average at least double the $0.51 per day minimum wage for the area. Loss of






34
this opportunity may have direct consequences on how decisions are made on the farm, in

household labor utilization and household decisions to export labor.

Because full compliance of park laws does not occur in reality, the objective

function was recalculated for a model that only reduces forest access. This assumes that

when Bwindi became a park, access to the forest was effectively cut in half. The number

of resource use opportunities in this scenario was reduced to five each of gold mining and

pitsawing. The difference between full access and reduced access was calculated for each

household composition.



Objective 2. Estimate how farm livelihood systems changed to adjust for this loss.

Procedure. Differences in farm land use were recorded and compared for each

scenario above. This included differences in crops produced and sold and hectares per

crop. Total lost cash income includes the reduction in cash from forest activities plus that

lost by shifting farm activities. This ability to compensate for lost cash income was

calculated by comparing total crop production sold in each scenario against the base

model.



Objective 3. Identify which farm activities should be invested in to mitigate against

the lost income.

Procedure. The increase in yields required to replace lost income was calculated

separately for each crop. This showed which crops would be most likely to replace lost

income if additional inputs or technologies were introduced on the farm. This procedure








assumes that only one crop will be improved to replace lost income, merely to provide a

comparison between each of the crops.



Objective 4. Assess what economic incentives exist that encourage local farmers to

use forest resources illegally.

Procedure. Low, medium and high prices for forest products were introduced to

determine effects on farm land and forest use2. In this scenario, forest cash income is

negative to reflect the chances of a user getting caught and paying fines (see below).

Average forest cash income is set as in the base model, high income is calculated as double

the average to represent the user "striking it rich" over the year by finding more gold than

normal.

Solutions with the previous objectives were repeated with a range of prices for

forest products. Resource users face tremendous uncertainty when they rely on the forest

for continual income. They may find gold one day, but have a trend of bad luck and not

find more for several weeks or months. Moreover, they may be caught by forest rangers,

beaten and fined.

Table 5: Estimated Daily Wage Range from Forest Products
Forest Activity Income US / day
Low Medium High
Gold 1.10 1.50 3.00
Pitsawing 1.20 1.70 3.40


2 Estimates of daily wages a farmer could expect to earn for each forest activity is based
on the author's own observations and discussions with Ugandan park officials.






36

In this context, the linear program was used to simulate uncertainty in daily rates of

return for forest access. For gold, a low price of $1.10 was set with a medium value of

$1.50 and a maximum return of $3.00 per day sustained over the season. For pitsawing, a

low price of $1.20 was set with a medium value of $1.70 and a maximum return of $3.40

per day sustained over the season. Low prices represents the decreased cash income of

resource users if they get caught two to three times a year and have to pay a $30 to $50

fine. Year-end discretionary funds and changes in crop production were recorded for each

solution.



Objective 5. Provide policy recommendations to make it less economically viable

to exploit forest resources.

Procedure. Based on results of objectives 1-4, conclusions and recommendations

for new policies are made to reduce pressure on forest resources.



Analysis and Findings

Objective 1. Estimate the impact that the change from forest reserve to a national

park had on the average farm's income.

Findings. The impact on income due to the change in forest conservation status

was negative for each household composition. Limiting forest access by half decreased

household income by approximately 10 percent for all household ages. Total restriction of

forest access brought on an average 23 percent decrease in income for all household ages.

Table 6 shows the change in discretionary funds available to each household at the end of

the year. The middle aged household was the least affected when forest access was






37

limited with only a 6.6 percent decrease in discretionary year-end funds. While this seems

to indicate that this type of household relies less strongly on forest products to augment

farm income, the lower decrease in cash income is due to the households' ability to

compensate for it (as discussed in objective 2 below).

The youngest family lost 12.2 percent when forest access was limited and 24.9

percent when access was fully restricted. Most of this household's labor goes to ensure

their food consumption needs. When the forest was a reserve with full access, the

younger family did not have enough labor to take advantage of the forest.

Table 6: Change in Household Year End Discretionary Funds by Forest Access
HH Composition Full Access Limited Access No Access
Young 803.54 705.69 603.39
(-12.2%) (-24.9%)
Middle Aged 842.63 787.53 687.46
(-6.6%) (-18.4%)
Old 916.52 803.02 689.52
(-12.4%) (-24.8%)


For a similar reason the oldest family was more affected by a loss in forest access. A

larger percentage of their income came from the forest as they had additional labor that

could be used off farm. The oldest family lost 12.4 percent of their income with limited

access and 24.8 percent of their income with no forest access.



Objective 2. Estimate how farm livelihood systems change to adjust for this loss.

Findings. Figures 1 through 3 show the changes in proportion of farm land per

crop according to amount of forest access for each household age. Actual results of the

model simulations for this objective are found in Appendix B. When forest access became








more restricted, less male labor was used for gold mining and pitsawing. Crops that

traditionally use male labor were most effected by this change in forest access as males

compensated by putting more labor into their fields. These traditionally male farm

activities include matoke, sorghum and cattle (for milk).



None -" I I.


0,

< Limited

0
LL
Full


0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5
Hectares

E[ Fallow Sorghum
l Matoke PealBeans
SPotatoes

Figure 1: Proportion of Farm Land by Crop and
Forest Access for Middle Aged Households

In the middle aged household the production ofmatoke increased when forest

access went from full to limited (see figure 1). Conversely, production of sorghum

decreased with the same reduction in forest access. Sorghum is less labor intensive than

matoke so when male labor was spent on profitable forest activities, sorghum was the

preferred crop on the farm. When the forest became restricted, labor was diverted to the

more labor intensive, but profitable, matoke. When there was no access to the forest, the

family increased production of both sorghum and matoke to take the most profitable

advantage of land and labor to compensate for lost forest cash income. Only with full

access to the forest did the middle aged household leave part of their land to fallow.


7.







39

Female labor is more constraining in younger families because of the higher number

of infants and school aged children. In the younger family, all female and male labor is

used before they can take advantage of all the farm and forest resources available to them.




None

0
< Limited

LL
Full i


0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 0.4
Hectares

Fallow Sorghum
Matoke Pea/Beans
D Potatoes

Figure 2: Proportion of Farm Land by Crop and
Forest Access for Young Households



For this reason, around 35% of farmland remains in fallow and all the opportunities

to collect forest products are not exploited. Efforts are instead put on meeting the

consumption needs of the family. When there is full forest access, male labor is focused

on gathering forest goods, particularly gold. In this case, the male makes no cash income

from farm activities, instead the female puts more land under pea and bean intercrop to

augment family cash income. When forest access is limited in the young household, less

male labor is used to collect forest goods. In this circumstance, more land is put under

potatoes which uses both male and female labor. This, in turn, decreases the amount of






40

land the female puts in peas and beans. When there is no forest access, the younger family

puts more land into potatoes and relies on this crop for cash income.

In the oldest family, the proportion of farm land per crop does not alter with a

change in forest access, nor is any land left in fallow. This is because the family has

enough labor to maximize farm land production while taking full advantage of all

opportunities to exploit forest goods. As all male labor is not used, older families will

tend to send one or more members to find work elsewhere.



None -


a
0
< Limited
0
L.
U-
Full


iiiI I I II


0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7
Hectares

Fallow U Sorghum
Matoke Pea/Beans
H Potatoes

Figure 3: Proportion of Farm Land by Crop and
Forest Access for Older Households

Milk production increased with less forest access in the young and middle aged

families. The increase in production is explained by an increase in the herd size due to

male labor availability. In large households, milk production remained constant regardless

of the amount of forest access.







41

Table 7: Percentage of Available Forest and Farm Resources Used by Scenario and
Household Composition.
Household Forest Access Farmland Forest Resources
Composition Resources*
None 64
Young
Limited 64 76

Full 64 68
None 100 0

Middle Aged Limited 100 100
Full 82 77
None 100

Old Limited 100 100
Full 100 100
* Total amount of hectares available is 1.42.

Table 7 shows the percentage of available farm and forest resources used for each of

the forest access scenarios and by household composition. Farm resources used are

represented by land under production. Forest resources used are represented by the

percentage of opportunities to exploit the forest that was taken advantage of. The young

household composition was not able to use all of the farm or forest opportunities available

to it, regardless of forest access. Under limited forest access, middle aged households

took full advantage of both farm and forest resources. Under full access, this household

only had enough labor to exploit 82 percent of their farmland and 77 percent of the forest

opportunities. Older households had enough labor to exploit 100 percent of available farm

and forest resources.

The decrease in year-end discretionary funds (the linear model's objective function)

represents the net loss income for the household. However, part of the forest income loss

was compensated by increasing profits on the farm. As mentioned above, this was









accomplished by directing male labor towards more profitable crops. Table 8 shows the

different households ability to compensate for the lost forest income on the farm and the

total lost forest income.

The middle aged household, with limited forest access, lost a total of $124.82 of

which they recouped $69.72 by increasing farm production for a net loss of $55.10. With

no forest access the total income loss increased to $155.17.

Table 8: Lost Income and Ability to Compensate
Limited Forest Access No Forest Access
Household Total Lost Decrease in Total Lost Decrease in
Composition Forest Compensated Discretionary Forest Compensated Discretionary
Income Year-End Income Year-End
Funds* Funds*
Young 107.51 9.66 97.85 218.48 18.33 200.15
Middle Aged 124.82 69.72 55.10 234.75 79.58 155.17
Old 113.50 0 113.50 227.00 0 227.00
Net lost cash income


Young families were able to compensate for lost cash income by only a small

amount: $9.66 with limited forest access and $18.33 with no forest access. Again, this is

because of their constrained labor pool.

The oldest family composition was not able to compensate for lost cash income by

shifting farm activities. As stated above, farming activities did not shift because of

changes in forest access so there was no way to compensate for this lost income on farm.

Table 9 shows the total lost forest income and percentage of income lost by

household age and forest access. The middle aged family had the largest decrease in

overall income (14.8 percent), the older family had the smallest decrease (12.4 percent)








and the young family lost 13.4 percent of their income. This trend is reversed in the

amount of year-end discretionary cash available (see table 6 above).

Table 9: Total Lost Forest Income by Forest Access
HH Composition Full Access Limited Access No Access
Young 803.54 696.03 585.06
(-13.4%) (-27.2%)

Middle Aged 842.63 717.81 607.88
(-14.8%) (-27.9%)
Old 916.52 803.02 689.52
(-12.4%) (-24.8%)


Objective 3. Identify which farm activities should be invested in to mitigate against

the lost income.

Findings. Table 10 shows the increase in price for a single crop needed to replace

cash income lost due to forest access. Clearly, no forest access makes it nearly impossible

for a household to replace all it's lost income by increasing prices only. Other sources of

income would be necessary to make up the difference, including the use of forest

resources illicitly. It should be noted that the model returned a viable solution for all

household compositions. That is, food security and the ability to meet education and tax

obligations were still being met by the family even with the loss in income.

With limited forest access, the crops that need the least increase in price to replace

lost cash income (for all household ages) are matoke, sorghum and tea. If technologies

for their improvement exist, these would be the best crops to invest in. Technologies

could include new, improved varieties, fertilizer subsidies, better extension services and

increased access to markets.









Table 10. Percent Increase in Price Needed to Regain Original Income
Household Potatoes Pea/beans Matoke Sorghum Tea
Composition
i Young 51.77 56.72 37.63 47.04 39.14

S Middle Aged 29.15 31.94 21.19 26.49 22.04

Old 60.05 65.80 43.65 54.57 45.40

Young 105.95 116.03 76.98 96.22 80.06

Middle Aged 82.10 89.95 59.68 74.60 62.07

Old 120.10 131.59 87.30 109.13 90.80



In the interest of not only replacing lost income but also restricting forest use, the

best investments would be in matoke and sorghum as these utilize male labor. In Uganda,

labor for tea production is predominately female. Increasing matoke production, coupled

with other interventions such as increased law enforcement and fines, may keep farmers

from exploiting gold and timber.

Table 11: Cash Income from Forest Products according to product price
Forest Activity Full Access Limited Access
Prices---> Low Average High Low Average High
Gold 0 201 403 0 105 210
Pit-saw 0 100 201 0 85 170


Objective 4. Assess what economic stresses or incentives exist that encourage local

farmers to use forest resources illegally.

Findings. Prices for gold or timber play a direct role in the amount of forest

activities the farmer engages in. Simulations of the model using the lowest price ($1.10

for gold and $1.20 for pitsawing), double the average daily wage, resulted in no forest









activity by the farmer regardless of household age or amount of forest access. At the

average prices of $1.50 for gold and $1.70 for pitsawing farmers make $105 per year from

gold and $85 per year from pitsawing with limited access to the forest. Given full access

to the forest, income from gold and pitsawing rises to $201 and $100 respectively. Gold

is preferred because income per opportunity to conduct the activity is higher than

pitsawing. Table 11 shows the income from these forest products according to product

price.



Pea/beans


Potatoes
.o

Sorghum


Matoke

0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5
Hectares

SLow Price Medium Price
D~ High Price

Figure 4: Effect of forest product price changes on
proportion of farm land by crop with limited forest
access.


Forest products are cash generators. Average daily income from these products is a

little more than double the average daily wage. Because of this, men spend much of their

free time looking for these resources. If these resources are restricted, either through

more efficient law enforcement or increased costs, men put more labor into the farm.









Different solutions of the model were made to compare price changes on farm

production with limited forest access (see figure 4). Under limited access, labor was

artificially constrained (by the park officials) so more effort was extended on the farm.

When resource users "strike it rich" and obtain higher prices for forest goods, no change

in farm production occurred compared to average prices. This is because the males are

already exerting the smallest amount of labor on the farm to take advantage of the more

profitable forest goods. However, if forest value drops to the low price, more land is put

in sorghum because it becomes more profitable than forest goods. Milk production also

increases under this scenario. When the value of forest products is low, it is more

profitable for male labor to be used on the farm.



Pea/beans

Potatoes-

Sorghum -

Matoke -

0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5
Hectares

SLow Price Medium Price
E] High Price

Figure 5: Effect of forest product price changes on
proportion of farm land by crop with full forest access.

Model solutions were also made to compare forest product price changes on farm

production with full access (see figure 5). In this situation, little change occurred when

prices got higher and males put more farm land in sorghum than matoke. Although






47

matoke is more profitable, it is more labor intensive. With high and medium forest prices,

male labor is concentrated on gathering forest goods.

When forest product values decrease, males put more hectares into matoke and less

in sorghum. Although the farmer has full access to the forest, the value of the forest

products are too low for him to expend labor in collecting them. In this case, farm land is

used to maximize cash income from farm crops.

Forest use is sensitive to prices for forest goods. In this case low prices led to no

exploitation of gold and timber resources, labor was diverted to making the farm more

profitable. Higher prices led to more forest activity, the highest of which naturally occurs

when there is full access to the forest.













CHAPTER 4
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS


This chapter addresses the fifth objective of the study: to provide policy

recommendations for park managers to make it less economically viable for local farmers

to exploit forest resources. Remarks are made on the utility of the model to predict

consequences of farm income due to park management influence on resource access.

Bwindi Impenetrable National Park is valued internationally as a relic, biodiverse

afromontane forest harboring half of the remaining mountain gorillas. This value is

expressed by the international community designating the forest as a World Heritage Site

and providing sustained monetary and technical assistance for its protection.

The Government of Uganda at a regional and national level values the forest for the

above reasons, in addition to the tourism dollars the park generates. It has consistently

manifested its commitment to the protection of Bwindi by enacting policies to further its

protection. Some of these policies include upgrading its conservation status to that of a

national park, encouraging research and the establishment of multiple use zones.

Moreover, management of the forest and all staff are assured by the national government.

At the local level, the value people put on the forest undoubtably depends on their

proximity to the forest and services or products obtained from it. People value the forest








for its many resources and increasingly for benefits they receive directly because of

tourism.

Resource valuation at each of these different levels of society is important to obtain

a broad picture of resource use and thus identify possible causes for their unsustainable

use. Valuation at the local level (village or household) gives protected area managers a

clear idea of the direct uses of a resource. Also, studies such as this one can put a value,

in terms of lost household income, on actions park managers take to reduce resource use.

Local communities tend to be in conflict with national parks. A better understanding of

how income loss is occurring will help minimize the inherent conflict between people and

parks.

To properly conserve these resources, managers need knowledge of how people

make their livelihoods and to what extent they rely on a resource, legally or not. This

study suggests that managers must look more intensively at farm livelihood systems and

the effect of forest access on those systems. By including the analysis of farming systems

in their development work, integrated conservation and development projects can better

direct their interventions.

Integrated conservation and development projects should not rely only on

substitution of forest products on the farm. This would ignore the economic impact forest

protection has on income generated on the farm site. In fact, forcing farmers to use farm

land to grow forest products may reduce the farmers' capacity to compensate for this lost

income by shifting land use to less productive activities.

Law enforcement clearly has a role in limiting forest access and shifting labor back

to production activities on the farm. Although protected area managers recognize that it








is impossible to interdict forest activity with one hundred percent efficiency, assisting

farms to recoup their lost income will reduce this impact.

Some protected area managers fear that by assisting in the economic development of

people immediately adjacent to a national park, others may be attracted into the area

increasing the problem. This study suggests that the potential of reduced income may

decrease that attraction. This would be especially true if forest access is effectively

limited.



Conclusions

The model, as constructed, is useful for predicting changes on farm land use based

on household composition, yields, prices and amount of forest access. For a project to use

the model to set overall interventions, the model would have a greater utility if it is based

on a series of actual households.

Specific conclusions based on the model that can be used to affect policy include:

The change in forest conservation status had a negative effect on farm

income, between a 10 percent and 23 percent decrease overall.

The effective technology to invest in would be to increase matoke and tea

yields to replace lost income.

Increasing matoke production, coupled with other interventions such as

increased law enforcement and fines, may keep farmers from exploiting

gold and timber.

Higher costs for forest products decrease the amount of use of that

resource. In the context of the park manager, increased law enforcement








and fines would provide enough of a disincentive to greatly reduce gold

mining and pitsawing when there is limited forest access.



Recommendations

No model is perfect or can fully predict what will occur in reality. Operating under

specific assumptions, this model is useful in identifying trends in how farmers will respond

to a loss of forest access. To benefit protected area managers the most, this model may be

improved by the following, inter alia:

Developing the model for individual households. Using actual yields and

prices for an individual household, and repeating the model for many

households will give greater clarity, and confidence to the results.

Include other forest products instead of only those that generate cash

income. For some households, minor forest products may provide

significant non-cash income.

Introduce risk into the model to simulate uncertainty of determinant

variables. This may provide results that take into account a farmers'

aversion to risk. This would be especially useful to test new crops and

those whose price or yield have greater fluctuations.

In context with the above some potential policy recommendations can be made

based on this study. Bwindi Impenetrable National Park and its development partners may

consider the following recommendations:








- Development projects and agencies like the Mgahindi and Bwindi

Conservation and Development Trust should encourage investment in

improving tea and matoke yields.

- In addition to this development assistance on the farm, increased law

enforcement and fines should be implemented to reduce the economic

incentive to harvest forest goods.

- Protected area and ICDP managers should consider household size and

composition when determining economic impacts. They should recognize

that fluctuations in yields and prices, or forest access may make older

households unable to meet their consumption requirements.













APPENDIX A
BASE MODEL: MIDDLE AGED HOUSEHOLD
WITH FULL FOREST ACCESS













Base Model: Middle Aged Household with Full Forest Access

Objective Function: Max Year End Cash = F 84


Decision Variables -->
Irish Irish rish Irish II Irish II Irish II Pea
Potatoes Potato-S Potato-T Potatos Potato-S Potato-T Beans


Pea Pea Pea Pea Pea
Beans-S Bean-T Beans II Beans II S


neans"- neansi-i imaoxe marke-2i X~ke-l'Matoke Matokel-m IItkSor-hSorghum SoSgSo-S hum HSoT T11a13 hTeaSIh.-S-TeIeaII TeaS IIal -TSaH- agdrI
kg kg ha kg kg I ha kg kg ha kg kR ha k k h k


kg kg hi kg h kg hA


,j 4


I ,.


I,.,


nIhll I,., 11
I nfl


M1111


Hr1 ii., In.
I1 I1n


I n~ Iru
IF.,


j'I, !; I


i ;-~ac
~. .. .
~I~L~aS&~1Fo~~.4~ii~tii;i~?~~
3


71 I l


S8 27 0IlS


I00 I) 1H I1


CASH


.11.1 1


I(.X) .11ii)


"2I 78


_ _


I


Mark -T Mtk H M k


Kg g na g k I m kg kS a kg kg h. kg kg h


kj


I I..


.1.41


I II~
I~ri


. I I


.I1,: ri























HH HH
Hfle-d; r II Jll II illgw -I T (. ita l CxikiileI-i Cjlll I-T uil, C II fn,1 I-S Can.1II-f G..-id I (J I .II II -I/ ..JIId-/ 1 Pu I Pa I < PiI /l Ip H -s EJI EdJII TffEri I fEx I T FCT I II CT III FCTII-E WICTH if


136.6 0.10 190.74 1.00 0.00 3750 1.00 104.99 52.50 3.76 5259 5.83 81.66 404 4., 1.86 186I 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 208.50 206.18 443,9M3:-.'s70
kg hI kg head liters liers head Iters Iters opp days opp days opp days opp [ days unil unit unil unit unil shillings shillings shillings shillings RHS


Resource
Use


Constraints I


55.00


129.96


-1907.39 1.00
-1.00


-112.51 1.00 1.00
-1.00


-157.49 i n


e= 0.10
<= 0.10
<= 1.42
<= 1.42
<= 0.20
<= 0.20
;= 2.00
S 2.00
<= 4.17
<= 5.83
=4.17
=5.83
<= 136.00
<= 189.00
= 125.50
114 5"
= 1"'0 I

11 imp
111MR
S?'Il45I


i'a I ll
S1' 1111
*l p
II III)

S= 111HI8







SIA11. 110
. 119 12.









I. I I nI


S= II (HI




I ll.






1| I I
S. mm.lii




= I II m



I IHiI


= I 1111
-mm I m I


11* nu


i -


1.16
1.42
0.00
0.20
1.00
1.00
3.76
5.83
4.04
1.86
145 '2
1) I0
11A 24
12- In

II Imp
1101)

Ill.)l
m luii

I' .35






1.11 .1
II IHI







II IHI
lllh c
,98 S
II UUI







* I I8 'i




.m).





I IHNm
1 IHI)

I hll


I IHI

I ImHI
MIHI IHI

2m4 HI


-1111 m
542t.) t


Male I abh.r II daes
Ftmale I.abh.r I days
Female Labdr 1II da,,
polalo a kg
poullecotlsuwId kg
tlm II accg kg
potatoeU aUsaied kg
pewh men1d l kg
p eoeaaf msmmeld kg
peWhb m uci9g kg
pelaiha U cated kg
UuAer n cailaned kg
A nmkarig kg
aotak on td kg
*lipHIkll g kg:


s imo~ae5 kg:'

Ur11 a cg kg
sorgbolueU scmnsumed kg.
&a I armg kg
Uealsaitg kg

Imamwden I a-lg kg
hemeprden I amt kg



omeIardienImrcon kg


ucatkllacr kg
Catte I roiamned kg


catt nclnsumed kg
gold IIg upmpormmnilis
gold 11 accg uppormmlues
p-tsawlng I aI-cg opprmurnmtes
pllawing U acgt opportunities
education I aiLg cus
bducKadmn II wrtg crI
taxes Coet
IHexpemdlluresl Iuni
HH expendlurnll nil
A fts
Dck g JI tdoaBmn



V )rB ICdMD V

SmISHINOYX 13&I&0


-I-.


.4... ...,


. ...


I ..


I ...


I .,


I "el


-.1.


. 1,


I s..I


i













APPENDIX B
MODEL RESULTS










Farm Production by Forest Access for the Average Household
Crop Full Access Limited Access No Access

Potatoes 345.17 345.17 345.17
Potatoes II 483.23 483.23 483.23
Pea/Beans 72.77 72.77 72.77
Pea/Beans II 101.87 101.87 101.87
Matoke 455.00 1257.08 786.33
Matoke II 647.00 647.00 2230.30
Sorghum 483.00 236.20 381.05
Sorghum II 672.96 672.96 185.79
Tea 208.35 208.35 208.35
Tea II 291.65 291.65 291.65
Home Garden 136.26 136.26 136.26
Home Garden II 190.74 190.74 190.74
Cattle 112.51 112.51 225.02
Cattle II 157.49 314.98 314.98





Farm Production by Forest Access for Large Households
Crop Full Access Limited Access No Access

Potatoes 617.47 617.47 617.47
Potatoes II 864.46 864.46 864.46
Pea/Beans 130.77 130.17 130.17
Pea/Beans II 182.24 182.24 182.24
Matoke 2604.88 3599.45 3599.45
Matoke II 4346.11 5038.17 5038.17
Sorghum 470.78 164.76 164.76
Sorghum II 443.60 230.66 230.66
Tea 208.35 208.35 208.35
Tea II 291.65 291.65 291.65
Home Garden 136.26 136.26 136.26
Home Garden II 190.74 190.74 190.74
Cattle 225.02 225.02 225.02
Cattle II 314.98 314.98 314.98









Farm Production by Forest Access for Small Households

Crop Full Access Limited Access No Access

Potatoes 246.99 246.99 246.99
Potatoes II 345.78 345.78 345.78
Pea/Beans 52.07 52.07 52.07
Pea/Beans II 72.90 72.90 72.90
Matoke 282.92 1049.75 973.05
Matoke II 406.08 1469.30 1469.30
Sorghum 301.85 65.90 89.50
Sorghum II 419.41 92.26 92.26
Tea 208.35 208.35 208.35
Tea II 291.65 291.65 291.65
Home Garden 136.26 136.26 136.26
Home Garden II 190.74 190.74 190.74
Cattle 112.51 112.51 225.02
Cattle II 157.49 157.49 314.98












Results of Model Simulations of Farm Production by Forest Access and Forest Product Price
Crop Full Access Limited Access No Access

Prices---> Low Average High Low Average High Average

Potatoes 345.17 345.17 345.17 345.17 345.17 345.17 345.17
Potatoes II 483.23 483.23 483.23 483.23 483.23 483.23 483.23
Pea/Beans 72.77 72.77 72.77 72.77 72.77 72.77 72.77
Pea/Beans II 101.87 101.87 101.87 101.87 101.87 101.87 101.87
Matoke 786.33 455.00 455.00 786.33 1257.08 1257.08 786.33
Matoke II 2230.30 647.00 647.00 2230.30 647.00 2120.14 2230.30
Sorghum 381.05 483.00 313.66 381.05 236.20 236.20 381.05
Sorghum II 185.79 672.96 672.96 185.79 672.96 219.68 185.79
Tea 208.35 208.35 0 208.35 208.35 208.35 208.35
Tea II 291.65 291.65 291.65 291.65 291.65 291.65 291.65
Home Garden 136.26 136.26 136.26 135.43 136.26 135.43 136.26
Home Garden II 190.74 190.74 190.74 189.57 190.74 189.57 190.74
Cattle 225.02 112.51 37.50 225.02 112.51 112.51 225.02
Cattle II 314.98 157.49 157.49 314.98 314.98 157.49 314.98













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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH


Mr. Peter Trenchard has fifteen years experience in conservation work in Africa

involving parks and protected areas development and management, ecology,

community-based natural resource management, and the development of national

environmental action plans. He earned a B.S. in Biology from Principia College in 1981

and has been living and working in Africa since 1982.













I certify that I have read this study and that in my inion it confos to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adeq e, in scope d quality, as a thesis
for the degree of Master of Science. .


Douglas Carter, Chair
Associa e Professor of Forest Resources and
Conservation

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adescope and quality, as a thesis
for the degree of Master of Science. /


Peter E. Hildebrand
Professor of Food and Resource Economics

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis
for the degree of Master of Science.


Alan J. Long
Assistant Professor of Forest Resources and
Conservation


This thesis was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the School of Forest Resources
and Conservation in the College of Agriculture and to the Graduate School and was
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirement for te degree of water f SciPce-

December 1999
Director. Forest Resources and Conservation


Dean, Graduate School




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