• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Cover
 Acknowledgement
 Table of Contents
 Executive summary
 Introduction
 Methodology
 Findings
 Conclusion
 Annexes






Title: Rapid assessment of the food and nutrition security impact of the CARE food programming activities in eastern Shewa and western Hararghe.
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 Material Information
Title: Rapid assessment of the food and nutrition security impact of the CARE food programming activities in eastern Shewa and western Hararghe.
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Publisher: CARE USA; CARE Ethiopia; US Agency for International Development
Publication Date: 1993
 Subjects
Subject: Africa   ( lcsh )
Farming   ( lcsh )
Agriculture   ( lcsh )
Farm life   ( lcsh )
Spatial Coverage: Africa
 Notes
Funding: Electronic resources created as part of a prototype UF Institutional Repository and Faculty Papers project by the University of Florida.
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Bibliographic ID: UF00054824
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 39928730

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Acknowledgement
        Acknowledgement
    Table of Contents
        Page i
        Page ii
    Executive summary
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
    Introduction
        Page 7
    Methodology
        Page 8
        Background and rationale
            Page 8
        Objectives
            Page 9
        Training
            Page 9
        Institutional assessment
            Page 9
        Rapid food security assessment
            Page 10
            Page 11
        Rapid nutritional assessment
            Page 12
    Findings
        Page 13
        Institutional assessment
            Page 13
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        Rapid food security assessment
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    Conclusion
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    Annexes
        Page 57
        Peasant associations and map
            Page 58
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        Villages surveyed
            Page 60
        Nutritional data
            Page 61
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        Crop calendars
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        Team members and persons contacted
            Page 77
        Workshop agenda
            Page 78
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        Topical outline
            Page 82
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        Conceptual model
            Page 89
        Matrices
            Page 90
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Full Text









RAPID ASSESSMENT OF THE FOOD AND NUTRITION SECURITY
IMPACT OF THE CARE FOOD PROGRAMMING ACTIVITIES
IN EASTERN SHEWA AND WESTERN HARARGHE













October, 1993












Sponsored by:
CARE USA, CARE Ethiopia, and the US Agency for International Development










ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

There are numerous persons to whom thanks are due, and we sincerely appreciate the help and
support they have extended to us in the completion of this document. We would like to take this
opportunity to thank Mr. Robin Needham, Director, CARE-Ethiopia, and all of his staff for
their help and support. Sincere thanks are also due to Mr. Curt Schaeffer, Director of the Food
Security Unit, CARE-USA.

Sincere thanks are also extended to the University of Arizona for providing support for this
project. We would like to thank in particular Mr. Claude Bart, Ms. Jennifer Manthei, and Ms.
Katherine McCaston for the many hours of editing, formatting and typing text. We would also
like to personally thank Ms. Mary Storie for helping with the matrices. To the rest of the staff at
the Office of Arid Lands Studies, University of Arizona, we extend our deepest gratitude.








Rapid Assessment of the Food and Nutrition Security
Impact of the CARE Food Programming Activities
in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe


TABLE OF CONTENTS


I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................

II. INTRODUCTION ..........................................

III. METHODOLOGY ........................................
A. Background and Rationale .................................
B. Objectives ..............................................
C. Training .......................... .................
D. Institutional Assessment ...................................
E. Rapid Food Security Assessment ...........................
1. Composition of the Survey Team .......................
2. Secondary Data Review ..............................
3. Key Informant Interviews .............................
4. Development of the Topical Outline ....................
5. Survey Procedures ..................................
F. Rapid Nutritional Assessment ...............................

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I .


. ....... 1

........... 7


.. 8
...8
...9
...9
.. 9
. 10
. 10
. 10
. 11
. 11
. 11
.. 12


I . . . . ..... ..... .. . . . .... . . ...
A. Institutional Assessm ent .............................................
1. Donor and Other Collaborative Organizations' Perspectives ............
2. Government Views and Policies ..................................
3. Eastern Shewa ...............................................
a. Adequacy of Program Planning/Design .......................
b. Targeting .............................................
c. Implementation and Management ...........................
d. Effectiveness ..........................................
4. W western H ararghe ............................................
a. Adequacy of Program Planning/Design .......................
b. Targeting .............................................
c. Implementation and Management ...........................
d. Effectiveness ...........................................
B. Rapid Food Security Assessment ........................................
1. Eastern Shewa ...............................................
a. General Features of Area Surveyed .........................
b. Livelihood Strategies ....................................
c. Coping Strategies .......................................
d. Changes in Livelihood Strategies ...........................
e. Food Consumption Patterns ...............................
f. Child Care .............................................
g. Nutritional Status .......................................








h. Summary of Constraints to Household Food Security and Nutritional
Security in Eastern Shewa ................................. 33
i. Beneficiaries' Perception of CARE's Food Aid Activities ......... 35
j. Recommendations ....................................... 35
2. W western Hararghe ............................................ 37
a. General Features of Area Surveyed ......................... 37
b. Livelihood Strategies .................................... 41
c. Coping Strategies ....................................... 44
d. Changes in Livelihood Strategies .......................... 46
e. Food Consumption Patterns ............................... 46
f. Child Care ................ ........................... 48
g. Nutritional Status ...................................... 49
h. Summary of Constraints to Household Food Security and Nutritional
Security in Western Hararghe .............................. 50
i. Beneficiaries' Perception of CARE's Food Aid Activities ......... 53
j. Recommendations ....................................... 53

V. CONCLUSIONS .................................. ................ 54
A Issues of D esign ............................................... 54
B. Targeting ....................................................54
C. Performance Indicators .............................. ... ...... .. 55
D. Sustainable Development (Promoting Livelihoods) ..................... 55


VI. ANNEXES ................. ................................... 57
1. Peasant Associations and Map
2. Villages Surveyed
3. Nutritional Data
4. Crop Calendars
5. Team Members and Persons Contacted
6. Workshop Agenda
7. Topical Outline
8. Conceptual Model
9. Matrices







Rapid Assessment of the Food and Nutrition Security
Impact of the CARE Food Programming Activities
in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe

I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

INTRODUCTION

A rapid food security assessment was carried out in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe
(September 25 October 15, 1993) to determine: (1) what CARE food-assisted projects have
been undertaken, and how they were designed, implemented, and evaluated; and (2) what impact
the project has had on the participants. To determine whether the projects were properly
designed, a rapid assessment of the household food security situation in each project area was
carried out. Six Peasant Associations (PAs) were assessed in Eastern Shewa (Fachassa
(Chekafachassa), Dongori Wonga, Yaya, Kachama Sobaku, Bate Bora, and Hassie Dhera) and
six in Western Hararghe (Miesso, Kuni, Kurfasawa, Galessa, Annano, and Hardim). The PAs
were selected on the basis of accessibility, economic base (e.g., cereal, agropastoral, pastoral),
distance from main roads, and history of food assistance. Two villages in which CARE assistance
was not provided were surveyed in order to compare project areas with nonproject areas.

In addition to the rapid food security assessment, an institutional assessment was carried out to
determine the procedures used by CARE in program planning/design, targeting, implementation
and management, and assessment of project effectiveness. Information sources included a
document review, key informant interviews with CARE staff, and interviews conducted with
government agencies, donors, and other collaborating institutions such as the United Nations
organizations and other NGOs.

To ensure that all team members were familiar with the concepts and procedures to be used in
this assessment, a training exercise was also conducted prior to going to the field. This training
exercise was intended to build capacity among CARE staff so that they could carry out such
assessments in other areas in the future. Twenty-five people participated in the training exercise.


FINDINGS

Food and Nutrition Security in the Project Areas
The nutritional security of both project areas is affected not only by the factors influencing
household food security, but also access to health facilities, clean water, and adequate
mother/child care. In both areas, access to clean water and adequate health care were major
problems. The amount of time and resources used by households to obtain water and health care
has significant negative impacts on efforts to promote better access to food, through either food-
for-work or emergency free food distribution. In terms of mother/child care, the health of the
mother and child is negatively affected by the labor expended in obtaining water and fuelwood.
This has implications for the time available for child care and frequency of feeding. In addition,
the narrow diet available to families in the project areas means that many families do not have
adequate access to proteins (pulses, meats), vitamins (vegetables, fruits), or oil/fat (necessary for
synthesizing vitamin A). There is also little supplementary feeding and few proper weaning foods
for children. These problems are compounded by the fact that the majority of the population is








illiterate, which influences care, hygiene, and dietary patterns. All of these factors, coupled with
the general food insecurity in both areas, have led to extremely high malnutrition rates.

Both areas are suffering chronic as well as transitory household food insecurity. A major
underlying factor in both areas is the high rate of population increase (three percent per year).
In Eastern Shewa, the chronic food insecurity is due to increasing landlessness (in some locations
as high as 50 percent), limited access to inputs (land, labor, oxen, improved seed and other
inputs), natural resource degradation (soil fertility, water availability, access to pasture and
forests), limited access to government services, limited alternative income-generating activities
due to limited access to markets and high rates of illiteracy, and the loss of animals for draft,
milk, and as a buffer against food shortages brought on by drought or war. The chronically food
insecure are also not always included in the target group for food aid assistance.

The chronic food insecurity situation in Western Hararghe is much more severe than in Eastern
Shewa because of the political insecurity that characterizes much of the area. This is evident in
the high rates of severe malnutrition found in the area, and the limited variety of foods
consumed. Transitory food insecurity caused by locationally specific drought conditions has also
made this region extremely vulnerable to food deficits this year.

To address the chronic food insecurity problems in both areas adequately, food assistance
programming must take steps to ensure that food insecure households are targeted in project
interventions. Otherwise, all natural resource enhancing activities will have little impact because
these populations will rely on charcoal and firewood sales to survive.

Transitory food insecurity is prevalent in both areas as well. Yields are decreasing due to
changing rainfall conditions, and crop failure is a common phenomenon. A contributing factor is
the fact that the cropping mix is not matched to the changing rainfall conditions, and farmers do
not have access to varieties of seed that are better adapted to such conditions. The variety of
crops grown is limited, and could be expanded significantly if appropriate seed were made
available. Yields are also affected by limited access to traction, labor, and improved inputs such
as fertilizer and pesticides. Due to the reduced yields, farmers are having to rely more on
market-purchased food to make up for production shortfalls. Access to alternative labor activities
are limited, as are commodities that can be exchanged for food. As a result, the terms of trade
for labor, animals, and other products sold by farmers turn against them with regard to food
purchases. To compensate, farmers turn to charcoal and wood sales as loss management
strategies that have a long-term negative impact on the environment.


CARE'S FOOD ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS

It is within this context that CARE's food assistance programs are operating. In Eastern Shewa,
the program has been concentrating on food-for-work (FFW) activities, in the areas of
reforestation, agroforestry, soil and water conservation, pond construction, vegetable gardening
and road construction. The benefits derived from these programs, from the beneficiaries'
perspectives, include: a positive impact on access to food; increased access to oil (which may not
be obtained by any other means); better access to water through the construction of ponds;
greater awareness of natural resource conservation (especially the value of enclosures); roads
that link communities to outside markets, resources, and services; increased skills in conservation,









road, and pond construction; and less dependence on credit and wood and charcoal sales. In
addition, CARE Ethiopia's Food Information Systems (CEFIS) has made considerable progress
in targeting transitory food insecurity in the area. However, CARE does not have baseline data
or clearly defined performance indicators to confirm the progress in these activities with regard
to impact on household food security (HFS). In fact, the performance indicators that are used
are not true measurements of the project objectives.

Despite the positive contributions made by the project, the beneficiaries and the assessment team
identified a number of areas in which improvements in food aid programming could be made. (1)
Many people felt that there are not enough activities to accommodate all the people seeking
work, particularly during the cropping season when the food shortages are the most critical. The
team found that introducing food-for-work at this time would have no significant negative effects
on food production; it is during the hungry season that many communities are forced to sell
charcoal and wood to purchase food in the market. (2) The chronically vulnerable populations in
many villages are excluded from the FFW because they are not PA members (e.g., the landless).
(3) The FFW payments do not always come on time. (4) The distribution centers are sometimes
far from the village. (5) Communities do not participate enough in the design of the FFW
activities, setting priorities, or assisting in targeting. (6) The food basket is incomplete and not
tailored to family size. (7) Work norms do not take different levels of vulnerability into account.
(8) Activities are limited, and do not take the range of viable (food security enhancing) options
into account. (9) CARE lacks the resources to address adequately the needs of the communities
with which they work.

In Western Hararghe, the food assistance program is orientated toward emergency free food
distribution. Given the very difficult security problems under which CARE is operating in this
area, it is to be commended for having any presence at all. It is obvious from the interviews
conducted in the areas surveyed that CARE's assistance is much appreciated by the beneficiaries.
The food has actually saved lives in many villages, prevented migration, reduced the magnitude
of fuelwood sales, and allowed people to try to pursue agricultural activities as a source of
livelihood.

Under such difficult conditions, the food distribution system is bound to operate imperfectly. The
major problems cited by the beneficiaries and identified by the assessment team included: (1) the
ration amount does not always account for the size of the family; (2) food sometimes comes too
late; (3) the harvest last year was not sufficient to warrant the extent of the FFD reduction; (4)
the area-based assessments do not capture intragroup vulnerabilities; (5) the distribution centers
are too far away for people with no means of transport; (6) not all of the people in need of food
are on the distribution list due to recent displacement--the distribution list needs to be updated;
and (7) many of the populations serviced by CARE are becoming increasingly dependent on the
FFD.


RECOMMENDATIONS

To improve the food assistance programs in the areas surveyed, the following recommendations
are proposed by the assessment team. These recommendations are not prioritized, so the order
in which they are discussed does not reflect their relative importance. The recommendations are
discussed under the following headings: targeting, performance monitoring, food basket, types of









FFW activities, inputs for work, sustainable development, and promoting food and nutrition
activities in conflict areas. Many of these recommendations apply to both regions.

Targeting

The following steps can be taken to improve targeting of beneficiaries to ensure that the
chronically vulnerable as well as the households suffering from transitory food insecurity are
included in project activities. Committees should be established to include representatives from
the various vulnerable groups (e.g., landless, women-headed households, and elders). This will
prevent the PA Chairpersons from excluding the most vulnerable from the FFW lists. Such
committees could be tested on a pilot basis in several communities. Periodic spot checks could be
done to see if the committees are targeting effectively. The CEFIS is an excellent system for
monitoring transitory food insecurity in the areas. For those subareas that are prone to
recurring food insecurity, contingency plans should be established to improve the timeliness of
response in order to protect livelihoods and any gains made by CARE. In addition, CEFIS could
monitor baseline conditions in the project areas as a way to get at performance indicators. The
indicators that are used in food security monitoring and performance evaluation should consist
of chronic/baseline indicators, and transitory indicators that monitor current conditions.
Transitory indicators should consist of leading indicators that can be monitored through
unobtrusive measures that indicate the early stages of food insecurity problems and concurrent
indicators that reflect the effect of the actual food shortage (e.g., changes in consumption
patterns). Information on concurrent indicators would only be collected when the leading
indicators demonstrate that conditions are worsening. This information could be collected
through rapid food security assessments. Once the food security problems are verified,
contingency plans involving either FFW or FFD could be initiated. CARE should consider
whether FFW activities could be tailored to different types of vulnerable groups. This would
involve designing different activities for the landless and the landed, or for the weaker members
of the community. In addition, consideration should be given to incorporating more activities that
give the communities an opportunity to obtain CSM.

Performance Indicators

Output indicators should be defined and periodically measured to detect the impact of the
project on household food security. These could include the changes in the number of meals, the
diversity of foods consumed, and food substitutions. Care must be taken to ensure that the
indicator is not measuring an artifact of food aid, which may not be related to longer term food
security. This is why pre- and post-harvest measures are important. Cultural patterns in food
consumption must be taken into account. Nutritional status indicators can also be monitored as
a way to assess CARE's impact on overall well being in the communities in which it is working.
If CARE intends to have an impact on the nutritional security of the populations it is working
with, consideration should be given to incorporating interventions that improve water quality and
access to health services. Otherwise, nutritional status as an output indicator may not change
significantly. CARE could enlist the help of the Ministry of Health (MOH) to carry out such
periodic assessments.










Food Basket


Presently, the grain being used in both locations for food assistance is wheat. Consideration
should be given to providing grains that people are likely to produce themselves or can be
readily obtained in the market. Maize and sorghum are good candidates. This could avoid a
situation where taste preferences cannot be satisfied locally. The market impact of food
assistance needs to be monitored more carefully to avoid creating market distortions. In addition,
consideration should be given to adding a pulse to the food basket to improve the diet. The
current diets of the target populations lack protein and important vitamins and minerals.
Another alternative is to expand access to CSM to vulnerable populations.

Types of Food-for-Work Activities

The communities themselves should play a greater role in determining the types of FFW
activities they want to pursue. This means that the FFW activities need to be more locationally
specific. For example, many communities expressed a desire to build a school or a clinic because
these services were not available. If CARE does not have the resources to follow up on the
priorities, it could solicit the help of other NGOs or different ministries. FFW could also be
provided to give more technical training to beneficiaries. Food for training could be provided in
such areas as crop production/seed multiplication, conservation, nutrition/hygiene, child care, and
various other skills. Some community members could be trained to act as trainers for others to
increase coverage. Line ministries could second staff to act as trainers in special areas.

Inputs for Work

In addition to food, consideration should be given to providing inputs for work as a way to
improve the long-term resilience of the communities targeted. For example, inputs such as
fertilizer, pesticides, seeds, tools, and livestock could be provided. Participants could earn credit
toward livestock (e.g., oxen, goats, donkeys) or some other input. This approach may help in the
targeting issue because many of the landed households may opt for inputs rather than food. The
importance of monetizing food aid to allow for these types of inputs is obvious. The advantage of
inputs-for-work is that it can be self-targeting. Through such approaches, cottage industry
activities for the landless could also be promoted.

Sustainable Development

Every food assistance program should have built into it activities that promote long-term food
security. CARE has been trying to do this through its focus on conservation and improved water
access. Every FFW and FFD program needs to be interlinked with sustainable development
components. The ultimate objective is to make the populations more resilient and self-reliant.
Thus every FFW or FFD should be designed with a long-term vision. For example, in an area
where FFD is taking place, inputs such as improved seed could be provided simultaneously so
that the production systems become more viable. Also important are contingency plans that
monitor locationally specific indicators that determine when to implement a mitigation activity in
order to prevent a community from sliding back to a more vulnerable state. CARE needs to look
at all programming in this manner.









To incorporate the protection and promotion of livelihoods into ongoing provisioning activities,
CARE has to reconsider how large an area it can reasonably cover. It may have to limit the
geographical area it covers, delegating the other regions to other NGOs. Indigenous NGOs could
have a role to play here. Before launching a broad-based, sustainable program, pilot tests should
be initiated to determine the best way to promote livelihoods for a given area.

Food Security Promotion in Conflict Areas

To promote food security in areas prone to political conflict, the following factors should be
considered. First, mobile extension teams could be used to train lead farmers to act as
community extension agents. These lead farmers could then provide training to other farmers
regarding improved seed varieties and vegetable production. Another way to provide extension
messages as well as inputs is through food distribution centers. A training facility could be
developed at the distribution center to train members from the PAs in more vulnerable areas.

NGO Workshop

An NGO workshop should be held in the near future to discuss: (1) the unequal distribution of
activities in the country; (2) opportunities for collaboration; (3) work norms; (4) activities that
promote long-term food security; and (5) ways to facilitate better working relationships with line
agencies. In addition to representatives from the various NGOs working in Ethiopia,
representatives should be invited from the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC), the
Ministry of Health, other line ministries, and the various donors.

Increasing the Frequency of Free Food Distribution in Western Hararghe

In light of the apparent overestimate of the 1992 harvest, the failure of the maize and sorghum
crops in low land areas, and present household food insecurity in Western Hararghe, CARE
should carefully consider increasing FFD from quarterly to monthly in this region.









II. INTRODUCTION


Over the past 20 years, Ethiopia has suffered from chronic and transitory food insecurity, and
has often been referred to as the "land of famine." Since the 1970s, there have been two major
famines (1973/74 and 1984/85), and food shortages have been a recurring problem for different
regions every year. To address these food deficits, governmental and nongovernmental (NGO)
organizations have become involved in the rescue operation of saving the lives of millions of
people. CARE Ethiopia is one of the NGOs that started its humanitarian assistance in the midst
of the 1984/85 famine. Since 1985, CARE Ethiopia has responded to the food needs of
thousands of people in the regions of Eastern Hararghe, Western Hararghe, Eastern Shewa, and
Borana. CARE has also assisted the refugee population in the Ogaden by providing water for the
camp population in Jijiga, Hartishek, and Kebribyah. CARE has delivered large amounts of
commodity food aid to food insecure populations in these areas through emergency free food
assistance and food-for-work.

This assessment of food assistance programming focuses on two of the regions in which CARE is
operating, Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe. In Eastern Shewa, CARE Ethiopia operated
an emergency food transportation and distribution project from February to December, 1988.
This program was converted into a FFW development program after the good harvests of 1988.
Since 1989, CARE has been working in the Adama Boset district to combat severe land
degradation, food and water shortages, and deforestation. In Western Hararghe, CARE has been
addressing the drought needs of the population through both emergency food distributions and
development interventions since 1986. Insufficient rainfall, a rapidly deteriorating land resource
base, and limited access to agricultural inputs are some of the problems contributing to the
recurring food deficits that plague the area. Although attempts were made to phase into a food-
for-work strategy in 1987, CARE resumed emergency food distribution in the area in 1990 when
the long rains failed, resulting in severe drought conditions. CARE has continued to provide this
emergency assistance to the present, despite growing political instability that has made food
programming both difficult and dangerous to implement.

A rapid food security assessment' was carried out in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe to
determine: (1) what CARE food assisted projects have been undertaken, and how they were
designed, implemented, and evaluated; and (2) what impact the project has had on the
participants. To determine whether the projects were properly designed, a rapid assessment of


SThe team members that took part in the assessment were: Timothy R. Frankenberger (CARE
Consultant and Team Leader), Getachew Diriba (CARE Ethiopia Staff and Co-team Leader), Anne
Leonhardt (CARE Consultant and Co-team Leader), Tom Marchione (USAID), Jude Rand (CARE
Canada), Phil Sutter (CARE Regional Food Technical Advisor), Tezera Fisseha (CARE Ethiopia
Consultant), Aklilu Kidanu (CARE Ethiopia Consultant), Amdie Kidane Wold (CARE Ethiopia
Consultant), Moges Tefera (CARE Ethiopia-E. Shewa only), Zewdie H. Meskel (CARE Ethiopia-E.
Shewa only), Aben Ngay (CARE Ethiopia-E. Shewa only), Kefelegn Ketybelu (CARE Ethiopia), Yonis
Berkeke (CARE Ethiopia-W.Hararghe only), Gelachcha Negassa (CARE Ethiopia), Abera Oljirra (CARE
Ethiopia-W. Hararghe only), Kassu Senbetu (CARE Ethiopia), R. Chander (CARE Ethiopia-W. Hararghe
only), Ken Litwiller (CARE Ethiopia-E. Shewa only), Syrukh Sutter (CARE Ethiopia Consultant),
Mulugeta Debehe (CARE Ethiopia-W. Hararghe), Israel Tadesse (CARE Ethiopia-W. Hararghe only),
and Samuel Gizaw CARE Ethiopia-W. Hararghe only).









the household food security situation in each project area was carried out. Six Peasant
Associations (PAs) were assessed in Eastern Shewa (Fachassa (Chekafachassa), Dongori Wonga,
Yaya, Kachama Sobaku, Bate Bora, and Hassie Dhera) and six in Western Hararghe (Miesso,
Kuni, Kurfasawa, Galessa, Annano, and Hardim). The PAs were selected on the basis of
accessibility, economic base (e.g., cereal, agropastoral, pastoral), distance from main roads, and
history of food assistance. Two villages in which CARE assistance was not provided were
surveyed in order to compare project areas with nonproject areas.

In addition to the rapid food security assessment, an institutional assessment was conducted to
determine the procedures used by CARE in program planning/design, targeting, implementation
and management, and assessment of project effectiveness. Information sources included a
document review, key informant interviews with CARE staff, and interviews conducted with
government agencies, donors, and other collaborating institutions such as United Nations
organizations and other NGOs.

To ensure that all team members were familiar with the concepts and procedures to be used in
this assessment, a training exercise was also conducted prior to going to the field. This training
exercise was intended to build capacity among CARE staff so that they could carry out such
assessments in other areas in the future. Twenty-five people participated in the training exercise.

The following report presents the results of this assessment. The information is organized in the
following manner. First, the methodology is discussed, stating the objectives and activities related
to the various components of the assessment methodology. Second, the findings of the study are
presented, discussing the results of the institutional assessment followed by a summary of the
information obtained through the rapid food security assessment carried out in each area. Third,
a summary of the evaluation findings is provided. This is followed by a section dealing with the
team's overall conclusions and recommendations. The report ends with a number of annexes that
present information regarding the villages surveyed, summary tables of the nutritional data, crop
calendars, the list of people contacted, the topical outline used in the rapid food security
assessment, the conceptual model that guided the team's inquiries into food and nutritional
security issues, and matrices that summarize the rapid assessment information by village.


III. METHODOLOGY

A. BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE

The field assessment methodology used in this study forms part of a wider effort to update and
revise CARE's Food Aid Policy and Guidelines. Based on a commitment to improve the
programming of Title II and other food resources, CARE has begun a process to review its
policy and guidelines published in 1985. As part of this review process, CARE has conducted
desk reviews of its food programs in Africa, Asia, and Latin America and developed a draft food
security conceptual framework. CARE is also carrying out field assessments of food aid programs
in Peru, the Philippines, and Ethiopia. This exercise represents one of these field assessments.

The primary purposes of these field assessments are to determine what Title II and other food
assistance programs have been undertaken and why, and what has been the impact on
beneficiaries. Although these assessments are not substitutes for full-blown impact evaluations,









the household food security situation in each project area was carried out. Six Peasant
Associations (PAs) were assessed in Eastern Shewa (Fachassa (Chekafachassa), Dongori Wonga,
Yaya, Kachama Sobaku, Bate Bora, and Hassie Dhera) and six in Western Hararghe (Miesso,
Kuni, Kurfasawa, Galessa, Annano, and Hardim). The PAs were selected on the basis of
accessibility, economic base (e.g., cereal, agropastoral, pastoral), distance from main roads, and
history of food assistance. Two villages in which CARE assistance was not provided were
surveyed in order to compare project areas with nonproject areas.

In addition to the rapid food security assessment, an institutional assessment was conducted to
determine the procedures used by CARE in program planning/design, targeting, implementation
and management, and assessment of project effectiveness. Information sources included a
document review, key informant interviews with CARE staff, and interviews conducted with
government agencies, donors, and other collaborating institutions such as United Nations
organizations and other NGOs.

To ensure that all team members were familiar with the concepts and procedures to be used in
this assessment, a training exercise was also conducted prior to going to the field. This training
exercise was intended to build capacity among CARE staff so that they could carry out such
assessments in other areas in the future. Twenty-five people participated in the training exercise.

The following report presents the results of this assessment. The information is organized in the
following manner. First, the methodology is discussed, stating the objectives and activities related
to the various components of the assessment methodology. Second, the findings of the study are
presented, discussing the results of the institutional assessment followed by a summary of the
information obtained through the rapid food security assessment carried out in each area. Third,
a summary of the evaluation findings is provided. This is followed by a section dealing with the
team's overall conclusions and recommendations. The report ends with a number of annexes that
present information regarding the villages surveyed, summary tables of the nutritional data, crop
calendars, the list of people contacted, the topical outline used in the rapid food security
assessment, the conceptual model that guided the team's inquiries into food and nutritional
security issues, and matrices that summarize the rapid assessment information by village.


III. METHODOLOGY

A. BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE

The field assessment methodology used in this study forms part of a wider effort to update and
revise CARE's Food Aid Policy and Guidelines. Based on a commitment to improve the
programming of Title II and other food resources, CARE has begun a process to review its
policy and guidelines published in 1985. As part of this review process, CARE has conducted
desk reviews of its food programs in Africa, Asia, and Latin America and developed a draft food
security conceptual framework. CARE is also carrying out field assessments of food aid programs
in Peru, the Philippines, and Ethiopia. This exercise represents one of these field assessments.

The primary purposes of these field assessments are to determine what Title II and other food
assistance programs have been undertaken and why, and what has been the impact on
beneficiaries. Although these assessments are not substitutes for full-blown impact evaluations,








they provide an initial snapshot of the effectiveness of CARE's food programming activities in
selected countries. The information derived from these assessments can then be used as a basis
for developing processes to carry out regular program assessments and evaluations. Assessments
will also serve as an important training exercise for all Food Program Unit (FPU) members.
Thus the secondary purpose of these assessments is to enhance the field assessment skills of FPU
members.

B. OBJECTIVES

The general objectives of this assessment were: (1) to determine what CARE food assisted
projects have been undertaken in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe, how they were
designed, implemented, and evaluated; (2) to assess the impact of these projects on the people
who participated in the programs; and (3) to train a number of CARE Ethiopia staff to build
capacity so that they could carry out similar assessments in other areas in the future. Two
additional objectives of this study were to characterize the food and nutrition security of the
project areas and to identify various options that could be addressed to improve food aid
targeting so that household food security could be enhanced.

C. TRAINING

To ensure that all team members participating in the assessment were familiar with the concepts
of household food and nutritional security and the rapid assessment methodology used, a training
module was provided in Nazareth, Eastern Shewa. The agenda is found in Annex 5. Twenty-five
people attended the workshop, which was conducted over a three-day period. The topics
addressed in the workshop included: an introduction to food security (nutritional security,
livelihood security, household food security, production-consumption linkages, and food systems
analysis); coping strategies; household food security and environmental degradation; indicators of
household food security; the emergency-development interface (vulnerability mapping,
contingency plans, promoting sustainable livelihoods); introduction to rapid rural appraisals;
RRA methods (sampling, unit of analysis, data collection techniques, and interactive data
gathering tools); procedures for conducting RRAs in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe;
constructing interview guides; and information relevant to intervention design. Every attempt was
made to make the training as participatory as possible; thus, group activities were integrated into
each major training topic. The participants in the workshop had a major role in revising the
topical guide that was to be used to gather the household food security information.

D. INSTITUTIONAL ASSESSMENT

An institutional assessment was carried out to determine the procedures used by CARE in
program planning/design, targeting, implementation and management, and assessment of project
effectiveness in the Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe regions. Information sources included:
project documents such as the project proposals, quarterly reports on progress, and any other
relevant secondary information; key informant interviews with CARE staff at headquarters and in
the field; interviews conducted with government agencies such as the Ministry of Agriculture
(MOA) and Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC); and interviews with donors and other
collaborating institutions such as the United States Agency for International Development
(USAID), the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), the European Economic








they provide an initial snapshot of the effectiveness of CARE's food programming activities in
selected countries. The information derived from these assessments can then be used as a basis
for developing processes to carry out regular program assessments and evaluations. Assessments
will also serve as an important training exercise for all Food Program Unit (FPU) members.
Thus the secondary purpose of these assessments is to enhance the field assessment skills of FPU
members.

B. OBJECTIVES

The general objectives of this assessment were: (1) to determine what CARE food assisted
projects have been undertaken in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe, how they were
designed, implemented, and evaluated; (2) to assess the impact of these projects on the people
who participated in the programs; and (3) to train a number of CARE Ethiopia staff to build
capacity so that they could carry out similar assessments in other areas in the future. Two
additional objectives of this study were to characterize the food and nutrition security of the
project areas and to identify various options that could be addressed to improve food aid
targeting so that household food security could be enhanced.

C. TRAINING

To ensure that all team members participating in the assessment were familiar with the concepts
of household food and nutritional security and the rapid assessment methodology used, a training
module was provided in Nazareth, Eastern Shewa. The agenda is found in Annex 5. Twenty-five
people attended the workshop, which was conducted over a three-day period. The topics
addressed in the workshop included: an introduction to food security (nutritional security,
livelihood security, household food security, production-consumption linkages, and food systems
analysis); coping strategies; household food security and environmental degradation; indicators of
household food security; the emergency-development interface (vulnerability mapping,
contingency plans, promoting sustainable livelihoods); introduction to rapid rural appraisals;
RRA methods (sampling, unit of analysis, data collection techniques, and interactive data
gathering tools); procedures for conducting RRAs in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe;
constructing interview guides; and information relevant to intervention design. Every attempt was
made to make the training as participatory as possible; thus, group activities were integrated into
each major training topic. The participants in the workshop had a major role in revising the
topical guide that was to be used to gather the household food security information.

D. INSTITUTIONAL ASSESSMENT

An institutional assessment was carried out to determine the procedures used by CARE in
program planning/design, targeting, implementation and management, and assessment of project
effectiveness in the Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe regions. Information sources included:
project documents such as the project proposals, quarterly reports on progress, and any other
relevant secondary information; key informant interviews with CARE staff at headquarters and in
the field; interviews conducted with government agencies such as the Ministry of Agriculture
(MOA) and Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC); and interviews with donors and other
collaborating institutions such as the United States Agency for International Development
(USAID), the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), the European Economic








they provide an initial snapshot of the effectiveness of CARE's food programming activities in
selected countries. The information derived from these assessments can then be used as a basis
for developing processes to carry out regular program assessments and evaluations. Assessments
will also serve as an important training exercise for all Food Program Unit (FPU) members.
Thus the secondary purpose of these assessments is to enhance the field assessment skills of FPU
members.

B. OBJECTIVES

The general objectives of this assessment were: (1) to determine what CARE food assisted
projects have been undertaken in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe, how they were
designed, implemented, and evaluated; (2) to assess the impact of these projects on the people
who participated in the programs; and (3) to train a number of CARE Ethiopia staff to build
capacity so that they could carry out similar assessments in other areas in the future. Two
additional objectives of this study were to characterize the food and nutrition security of the
project areas and to identify various options that could be addressed to improve food aid
targeting so that household food security could be enhanced.

C. TRAINING

To ensure that all team members participating in the assessment were familiar with the concepts
of household food and nutritional security and the rapid assessment methodology used, a training
module was provided in Nazareth, Eastern Shewa. The agenda is found in Annex 5. Twenty-five
people attended the workshop, which was conducted over a three-day period. The topics
addressed in the workshop included: an introduction to food security (nutritional security,
livelihood security, household food security, production-consumption linkages, and food systems
analysis); coping strategies; household food security and environmental degradation; indicators of
household food security; the emergency-development interface (vulnerability mapping,
contingency plans, promoting sustainable livelihoods); introduction to rapid rural appraisals;
RRA methods (sampling, unit of analysis, data collection techniques, and interactive data
gathering tools); procedures for conducting RRAs in Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe;
constructing interview guides; and information relevant to intervention design. Every attempt was
made to make the training as participatory as possible; thus, group activities were integrated into
each major training topic. The participants in the workshop had a major role in revising the
topical guide that was to be used to gather the household food security information.

D. INSTITUTIONAL ASSESSMENT

An institutional assessment was carried out to determine the procedures used by CARE in
program planning/design, targeting, implementation and management, and assessment of project
effectiveness in the Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe regions. Information sources included:
project documents such as the project proposals, quarterly reports on progress, and any other
relevant secondary information; key informant interviews with CARE staff at headquarters and in
the field; interviews conducted with government agencies such as the Ministry of Agriculture
(MOA) and Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC); and interviews with donors and other
collaborating institutions such as the United States Agency for International Development
(USAID), the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), the European Economic









Community (EEC), the United Kingdom's Overseas Development Agency (ODA), and the
World Food Program (WFP).

Inquiries regarding program planning/design focused on the adequacy of initial needs
assessments, objectives, inputs, plans for phasing out, sustainability of project activities, targeting,
and community participation. With regard to implementation and management, questions
addressed inputs and outputs, obstacles to implementation, verification of targeting, monitoring
systems for target groups, the role of the beneficiaries in decision-making, institution-building
components, and the technical quality of project execution. Project effectiveness inquiries focused
on whether the project management was measuring impacts with performance indicators, what
the staff perceived the project impact to be, whether the results are sustainable, the opportunity
costs/benefits, and the impact on public policy.

E. RAPID FOOD SECURITY ASSESSMENT

To determine whether the projects were properly designed, a rapid food security assessment was
carried out in each project area. Six PAs were assessed in Eastern Shewa (Fachassa
(Chekafachassa), Dongori Wonga, Yaya, Kachama Sobaku, Bate Bora, and Hassie Dhera) and
six in Western Hararghe (Miesso, Kuni, Kurfasawa, Galessa, Annano, and Hardim). The PAs
were selected on the basis of accessibility, economic base (e.g., cereal, agropastoral, pastoral),
distance from main roads, and history of food assistance. Two villages in which CARE assistance
was not provided were surveyed in order to compare project areas with nonproject areas (see
Maps, Annex 1).

1. Composition of the Survey Team
The survey team consisted of 20 members; 17 males and three females. All of the 20 people did
not participate in all phases of the survey. For example, the team composition changed when the
survey began in Western Hararghe. The various disciplines represented by the team included
agronomy, anthropology, agricultural economics, nutrition, soil and water engineering,
demography, rural sociology, and a medical doctor. In addition, regional government staff from
the MOA and the Ministry of Health (MOH) also participated on the team as interviewers and
in collecting nutritional status information. Their participation will help foster future
interinstitutional collaboration between CARE and the line ministries in addressing food and
nutrition security problems.

The large team was divided into three smaller teams, each team having a designated team leader.
The various teams visited different villages on each of the days that the survey was conducted.
Team members were rotated within and between teams throughout the survey to give each
person an opportunity to work and learn from the other team members. An attempt was made to
match one technical scientist with one nutritional or social scientist in pairs to carry out
interviews.

2. Secondary Data Review
Prior to going to the field, the team examined existing information that had been collected on
the area. Several documents provided a good overview of the project areas, such as the
midseason crop assessments carried out by CARE Ethiopia's Food Information Systems (CEFIS)
and baseline socioeconomic surveys conducted recently by Dr. Getachew Diriba, one of the co-









team leaders of the assessment. In addition, maps were obtained of the survey areas to aid in the
selection of PAs.

3. Key Informant Interviews
Good background information was obtained from the CARE staff working in the areas to be
surveyed during the training exercise. The group activities during the training exercise focused on
the livelihood systems of both Eastern Shewa and Western Hararghe. This information provided
the team with an understanding of the major trends in the area and the ongoing development
activities that could be tapped into when considering interventions.

4. Development of the Topical Outline
A topical list or minimum data set was developed to help guide the interviews before going to
the field. This list assisted the team members in addressing the topics and aspects of topics that
they might otherwise have omitted. Secondary data sources were consulted to help devise the
topical list. The development of the topical list was an important team-building exercise. Each
team member contributed to the list, and survey priorities were established prior to going to the
field. Consensus was reached on every topic included in the outline to ensure that the team
functioned as a single entity from the beginning of the field exercise.

The topical outline was pretested in the first PAs surveyed. Prior to this field test, the team
discussed the appropriate procedures of conducting the interviews, avoiding biased questions,
handling translation, and handling sensitive topics. Before going to the field, matrices were
constructed from the topical list to allow for the transfer of data from field notes to a
comparative format (see Annex 8). These matrices allowed for continuous comparisons among
households and PAs, which helped focus discussions among team members. They also provided a
means for evaluating or checking the completeness of the field notes. At the end of the survey,
these matrices were shared with all of the team members to facilitate the write-up of the report.

5. Survey Procedures
Upon arrival in the PA, the team first met with a large group of the members of the PA and
explained the purpose of the study. In this meeting, the team explained who they represented,
what the results would be used for, and why so many questions would be asked. General
inquiries were directed to the group regarding village infrastructure, access to resources, land
tenure arrangements, major crops grown, sources of credit, government programs in the area,
major populations, climatic, resource, and food security trends, social organizations operating in
the village, access to development projects, participation in food aid programs, and community
problems and needs. At the same time that the group interview dominated by the men was being
conducted, one of the female researchers conducted a focus group discussion with a group of
women, asking the same set of questions.

After the initial inquiries with the assembled villagers, the team split up into groups of two to
conduct interviews with individual households. In general, the teams tried to seek interviews with
a range of household types taking into account age, gender, and access to resources. The
selection of households to be interviewed was based on the list of families in which nutritional
measurements were being collected. This not only allowed for stratified samples to be drawn, but
also meant that the team had nutritional measurements for every household interviewed. Focus
group interviews were also conducted with female-headed and landless households.









The specific interviews were conducted with households away from the rest of the villagers in
order to avoid biased responses. Attempts were made to interview both male- and female-headed
households to take into account different knowledge and opinions. For example, female-headed
households tend to know more about harvest quantities, processing values, storage losses, and
consumption patterns.

After the interviews were completed for a selected PA, the team members gathered to discuss
their findings and formulate hypotheses regarding the major food security trends in the area.
This procedure helped summarize the important attributes, constraints, and opportunities that
characterized the food security situation, and provided a basis for comparison when the survey
work was initiated in the other PAs. These reviews helped revise the topical outline for further
interviews. In addition, this process was also a crucial team-building exercise.

Once the survey was completed, hypotheses were formulated regarding the major livelihood
systems operating in the two project areas, changes occurring in these livelihood systems, major
food and nutrition constraints, the most vulnerable populations, and the interventions
recommended to help improve household food security in the area. In addition, the effectiveness
of the food aid activities in each area was also assessed on the basis of the perception of the
participants and the evaluation team. Team consensus was reached on all constraints and
recommendations proposed. This review gave the team members an opportunity to combine their
various disciplinary expertise in formulating possible solutions.

Following the discussion of the food and nutrition security constraints, the status of the food
assistance programs, and recommendations, the team leaders assigned each member a portion of
the report to write up.

F. RAPID NUTRITIONAL ASSESSMENT

To obtain an approximation of the diet and nutritional status as part of the broader food and
nutrition security assessment, a quota sample of from 24 to 40 households with children under
five years of age was selected from each village. The sample was designed to be roughly
representative of four socioeconomic strata in each village, ranging from those without assets
(land and/or animals) to those with relatively large land holdings and livestock ownership.

As a means to obtain a more precise indication of nutritional status, the youngest child under
five years of age from each family was weighed and measured for height or length (depending on
whether the child was measured while standing or supine), and child health and household 24-
hour dietary recalls were obtained from their mothers. Weighing was done by health staff
recruited from the MOH zonal offices in Nazareth and Asebe Tefari under the supervision of
nutritional specialists on each subteam using Salter spring scales and standard measuring boards.
MOH staff spoke the local languages and were well acquainted with eliciting age, morbidity,
mortality, and dietary information.

Using these methods, 367 children from six to 60 months were weighed and measured and their
mothers provided health and dietary information. A nested sample of 102 of these households
were interviewed in-depth regarding their household food security and participation in the CARE
food aid program in the village. The health staff also examined all children under five for
common ailments such as malaria, eye infections, diarrhea, and vitamin A deficiency, and








appropriate medications were dispensed on the spot (e.g., vitamin A, oral rehydration salts,
antimalarial drugs, and eye ointments along with instructions).

Anthropometric analysis was done using standard weights for height or length and according to
other standard procedures used by relief agencies in Ethiopia. (Time did not permit analysis of
weight or height for age that might have been a more appropriate indicator for long-term effects
of food insecurity). Group mean percentages of standard were used for analytical association
with health information, diet, and other household food security information.


IV. FINDINGS

A. INSTITUTIONAL ASSESSMENT

1. Donor and Other Collaborative Organizations' Perspectives
Five donors and collaborating agencies, United States Agency for International Development
(USAID), the United Kingdom's Overseas Development Agency (ODA), the European
Economic Community (EEC), the World Food Program (WFP), and the Canadian International
Development Agency (CIDA), met with the team. Programming priorities, as discussed in the
interviews, varied among organizations, as did the extent of recent contact with CARE. The
agencies' perceptions of CARE Ethiopia's food programs were positive on the whole. Opinions
of CARE ranged from "a reliable partner" and "one of the most serious NGOs in Ethiopia in its
use of food aid" to "not very impressed."

Of the four donors, the EEC has had the least recent interaction with CARE. The EEC shifted
away from channeling resources through the Government five years ago, and now has yearly
NGO food security programs consisting of food, seeds, and support for Early Warning Systems.
A major initiative of recent years has been the use of monetization funds to purchase locally
produced food aid. (It appears that some misunderstanding may have occurred surrounding the
reasons CARE refused EEC funds to conduct a local purchase). With respect to the concept of
an employment-based social safety net, presently under intensive discussion in the country, some
reserve was expressed regarding the breadth and effectiveness of coverage it may provide.

ODA has also increasingly funneled funds through NGOs, which are perceived as more
accountable than the Government. CARE's programs funded by ODA are seen as worthwhile
and generally cost effective. Reporting by CARE is viewed as adequate; however, it was
suggested that quarterly monitoring reports would be helpful. A strong interest was expressed in
food-for-work programs over free food distribution, because of the former's capacity to provide a
stimulus to local economies. Cash-for-work was felt to be inherently corrupt. Interest was also
expressed in rural programs, given that only a small percentage of the Ethiopian population
resides in urban areas. Moreover, a large proportion of migration to urban areas has been
related to push rather than pull factors; that is, related to rural distress rather than work
opportunities in cities.

USAID sees CARE's Food-for-Work and Free Food Distribution programs as generally
consistent with its food security objectives for Ethiopia. These include (1) increasing staple
production, and (2) provision of emergency and humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia's most
vulnerable groups. Food-for-work outputs, in the form of improved agricultural infrastructure








appropriate medications were dispensed on the spot (e.g., vitamin A, oral rehydration salts,
antimalarial drugs, and eye ointments along with instructions).

Anthropometric analysis was done using standard weights for height or length and according to
other standard procedures used by relief agencies in Ethiopia. (Time did not permit analysis of
weight or height for age that might have been a more appropriate indicator for long-term effects
of food insecurity). Group mean percentages of standard were used for analytical association
with health information, diet, and other household food security information.


IV. FINDINGS

A. INSTITUTIONAL ASSESSMENT

1. Donor and Other Collaborative Organizations' Perspectives
Five donors and collaborating agencies, United States Agency for International Development
(USAID), the United Kingdom's Overseas Development Agency (ODA), the European
Economic Community (EEC), the World Food Program (WFP), and the Canadian International
Development Agency (CIDA), met with the team. Programming priorities, as discussed in the
interviews, varied among organizations, as did the extent of recent contact with CARE. The
agencies' perceptions of CARE Ethiopia's food programs were positive on the whole. Opinions
of CARE ranged from "a reliable partner" and "one of the most serious NGOs in Ethiopia in its
use of food aid" to "not very impressed."

Of the four donors, the EEC has had the least recent interaction with CARE. The EEC shifted
away from channeling resources through the Government five years ago, and now has yearly
NGO food security programs consisting of food, seeds, and support for Early Warning Systems.
A major initiative of recent years has been the use of monetization funds to purchase locally
produced food aid. (It appears that some misunderstanding may have occurred surrounding the
reasons CARE refused EEC funds to conduct a local purchase). With respect to the concept of
an employment-based social safety net, presently under intensive discussion in the country, some
reserve was expressed regarding the breadth and effectiveness of coverage it may provide.

ODA has also increasingly funneled funds through NGOs, which are perceived as more
accountable than the Government. CARE's programs funded by ODA are seen as worthwhile
and generally cost effective. Reporting by CARE is viewed as adequate; however, it was
suggested that quarterly monitoring reports would be helpful. A strong interest was expressed in
food-for-work programs over free food distribution, because of the former's capacity to provide a
stimulus to local economies. Cash-for-work was felt to be inherently corrupt. Interest was also
expressed in rural programs, given that only a small percentage of the Ethiopian population
resides in urban areas. Moreover, a large proportion of migration to urban areas has been
related to push rather than pull factors; that is, related to rural distress rather than work
opportunities in cities.

USAID sees CARE's Food-for-Work and Free Food Distribution programs as generally
consistent with its food security objectives for Ethiopia. These include (1) increasing staple
production, and (2) provision of emergency and humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia's most
vulnerable groups. Food-for-work outputs, in the form of improved agricultural infrastructure









and roads linking rural areas to markets, are important to regional food security. CARE also
provides a safety net to help prevent recurrent emergencies in the form of free food, particularly
important for the drought-prone area of Hararghe. Likewise, the CEFIS strengthens CARE's
ability to identify and respond to impending emergencies.

USAID perceives CARE to be doing a good job in involving the community in targeting the
most needy, although reaching certain vulnerable groups is recognized as difficult. Emphasis
should be placed, therefore, on close targeting of food assistance to areas of greatest chronic
food insecurity. A recommendation was made that commodity/recipient reports, although
meeting requirements, could be made more useful.

CIDA is considerably less satisfied with CARE than its donor counterparts. CIDA reported
communication problems, lack of cooperation, superficial and top-heavy management, poorly
conceived FFW activities, poor community participation, inappropriate oil monetization, lack of
sustainability, and dependency creation. CIDA thinks that CARE should be installing hand
pumps in its operational areas, instead of digging ponds that do not substantially increase the
supply of clean water. CARE should focus on the technical implementation of its FFW programs
rather than on just the outputs. CARE should also focus on more community participation.
CIDA anticipates a "cool" relationship with CARE in the future, and that this relationship will
depend largely on how CARE Canada responds to the recently completed CIDA evaluation of
CARE Ethiopia's programming.

WFP will be one of the major collaborators with the RRC's Employment Based Safety Net
Program, planning eventually to phase out all relief feeding, apart from refugee programming, to
be replaced by community-based food-for-work. Communities would be involved in identifying
priority public work projects, which could be implemented during periods of food insecurity. Self-
targeting is expected to result from low food wages, which would only attract the most needy of
the community. Details of determination of this rate have yet to be worked out; however, a 2.5
kg daily rate appears to be a possible candidate. Fifteen pilot project areas have been identified
by the RRC and may begin operation during early to mid-1994. WFP is considering
supplementing food-for-work with small vulnerable-group feeding programs focused in the same
areas.

The WFP food basket for relief feeding consists of cereals, pulses, and oil. Mainly wheat is
received from donors; however, WFP often trades the wheat for maize and sorghum with the
Agricultural Marketing Corporation in Addis Ababa, receiving greater tonnage of cereals in
exchange, and often saving on internal transportation costs.

Anticipated food requirements for Ethiopia during the coming year are an estimated 10-20
percent higher than last year. However, the official FAO/WFP Assessment Mission will be
coming next month to analyze the food needs. At the same time, food programming is being
scaled down by donors.

2. Government Views and Policies
CARE works with both the MOA and RRC. The MOA has recently been split into the MOA
and the Ministry of Natural Resources. The latter is not yet sufficiently established to have had
any contact with NGOs; in the meantime, CARE continues to liaise with the MOA.








The mandate of the MOA Office for NGO Liaison is to coordinate and assist NGO efforts, to
provide them with necessary resources, and to monitor and evaluate their programs. The MOA
collaborated with CARE in the design of its Nazareth (Eastern Shewa) Project, and continues to
sit on a technical committee with CARE that provides on-going monitoring and problem-solving
for the project. It worked on the Habro project design as well, and is satisfied that its design is in
line with MOA policies. CARE regularly shares its reports and evaluations with the MOA.

The MOA appreciates CARE's community participation approach, to the extent that it adopted
the approach in 1989/90 in some of its programs. However, it feels that CARE sometimes
bypasses local institutions. The MOA would like to see CARE diversify its programming into
cash-for-work, tools, or other inputs for work. It would also like CARE to play a greater policy
role in land reform and marketing support for smallholders (as the parastatals pull out). The
MOA is concerned that without proper monitoring, FFW may depress local markets, provide
disincentives to production, and interfere with production during peak harvest time.

The RRC is the GOE body responsible for regulating and planning the national relief program,
and has been CARE's principal counterpart since 1984. The RRC bases its prediction of
Ethiopia's food requirements on crop yield, rainfall, satellite imagery, and rate of erosion. The
NGOs and donors collaborate with the RRC in planning their food programming, and are
expected to comply with RRC directives.

The RRC has recently established a new set of guidelines on disaster management, in which it
asserts that FFW should replace FFD in all but exceptional cases. It is very much committed to
eliminating free food, but will be flexible in consideration of vulnerable groups.

The RRC's relationship with NGOs has been shaky at various times in this history, last year
being one of the more difficult periods. The RRC did not report this; rather, CARE Addis
management commented on the poor relations resulting from confusion within the GOE about
the RRC and MOA mandates. The RRC alluded to this, however, when it asserted that CARE
sometimes signs contracts directly with the MOA instead of going through the RRC.

The RRC reports having good relations with CARE, due to CARE's consistent consultation with
RRC technical officers and adherence to its policies, and to CARE's flexibility in response to
RRC's vulnerability assessments. It considers CARE's management to be above average relative
to other NGOs. CARE's reporting is reliable but could focus more on the impact on the food
security of its beneficiaries. In Eastern Hararghe, the RRC thought there was evidence of
creating disincentives by overpaying on FFW projects for pond construction, and violating work
norms. The RRC's major criticism of CARE was that it is not doing enough to indigenize its
projects and should be paying more attention to capacity building.

RRC's general feeling is that CARE is looked up to by other NGOs, and that if CARE took
steps to do more sustainable projects, the other NGOs might follow suit.

3. Eastern Shewa
CARE began operations in Ethiopia during the famine of 1984-85 with free food distributions to
hundreds of thousands of people. As the famine abated, CARE moved from relief to
rehabilitation with a large food-for-work program in the areas where CARE previously
distributed relief food. The FFW program in Eastern Shewa began in 1989.









The assessment of CARE's programming in Eastern Shewa was based on a review of relevant
project documents, interviews with key project staff, male and female group interviews in six PAs,
individual interviews with beneficiaries including the full range of landless, female-headed, land-
owning and oxen-owning households, and visits to project sites. Information from each of these
sources has been integrated into the following section.

a. Adequacy of Program Planning/Design
The original project was based on a beneficiary list for Free Food Distribution provided
by the Relief Committee, which was inadequate in both its targeting and assessment of
community needs. CARE recognized the need for better baseline data but early attempts
to gather it were hampered by insecurity and devillagization. Since 1992, with the more
stable political situation and the introduction of the CARE Ethiopia Food Information
System (CEFIS), CARE Shewa has been systematically gathering information on key
indicators of food insecurity in its project areas. This information will serve as baseline
data with which to monitor and plan future programming. The Objectives of the Eastern
Shewa Rehabilitation project are as follows:

1. Nutritional levels of the targeted population in Eastern Shewa region will
be maintained through FFW activities and relief distributions should an
emergency situation arise.
2. Areas planted with tree and fodder resources in targeted agricultural
production areas will be established on a demonstration basis.
3. Increased access to water for human and livestock consumption will be
enhanced by establishing new ponds and maintaining old ones.
4. Local farmers and semipastoralists will have begun to develop an increased
awareness of their problems, potential solutions, and the capability of
generating such solutions of their own initiative so as to address recurrent
or new problems in the future.
5. CARE's capacity to effectively respond to emergency food relief situations
in the targeted areas will be maintained.

These are laudable objectives, and there is evidence that some of the measurable
objectives are being met. However, a major criticism of the project design is that
objectives such as "maintaining nutritional levels" and "increasing awareness of problems
and solutions" cannot be measured in terms of outputs such as "number of farmers'
training sessions" held. Clearly, the construction of 98 kilometers of road is not evidence
that nutritional levels have been maintained. A second finding is that communities were
not sufficiently involved in program design; women especially were not well informed
about rations or work norms. Additionally, although communities were very much aware
of the food impact, they were less aware of the longer-term benefits to the environment
and production. A third weakness is that nonfood inputs, such as cement, pipes, and
tools, were not budgeted for. This is to some extent a result of donors' willingness to
cover food and administrative costs, but unwillingness to consider complementary inputs.
CARE recognizes the limitations this places on technical soundness, and has recently put
together a proposal for an Infrastructure Enhancement Component for all of its FFW
programs. ODA has agreed to fund a portion of this component, while CIDA continues
to restrict its funding to strict "food programming".








b. Targeting
Under the previous regime, the Peasant Association (PA) wielded considerable power in
community decision-making. As such and as a result of limited resources and accessibility,
CARE relied heavily on PA discretion and direction in compiling beneficiary lists and in
targeting its FFW interventions. In some communities, this has meant that vulnerable
groups, particularly the landless and female-headed households, have been disadvantaged
and inadequately targeted. In Fachassa, one landless female head of a household had to
beg the PA to allow her to work on the program. Because she was landless and therefore
not a member of the PA, she was technically ineligible to work. Eventually, the PA
relented and allowed her to work, but not without much delay and hardship. In Dongori
Wonga, the PA bases eligibility on equal turn taking rather than on degree of need. As a
result, landed households with productive assets and alternative income sources have the
same access to food aid as those more vulnerable households which rely almost entirely
on FFW for subsistence. CARE is making some effort to correct this bias, however. In
Wolenchity, where the Committee tried to disqualify all landless, CARE intervened and
insisted that it include all needy, regardless of land holding.

Another targeting weakness identified pertains to CARE's lack of attention to the
inabilityy of vulnerable groups to perform labor-intensive activities. Work norms are
based on outputs regardless of strength or capacity, which obviously disadvantages the
sick and the elderly. To some extent, this may be mediated by the fact that communities
form their own groups to enter into contractual obligations with CARE to complete
certain activities, and they may be taking ability into account when assigning tasks to the
weaker members. It is likely, however, that weaker members have difficulty being selected
by the groups and/or are forced to accept lower wages. As they are likely to have the
greater needs, this is less than ideal.

Third, the food basket itself is limited (wheat and oil only) and is not addressing the
nutritional needs of vulnerable groups who have little access to complementary foods.
Nor does it take actual family size into account. These are not CARE-specific problems,
but country-wide RRC-dictated policy for FFW. With CEFIS results and a better
understanding of the variability in household-level food insecurity, CARE may now
contribute to and influence GOE policy making in favor of vulnerable groups.

In summary, vulnerable groups have not been adequately represented in the PA political
structure, and as a result, their particular needs have not been taken into consideration in
project design and targeting. CARE's move toward establishing FFW Committees
through which and with which to plan and implement FFW projects is a step in the right
direction, but it has not made enough of an effort to ensure that vulnerable groups are
adequately represented on these committees.

c. Implementation and Management
In 1990, CARE discovered instances of food misappropriation, and subsequently.
launched an internal investigation of its FFW activities. A team led by Lizette Echols
found that CARE Ethiopia's commodity management systems were inadequate, creating
opportunities for misappropriation of food. Echols found that the FFW projects in
Hararghe were not adequately planned or supervised, and recommended their immediate
suspension until better systems could be developed. The Shewa FFW program, on the








other hand, was found to be better run and was permitted to continue and to serve as a
testing ground for improved FFW systems.

Since 1991, CARE Ethiopia has concentrated on developing its commodity management
systems. It has instituted a food monitoring unit, new formats to register and track
commodities, and a computerized commodity tracking system. In addition, it has held
several training sessions in commodity management for all levels of staff. In Eastern
Shewa, CARE has concentrated on its FFW design, with particular attention to improving
the technical quality of FFW interventions, and in devising mechanisms for communities
to play greater roles in project decision making and management. It has switched from an
attendance-or-time-based format to a contract-or-output-based format for activity
proposals and payment requests. It is in the process of hiring engineers to provide
technical input to infrastructure design and integrity. And it has encouraged communities
to form FFW Committees with which and through which it designs and implements
activities. While these measures are improving community participation, ensuring better
technical outputs and controlling for corruption, the need to negotiate contracts and
monitor outputs has led to delays in making food payments. CARE Shewa staff think that
with experience these delays can be avoided to some extent, but that the steps are all
necessary and therefore cannot be streamlined. CARE Shewa manages two projects: the
FFW and a Logistics Support Unit. There is insufficient management for the two, and as
a result, the needs of one are compromised by the needs of the other. Project staff
repeatedly mentioned lack of resources.

d. Effectiveness
Respondents report that the food inputs of the program have had a positive impact on
consumption. To some extent, the food aid has prevented them from depending upon
credit and more wood and charcoal production. It is in some cases the only access to oil
in a diet which is generally deficient in most complementary foods. This is a particularly
important impact because of oil's role in enabling the body to synthesize Vitamin A. The
consistent criticisms of the food inputs were that they came too infrequently and that they
were interrupted during critical food production periods, generally when the food was
needed most. Respondents were unanimous that they could have managed both FFW and
agricultural production activities at the same time, with no opportunity cost to continuing
FFW activities during peak periods in the food production cycle.

Positive impacts of the infrastructure development were increased access to water through
ponds, better links by road to outside markets, resources and services (including CARE
food aid), enhanced skills in pond construction and resource management, and an
increased awareness of natural resources conservation. A shortcoming is the very limited
range of activities being undertaken. CARE focuses mainly on roads, ponds,
reforestation, agroforestry and bund construction. It has recently started promoting
vegetable gardens, but it has not explored the much wider range of food-security-
enhancing options which would be viable in this community, such as outgrower schemes
for seed multiplication or alternative income generating activities. As well, it has not
sought the collaboration or inputs of other organizations which could be doing
complementary programming; e.g., there is a dire shortage of clean water in these
communities, but CARE has not explored whether another NGO, such as Africare, might
collaborate in the sinking of wells.









4. Western Hararghe
The free food distribution program initially began in Western Hararghe during the 1984/85
famine. As the famine abated, CARE moved from relief to rehabilitation with a large Food for
Work program in the areas where CARE previously distributed relief food. In 1990, upon
discovering instances of food misappropriation, CARE suspended FFW operations until better
systems could be developed. However, CARE continued its free food distributions in Eastern
and Western Hararghe, albeit with limited access and frequent suspensions due to civil unrest.
Since August, 1992, the political situation has settled down (relatively speaking) to the extent
that CARE has been able to resume its FFD program with some measure of regularity. The
program aims at assisting marginal and lowland populations whose asset bases and market
systems have suffered the combined effects of the previous four years of drought and civil unrest.

a. Adequacy of Program Planning/Design
The program's principal goal is "to maintain the nutritional standards of 80 percent of the
population in the program area, enabling these persons to lead a productive life and to
remain in their own communities." Fifteen kilograms of wheat and half a liter of edible
oil per person per month have been programmed, corresponding to the ration specified in
the Ethiopian Government's request for foreign assistance. The number of months of
coverage varies from area to area, according to production and marketing conditions,
which are presently monitored by the CEFIS. Small quantities of Vitamin A capsules and
improved variety maize and sorghum seeds have also been distributed occasionally.

Measurement of program impact is restricted by the present absence of baseline data2.
The project documents do not specify indicators to be used in monitoring and evaluation,
but project staff reported that they have been hoping to monitor nutritional status.
Nutritional status, by itself, however, should not be relied on, given that water and
sanitation conditions, which also impact nutrition, are not being dealt with either by
CARE or through other programs. Planning for phase out and restructuring is to be
guided by CEFIS data, frequent monitoring, and periodic socio-economic surveys.

b. Targeting
The program targets geographic areas, while identification of vulnerable groups within
these areas has not been carried out due to obstacles discussed below. CARE Ethiopia
staff have given a good deal of thought to the question of beneficiary identification
though, particularly because of the disintegration of the peasant associations, the
community-level structure through which CARE has traditionally operated. In one part of
Ethiopia, CARE has begun to experiment with the inclusion of community elders in
committees responsible for identifying the free food beneficiaries.

c. Implementation and Management
In 1990, CARE discovered instances of food misappropriation, and subsequently
launched an internal investigation of its FFW activities. A team led by Lizette Echols
found that CARE Ethiopia's commodity management systems were inadequate, creating
opportunities for misappropriation of food. Echols found that the FFW projects in


2 Although a nearly completed socio-economic survey carried out through CEFIS in Habro will help
fill this gap.








Hararghe were not adequately planned or supervised, and recommended their immediate
suspension until better systems could be developed. In addition to many commodity
management systems-related recommendations, Echols also strongly recommended hiring
food programming specialists and recentralized, tighter management of the Hararghe
programs. CARE immediately suspended its FFW activities in Hararghe, and has since
concentrated on developing its commodity management systems. It has instituted a food
monitoring unit, new formats to register and track commodities, and a computerized
commodity tracking system. In addition, it has held several training sessions in commodity
management for all levels of staff. Between January 1991 and July 1993, a total of 19,500
MT of wheat and 600 MT of edible oil were distributed in Western Hararghe,
representing 99 percent and 94 percent respectively of the planned commodities. During
each month in 1993, between 45,000 and 60,000 persons are expected to receive rations.

In addition to the problems discussed above, obstacles to the program over the last 2 1/2
years include restricted and interrupted operations resulting from: (1) security problems,
involving looting, a number of staff casualties and injuries, and two personnel
evacuations; (2) infrastructure/logistics problems, including lack of road access to many of
the 120 Peasant Associations served, frequent power outages, and limited means of
communications; and (3) limited staff size due to difficulties of hiring qualified and
capable staff to work in this region. Improvements in security have resolved many of
these constraints, and CARE has taken measures to solve the communications and power
problems. Road accessibility and limited staff size, however, remain serious constraints.

In addition, program quality has been affected by: (1) a lack of government counterparts
in Western Hararghe. The principal counterpart, the RRC, opened an office just six
months ago, but its operations are severely constrained by limited resources; (2) a lack of
community level organizations, caused by the political transition and instability; and (3)
scattered locations of the intended beneficiaries.

Verification of beneficiary lists, which are provided by PA leaders, has been attempted in
a number of PAs. Ten percent of households are selected to crosscheck household size.
In three of the PAs, complete registrations were also carried out this year. Collaboration
between CARE and the RRC essentially began with the opening of the RRC Office in
Asebe Tefari six months ago. A needs assessment committee has been established,
comprised of the RRC, the MOA, CARE, and other Government Departments to
evaluate the requests for assistance presented by the PAs.

Technical quality of project execution, as represented in the commodity management
system and food monitoring, appears to be solid and to meet expected norms. Over the
past two years, emphasis has been placed on the establishment of a computerized tracking
system, and on reworking commodity control forms. CARE staff have also been trained
in commodity storage and monitoring and in data collection for the CEFIS.

CARE Ethiopia will be restarting FFW activities in Eastern and Western Hararghe in
October, 1993. CARE has an ongoing rural FFW project in Eastern Shewa and an Urban
FFW Infrastructure Project in Addis Ababa. Through lessons learned from these ongoing
projects, CARE has made a conscious decision to aim for quality over quantity FFW, and
plans to undertake only those activities it can properly plan and implement. To this end,









CARE has also designed an Infrastructural Enhancement Component, with funding from
the ODA, that will cover the technical expertise and nonfood inputs necessary to ensure
technical quality.

d. Effectiveness
This study represents the first attempt to measure the results and impacts of the Western
Hararghe free food distribution program. The CARE Sub-Office in Asebe Tefari had
hoped to use Save the Children's nutritional surveillance data to analyze the program's
impact; however, SCF's survey areas have corresponded very little with CARE's areas of
operations, as security and accessibility factors have limited SCF's studies to areas close
to the main roads.

Periodic assessments using rapid appraisal techniques were mentioned by the Sub-Office
as a means of supplying monitoring and impact information. Such assessments may also
help to monitor the secondary goals of the program: productivity and opportunity
benefits/costs of the beneficiaries, and absence of outmigration.

In general, the number of months of free food distribution matches the number of
months of a farmer's food deficit, thus reducing the possibility of dependency or
disincentives to production. However, a case was cited in which a large number of
pastoralists attempted to relocate from their land to the town of Miesso with the
intention of surviving on free food.

The program's targeting may be considered effective at the community level. However,
although compilation of beneficiary lists is not within CARE's mandate, the staff agreed
that FFD is not effectively targeted to vulnerable groups. Many of the PA lists are
sufficiently outdated that rations may no longer correspond to present household size,
and several needy households may not be included in the lists.


B. RAPID FOOD SECURITY ASSESSMENT

1. Eastern Shewa

a. General Features of Area Surveyed

Location and Geographic Features: Eastern Shewa is located southeast of Addis Ababa
and consists of the Woredas (districts) of Adama and Boset. According to the latest GOE
region designation, Eastern Shewa is one of the administrative zones of the Oromia
Region (Region 4). This area is characterized by subsistence agricultural production,
which is often too little to meet family livelihood requirements due to irregular rainfall,
high pest infestation, and declining access to productive resources. These will be discussed
in more detail below.

Adama-Boset, CARE's main geographical focus in Eastern Shewa, is located in the Rift
Valley that dissects Eastern Africa. The area falls in the lowland (kolla) agroecology,
where cropping diversity and successes in production output are severely affected by
climatic irregularity. Average annual rainfall is estimated at 700 to 800 mm in "normal"









years. Within the peasant production systems, Adama-Boset is classified as a cereal-major
and livestock-minor economy. There are, however, important variations in the area: some
PAs put heavy emphasis on agropastoral production systems and other PAs rely on cereal
production. This type of economy is dependent on household labor with little or no hiring
of outside wage labor. Production is aimed at the self-provisioning of the household.
There are low capital and technological inputs, high labor inputs, and low investment, and
production is highly dependent on the forces of nature. These factors result in low labor
and land productivity (Diriba, 1993). Diriba's study also shows that climatic irregularities
are a common feature of Adama-Boset and other regions of Ethiopia. There have been
major droughts in 1984/85 and in 1988 involving substantial crop losses for subsistence
farmers. As the respondents of this survey showed, every year there is a certain
proportion of production losses due to moisture stress (premature on-set and/or break
during flowering stage), high pest infestation, and low or no agricultural input utilization.
Due to increasing climatic hardship, the local varieties of maize and sorghum (often
requiring 180 to 270 growing days) are not suited to the changing rainfall conditions.

Awash is the only perennial river passing through Adama-Boset with very little irrigation
service to the peasant economy. Few farmers along the river use irrigation for crop
production. Adama-Boset consists of two major urban centers and four rural markets;
Nazareth is the single most important business center offering considerable demand for
teff. As Diriba (1993) showed, 78.7 percent of the households in Adama-Boset have been
involved in market exchange of teff for the cheaper grain staple (maize). Wonji town, an
important industrial estate for sugar manufacturing that has a high demand for rural
produce, is located in the present study area. Some PAs have already benefitted as out-
growers of sugar cane. However, the surrounding PAs have not benefitted from seasonal
employment from the factory.

Population and Socioeconomic Characteristics-Trends: National population statistics show a
rapid population growth in rural Ethiopia, estimated at three percent per annum (CSA,
1984). The RFSA discovered that households in the area have, on average, six to seven
people per household. This finding is comparable with CARE Ethiopia's recent
socioeconomic survey of the area, which gives an average of 6.3 persons per household
(Diriba, 1993). The age distribution of the population, according to CARE Ethiopia's
survey, is as follows:
up to 5 20.0%
6 to 10 20.0%
11 to 20 23.0%
21 to 60 34.7%
61 and over 1.7%
Three types of households were identified: male- and female-headed households and the
landless. The composition of households in Adama-Boset is as follows:
husbands & wives 31%
children 57%
relatives 10%
employed help 2%
This puts a heavy burden on the land and other resources that determine food security
and general welfare of the rural population (Diriba, 1993).







In cereal-major PAs of Adama-Boset, teff, maize, barley, and haricot beans are major
crops, whereas agropastoralists struggle to keep the balance between livestock and cereal
production. The socioeconomic condition in Adama-Boset can be characterized as
subsistence based, labor intensive, and declining. The agropastoralist group is in
transition, having lost most of its animals and means of livelihood during the past
drought. Our discussion with group households in Fachassa PA of Alemetena zone aptly
describes this situation (see Box 1).


BOX 1
Fachassa is an agropastoral PA with 88 members. At the time of the group meeting there
were 46 households, including 22 landless and 12 female-headed households. They
reported that their traditional way of life has changed over the past decades. Land is no
longer available. Livestock ownership has been dramatically reduced as the result of many
droughts and their inability to meet family consumption. They are far from any source of
water. The irrigation discharge from the sugar estate is dirty; as a result, many people fall
sick and animals die. Very few households own oxen. They have very little access to clinics
or schools; those that exist are more than two hours away.



According to a CARE survey of 16 PAs in Adama-Boset, 11 percent of households were
found to be landless. Further enquiry into the economic opportunities available to these
groups showed a combination of economic activities both within and outside the
agricultural sector. They include sharecropping, "family land sharing," commodity trading,
casual employment, and charcoal and fuelwood trading (Diriba, 1993). According to the
study, 32.5 percent of the landless households maintain their sustenance through
sharecropping, and 44.7 percent share land with family (mainly with the father of the
landless household). Economic alternatives included trading (two percent), casual employ-
ment (nine percent), and charcoal and fuelwood trading (12 percent). Note that a
significant percentage of the landless households are engaged in selling charcoal and
fuelwood for survival, which has far-reaching implications for the viability of
environmental resources and measures aimed at environmental rehabilitation.

Among the land-owning households, an average land holding in Adama-Boset is seven
timads3 per household. However, there is important and binding variability among the
sample households in the amount of land owned. Twenty-one percent of households in
this area own a plot of up to six timads, 11 percent own 6-9, 22 percent own 9-12, 18
percent own 12-15, and 28 percent own more than 15 timads of land. It must be noted
that 21 percent of the households in the sample own land less than six timads (which is
less than one hectare and includes both farmland and dwelling). Those who own less than
three timads are effectively landless from the point of view of production and satisfaction
of household consumption. The remaining 79 percent of the sample includes the middle
and the upper categories of land size; although there is variability in the extent to which


SThe hectare equivalent of a timad varies and there is no accurate conversion parameter. Nonetheless,
4 to 6 timads are estimated to equal a hectare of land, with the average taken to be 5 timads per hectare.









food security and other needs are satisfied, these households are generally better off than
the lower category of land owners.

Both types of households (landless and land owning) are constrained by lack of
oxen. There is very little hoe cultivation in this area, which increases the demand
for animal traction. Throughout the group discussions and individual interviews,
lack of oxen was reported as the single most important problem impacting on
agricultural production and food security.

The underutilization and inaccessibility of fertilizer in recent years has also been reported
as a community problem. Fertilizer is too expensive for the vast majority--three to four
times the price farmers paid a decade ago. The inaccessibility of pesticides increases
pteharvest losses due to pest infestation (CEFIS estimates losses at 20 to 30 percent).
The postharvest losses (storage losses) are estimated to be even higher-- 25-30 percent.

The respondents of this survey demonstrate that livestock ownership has been declining
over the past decade due to land shortage, recurrent drought, and distress sales. Many
households do not own any animals and, as discussed above, oxen ownership is rare.
According to a recent study in the area, 18 percent do not own oxen and 25 percent own
a single ox (Diriba, 1993). Access to pasture and water in this area is also scarce. Some
PAs pay large amounts of money for water, both for livestock and for human
consumption. The veterinary services are irregular, compounding problems of production.
Seasonal terms of trade turn against the poor; for example, many farmers sell grain at 40
Birr at the time of harvest and buy grain at 70 Birr during the months of scarcity. The
price of animals such as goats reduces from 60 to 20 Birr during the rainy season.

In summary, Adama-Boset is characterized by a lack of diversity of income opportunity,
almost complete reliance on agriculture, very limited employment opportunities within
and outside the agricultural sector, and increasing reliance on charcoal and wood
production as a major source of food security. The population is growing rapidly, swelling
the ranks of the landless and the corresponding food insecurity. Production is also
reduced as the result of climatic irregularities. All available evidence suggest that the
trend of production in the area (total and per capital) is declining.

Access to Natural Resources and Trends: Natural resources such as forest and bush
land are no longer available in the Adama-Boset area of Eastern Shewa. There is
no forest land in the whole area. Some shrubs and lowland shrubs can be found in
small quantities, thinly distributed over the region. Particularly in the agropastoral
areas where the density of crop production is lower, few shrubs can be found. Due
to increasing dependence on fuelwood and charcoal production, these remaining
trees will doubtlessly be wiped out in very short order. Neither environmental
sustainability nor household food security can ever be established or maintained
once the remaining shrubs and trees have been exhausted. Despite a potential
resource in the Awash river and the Koka dam, there is very little fishing because
few people know how to fish or have developed a taste for fish.

Access to Infrastructure: Despite Adama-Boset's strategic location in the Oromia Region,
little infrastructure and few services are accessible to the rural population. Lack of access









to sources of potable water is a major problem in this area. Water is extremely expensive
in communities (e.g., in the Wolenchity area). Expenditure on water drains the few
resources that could otherwise be invested in household livelihood. Box 2 illustrates the
water supply problem in Dongori Wonga PA.


BOX 2
Bekele Dherie lives in the Dongori Wonga Peasant Association area. There are 11
dependents in the family. His residence is 20 km away from the Awash river and his
family does not have access to water in the nearby village. CARE helped construct a pond
near the village where Ato Bekele resides. The pond retains water during the rainy season
but the water dries up during the long period of dry months, when the nearest water
supply is at Wolenchity town, about a two-hour walk one way. He told us that he spends
seven to eight Birr for a barrel of water, which the family uses for three days'
consumption. His livestock also drink the purchased water. He feels that providing access
to water greatly reduces the burden of maintaining his family's welfare.



For the most part, schools and health services fall outside the 10 km range and are very
poorly subscribed as a result. With the exception of rural access roads around
Wolenchity, Bofa, Doni, Wonji, and Alemetena, the rural areas do not have access roads
that connect them to markets and other services.

Access to Government Senrices: None of the villages of Adama-Boset have access to
Government services such as credit facilities or extension. Farmers have to rely on
informal credit (borrowing) at very high interest rates (often 1:2). As discussed earlier,
major social services are concentrated in the major urban centers.

Social Organizations: In Ethiopia, social welfare traditions have played a major role in
protecting resource-poor households, especially in rural areas. Such welfare systems
include mehaber (giving of alms) and idir (support to grieving families). To a small extent,
these support systems still function in Adama-Boset, but due to a decline in the livelihood
of households, these mechanisms have dwindled to the point where they can no longer
offer assistance to those in need.

Access to CARE Projects: CARE has been operating in Adama-Boset since 1988, doing
FFD for the first year and then shifting over to FFW in mid-1989. Through FFW, CARE
has been able to plant trees, terrace, construct ponds and roads, and introduce vegetable
gardens.

Health Status: Many households reported illness among family members, with children
being the worst affected. The lack of potable water and health service facilities along with
inconsistent child care have resulted in a high rate of diarrhea among children. Malaria
and vitamin A deficiency are also very common.








b. Livelihood Strategies
The major livelihood of the communities in the project area is derived mainly from crop
production (e.g., PAs in Bate Bora, Dongori Wonga, Yaya, and Kachama Sobaku) and, in
the case of agropastoralists, crop production in combination with livestock rearing (e.g.,
PAs in Hassie Dhera and Fachassa). Marginal farmers and the landless rely on such
nonfarm strategies as wage labor and fuelwood gathering. Constraints to production have
been numerous over the last ten years. Shortage of cultivable land is a major problem; 42
percent of the households visited were landless, and the holdings of landed farmers are
small, ranging from 1.5-6 kerts (.35-1.5 has) per household. Additional constraints include
lack of essential agricultural inputs (improved seeds, fertilizers, and tools); irregular
rainfall (both in quantity and seasonality); soil infertility due to overuse; crop diseases
and pests (migratory birds, locusts); lack of labor, especially in female-headed households;
lack of animal traction; and storage loss (25-30 percent losses were reported).

Cropping Systems/Livestock Systems: A large variety of crops are grown in Adama-Boset.
The major cereal crops include maize, teff, sorghum, wheat, and barley; pulses include
haricot beans, broad beans, chick peas, and peas. Lentils, kale, and wild cabbage are also
produced. Fruits are uncommon in the region. Due to a number of production constraints
(discussed below), crop production has declined significantly in recent years. Sorghum,
chick peas, pearl millet, and lentils continue to receive emphasis in the more restricted
cropping regimes. Intercropping is a common agronomic practice in the area, especially of
sorghum with soy beans or maize. Due to the scarcity of cultivable land, fallowing and
crop rotation are not practiced. Animal traction is used in most agricultural activities.
Farmers lacking draft power rent oxen. Family members are the major source of farm
labor; much of the work is done by men, although women and children participate in
weeding and harvesting.

Because agriculture is entirely rainfed, most of the crop production activities are carried
out during the long rainy season known as kremt or meher. The growing season for most
of the crops is from April until November or December (see Annex 4 for crop calendars).
The use of improved seeds, organic fertilizers, or pesticides is unknown in the region;
most farmers use local seed varieties and rely on manure and chemical fertilizers (DAP,
urea) for homestead cultivation. Thus both the yield and gross production of the field
crops in the area are estimated to be much lower than the national average. Although a
wide variety of crops are grown, the average farmer plants one or two types of crops on a
small plot. The entire production system is at a subsistence level; however, some of the
produce with higher prices (e.g., teff and pulses) are sold or bartered to purchase less
expensive food items such as maize or sorghum.

Livestock raising is an economic activity practiced by both crop producers and
agropastoralists in the area. However, cattle, sheep, and goats are kept in significantly
larger numbers by agropastoralists. An estimated 30-40 percent of the landed farm
households in the region own oxen. Livestock resources serve as a source of both food
and cash for their owners. Cattle are the most important animal resource, followed by
sheep and goats. Equine or other pack animals are rare, and few households report
ownership of chickens. Livestock management practices are constrained by the absence of
high-yielding livestock breeds and the poor quality of pasture land in the area, which is
mostly communal grazing and bush/shrub land. Aftermath grazing on stubble is also








practiced. Productivity of the livestock sector is therefore poor, and is used mainly for
home consumption. However, during food security crises the sale of livestock is the major
source of household income. During individual interviews, many farmers reported selling
their productive livestock resources (i.e., oxen and cows) in the last decade in order to
purchase grains to meet household food needs. Major limiting factors to livestock
production mentioned by farmers include disease, internal and external parasites, scarcity
of grazing land, inadequate supply of veterinary services, and absence of credit.

Other Income-Generating Activities: Off-Farm Employment: Income is generated through
labor sales, in village centers and state farms for work in cultivation, weeding, harvesting,
and quarrying (e.g., Bate Bora PA). Food-for-work programs also provide income
opportunities. Payment ranges from Birr 1.5 to 6.0 per day. Some farmers reported
earning Birr 20.00 to harvest a one kert field. Fifty percent of the households interviewed
add to their household income by selling their own and their children's labor (the latter
working as shepherds).

Charcoal/Wood Sales: Charcoal and/or firewood sales are an alternative income source
for a majority of the households interviewed. However, the scarcity of forest resources
and their distance from villages require that people spend from six to eight hours
collecting firewood (exclusive of time spent in marketing the collection). Tree species
suitable for charcoaling are becoming scarce in the region from overuse. Government
efforts to confiscate charcoal at checkpoints has added to the burden of this strategy. As
a result, many households that had formerly relied on charcoal production for extra
income are abandoning the practice.

Trading: Trading is not very well developed in the area. Only 10 households (17 percent
of those interviewed) reported involvement in trading. Items traded include grains
(mainly teffs and pulses), goats, sheep, and to a lesser extent chickens and eggs. The
income received from trading is used mainly to cover the cost of other household
expenses.

Sale of Wild Foods: Although many families mentioned that wild foods (especially cactus)
are important food substitutes in times of food insecurity, only one household reported
income from sales of wild foods.

Seasonal Migration: None of the households interviewed reported migration for
employment as an income-generating strategy.

c. Coping Strategies
In Eastern Shewa, evidence of the following coping strategies indicates that the
community is food insecure and in distress:

Adjustments in Meals and Food Substitutions: Respondents in all six villages reported
reducing the number of meals consumed from three to two, or from two to one meal per
day during the most critical months before the harvest. Adults generally give up meals
before cutting back on the frequency of children's meals. During times of shortage, these
populations switch from injera to fried or boiled grain, cut down or eliminate coffee from
their diets, do without watt (sauces), or switch from pulses to potatoes and cabbage watt,









and in the most severe cases, resort to eating bread or injera with salt water. Several
respondents reported having sold teff in order to buy greater quantities of maize. There
was also evidence that traditional snack foods, such as kollo, nefro, and unripe grain, had
become meal replacements.

Sale of Assets: Half of the respondents had sold livestock in distress. One farmer had sold
his last goat for medical purposes and another sold his oxen and sheep because his farm
land had flooded, destroying his crop. The balance of the respondents reported having
nothing to sell. In these communities, there were very few productive assets (tools,
traction animals) and virtually no liquid assets (jewelry).

Borrowing Food from Relatives and Friends: No respondents reported lending food or
money, and most reported having no one to borrow from. Those who had borrowed
informally had borrowed from relatives and neighbors, and had to pay back at a rate of
2:1. A few respondents shared food with family members.

Credit: A few male respondents had borrowed from official credit sources such as the
Agricultural Inputs Supply Company (AISCO), and had paid interest of 2.5 birr per 50
kilos of maize borrowed. Two female heads of households in Chekafachassa were nervous
of the terms and fearful of not being able to pay back, and so had not borrowed anything.

Wild Foods: Several respondents reported foraging for cactus fruit and chambarla, a wild
cabbage known to have no nutritional value but mildly toxic effects on digestion. Only
one respondent had eaten wild dove and fowl. None of the respondents had hunted,
fished, or sold wild foods.

Alternative Employment and Migration: In the vast majority of households, at least one
member sold fuelwood or charcoal. In general, women gathered and sold fuelwood and
men were involved in charcoal production. All had to walk great distances both to gather
and to sell. One female respondent did weeding on another farmer's land for a wage, and
brewed Tella, from which she earned net three to four birr per week. No other alternative
sources of income were reported in these communities.

There were few reports of outmigration. One male respondent in Hassie Dhera
had tried unsuccessfully to get work on a nearby state farm, and another from the
same village was planning to migrate. One woman in Chekafachassa had worked
in Arsi as a laborer. In general, the people responded that they did not have
marketable skills.

Remittances: No one interviewed had received any remittances.

Redistribution of Children and Livestock: No one reported having redistributed livestock to
graze on others' properties. One respondent's children (two) were earning their room and
board by tending another's livestock. Many who could not afford to feed their children
had redistributed them to relatives' homes. One female head of household could not care
for a sick daughter and so had sent her to live with her sister.








Household Perception of Household Food Security: Questions asked regarding household
perception of household food security included what they considered adequate food
access, what the constraints were to food access, what other livelihood needs competed
with food needs, and what the possible solutions were. The answers were wide ranging
but largely short sighted. They had to do with filling stomachs and not with longer range
livelihood options. Perceptions of security included food variety, three meals a day, the
ability to pay taxes or repay food debts, not having to borrow, the ability to meet daily
needs, not having to buy food from the market, low prices, and food in storage.
Constraints included the amount of time spent gathering wood, selling grain that would
ordinarily be reserved for seed, storage losses, insufficient funds to buy agricultural
inputs, no land, no oxen, no husband, poor harvest, and drought. Medicine and clothing
were often cited as the needs that competed most with food. In general, the response was
that the need to feed themselves was all consuming. Solutions ranged from God,
Government and food aid, to more tangible solutions such as the redistribution of land,
starting a mill, credit for oxen purchase, and subsidized agricultural inputs. No
respondents thought in terms of durable solutions such as education or drought-resistant
seed varieties, indicating little hope of ever getting beyond hand-to-mouth subsistence.

d. Changes in Livelihood Strategies
When food insecurity persists over long periods of time, coping strategies come to
permanently replace customary livelihood strategies, and may even change traditional
cultural practices (which generally have their roots in livelihood strategies). Several of
these, including distress sales of productive assets and selling of firewood, are temporarily
effective in mitigating against hunger but have detrimental effects on long-term livelihood
and resilience, not to mention devastating effects on the environment.

The coping strategy with the most far-reaching consequences for the livelihood and
resilience of these communities is the sale of firewood. Due to the complete absence of
alternative sources of income, women spend the daylight hours walking great distances to
gather and sell wood. Thus they have less time for child care, food preparation, assisting
in crop production activities, and traditional income-generating activities such as basket-
weaving and brewing. The firewood trade is also responsible for the rapid destruction of
Ethiopia's forests and widescale erosion, which have consequences for livestock, wildlife,
and crop production.

Distress sales of productive assets also have serious consequences for a community's
ability to recover. Agropastoralists who are forced to sell off goats and cattle prematurely
in order to buy grain are left without a buffer stock; depletion of oxen leaves the cereal
farmer without traction power; and rental income is lost through the sale of donkeys.
Both Fachassa and Hassie Dhera are agropastoral societies in transition; having lost most
of their animals, they have to adapt to other livelihood strategies, in competition with the
landless and cereal growers for the limited resources in the region.

In Dongori Wonga, women reported not having time to rest or resources to buy the
fattening foods they would normally eat after childbirth. Although not a livelihood
strategy, fattening lactating mothers with buttered porridge was obviously a strategy
designed to improve the rate of mother and infant survival in a society with an extremely
high mortality rate. Destitution has led to this practice being abandoned.








e. Food Consumtion Patterns


Composition of the Diet (24-hour recall): Mothers from 194 households were interviewed
to elicit a recall of foods consumed on the previous day. Analysis of this data reveals that
villagers were following a quite reliable pattern of three meals per day; only 9.1 percent
of households had consumed less than three meals on the previous day. In cereal-
producing households, 99 percent were consuming injera at least once per day (a baked
flat bread used as a utensil for consuming other items) (see Annex 3, Table II). And in
agropastoral households, 69 percent were consuming injera. Injera was composed of the
locally produced grains, maize, teff, and wheat, singly or in combination, depending on
local food production. In cereal areas, full meals also included pulses (69 percent),
vegetables and fruits such as kale and wild cabbage (four percent), and oil or fat (80
percent) for use in the preparation of watt (local sauces). In the two agropastoral areas,
the consumption of oil (29 percent) and pulses (29 percent) were considerably lower,
although animal protein consumption was somewhat higher. In some villages local maize
beer (Tella) and coffee were widely used, perhaps due to the recent holiday celebration
of Meskal in Christian households (Annex 3, Table II).

Animal protein, although a desirable part of watt dishes, was eaten rarely, on ceremonial
occasions. Milk was the most widely consumed source of animal protein for children in
the agropastoral area of Hassie Dhera. The most common snack food was kollo (roasted
grain) or nefro (a boiled grain). These were often reported as the midday meal. Overall,
the female-headed households reported more limited variety of diet than the male-headed
households. In-depth household interviews also revealed that the mid-highland
community of Dongori Wonga (1600 meters) had the most varied food consumption
pattern.

Sources of Food: Foods consumed could largely be predicted by the foods produced in the
area. Also, local cereals were the most frequently purchased foods by the landless and,
toward the end of the rainy season, by farmers whose production stores were exhausted.
Coffee, peppers, onions, oil, and salt were purchased year round by the more wealthy
households. All communities reported that prices of basic staples were the highest in the
rainy season, "just when we are poorest" as one respondent put it. Prices of maize and
teff rise between 50 and 100 percent from the harvest at the end of the year to the end of
the rains in September of the following year. Hunting and gathering of wild foods were
only reported in three of the communities and involved wild cabbage, cactus fruit, and
occasionally birds. Fish was never consumed and if caught was sold. Borrowing and
sharing were a common source of food across all the communities except perhaps the
wealthiest one, Kachama Sobaku. Female-headed households were more frequently
reliant on borrowing from extended family and in some instances "begging" from family.
Credit purchases in lean times were common, and in the case of Bate Bora interest
repayments reached usurious levels of 100 percent of the amount of the grain obtained.

In five of the communities, food aid was provided by CARE, and in Kachama Sobaku by
the MOA. This aid provided an important source of food in the lean season for those
families that received it most frequently. But in some instances (Fachassa), CARE food
aid was sold to buy medicine. In Kachama, MOA food aid wheat was said to be the
second most important source of income by the wealthiest household surveyed. Most of


30








the landless and female-headed households reported a lack of opportunities to obtain
more food for work. In two communities, Bate Bora and Hassie Dhera, FFW oil was said
to be the only source of oil for the community.

Problems with Food Availability: Only in Fachassa and in Kachama did interviews indicate
sufficient food availability. In the other four communities, food was often in short supply
because of local production shortfalls; production problems such as lack of rain, inputs,
and flooding were given as causes. Universally, the problems for the poor in the wealthier
communities and for the general population in the other communities were food prices
and the lack of income to buy food, especially in the leaner season of the year.

Food Conservation/Preservation: Grains were milled in nearby towns; there were no in-
village milling facilities and only a minority of the households milled by hand. Trips to
mills can be time consuming, up to three hours one way, and the wait long (especially in
Nazareth, where security was also seen as a problem on the return trip). Costs of milling
ranged from 5 to 10 Birr per hundred kilograms (quintal). Foods were stored by a variety
of means: in bags on the floor, in the house in Dogogos (dung urns), or in above-ground
vessels lined with dung and covered by thatch roofs (Gotera). Teff was reportedly most
easy to store for up to a year with relatively low losses. In general, food was stored for
little more than six months, and losses of 25-33 percent from rats and weevils were
reported. Only one household reported the use of insecticides.

Traditional Food-Sharing Networks: A number of traditional food sharing networks exist in
the communities. In Christian communities, sharing is done around Christmas and
Meskal. In Fachassa, Dongori Wonga, and in Hassie Dhera the institution of Marhet
results in some food sharing. Food is also shared during funerals. These events did not
appear to be of any significance to household food security or indicate food insecurity.

Food Taboos/Specialty Foods: Moslems reported they would not eat wild pig. "Vetch
grass" was avoided in two communities due to its reported effect on breast milk. Bate
Bora and Yaya respondents said they would not eat chicken for religious reasons
(perhaps due to recent proclamations from a local healer). Although not stated, there was
a surprising lack of fish consumption in these communities. Considering its availability in
local streams and ponds, the attitude toward fish consumption may be further explored.

Changes in Diet: Except for the wealthiest in Kachama, most households reported less use
of animal foods in the diet in the last ten years. The decline in milk and butter was
especially important in the two agropastoral villages of Fachassa and Hassie Dhera. There
has also been a shift away from injera made from teff in favor of wheat and maize.

f. Child Care

Care of Children: In the villages of the Shewa region, if a mother does not take her young
child to her work place, the child is cared for by an older child, a member of the
extended family, or a neighbor. Fathers participate in child care when the child is an
infant. In female-headed households, in contrast to male-headed households, mothers are
more likely to carry the child with them when they leave the home.








Feeding Patterns of Children: Breastfeeding is practiced in all of the villages. Demand (as
opposed to scheduled) breastfeeding is practiced and feeding of other foods tends to take
place two to three times per day until the child is old enough to participate in the adult
meals. Weaning foods are introduced when the infant is 8-14 months old, and most
children are completely weaned around 24 months of age. Consequently, exclusive
breastfeeding appears to extend far beyond the recommended age of four to six months.

Weaning Foods: Commercial weaning foods are not available in the villages. Local
weaning foods include goat milk and porridges from wheat, barley, maize, and beans.
Injera with milk and oil or "lean-seed" water are also used. When available, milk or eggs
are also added to the porridge mixtures. Sometimes "kitta" (a homemade, thin, leavened,
dry bread) is used as a weaning food.

g. Nutritional Status
In the six villages (PA areas) surveyed in Shewa, study teams selected 198 households
containing at least one child from six months to five years of age. Pertinent health and
dietary information was gathered from each household, and the youngest child in the
desired age range was chosen for anthropometric measurement of height and weight.
Data were also gathered on the child's incidence of diarrhea in the past month. To
ensure that the analysis was comparable to the studies done by the RRC, only the
households with children from one to five years of age were included in the analysis (see
Table I and Summary Tables in Annex 3). In a subsample of the study population, a
clinical assessment was performed to determine the state of vitamin A deficiency, based
on the prevalence of Bitot's spots.

The main economic support for two-thirds of the households chosen was cereal
production; the rest were supported through agropastoral activities. Nearly 20
percent of the households had no assets (land, draft animals such as oxen, or
other livestock). Nineteen percent of households were headed by females, and
were much more likely to be assetless (46 percent) than were male-headed
households (14 percent) (See Annex 3, Table IV). Sixteen percent of the
households reported that a child under the age of five had died in the past year.
The mean age of the index children included in the study was 33 months; one-
third were 25-36 months old. The male to female ratio was 0.9. The nutritional
assessment used the RRC assessment methods and standards: under 90 percent of
standard weight for length (WFL percent) for children between 70-110 cm in
height or length was considered to be some degree of nutritional deficiency
(wasting). For all households in the six villages, the mean WFL percent was 85
percent, with a village range between 80.6-90.8 percent. In three of the six villages
(Bate Bora, Kachama, and Yaya), the mean weight for length was under 85
percent of the standard, thus placing them in what RRC considers a serious range
of malnutrition. All of these villages have cereal-based economies.

As shown in Annex 3, Table I, 64.5 percent of the study population has some degree of
wasting; one in eight children exhibit severe wasting and over one-third of the children
are either severely or moderately wasted. Wasting appears to be associated with
households that are assetless, and such households tend to be disproportionately female-
headed households (See Annex 3, Tables III and IV). In general, children in the cereal-








major households are twice as likely to be affected with wasting as those in the
agropastoral households of the region. The prevalence of vitamin A deficiency (Bitot's
spots) was 3.1 percent, a rate that is six times more prevalent than the WHO-defined
minimum threshold for public health significance (See Annex 3, Table VII).

h. Summary of Constraints to Household Food and Nutritional Security in
Eastern Shewa

Land, Crop Yields, and Income Access: Landlessness has been increasing substantially over
the past few years. Nine of eleven landless households at Yaya reported owning some
land and cattle ten years ago. Male-headed, landless households lost their land either
because their fathers' very small plots of land could only effectively be given to one son,
or the PA committee confiscated the land after they had failed to pay taxes on it.
Landless, female-headed households lost their land either because they were divorced and
had returned to Yaya, or the PA chairman forcibly confiscated the land, which was then
resold. Land availability is declining due to population pressures on the land as well as
the return of soldiers or displaced people who then claim or reclaim some land.
Communities have had to adjust to population pressures on limited resources. Soil is
eroding and natural resources are rapidly becoming degraded. Land is often fragmented;
farmers reported working plots of land up to two-hours' distance apart.

The unavailability or high price of agricultural inputs has reduced yields substantially and
induced farmers to rent out their lands for as little as 40 birr per cropping season. Yaya
farmers reported renting out land to Boffa residents who could afford to use tractors to
cultivate the land and then hire wage laborers, including the farmers themselves, to work
the land for two to three birr a day. Traction animals are beyond the reach of most
farmers. Farmers with less than two oxen must sometimes delay their planting until they
are able to borrow one or two oxen, thereby affecting yields. Fertilizer is too expensive
for many farmers, and some farmers reported that erratic and poor rainfall renders
fertilizer useless. Crops are often not matched to the irregular rainfall patterns, and
inaccessibility of appropriate seed varieties further affects yields. Pests frequently attack
crops, yet pesticides are rarely available for purchase. Farmers store their grain in
traditional structures or simply in bags in rooms, and storage losses are commonly 25 to
30 percent.

Livestock : Declining access to pasture and water has affected animal production. In
recent years, farmers have been forced into distress sales of productive assets, particularly
cattle, oxen, and goats, and livestock products. They often sell their animals when the
market prices for animals are low. For example, one community reported that goat prices
fall from 60 to as low as 20 birr during the rainy season, when transitory food insecurity
plagues agricultural and agropastoral households. As a result, agropastoral groups are in
transition, having lost most of their animals.

Services: Government services are generally poor to nonexistent. Agricultural extension
services were reported to be good at Kachama Sobaku, where the MOA manages a high-
profile project. Extension services have not been effective in the other five communities
visited.








Access to Alternative Employment Opportunities: Although not a traditional livelihood,
charcoal and firewood production are the most important income-generating activities,
and may be the most important income-earners for most households given the extent of
landlessness and the numbers of marginally landed farmers. The reliance on firewood
collection and sales reflects the lack of diversity in income-generation options. Wood is
sold for 2.50 to 5 birr a bundle, depending on the market and the time of year. There is a
real opportunity cost associated with collecting firewood. Residents of Yaya required
twelve hours to collect firewood in Arsi, a different region of the country across the
Awash river. The people of Yaya reported that the work is dangerous because they clash
with Arsi people, and that it almost feels like stealing to cut down trees from that area
because the resources belong to another group of people. Considering the importance of
charcoal and firewood production to household food security, the purportedly
forthcoming government policy restricting charcoal and wood sales could have a profound
impact on household coping options. The only other income-generating activity in the
region involves occasional wage labor on farms during the cultivation period for two to
three birr per day. The excess supply of labor depresses wages.

Access to Markets: The distance to markets varies, but five of the six communities use the
market to purchase and sell subsistence items only; other goods are too expensive.
Seasonal terms of trade turn against the most vulnerable groups. Grain sells for 40 to 60
birr after the harvest, when the poor need cash to repay loans that they were forced to
take earlier at exorbitant rates in order to survive the cultivation season. Grain sells for
70 to 90 birr from approximately July to September, before the harvest, when all
vulnerable groups are dependent on the market for their consumption needs. The terms
of trade for goat sales against grain prices also worsen drastically as the harvest
approaches; the price of a goat can decline by as much as 200 percent. The common
credit terms throughout Eastern Shewa require those who borrow money to repay
moneylenders 200 birr for every 100 birr borrowed within three months, an interest rate
of 100 percent. Those who cannot repay are taken to court, where they will pay an
additional 50 birr.

Access to Education: Illiteracy and the lack of education facilities affect alternative
employment options. Over time, educated children can obtain alternative types of
employment, help to support household members, and occasionally send remittances into
the community. In addition, an educated community can respond more effectively to
issues surrounding long-term natural resource degradation.

Health and Sanitation: Only one of the six communities visited has access to potable
water; women from the other communities must travel hours to collect river or pond
water. Diarrheal diseases are common. Health clinics are sometimes over ten km from
the community. People in debt or involved in distress sales, manure sales, or
charcoal/wood sales rarely have enough cash on hand to pay for proper medical care,
even if they have access to clinics. The quantity and variety of foods deteriorate during
the cultivation season. Households substitute nefro and ground grains for injera and
consume excessive amounts of green maize.








Maternal Child Care: Children are usually fed only when adults eat. If adults are out of
the house working all day, children often do not eat. Children may also forgo meals if
either or both parents are ill. Supplementary feeding is rarely undertaken.

i. Beneficiaries' Perception of CARE's Food Aid Activities
In Eastern Shewa, the project has been concentrating on FFW activities in the areas of
reforestation, agroforestry, soil and water conservation, pond construction, vegetable
gardening, and road construction. From the beneficiaries' perspectives, the benefits
derived from these programs include: increased access to food; increased access to oil
(which may not be obtained by any other means); better access to water through the
construction of ponds; a positive impact on awareness of natural resource conservation
(especially the value of enclosures); roads that link communities to outside markets,
resources, and services; skills in conservation, road, and pond construction; less
dependence on credit and wood and charcoal sales; and CEFIS's considerable progress in
targeting transitory food insecurity in the area. However, CARE does not have baseline
data or clearly defined performance indicators to confirm the progress in these activities
with regard to impact on household food security.

Despite these positive contributions, the beneficiaries and the assessment team identified
a number of areas where improvements in food aid programming could be made. (1)
Many people felt that there are not enough activities to accommodate all the people
seeking work. This is especially true during the cropping season when food shortages are
the most critical. The team found that introducing food-for-work at this time would have
no significant negative effect on food production. It is at this time that many communities
are forced to sell charcoal and wood to purchase food in the market; (2) The chronically
vulnerable populations in many villages are excluded from the FFW because they are not
PA members (e.g., the landless); (3) The FFW payments do not always come on time; (4)
The distribution centers are sometimes far from the village; (5) Communities do not
participate enough in designing the FFW activities, setting priorities, or in assisting in
targeting; (6) The food basket is incomplete and not tailored to family size; (7) Work
norms do not take into account different levels of vulnerability; (8) Activities are limited,
and do not take into account the range of viable (food security enhancing) options; and
(9) CARE lacks the resources to address adequately the needs of the communities with
which they work.

i. Recommendations

Targeting: To improve targeting of beneficiaries to ensure that the chronically vulnerable
as well as the households suffering from transitory food insecurity are included in project
activities, the following steps can be taken. Committees should be established to include
representatives from the various vulnerable groups (e.g., landless, women-headed
households and elders). This will prevent the PA Chairpersons from excluding the most
vulnerable from the FFW lists. This could be tested on a pilot basis in several
communities. Periodic spot checks could assess whether the committees are targeting
effectively. The CEFIS is an excellent system for monitoring transitory food insecurity in
the areas. For those subareas that are prone to recurring food insecurity, contingency
plans should be established to improve the timeliness of response in order to protect








livelihoods and any gains made by CARE. In addition, CEFIS could monitor baseline
conditions in the project areas to assess performance indicators.

The indicators that are used in food security monitoring and performance evaluation
should consist of chronic/baseline indicators and transitory indicators that monitor
current conditions. Transitory indicators should consist of leading indicators of the early
stages of food insecurity that can be monitored through unobtrusive measures, and of
concurrent indicators that reflect the effects of the actual food shortage (e.g., changes in
the consumption patterns). Information on concurrent indicators would only be collected
when the leading indicators demonstrate that conditions are worsening. This information
could be collected through rapid food security assessments. Once the food security
problems are verified, contingency plans involving either FFW or FFD could be initiated.
CARE should consider whether FFW activities could be tailored to different types of
vulnerable groups. This would involve designing different activities for the landless and
the landed, or different activities for the weaker members of the community. In addition,
consideration should be given to incorporating more activities that give the communities
an opportunity to obtain CSM.

Performance Indicators: Output indicators should be defined and measured periodically to
detect the impact of the project on household food security. These could include the
changes in the number of meals, the diversity of foods consumed, and food substitutions.
Care must be taken to insure that the indicator is not measuring an artifact of food aid,
which may not be related to longer-term food security. This is why pre- and postharvest
measures are important. Cultural patterns in food consumption also need to be taken into
account. Nutritional status indicators can also be monitored as a way to assess the
impact on overall well being in the communities in which CARE is working. In order to
have an impact on the nutritional security of the populations with which it works, CARE
should consider incorporating interventions that improve water quality and access to
health services. Otherwise, nutritional status as an output indicator may not change
significantly. CARE could enlist the help of MOH to carry out periodic assessments.

Food Basket: Wheat is presently the grain used for food assistance. Consideration should
be given to providing grains that people are likely to produce themselves or can be
readily obtained in the market. Maize and sorghum are good candidates. This could
avoid a situation where taste preferences cannot be satisfied locally. The market impact
of food assistance needs to be monitored more carefully to avoid creating market
distortions. In addition, consideration should be given to adding a pulse to the food
basket to improve the diet. Presently, the diets of the target populations lack protein and
important vitamins and minerals. Another alternative is to expand access to CSM to
vulnerable populations.

Types of Food-for-Work Activities: The communities themselves should play a greater role
in determining the types of FFW activities they want to pursue. Thus the FFW activities
need to be more locationally specific; for example, many communities expressed a desire
to build a school or a clinic because these services were not available. If CARE does not
have the resources to follow up on the priorities, it could enlist the help of other NGOs
or different ministries. FFW could also be provided to give more technical training to
beneficiaries. Food for training could be provided in such areas as crop production/seed








multiplication, conservation, nutrition/hygiene, child care, and various other skills. Some
community members could be trained to act as trainers for others to increase coverage.
Line ministries could second staff to act as trainers in special areas.

Inputs for Work: Consideration should be given to providing inputs for work as a way to
improve the long-term resilience of the communities targeted. For example, fertilizer,
pesticides, seeds, tools, or livestock could be provided. Participants could earn credit
toward livestock (e.g., oxen, goats, donkeys) or other inputs. This approach may help in
the targeting issue in that many of the landed households may opt for inputs rather than
food. The importance of monetizing food aid to allow for these types of inputs is obvious.
The advantage of inputs-for-work is that it can be self-targeting. Cottage industry
activities could also be promoted for the landless through such approaches.

Sustainable Development: Every food assistance program should have built into it
activities that promote long-term food security. CARE has been trying to do this through
its focus on conservation and improved water access. Every FFW and FFD program
needs to be interlinked with sustainable development components. The ultimate objective
is to make the populations more resilient and self-reliant. Thus every FFW or FFD
project should be designed with a long-term vision. For example, in an area where FFD is
taking place, inputs such as improved seed could be provided simultaneously so that
production systems become more viable. It is also important to have contingency plans
that monitor locationally specific indicators that determine when to implement a
mitigation activity to prevent a community from sliding back to a more vulnerable state.
CARE needs to look at all programming this way. To incorporate the protection and
promotion of livelihoods into CARE's ongoing provisioning activities, CARE has to
reconsider how large an area it can reasonably cover. It may have to limit the
geographical area it services, delegating the other areas to other NGOs. Indigenous
NGOs could have a role to play here. Before launching a broad-based sustainable
development program, pilot tests could be initiated to determine the best way to promote
livelihoods for a given area.


2. Western Hararghe

a. General Features of Area Surveyed

Location and Geographic Features: Western Hararghe is a vast geographical area,
stretching from the Awash river in the southwest to the Bale and Arsi borders in the east,
south, and northeast. Under its present administrative setting, it falls within the Zone 4
Oromia Region. There are six to seven woredas (districts) in the area. Western Hararghe
is characterized by a diverse agroecology and various forms of peasant agriculture
(pastoral, agropastoral, cereal- and cash-major) economies. Combinations of these are
also found in different proportions. As discussed in the earlier section on Eastern Shewa,
Western Hararghe is characterized by subsistence agricultural production. Production
often does not meet family livelihood requirements. This is exacerbated by irregular
rainfall, high pest infestation, declining access to productive resources, rapidly growing
population, and ethnic conflict.









CARE Ethiopia is the only NGO operating in this vast and difficult terrain. Average,
annual rainfall varies dramatically between the lowlands and the highlands, ranging from
below 300 mm to 1200 mm in "normal" years. This agroecological diversity offers different
opportunities and constraints for the peasant production systems. Some areas rely mostly
on pastoral or agropastoral production, whereas others rely on cereal production or a
combination of these. Production is aimed at self-provisioning of the household. There is
limited use of capital and technological inputs, but rather a high labor input with low
investment. Production is highly dependent on the forces of nature, which results in low
labor and land productivity (Diriba, 1993). Diriba's study shows that climatic irregularities
have been a common feature of Western Hararghe throughout the past two decades.
There have been major droughts in 1973, 1984/85, 1989, and 1991/92. At the time of the
survey (October 1993), another drought was creating an emerging food crisis in this
region with substantial crop losses for subsistence farmers. As the respondents of this
survey indicated, every year there are production losses due to moisture stress (premature
on-set and/or break during flowering stage), high pest infestation, and low and/or no use
of inputs (e.g., pesticides, fertilizer, and seed). Due to the increasing climatic hardships,
the local varieties of maize and sorghum (often requiring 180 to 270 growing days) are
not matched to changing rainfall conditions.

Population and Socioeconomic Characteristics-Trends: As in Adama-Boset, the population
in this area is growing rapidly. The assessment team identified households with large
family sizes, averaging seven to nine people. This finding is comparable with CARE
Ethiopia's recent socioeconomic survey in two districts of Western Hararghe, which gives
an average of 6.5 persons per household (Diriba, 1993). According to CARE's survey, age
distribution is as follows:
up to 5 17%
6 to 10 20%
11 to 20 24%
21 to 60 37%
61 and over 1%
This age distribution has far-reaching implications for access to resources.

Three types of households were identified in Western Hararghe: male and female-headed
households and landless households (headed by males or females). Composition of
households in Western Hararghe consists of the family heads (male or female or both),
their children, and relatives and others.
husbands & wives 30%
children 61%
relatives and others 8%
This puts heavy pressure on land and other resources that have a determining
effect on the food security and general welfare of the rural population (Diriba,
1993).

The socioeconomic conditions in Western Hararghe can be characterized as subsistence,
labor-intensive, and declining. The team found the lowlands cereal community to be
demonstrating more signs of distress than the midlands cash- and cereal-major group.
Even without food aid, the highland and midland areas seem to be coping better.








In the cereal- and cash-major PAs of Western Hararghe, sorghum, maize, chat,
and teff are the major crops. Due to the erratic rainfall, sustained drought, and
ethnic conflict, many households in these areas have suffered from crop and
livestock losses in the past years. The continued distress conditions over the years
have added to the inability of households to recover from these effects. In these
areas, access to land, oxen, and inputs such as fertilizer are no longer available to
a significant part of the population. The survey team identified the following
major limitations to the economy: (1) limited land for redistribution and an
increasing percentage of landless4 households (50 percent in one village); (2) high
incidence of plant pests and diseases, such as coffee berry disease (CBD), forcing
cash croppers to abandon coffee in favor of sorghum or maize; (3) environmental
degradation due to a heavy reliance on wood production as a major source of
food security; (4) little or no use of fertilizer, pesticides, herbicides, or improved
seed, and a lack of equipment; (5) entrepreneurial activities limited by capital
costs; (6) increasing and forced dependence on market-purchased food, in both
cereal- and cash-major economies. This is a departure from agrarian norms and
poses further threats of inconsistent market supply; the market in the area has not
developed to meet this new profile of needs; and (7) a large number of displaced
people and an unstable security situation. The conflict in the region has disrupted
the cooperative economic relationships between various tribes, which affects
access to livestock, vegetables, and other sources of income (e.g., camels are not
rented as frequently). Furthermore, the fight between the Government and OLF
(Oromo Liberation Front) forces in the lowland area has caused widespread loss
of animals and has made accessibility difficult.

According to a survey conducted by CARE in 21 PAs, 13 percent of households in
Western Hararghe were landless. A variety of economic activities both within and outside
the agricultural sector were found, including share cropping, "family land sharing,"
commodity trading, casual employment, and charcoal and fuelwood trading (Diriba,
1993). According to the study, 17 percent of the landless households depend on share-
cropping, and 63 percent share land with family (mainly of the father's side). Other econ-
omic alternatives include trading (four percent), casual employment (12 percent) and
charcoal and fuelwood trading (four percent). Among the land-owning households, an
average land holding in Western Hararghe is 11 timads5 per household. However, land is
not the major problem in pastoral and agropastoral areas. In these areas, resources such
as livestock and labor are very important.

In cereal- and cash-major economies, access to land and oxen are important. Both
landless and land-owning households are constrained by the lack of oxen.
Ownership of oxen has declined over the past decades due to land shortages,
recurrent drought, distress sales, lack of access to pasture and water, and irregular


4 According to recent socio-economic survey by CARE there are 13 per cent landless population in
Habro and Guba-Koricha woredas of West Hararghe (see Diriba, 1993).

5 The hectare equivalent of a timad in West Hararghe is different than East Shewa. It is estimated that
11 timads equal a hectare of land.








veterinary services. These factors have compounded problems of production and
have resulted in the predominance of perennial crops. According to a recent study
in the area, 48 percent of households do not own oxen, and 18 percent own a
single ox (Diriba, 1993). Thus the lack of oxen was reported throughout the group
discussion and individual interviews as the single most important problem
impacting on agricultural production. The very low use of fertilizer and its
inaccessibility (due to high prices) in recent years was also reported as a
community problem. Fertilizer is too expensive, three to four times the price
farmers paid in the past decade. Lack of access to pesticides increases preharvest
losses due to pest infestation (CEFIS estimates 20-30 percent). The postharvest
losses (storage losses) are also very high (an estimated 25-30 percent). Finally,
seasonal terms of trade turn against the poor. Many farmers sell grain at low
prices at the time of harvest and buy the same grain at double or more the price
during the months of scarcity.

Summarily, Western Hararghe is characterized by chronic and transitory food insecurity,
lack of diversity of income opportunities (almost complete reliance on agriculture, very
limited employment opportunities within and outside the agricultural sector), and
increasing reliance on charcoal and wood production as the major sources of cash for
maintaining food security. The population is increasing rapidly, expanding the ranks of
the landless and corresponding food insecurity. Production is declining as the result of
climatic irregularities. Ethnic conflict and the resulting displacement have added to the
complexity of problems in the region. All available evidence suggests that production in
the area (total and per capital) is declining. The emerging food crisis needs to be dealt
with urgently.

Access to Natural Resources: Natural resources such as forest and bush land are no longer
available in almost all districts of Western Hararghe. There is no forest land in the whole
area. Some shrubs can be found in small quantity, thinly distributed in the area.
Particularly in the pastoral and agropastoral areas where the density of crop production is
lower, few shrub trees can be found. However, due to increasing dependence on fuelwood
and charcoal selling, these remaining trees will be wiped out in a short time. Neither
environmental sustainability nor household food security can be established once the
existing shrub trees are completely exhausted. Steep slopes are being cultivated,
increasing the loss of top soil and the chances of crop failure in such areas.

Access to Infrastructure: Almost all districts of Western Hararghe have limited access to
infrastructural facilities such as health, education, and water. Lack of access to potable
sources of water is the major problem, resulting in a high prevalence of diarrheal
diseases. There is limited access to schools and health services in the rural areas; only a
few communities along the main roads within Western Hararghe have access to such
facilities in the radius of 10 km distance.

Access to Government Services: As in Adama-Boset, there are no Government services
such as credit facilities or extension in the districts of Western Hararghe. Farmers have to
rely on informal credit (borrowing) at very high interest rates (often 1:2).
Social Organizations: In the past, numerous rural social welfare organizations have played
major roles in protecting resource-poor households, including afosha, zaka, and sadaka.








Afosha and zaka used to provide welfare assistance for the sick, orphans, and burial
services for bereaved families. Today these organizations are no longer available to the
same extent, due to the secular decline in the livelihood of households. The role of these
organizations has dwindled to the point where they can longer offer assistance for those
in need.

Access to CARE Projects: CARE started free food distribution in this region in 1985/86
and shifted to FFW in 1989, which ended in mid-1991. The focus was on the construction
of roads and ponds and hillside terracing on degraded slopes. Since mid-1991, only FFD
has been provided. At the time of assessment, CARE was considering restarting FFW
programs in a limited number of PAs.

Health Status: Many households reported illness among their family members. Children
are the most affected. Because of the lack of potable water and health service facilities
and poor child care, many children suffer from diarrhea. Malaria and vitamin A
deficiencies are very common.

b. Livelihood Strategies
Western Hararghe consists of distinct agroecological zones, which can be broken down
roughly into lowland (kolla) areas, the midlands (wena-dega), and the highlands (dega).
Livelihood strategies vary across communities of the different zones in relation to the
predominance of pastoralism, agropastoralism, or agricultural activities. In addition, some
agropastoral groups are in transition toward critical dependence on agricultural
production for their livelihood needs. Years of conflict in their areas as well as hardship
sales have produced devastating livestock losses, and many if not most agropastoral
households now own no livestock.

Cropping/Livestock Systems: The RRA team visited one pastoral community (Mullo) in
Western Hararghe, where camels have long been the lifeblood of the economic system.
Smaller livestock, especially goats and cattle, have also been essential components. The
small ruminants provided the community with liquid assets as well as an occasional source
of meat. Unfortunately, the most recent drought destroyed this livelihood option. Two
years ago the loss of grasslands gradually eroded the goats' resiliency to drought
conditions, and diseases decimated the entire goat population. One household reported
losing over one hundred goats. Deteriorating economic conditions, exacerbated by an
influx of migrants from other communities who were displaced by conflict, have prevented
the community from attempting to rebuild goat stocks. As a result, small ruminants are
no longer found at Mullo.

Cattle provide the population with an important source of milk as well as income.
Approximately 40 percent of the households hold on average three to five cows, although
female-headed households rarely have three cows. Milk that is not consumed in the
household is sold at Mullo or Miesso markets and can bring from one and a half to three
birr a day when cows are giving milk. However, cattle distress sales, which usually occur
when the terms of trade for cows against grain decline, have apparently increased in
recent years. A few households also hold oxen, which were previously rented out to
Oromo farmers at the rate of two to four quintals of sorghum per planting season. Tribal








conflict between the Oromo and Somali populations has put an end to this mutually
advantageous activity.

Camels are the mainstay of this pastoral economy. Ninety percent of the male-headed
households own camels, and average five to ten camels per household. However, female-
headed households own significantly fewer camels; their sons or other male relatives
graze the camels for them on the communal grazing lands. Camel milk is consumed and
sold in the markets during the gestation period of approximately 10 months. Camels are
an important means of redistributing productive assets among the community. Families of
daughters who marry receive two or more camels as bridewealth; newly married men also
receive camels. In addition, before ethnic and political conflicts destroyed this livelihood
strategy, male camels provided a major source of income to their owners. Camels were
rented out for 20-60 birr per trip to Oromo farmers who used them to transport grain
from their fields. Camels were also used to transport clothing and various types of
contraband, which usually originated in Djibouti. For example, Mullo camel owners used
to rent their camels out to Issas and "Gurages" to transport goods from Bike to Bordode;
the five-day trip netted them 200 birr. A longer ten-day trip from Djibouti provided the
owner with up to 500 birr per camel. Conflicts within Ethiopia and between the Issas and
the Djibouti government have halted this lucrative source of income. In fact, the
community lost over a hundred head of camels within the last year as a result of the Issa-
Djibouti government dispute. Camels now appear to be used fairly exclusively to carry
firewood. Male camels can carry more firewood than can donkeys. Households without
male camels must borrow them. Despite the critical importance of camels to their
economic livelihoods, approximately half of the households interviewed reported that they
had sold at least one camel during the past year. One household was forced to sell four
camels during the drought.

Agropastoral communities in Western Hararghe cultivate sorghum, maize, and some chat,
haricot beans, and chick peas. However, declining rainfall over the past few years has
forced farmers to stop growing teff, potatoes, and sweet potatoes, as well as to reduce
significantly the production of sesame, haricot beans, and chick peas. More cropland has
been shifted over to sorghum production, which is now the most important crop. Land
preparation for sorghum and maize cultivation begins in February or March; the planting
season ranges from April and May for sorghum to June for Maize; weeding and
intercultural activities continue from May through August; and maize is harvested in
September or October, sorghum between October and November. Women participate in
weeding and harvesting, and men are involved in every phase of the cultivation cycle.
Access to land is not a major constraint in the agropastoral zone; farmers have access to
up to five hectares of land, although ownership of approximately half a hectare is the
norm. However, access to inputs, especially labor and oxen, severely limits production
potential.

Food needs require farmers to search for off-farm seasonal migration employment
opportunities or to collect and sell firewood in order to purchase grains, thereby
neglecting their own farms. Few households own their own oxen; access to oxen is usually
only possible at Annano through labor and collaboration with other households. The lack
of access to other inputs to production, including tools, fertilizer, appropriate seeds, and








pesticides, further contributes to very poor yields. As a result, sorghum and maize yields
range from zero to six quintals in bad to good years.

Agropastoral communities of Western Hararghe appear to be in transition toward
primary dependence on agricultural pursuits as livestock populations dwindle. This is
particularly the case at Galessa, where 150 of the 216 households own no livestock at all
and the most prosperous households own five cows and three goats. Many of their
animals were stolen (and crops and even houses were destroyed) when the community
was caught in the middle of the clashes between the OLF and Government forces last
year. One-third of the Annano households are without livestock where the lack of
adequate pasture land contributed to some distress sales. Some households manage to sell
milk in the market for up to two birr a day over a four-month period.

Western Hararghe farmers grow sorghum, maize, haricot beans, lentils, sweet potatoes,
barley, chick peas, coffee, chat, and teff for consumption and as cash crops. The diversity
of crops grown has declined, as have yields. Communities reported that poor rainfall
patterns have reduced the amount of land available for cultivation, adding substantially to
already increasing pressure on the land. For example, the combination of rapid
population growth and escalating land degradation in Kuni, a cash major region, has
prompted farmers to turn from chat and coffee production as cash crops to sorghum
production. The cropping cycle depends on the crop grown: Sorghum is planted in March
or April and harvested sometime between October and December; maize is sown in May
or June and usually harvested in October; haricot beans and chick peas are sown between
May and July and generally harvested in October; and coffee is planted in July or August
and harvested in October. Intercropping of sorghum and maize is fairly common. The
unavailability of inputs, including fertilizer, insecticides, appropriate seeds, and oxen
hampers yields. One livelihood strategy is to share land, oxen, and sometimes labor. At
Miesso, where many male-headed households own one ox, a second ox is borrowed for
three quintals of sorghum. Female-headed households, usually with no oxen and often
landless, have fewer options. A few households own one to three cattle, goats, sheep, or
donkeys. However, distress sales of livestock, including oxen, were reported in all of the
agricultural communities visited.

Other Income-Generating Activities: Off-Farm Employment: Farmers. from the agropastoral
and agricultural zones frequently search for work off their farms in order to provide their
households with food during the cropping cycle. Pastoralists do not employ this livelihood
strategy. Labor opportunities are usually limited to farms in the highlands, although
farmers from Annano, in Khora, occasionally find work at the Metehara sugar plantation
for two birr per day. Some Torbeyo farmers employ wage laborers between July and
October to weed and harvest crops for one and a half birr per day. Wage labor in the
highlands ranges from two birr to four birr a day, usually between July and October when
weeding and harvesting are required. From Galessa, farmers seek wage labor in the
highlands of Chercher and Boke, where a surplus of labor has driven wages down to the
daily rate of two birr plus a meal. They frequently spend one week at a stretch working at
wage labor to save enough to purchase food for their families before returning home to
devote crucial care to their own farms. One household reported making ten such trips
during the last weeding/harvesting season. Some women of Galessa and Torbeyo also mill








grain for other households in exchange for a portion of the grain or in a nearby town for
two birr.

Charcoal/Wood Sales: Collecting and selling firewood has become the major livelihood
strategy for residents of all of the agroecological zones in Western Hararghe. This activity
is undertaken in all of the communities visited except Hardim in Habro, where all of the
forests have already been cut down. The process of walking to the nearest forest, cutting
down the trees and bushes, collecting the firewood, and hauling it back to the house,
usually on a woman's back but sometimes by donkey or camel, takes anywhere from two
and a half hours to two days. The wood must then be hauled to market, which is another
two to seven hour journey one way by foot. Wood sellers from Mullo can sell firewood at
the Miesso market for 7-10 birr per camel-load, four to seven birr per donkey-load, or
two to three birr if a woman carries a bundle. Men and women spend two days collecting
the firewood and women spend another day marketing it. Women from Kuni, Torbeyo,
and Galessa receive only two birr for a backload of wood; a donkey-load fetches three to
five birr. At least one member of the household devotes anywhere from three to seven
days a week to this income-generating activity.

Trading: Trading is not a common nor apparently effective income-generating activity for
any of the communities. A few men from Hardim market salt and some women market
injera. Some Annano women occasionally weave baskets to take to market as well.

Sale of Wild Food: Torbeyo and Annano farmers collect and sell wild grass or weeds as
fodder for one to two birr per bundle. Otherwise, wild foods are not generally marketed.

Seasonal Migration: Some form of seasonal or semipermanent migration occurs in every
community visited except Kuni. Peasants with and without land from four of the five
agriculturally-based communities seasonally work on coffee and chat cash farms in the
highlands for two to four birr per day. Approximately 30 entire households without access
to livestock, particularly oxen to till their land, migrate from Galessa to the highlands
annually. Men work on the farms and women work as servants. In addition, people from
Annano have migrated to Metahara or Awash in search of work. Household members
from at least two communities have semipermanently migrated to as far away as Djibouti;
from Mullo at least 250 household members have migrated to Djibouti, and many
households hope for remittances.

c. Coping Strategies

Adjustments in Meals and Food Substitution: A common coping strategy in times of food
scarcity in Western Hararghe is to reduce the number of meals eaten per day. This
practice was observed in all PAs surveyed and was consistently mentioned during both
group and individual household interviews. The number of meals eaten per day during
food scarcity varied; however, most families indicated that both adults and children cut
the number of meals from three to two. Reports of having to reduce from two to one
meal per day were more prevalent in female-headed households. Generally, adults
sacrificed first, sparing children the reduction until absolutely necessary.








Another coping strategy widely observed in this area was the reduction in the quantity of
food consumed. This practice was observed in both male- and female-headed households
in most of the PAs surveyed. Both male- and female-headed households in Annano,
Hardim and Torbeyo indicated that they had reduced both the number of meals and the
quantity of food consumed. Food substitution was also mentioned as a coping strategy in
all of the PAs surveyed. The most common food substitution was from injera (made of
either sorghum, maize, or teff) to roasted or boiled grain (mostly maize). Other food
substitutes mentioned were wild foods such as cactus (in Kurfasawa), "merere" (in
Galessa), cactus pear and "kukura" seeds (in Torbeyo), and wild animals such as the
greater kudu (in Galessa).

Sales of Assets: The sale of assets is a widespread coping strategy among the households
of the PAs surveyed. However, there seems to be some variation between male- and
female-headed households in the type of assets sold. Male-headed households reported
more sales of productive assets, such as cattle (in Hardim and Galessa), cattle and camels
(in Kurfasawa), and goats (in Annano). Most female-headed households reported having
no assets to sell, with the exception of some jewelry (in Kurfasawa) and some cattle (in
Hardim).

Bonowing Food from Relatives/Friends: Borrowing food items as a coping strategy does
not seem to be widespread in these areas. In the words of one householder in Galessa,
"nobody has anything to lend; we are all poor." However, some borrowing from relatives
was reported in Galessa, Kuni, and Torbeyo, with no interest charged. This differs from
the exorbitant rates of interest (2:1) charged even among relatives in Eastern Shewa.

Credit: Officially borrowing money during food scarcity does not appear to be a
widespread activity among the people in the Western Hararghe PAs. This is partially due
to the fact that there are no formal institutions that provide credit services. Whatever
credit is availed takes place among relatives, mainly by male-headed households (in
Galessa, Annano, and Kuni) but also by some female-headed households (in Annano and
Torbeyo). Again, there were no reports of interest being charged.

Wild Foods: People in all PAs indicated that they resort to foraging for wild foods during
severe food shortages. The most common wild food mentioned was the cactus fruit, eaten
mostly by children. Some consumption of "merere" was also reported (in Galessa, Kuni,
and Torbeyo). Galessa was the only PA that reported hunting and consumption of wild
game, the greater kudu.

Alternative Employment and Migration: Seasonal migration was observed in most of the
PAs surveyed, the exceptions being Kuni and Hardim. Whereas migration was more
prevalent among male-headed households, both male- and female-headed households (in
Kurfasawa) indicated that some members of their families migrated to Djibouti in search
of jobs during food scarcity. In male-headed households, one of the spouses and/or older
siblings migrated to the highlands looking for wage labor. Female-headed households
reported that child care was a constraint that precluded them from seeking work
elsewhere.








Remittances: Remittance is not a common practice among these PAs where so few family
members leave the fold. There was only one case of remittance, in which a daughter
migrated to Djibouti and sent 50 Birr to her parents who had been displaced to
Kurfasawa.

Household Perceptions of Household Food Security: In all the PAs studied, the perception
was that there was uniform inadequacy of household food security. All households
indicated chronic shortages of staple foods as well as dairy products. Some people (in
Galessa) said that they were heading toward dependency on food aid. Lack of rain and
the ensuing drought were among the common constraints to food security mentioned in
Western Hararghe. Other constraints included displacement (in Kurfasawa), security
problems (in Galessa), pests (in Galessa and Annano), and lack of access to land and
farm inputs (in Hardim). In addition, the absence of communal land, limited land for
distribution, low per capital livestock ownership, the absence of inputs such as fertilizers,
and the lack of government extension services have all contributed to household food
insecurity. The most common solution mentioned was the continuation and intensification
of food aid. There were also some indications of willingness to try food-for-work (in
Annano) if seeds and oxen were provided. One pastoral community (Kurfasawa) that had
lost much of its livestock was anxious to try cultivation if some assistance in terms of
inputs and training were provided. Other suggested solutions included the provision of
health and educational services.

d. Changes in Livelihood Strategies
Under normal circumstances in the agricultural communities, livelihood strategies include
cropping of sorghum, maize, beans, and peas. Some cropping of chat (in Galessa) and
coffee (Kuni) were also mentioned. In most cases oxen are shared. Women contribute
particularly during weeding and harvesting times. In the pastoralist community
(Kurfasawa), livelihood strategies mostly depended on livestock products and the sale of
firewood. The lack of water and the ensuing drought, not to mention ethnic conflicts,
have brought about changes in livelihood strategies among the communities in this area.
Two of the most frequently adopted alternative livelihood strategies were selling firewood
and low wage labor. This was particularly true in agricultural communities. In
agropastoral (Galessa) and pastoral (Kurfasawa) communities, members expressed an
interest in learning to cultivate if the necessary inputs such as training and tools were
provided.

e. Food Consumption Patterns

Composition of the Diet (24-hour recall): In Western Hararghe 169 households were
interviewed to determine household dietary patterns, and 48 were interviewed in-depth
regarding their household food security. Western Hararghe households are clearly much
less food secure than households in Eastern Shewa. Only 42 percent of households had
the resources to consume injera daily; the remainder were consuming their cereal sources
in the form of boiled or roasted grains, principally kollo, nefro, and genfro (Annex 3,
Table II). These are often reported as snack foods and are eaten without watt. Such
consumption was very frequently reported as meals, therefore putting into question the
report that 59 percent of households consumed three meals a day.








Injera was composed of the locally grown grains, mainly sorghum and maize, except in
the case of the pastoral village of Kurfasawa, where no crops were grown, and injera or
boiled cereal from food aid wheat was being consumed by 15 of the 30 households
interviewed. Also, in the agropastoral community of Galessa, wheat is not grown but
boiled food aid wheat was the only food being consumed in 25 of the 29 households.
Consequently, the dietary diversity of the region was low; 42 percent of the households
reported only one item in their diets, compared to 6 percent in Eastern Shewa.
Consumption of vegetables, fruits, and protein from plant and animal sources was very
low in comparison with Eastern Shewa, with the exception of one pastoral village where
milk was frequently consumed. Sixty-three percent of the pastoral households had animal
protein in the diet, compared to only 11 percent in cereal areas and 18 percent in
agropastoral areas. The consumption of oil was very low throughout the region; oil was
only reported in 4 percent of the cereal-based communities (Annex 3, Table II).
Commonly consumed beverages were oja (prepared from coffee husk), cactus fruit, and
camel milk in Kurfasawa.

Sources of Food: In four of the areas, food was obtained mostly from the households' own
production, except for the landless households. However, in Galessa nearly all food
consumed on the previous day was from food aid. In one pastoral village, cereals were
largely purchased or received as food aid. Items bought in all areas throughout the year
are salt and coffee husks. For nonproducers and when food stores are depleted, grains
are purchased. Prices for sorghum and maize can increase from 50 percent to 100 percent
during the rainy season, precisely when the need is greatest. The poorest (such as one
landless, female-headed household in Kuni, no. 23), were forced to buy in small
quantities at elevated prices during the rainy season. Farmers anticipating a shortfall
could buy in bulk at much lower cost late in the harvest season.

Five of the six communities, being in dryer lowland kolla areas, reported consuming
cactus fruit. Three areas reported hunting some wild deer and kudu, but were concerned
that this was to be prohibited by the government beginning next year. No fishing for
consumption was reported.

Food sharing was not widely reported; however, in two communities begging was
reported. The one pastoral area contained a large displaced population due to ethnic
conflict in surrounding areas. They are given food by the other households, according to
the group interview with the community leadership. The female-headed households
reported receiving zacha (a Muslim institution in which the wealthy households share 10
percent of their yield with the poor), and in some instances they admitted begging for
food.

Food aid had been discontinued or cut back in frequency of distribution (from monthly to
quarterly) because of the report of the good 1992 harvest by the RRC monitoring system;
however, two communities (Kurfasawa and Galessa) relied on food aid as their primary
source of food on the day of the survey. In Galessa, food aid was said to be the most
important source of food in the in-depth interviews.

Problems with Food Availability: All areas, with the possible exception of Hardim,
reported that production shortfalls due to drought and pests affected their crops. For the








cereal and agropastoral areas, market availability was not cited as a problem but rather
prices made the foods inaccessible to the families. The respondents in Kurfasawa clearly
understood how drought affected grazing of their animals, reducing milk output while
restricting agricultural production, thus driving up the price of grain in the market (e.g.,
decreasing the terms of trade of animals for grain). The conflicts in the areas of Galessa,
Kurfasawa, and Annano were also cited as a cause for food insecurity and the restriction
of dietary intake and variety. In Kuni (no. 23) the coffee bean disease was given as a
reason for the limitation of cash income needed for food.

Food Conservation/Preservation: Grain is generally ground by hand in the home. Storage
was in holes in the ground, in-house dogogos, or plastic sacks. Loss rates were not given;
the impression is that there is little or no surplus in storage in these communities. As one
farmer put it, "we store in our bellies."

Traditional Food-Sharing Networks: The scarcity of food is placing stress on the usual
institutions by which food is shared. Traditionally weddings--an occasion for much
sharing--are being replaced by rituals that circumvent the material exchanges between
families. In such weddings, the male's family siege the female's family residence and
refuse to leave until the marriage is arranged and the couple is married. This is referred
to as "chopsa" or norm breaking. Sharing continues to some extent at funerals ("afusha"),
on Moslem holy days (Ramadan), and through sharing with the poor or "zacha."

Food Taboos/Specialty Foods: The Islamic prohibition of pig consumption was widely
reported, and two villages reported that they would not eat food prepared by Christians.

Changes in Diet: Sharp declines in consumption variety were reported in all the areas
surveyed, especially in Galessa, an agropastoral area where many animals have died
because of the drought and conflict. Animal, commercial (e.g., pasta), and vegetable
foods are all reportedly on the decline in the diet in these areas.

f. Child Care

Care of Children: The pattern of child care in Western Hararghe differs little from
Eastern Shewa. Care tends to be shared by the nuclear and the extended family, with
fathers playing somewhat less of a role.

Feeding Patterns of Children: Infants are breastfed on demand within the limits of what is
convenient for the mothers. Supplementary foods are introduced to young children two to
three times per day. However, in contrast to Eastern Shewa villages, household members
reported that children were given priority to whatever food was available in the
household, especially in the pastoral village, Kurfasawa. Reported weaning age ranged
from five months to three years, with most infants consuming other food in addition to
breast milk by age one. By the age of two or three years, all children have been
completely weaned.

Weaning Foods: No special foods for weaning were identified. The weaning foods
reported were milk (both cow and camel) and boiled porridges such as "Laffisso," made








from ground grains, injera, and "kitta." The milk is sometimes mixed with fenugreek
oilseed.

g. Nutritional Status
In the six PAs sampled, 169 households with children from six months to five years were
selected. Only 142 children (the youngest in each household in the range of one to five
years) were used for the analysis. Households with cereal as the major economic support
made up 44 percent of the sample (75 households in Hardim, Torbeyo, and Kuni),
agropastoral households were 38 percent (64 households in Annano and Galessa), and
pastoral households made up 18 percent (30 households in Kurfasawa).

Roughly one in eight of all the households was assetless, without land, oxen, or other
livestock, and roughly one-fifth of the households reported the death of a child under the
age of five in the past year. The mean age for the study population was 29.4 months; the
male-female ratio was exactly one.

The anthropometric assessment of nutritional status revealed a mean WFL of 82.4
percent, ranging from 76.3-88.6 percent in the six villages surveyed. In all of the villages
except Torbeyo (a cereal area), the nutritional situation of the children fell in the
seriously malnourished range, or a mean percent of standard WFL under 85 percent
(Summary Table in Annex 3). Wasting (under 90 percent of standard WFL) was observed
in 74 percent of the children (105 children) with 24 (17 percent) showing severe wasting.
Forty-four percent of the children were moderately or severely wasted, 10 percent more
than in Eastern Shewa (Annex 3, Table I).

Nearly 60 percent of the children from households without land or livestock were
moderately or severely wasted, compared to 40 percent of the children from asset-holding
households; the mean for the poorer group was 78 percent of standard, significantly less
than the wealthier households (Annex 3, Table III). These assetless households are three
times as likely to be female headed than male headed (Annex 3, Table IV). In the eight
female-headed, assetless households, five children exhibited moderate to severe
malnutrition.

In Western Hararghe, the incidence of diarrheal attacks was found in over 60 percent of
the children examined, a rate much higher than in Eastern Shewa. Furthermore, there
was a strong association between wasting and diarrhea incidence (Annex 3, Table V).
Children experiencing diarrhea were 50 percent more likely to be moderately or severely
wasted. The children without diarrhea were on average out of the serious malnutrition
category, above 85 percent of WFL, whereas the others were on average 80.8 percent of
standard, well into the danger zone.

The SCF-UK nutrition surveillance reports for Western Hararghe from December of
1992 and February and April of 1993 indicate a satisfactory level and trend for nutritional
status for children one to five years of age at all sites. The most recent report in April of
1993 gives a mean WFL of 92.4 percent as the lowest level recorded for the six sites
surveyed. The trend data show no period when WFL percent has fallen below 90 percent
of WFL. Our findings, however, paint a much more critical picture of malnutrition. We
do not know the precise reason for this; it may be the sampling differences and the








seasonal variation in the survey periods. Our survey was done in fairly remote villages and
during the depths of the "hungry season."

The prevalence of vitamin A deficiency is very high, and continues to be a very serious
problem in this region. In the 576 children assessed for clinical signs of deficiency, the
prevalence rate was 5.2 percent (Annex 3, Table VII). This finding agrees with the 1988
study conducted by Mekaye Darelebu Wareda in Western Hararghe, which revealed the
highest level of vitamin A deficiency ever recorded in the world (See the European
Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 1993, Volume 47).

h. Summary of Constraints to Household Food and Nutritional Security in Western
Hararghe
Community, household, and individual nutritional security consists of many interrelated
components, which together determine nutritional status. Adequate nutritional security
requires health and sanitation--including access to proper health care, water, diet, mother
and child care, and household food security. Household food security, in turn, includes
access to sufficient factors and means of production (land, livestock, inputs, water,
extension services), livelihood options, productive assets, markets, and peaceful
coexistence or (better) cooperation with neighbors. By all appearances, the lowland cereal
community is demonstrating more signs of stress than the highland cash-crop group. Even
without food aid, the highland area appears to be coping better. The agropastoral group
is in transition, having lost most of its animals.

Land, Crop Yields and Income Access: Among the agriculturally-based communities,
access to land remains the most important determinant of household food security.
Landlessness is increasing in all agricultural communities; 50 percent of the households
are landless in at least one of these villages. The pressure on land has gradually
eliminated communal land, limiting land redistribution potential, and has reduced grazing
land of vital importance to agropastoral communities. Faltering rainfall patterns have
forced farmers formerly involved in the cash-crop production of coffee, teff, chick peas,
and haricot beans to devote more of their lands to sorghum production. Soil erosion,
resulting in declining yields, has accompanied the environmental degradation caused by
years of chopping down trees in order to buy food to compensate for, paradoxically, poor
yields, as well as declining access to land and inputs. The inaccessibility of inputs,
including fertilizer, pesticides, herbicides, improved or appropriate seed varieties, farm
equipment, oxen, and labor, has prevented farmers from realizing reasonable yields.
Farmers in the agropastoral communities in particular have been forced, due to food
needs, to migrate to the highlands in search of farm work during crucial stages of the
cultivation season, when their labor is required on their farms. Few households possess
more than one ox, and increasingly common distress sales of oxen prevent households
from timely tilling of their land.

Harvested crops are stored in dogogos or underground; storage losses from weevils,
rodents, or moisture range from 20-40 percent. Poor yields and limited access to land and
inputs have seriously undermined household food security in agricultural and agropastoral
communities. Declining crop production has also negatively affected pastoral communities
by worsening the terms of trade for animals, milk, and firewood relative to grain on the
market.








Livestock: Per capital livestock ownership is extremely low in all of the agricultural and
agropastoral communities. Some agropastoralist groups are now in transition away from
pastoral options after suffering significant livestock losses caused by OLF-Government
conflict and years of distress sales. Distress sales of cattle, goats, oxen, and even camels
(among the pastoralists) in all types of communities have reduced household resilience.
The lack of oxen in all communities has prevented farmers from sufficiently utilizing
essential traction power. The lack of water sources affects grazing potential. Veterinary
services are nonexistent, and animals are very susceptible to diseases. The pastoralist
community of Mullo lost its entire goat population two years ago during the drought from
diseases associated with the goats' weakened conditions. The community has been unable
to recover from those tremendous losses, and today not a single goat can be found in the
area. The ownership of goats had provided households with required liquid assets. The
same community lost over a hundred camels caused by a conflict in Djibouti. In short, all
communities have seen a long-term decline in productive livestock assets.

Access to Water. Crop production has declined and crops have failed completely with
increasing frequency in large part because of irregular rainfall over the past few years.
There is also no form of water harvesting or irrigation to fill the gap. The lack of rainfall
affects livestock production as well, and was ultimately responsible for the decimation of
the goat population at Mullo. Access to potable water from wells or other sources is
virtually nonexistent. Instead, women spend up to six hours a day during the dry season
fetching unclean water.

Access to Government Services: Government extension services, credit facilities, or
veterinary services were not found serving any of the visited communities, negatively
affecting agricultural and livestock production over time.

Access to Alternative Employment: The livelihood strategy of all but the highland cash-crop
producers is highly dependent on selling firewood. Apart from destroying valuable
resources, this strategy has a real opportunity cost. Households spend long hours
collecting and marketing wood for three to seven days a week for very marginal rewards;
firewood can be sold for only two to ten birr a bundle, depending on the type of bundle.
Alternative employment opportunities are limited. Many households send at least one of
their family members to the highlands to work as wage laborers on coffee and chat farms.
The oversupply of labor has kept wages extremely low; two birr and a meal a day appears
to be the norm. Potential entrepreneurial activities are severely limited by capital costs.

Access to Markets: Most communities are situated in isolation from markets. This is
another type of opportunity cost for households. The poorest households pay higher
prices due to their inability to buy in bulk or to buy when prices are favorable. The
percent of income devoted to short-term consumption precludes cash market access to
other goods or foods. Pastoralists, who have lost virtually all liquid assets to sell, have
seen the terms of trade worsen for animals, milk, and firewood (their sources of income)
in relation to grain. All groups have increasingly been forced to depend on market
purchased food for their consumption as their own agricultural livestock production has
declined.









Access to Education: One of the most important long-term constraints faced by all
communities of Western Hararghe is the widespread lack of education. Households
cannot afford to send their daughters and sons to school, which is usually several miles
away and therefore inaccessible to them anyway. Children are valuable labor contributors
from a fairly young age. However, because households cannot send their children to
receive education, they are forgoing future potential income sources, including
remittances.

Deforestation and Soil Erosion: Firewood marketing is one of the most important
livelihood strategies throughout Western Hararghe. However, the costs in terms of soil
erosion, forest depletion, environmental degradation, and water supply over the long term
may be devastating for households as well as communities.

Political Conflict: Half of all Western Hararghe PAs may remain inaccessible due to
conflict between the OLF and the Government. Communities that have been caught in
the middle of this conflict have lost valuable productive assets. Many cattle, as well as
houses or crops, were lost or destroyed at Galessa, in Kuni. The conflict also does not
allow the community to pursue long-range productive strategies. Ethnic conflict is another
destructive pattern. Oromo and Somali communities used to cooperate for mutual
benefit; the pastoralist Somalis rented oxen to the agriculturally-based Oromo during the
planting season. Crop production increased for the Oromo, and Somalis gained an
income source as well as access to vegetables. Before the conflict, Somalis rented out
their camels to transport crops and other goods as well, from as far away as Djibouti for
up to 500 birr per trip. That very substantial income source has completely dried up for
communities such as Mullo. In addition, Mullo has had to try to support a very large
population of displaced people forced to flee areas of conflict between the Oromos and
Somalis. These recent arrivals now make up half of the population of Mullo and have
severely strained the resources of the community.

Health and Sanitation: Access to adequate health service is a major constraint to
nutritional security facing all of the communities visited in Western Hararghe. Child
mortality rates are high, yet child vaccination programs are rarely undertaken due to
security concerns. Health facilities, government services, and public health education do
not exist in the communities; facilities are to five to eight hours away by foot one way.
Even if the clinics were accessible, rising costs for treatment and injections are often too
high for poor households. Households are therefore forced to consider the trade-off
between proper health care to treat a malady and food consumption needs. Medicines
drain productive assets. Seeking treatment also carries high opportunity costs. However,
household labor needs are so great that losing a day's work due to sickness can result in
no food consumption that day for all members of the household. A mother's illness is a
real drain on labor. At the time of assessment, households identified a wide variety of
health problems and illnesses including malaria, dysentery, diarrhea, and edema caused by
eating wild foods.

Access to potable water is virtually nonexistent. Few wells have been installed in rural
Western Hararghe. Therefore, river and pond water, which can take up to six hours to
fetch, is the only source of water.








Diets lack protein, Vitamin A, fats, often dairy products, and oil (except when distributed
by CARE), and are extremely limited in variety and quantity. Several communities are
undergoing a long-term shift away from preferred staples toward snack foods as meals.
For example, Galessa residents regularly eat boiled or roasted grain, little if any injera, no
vegetables, and wild foods with no nutritional value. Pastoralists often drink milk;
however bovine tuberculosis occasionally accompanies raw milk consumption.

Mother/Child Care: Maternal and postnatal care is nonexistent. Labor demands that force
mothers to gather water and wood negatively affect child care. These demands, combined
with a limited diet, may impact the quality of both breast and child feeding.
Supplementary feeding is generally not undertaken. The frequency and quantity of food
consumed is often not sufficient for both mother and child, and weaning foods are often
not appropriate. For example, boiled or roasted grain is difficult for children to digest.
Finally, illiteracy impacts on the quality of child care.

i. Beneficiaries' Perception of CARE's Food Aid Activities
In Western Hararghe, the food assistance program is oriented toward emergency free
food distribution. Given the very difficult security problems under which CARE is
operating in this area, it is to be commended for having any presence at all. It is obvious
from the interviews conducted in the areas surveyed that CARE's assistance is much
appreciated by the beneficiaries. The food has actually saved lives in many villages,
prevented migration, reduced the magnitude of fuelwood sales, and allowed people to
attempt agricultural activities as a source of livelihood.

Under such difficult conditions, the food distribution system is bound to operate
imperfectly. The major problems cited by the beneficiaries and identified by the
assessment team included: (1) the ration amount does not always take into account the
size of the family; (2) food sometimes comes too late; (3) last year's harvest was not
sufficient to warrant the extent of the FFD reduction; (4) the area-based assessments do
not capture the intragroup vulnerabilities; (5) the distribution centers are too far away for
people with no means of transport; (6) not all of the people in need of food are on the
distribution list due to recent displacement--calling for an updating of the distribution list;
and (7) many of the populations being serviced by CARE are becoming increasingly'
dependent on the FFD.

j. Recommendations
The recommendations outlined for Eastern Shewa also apply to Western Hararghe and
will not be repeated here. However, several additional recommendations are proposed for
this region.

Food Security Promotion in Conflict Areas: To promote food security in areas prone to
political conflict, the following factors may be considered. First, mobile extension teams
could be used to train lead farmers to act as community extension agents. These lead
farmers could then provide training to other farmers regarding improved seed varieties
and vegetable production. Another way to provide extension messages as well as inputs is
through the food distribution centers. A training facility could be developed at the
distribution center to train members from the PAs that are in more vulnerable areas.









NGO Workshop: An NGO workshop should be held in the near future to discuss: (1) the
unequal distribution of activities in the country; (2) opportunities for collaboration; (3)
work norms; (4) activities that will promote long-term food security; and (5) ways to
facilitate better working relationships with line agencies. In addition to the NGOs,
representatives of the line ministries and the donors should be invited to the workshop.

Increasing the Frequency of Free Food Distribution in Western Hararghe: In light of the
apparent overestimate of the 1992 harvest, the failure of the maize and sorghum crops in
lowland areas, and present household food insecurity in Western Hararghe, CARE should
carefully consider increasing FFD from quarterly to monthly in this region.


V. CONCLUSIONS

A. Issues of Design

CARE's food-for-work and free food distribution programs are generally consistent with efforts
to promote food security objectives in Ethiopia. Food-for-work outputs, such as improved
agricultural infrastructure and roads linking rural areas to markets, are important to regional
food security. CARE also provides a safety net to help prevent recurrent emergencies in the
form of free food, particularly important for the drought prone area of Hararghe. Likewise, the
CEFIS strengthens CARE's ability to identify and respond to impending emergencies. In
addition, CARE has made a good attempt to involve Government agencies such as the RRC and
the MOA in project design activities.

Despite these laudable activities, much could be done to improve project design in order to have
a greater food security impact. First, project objectives must have measurable performance
indicators. Presently, the performance indicators that are used are not true measurements of the
project objectives. Second, communities must participate more in the design, timing and duration
of FFW activities. More activities are needed to accommodate all of the people seeking work,
particularly during the cropping season when food shortages are the most critical, and a wider
array of food security enhancing options could be identified. Third, the food basket provided
should be adjusted to take dietary adequacy and the detrimental consequences of grain
substitution into account. Consideration should be given to providing grains that people are likely
to produce themselves or can be readily obtained in the market. The food basket should also be
tailored to family size. Fourth, in addition to food, consideration should be given to providing
inputs for work as a way of improving the long-term resilience of the communities targeted.

B. Targeting

As a result of limited resources and accessibility, CARE has relied heavily on the Peasant
Associations for compiling beneficiary lists and targeting its FFW interventions. In some
communities, this has meant that many of the chronically vulnerable populations such as the
landless and female-headed households have been excluded from program participation because
they are not PA members. In addition, work norms of project activities have not always taken
different levels of vulnerability into account. Work norms tend to be based on outputs regardless
of strength or capacity, which obviously disadvantages the sick and the elderly.








To improve targeting, steps must be taken to insure that the chronically vulnerable as well as the
households suffering from transitory food insecurity are included in project activities. First,
committees should be established to include representatives from the various vulnerable groups
(e.g.,landless, women-headed households, and elders). Second, the CEFIS is an excellent system
for monitoring transitory food insecurity in the program areas. For those areas that are prone to
recurring food insecurity, contingency plans should be established to improve the timeliness of
response in order to protect livelihoods and any gains made by CARE. Third, the indicators that
are used in food security monitoring and performance evaluation should consist of
chronic\baseline indicators and transitory indicators that monitor current conditions. Fourth,
CARE should consider whether FFW activities could be tailored to different types of vulnerable
groups. This would involve designing different types of activities for the landless and the landed,
or the weaker members of the community.

C. Performance Indicators

To insure that the CARE projects are having a positive impact on the beneficiaries, output
indicators should be defined and periodically measured. These indicators could include changes
in the number of meals, the diversity of foods consumed, and food substitutions. Care must be
taken to insure that the indicator is not measuring an artifact of food aid, which may not be
related to longer term food security. This is why pre- and post-harvest measures are important.
Nutritional status indicators can also be monitored as a way to assess CARE's impact on overall
well being in the communities in which it is working. However, if CARE intends to have an
impact on the nutritional security of the populations it is working with, consideration should be
given to incorporating interventions that improve water quality, child/mother care and access to
health services.

D. Sustainable Development (Promoting Livelihoods)

CARE has been trying to promote sustainable development initiatives through its focus on soil
conservation, vegetable gardening and improved water access. Many more options could be
explored as a way to enhance the longer term food security situation of local populations. Every
food assistance program should have built into it activities that promote sustainable livelihoods.
The ultimate objective is to make the populations more resilient and self-reliant. For example,
where free food distribution is taking place, inputs such as improved seed could be provided
simultaneously so that the production systems become more viable. Livelihood protection is also
important to the long term food security of communities. When transitory food insecurity
conditions worsen, timely interventions can prevent households from selling off productive assets
and becoming more vulnerable to future food shortages. Contingency plans that monitor
location-specific indicators will help determine when a mitigation activity should be implemented
to prevent communities from sliding back to a more vulnerable state.









VI. ANNEXES


ANNEX 1

PEASANT ASSOCIATIONS


Eastern Shewa:

Bate Bora
Hassie Dhera
Fachassa (Chekafachassa)
Dongori-Wonga
Yaya
Kachama Sobaku


Western Hararghe:

Anneno
Hardim
Torbeyo
Kuni
Kurfasawa
Galessa







SURVEY PEASANT ASSOCIATIONS: EASTERN SHEWA


KEY
--.- Regional Boundry I
--- Awraka Boundry
1--+1- Railway
Dry Weather Road L
.- River ) \
.'---'-. Lake *.i. .- \
STown '




P Hassie Dhera
ETHIOPIA
/ /I
/ I :
SHENKORA / / /

MINJAR / Doni *
AWRA /Wolenchity
AWRAJ
W / ADAMA I
~/ BOSSET /
/ Boffa
/ / / AWRAJ /
To / Yaya/
Addis / Kachama Sobaku /
Abab / /
*_ 'azareth /
7\ /
S\ / I
101
Wonji / 5
N /0
SBate ---.-- -
....f Bora -Alentena Awas River
...... *Cheka
Lake Ko-ka- ..--%..Fachassa / ARSI REGION







58








SURVEY PEASANT ASSOCIATIONS: WESTERN HARARGHE



KEY
--- Administration Boundry .-
- Awraja Boundry / \
Asphalt Road
All Weather Road AFDERN
1111 Rail Road A
SRegional Town / WOREDA
O Awraja Town AAR \ON/
SOther Towns REGION D
Peasant Associations MIESSO
(Studied during RFSA) ./ / E B
WOREDA TO

SMo e.s *Deba
00
/ / i
E H O/ Ioa \ M /la
ETHIOPIA 0/ o eb< ATFo 0 |
/Meselaj


ADMINISTRATION















ANNEX 2


VILLAGES SURVEYED


VILLAGES SURVEYED =EAST SHEWA ADMINISTRATIVE ZONE
Name of Village Location (sub-zone) Population

Bate Bora (cereal major) Wonji, Adama Boset 500/2000
Hassie Dhera (agro-pastoral) Doni, Boset 400/2275
Fachassa (Checkafachassa) (agro- Alem-Tena, Adama 88/
pastoral)
Dongori-Wonga (cereal major) Wolenchity, Boset 374/
Yaya (cereal major) Bifa 630/
Kachama Sobaku (cereal major) Adama 365/



VILLAGES SURVEYED =WESTERN HARARGHE ADMINISTRATIVE AREA
Name of Village Location (sub-zone) Population
Anneno (agro-pastoral) Khora 370/1800
Hardim (cereal & cash crops) Habro 700/3000
Torbeyo (cereal major) Mieso 73/200
Kuni (cereal & cash crops) Kuni 49/
Kurfasawa (pastoral) Mullu 1000/8000
Galessa (agro-pastoral) Kuni 216/1300









ANNEX 3


NUTRITIONAL DATA




TABLE I

NUTRITIONAL STATUS BY AREA
(WFL OF CHILDREN 1-5 YRS, 70-110 CM)


Status Eastern Shewa Western Hararghe
(N = 161) (N = 142)
Well nourished 35.4 26.1
(>90% Standard WFL)
Unsatisfactory 64.5 74.0
(<90% Standard WFL)
Mild (80-89% Standard WFL) 30.4 29.6
Moderate (70-79% Standard WFL) 21.1 27.5
Severe (<70% Standard WFL) 13.0 16.9
Mean % WFL 85.0% 82.4%









TABLE II


PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS (BY ECONOMIC TYPE) CONSUMING THE FOOD
ITEMS (24-HOUR RECALL)


A. EASTERN SHEWA (N = 198)

Household Injera Oils/Fats Animal Beans and Vegetables
Economy Protein Peas and Fruits*

Cereal 98.5 80.0 3.8 68.5 44.6
Agropastoral 69.2 29.2 18.5 29.2 41.5



B. WESTERN HARARGHE (N = 169)

Household Injera Oils/Fats Animal Beans and Vegetables
Economy Protein Peas and Fruits*

Cereal 54.7 4.0 10.7 26.7 24.0
Agropastoral 6.3 0.0 18.8 0.0 0.0
Pastoral 90.0 0.0 63.3 18.7 0.0


* Fruits are mainly wild cactus.









TABLE III


NUTRITIONAL STATUS BY HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STATUS


A. EASTERN SHEWA

Nutritional Status of Index Child (% WFL)
Economic Status of Households 8 me
% < 80% mean
No assets (land or livestock) 43% 81.8
No land but some livestock 81.3
Land but no livestock 42% 85.6
Livestock and land 87.6



B. WESTERN HARARGHE

Nutritional Status of Index Child (% WFL)
Economic Status of Households
% < 80% mean

No assets (land or livestock) 58% 78.2
No land but some livestock 84.3
Land but no livestock 42% 80.0
Livestock and land 84.3







FIGURE 1
NUTRITIONAL STATUS BY HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STATUS
CHILDREN 6-60 MONTHS; EASTERN SHEWA AND WESTERN HARARGHE


%< 80% Weight-for-Length


60

50

40

30

20

10

0


E. Shewa W. Hararghe


CARE: quota samples, N=161 E.Shewa,142 W. Hararghe
Youngest child in household; Assets=land and/or livestock









TABLE IV


ECONOMIC STATUS BY GENDER OF HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD


A. EASTERN SHEWA

Gender of Household Head
Economic Status of Household
Male (%) Female (%)
N = 124 N = 30

No assets (land or livestock) 14 46
Some assets 86 54

Total 100 100



B. WESTERN HARARGHE

Gender of Household Head
Economic Status of Household
Male (%) Female (%)
N = 115 N = 26

No assets (land or livestock) 10 31
Some assets 90 69

Total 100 100









TABLE V


NUTRITIONAL STATUS OF INDEX CHILD BY INCIDENCE OF REPORTED DIARRHEA


A. EASTERN SHEWA

Nutritional Status of Index Child
Reported Diarrhea (% WFL)
% < 80% mean WFL

Yes, in past one month (N = 53) 40 83.8
No, none in past one month (N = 104) 32 85.3



B. WESTERN HARARGHE

Nutritional Status of Index Child
Reported Diarrhea (% WFL)

% < 80% mean WFL

Yes, in past one month (N = 87) 57 80.8
No, none in past one month (N = 50) 38 85.3









TABLE VI


HOUSEHOLD DIETARY DIVERSITY BY AREA


Percentage of Households
Number of Items in the
Household Diet Eastern Shewa Western Hararghe
(N= 198) (N= 169)
One 6 46
Two 17 36
Three or more 77 18





FIGURE 2
DIETARY DIVERSITY
EASTERN SHEWA AND WESTERN HARARGHE


% of households


100




80-


E.Shewa


W. Hararghe


CARE: Quota sample; N= 198 E.Shewa; N=169 W. Hararghe


60




40




20




0









TABLE VII


STATE OF VITAMIN A DEFICIENCY BY AREA


Area No. Cases Prevalence (%)
N I(Bitot's Spot)
Eastern Shewa 196 6 3.1
(Fachassa and
Dongori-Wonga)
Western Hararghe 576 30 5.2
(all areas)

Both 772 36 4.7















SUMMARY TABLE 1


SAMPLED HOUSEHOLDS PROFILE WESTERN HARARGHE


HARDIM KURFA KUNI GALESSA TORBEYO ANNANO SAMPLE
SAWA I I I I TOTAL

No. of Sample HH* 28 23 15 21 23 32 142

Food Program Input None FFD: 5 FFD FFD: 2 FFD: 9
Period (yrs)

Major Livelihood Cereal Pastoral Cash Agro- Cereal Agro-
Production Pastoral Production Pastoral

Firewood Selling Low Medium Low High Medium High Med-
High

Access to Water Medium Poor Medium Medium Poor Poor Poor-
Med

Meal Frequency
(Avg) 2.17 2.26 2.77 2.77 2.76 2.37 2.5

Assetless HH (%) 21 17 7 0 30 3 13

Female-Headed HH 14 17 0 14 30 25 18
(%)
HH <5 Yr Mortality
(%) in Past Year 32 9 73 29 17 25 22

Nutr Status 1-5 yrs
(mean WFL %) 81.0 84.4 84.0 81.2 88.7 76.3 82.4

Diarrhea Incidence
in Study Population 68 30 33 76 83 65 61


*These are households with children from 1-5 years of age. A somewhat larger sample, including children 6 months to one year of
age, was interviewed regarding diet and health concerns.















SUMMARY TABLE 2



SAMPLED HOUSEHOLDS PROFILE EASTERN SHEWA


HASSIE- BATE KACHAMA DONGORI YAYA FACHASSA SAMPLE
DHERA BORA SOBAKU WONGA TOTAL

No. of Sample HH* 36 10 31 19 37 19

Food Program Input FFW: 2 FFW: 4 MOA FFW: 4 FFW: 4 FPO: 6
Period (yrs)__ ____ FFW: 4

Major Livelihood Agro- Cereal Cereal Cereal Cereal Agro-
Pastoral Prod. Production Production Production Pastoral

Firewood Selling Medium High Medium High High Medium Medium-
High
Access to Water Poor Poor Good Poor Medium Medium Good-
Poor
Meal Frequency
(Avg) 2.9 2.8 3.0 3.0 2.8 2.9 2.9

Assetless HH (%) 3 21 23 21 22 32 19

Female-Headed HH 19 10 19 21 8 42 14
(%) _
HH <5 Yr Mortality
(%) in Past Year 19 0 19 10 22 21 16

Nutr Status 1-5 yrs
(mean WFL %) 89.0 81.6 83.4 90.3 80.6 85.0 85.0

Diarrhea Incidence
in Study Population 50 42 29 36 16 26 33
(%)

* These are households with children from 1-5 years of age. A somewhat larger sample, including children 6 months to one year of
age, was interviewed regarding diet and health concerns.














CARE FOOD SECURITY ASSESSMENT -- NUTRITIONAL ASSESSMENT


ECONOMIC TYPE
ID NO.


PA NAME


NAME OF HH HEAD


AGE OF CHILD (MOS)


SEX


WEIGHT (KG) HT(CM) ._ DIARRHEA (<1 MO) y / n
<5 CHILD DEATH (<1 YR) y / n

HOUSEHOLD DIETARY RECALL (24 HOURS)

NUMBER OF MEALS

FOOD BEVERAGE

BREAKFAST

LUNCH

SUPPER


INTERVIEWER


DATE


*CODE


CEREAL 1.
2.
3.
4.


PASTORAL -


LAND NO OX
TIMAD (KIRL)
TIMAD
TIMAD


NO OX
ONE OX
>ONE OX


NO LAND NO LIVESTOCK
LAND BUT NO LIVESTOCK
LIVESTOCK BUT NO LAND
LAND + LIVESTOCK





CIROPP'ING AC'I'IVI'Y CALI INI)Al = E'AS'I S I.EWA AREA


ACTIVITY E':NTI:I I'lI IS: JAN FEII MAll Al't MAY JUN JIll. All( SEPI' OCT NOV IIDEC
I ..nd PI'rclpariion Maizc x x x

T'lT x x

Srgihum x x
I laricot hean x x

largely x x

Whc.al x x
'hick peas x x

Broad means x x
I'anling Maize x x x

T*cfT 1 x x

Sorghuimi x x

I Ialict l bI)cll x x

Ilarlcy x x

Wlihea x x

Chick pe'as x

lroilad hbeis x x
Wctding Maize x x

T' lTX X

__ Sorghumi x x
I laricol hean x x

13 arlcy x
Wheat x






CROIPING ACTIVITY CAIIENI)A l= EAS'I SI IEWA AREA


I IVI IV E:NT I'llR ISN JAN I:I11 MAlt APlt MAV .JIIN .JIII. All(; SIP (CT NOV IEC
Chick Ipeas x
Ilroid hc;iils x
I Ialvcsting Maiizc x x

TeIl x x

Sorghulil x
I ;iricol Ihcins x x

Ilarly x

Wlicat x x

Chick peas x x

Broad Ibeans x x





CROPPING ACTIVITY CAILNDI)AR =WEST IIAAltkRClIE AREA
I IIIII s


I I I1


':NTIER: I'I is I


MAl


I I I I-- I I-- I 4r I


M AYfill
1 1 1 1____ I .*~ II I II


Maize

Sorgahum

I Iaric'l hean

Barely


x

x


x

x


x


x


I I1- I I I _


SII' OCT NOV DE1)1C


S- t--I ---- ------


I 1 --- -- t tt-----1 --1- I


1- 4 I I I I ___ I _


Chick peas


Millet x x

Sesaulme I x x

Shl__oyans x x

I'l:iiing Maize x x x x

_Sorghum x x x

I larieol beal x x

la___ cy x x

(Chick pcas x

Millek x x



Soyhc'ans: x x

\VWeling Maize x x

Sorglilnl x x

I laricot ecan x x

_Barley x

Chick peas x

M ill cl _x x


AC IIVI'I Y


x x


-----
..


Al'lt


MAY


11i11.






CROI'I'ING ACTIVITY CALENI)AR =WEST I IARARG'IIE AREA


ACTIVITIY I:NTERI':t ISE JAN I,'I: MAll A'PI MAY .IN 11ll. Al( SIP OCT NOV 1 EC
Scsumen x

Soybealr;ns x x
I I;rvesling NIMaize x x x

So(Iglltlll x x x
I I;lricolt beailS x

I ii lcy x
Chick peans x
Millc x x

Soesanll x

Soybeans x x









ANNEX 5


TEAM MEMBERS


Timothy R. Frankenberger
Getachew Diriba
Anne Leonhardt
Tom Marchione
Jude Rand
Phil Sutter
Tezera Fisseha
Aklilu Kidanu
Amdie Kidane Wold
Moges Tefera
Zewdie H/Meskel
Aben Ngay
Kefelegn Ketybelu
Yonis Berkele
Hailu Bekele
Gelalcha Negassa
Abera Oljirra
Kassu Senbetu
R. Chander
Ken Litwiller
Syrukh Sutter
Mulugeta Debebe
Israel Tadesse
Samuel Gizaw


CARE Consultant and Team Leader
CARE Ethiopia Staff and Co-Team Leader
CARE Consultant and Co-Team Leader
SAID
CARE Canada
CARE Regional Food Technical Advisor
CARE Ethiopia Consultant
CARE Ethiopia Consultant
CARE Ethiopia Consultant
CARE Ethiopia-Eastern Shewa
CARE Ethiopia-Eastern Shewa
CARE Ethiopia-Eastern Shewa
CARE Ethiopia
CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
CARE Ethiopia
CARE Ethiopia
CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
CARE Ethiopia-Eastern Shewa
CARE Ethiopia Consultant
CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe
CARE Ethiopia-Western Hararghe


OTHERS CONTACTED


Jeremy Astill-Brown
Gromo Alex
Teferi Bekele
B.S. Chaudhary
Paul Barker
Mamo W. Berhan
Kay Sharp
Richard L'Heureux
Jonathan Rothschild
Ed Cayer
Abnezer Ngowi


British Embassy, Addis Ababa
EPPG
RRC
CARE
CARE
SAID
FEWS/USAID
CIDA Food Aid Evaluation Mission
Canadian Embassy/CIDA
CIDA Food Aid Evaluation Team
WFP





ANNEX 6


Rapid Food Security Assessment Training Module
Sponsored by CARE-Ethiopia
Trainers: Tim Frankenberger and Getachew Diriba
September 30-October 2, 1993
Nazareth, Eastern Shewa
Workshop Agenda

Day 1: Thursday, September 30, 1993


01.30-01.45


01.45-02.00

02.00-03.00







03.00-03.15

03.15-04.00


04.00-04.30




04.30-05.00





05.00-05.30


05.30-06.00


Opening Remarks and Participant Introductions
Getachew Diriba

Introductory Remarks- Tom Marchione, USAID

An Introduction to Food Security
a) Conceptual Issues-Nutritional
Security, Livelihood Security
and Household Food Security
b) Production-Consumption Linkages
c) Food Systems Analysis

Break

Group Activity: Describe the food system of a
area from which one of the
participants originates

Plenary Discussion: Presentation of Working
Groups' Findings, Discussion and
Conclusions

Coping Strategies
a) Risk-Minimizing Strategies
b) Loss-Management Strategies
c) Changing Strategies-Trends

Household Food Security and Environmental
Degradation

Indicators of Household Food Security








Rapid Food Security Assessment Training Module
Sponsored by CARE-Ethiopia (cont.)

Day 2: Friday, October 1, 1993


08.00-08.30

08.30-09.30




09.30-10.00


10.00-10.15

10.15-12.00


12.00-01.00

01.00-01.30


01.30-03.00


















03.00-03.15

'3.15-04.30


Indicators of Household Food Security (cont.)

Group Activity: Choose one of the participants
to act as a key informant and identify local
food security indicators

Plenary Discussion: Presentation of Working
Groups Findings

Break

The Emergency- Development Interface
Promoting Sustainable Livelihoods in Areas
Prone to Droughts, Vulnerability Mapping
Contingency Plans


Lunch


Introduction to Rapid Rural Appraisals-General
Characteristics

RRA Methodology
a) Sampling
b) Unit of Analysis
c) Relationship Between RRA and PRA
d) Tool Kit/Collection Techniques
1) Group Interviews
2) Focus Group Interviews
3) Key Informant Interviews
4) Household Interviews
5) Interactive Data Gathering Tools
-Maps and Models
-Transect
-Calendars
-Flow Diagrams
-Matrix Scoring

Lunch

Group Activity: Choose one member to act as the
key informant and use the RRA
tools to characterize their
village








Rapid Food Security Assessment Training Module
Sponsored by CARE-Ethiopia (cont.)


04.30-05.30


Plenary Discussion: Presentations of Working
Groups Findings


Day 3: Saturday, October 2, 1993


08.00-09.00












09.00-09.30


09.30-10.30




10.30-10.45

11.00-11.30


11.30-12.00

12.00-01.00

01.00-01.30


01.30-02.30


Procedure For Conducting Rapid Food Security
Assessments
a) Objectives
b) Composition of Survey Team
c) Use of Secondary Data
d) Interviewing Guidelines
e) Target Area Selection, Survey Area Selection
f) Interviewing Procedures
g) Writing up the Results


Constructing Topical Lists for Guiding
Interviews

Group Activity: Develop an interview guide to
elicit information from a
designated key informant

Coffee/Tea Break

Plenary Discussion: Presentation of Working
Groups Findings

Promoting Participation Through PRAs

Lunch

Alternative Uses of RRAs
a) Exploratory RRAs
b) RRAs Used for Monitoring and Evaluation

Information Relevant to Intervention Design
a) Types of Interventions
1) Development Type Interventions
2) Mitigation Type Interventions
3) Relief Type Responses
b) Institutional Assessments









Rapid Food Security Assessment Training Module
Sponsored by CARE-Ethiopia (cont.)


02.30-03.30







03.30-3.45

03.45-5.30





05.30-6.30


06.30-07.00


Group Activity: What Are the Various Types of
Interventions that Could be
Feasible to Implement Through
Farmer and Community
Participation?


Coffee/Tea Break

Group Activity: Planning an RRA Exercise in
E. Shewa and W. Hararghe
a) RRA Procedure-Scheduling
b) Developing Topical Guidelines

Plenary Discussion: Presentation of Working
Groups Findings

Closing and Reception





ANNEX 7
TOPICAL OUTLINE

RAPID FOOD SECURITY ASSESSMENT TOPICAL OUTLINE

Group Interview for Survey Area

Name of Peasant Association(s)

Location

Population:
number
ethnic groups
household types (male/female-headed households)

Major Crops Grown,
Trends (in crops grown, fertilizer. etc.),
Calendar

Access to Infrastructure
health facilities, local healers
schools
markets (prices)--how far, how often, connection
roads--all weather or dry weather
storage--losses
water sources--good potable water

Access to Natural Resources
forests reserves/wetlands
mining resources (quarry)
fish resources
livestock--rental arrangement, veterinary service
wild game
wild foods--local names, whether still available, toxicity
trends--any changes over the past 10 years
access to land

Access to Government Services
agriculture
forestry
veterinary
health
outreach services








other

Community Participation in Food Aid--do they feel they participate in design/decisions? What do
they think of the impact?

Population Trends (outmigration--are they returning? Displacement?)

Climatic Trends--past 10 years

Social Organization (PAs political leadership, food sharing networks, self-help organizations)

Other Income-Generating Activities

General Responses to Food Scarcity

Access to Development Projects-Design Participation
a) government
b) NGO and donor programs

Land Tenure Arrangements--inheritance, renting, sharecroppping; the landless; communal land

Access to Credit-- formal and informal, terms of credit

Community Problems and Needs--what they think about FFW, what are their priorities









RAPID FOOD SECURITY ASSESSMENT TOPICAL OUTLINE

Specific Household Interview

Name of Peasant Association

Name of Head of Household

I. Demographic Information

Gender of Household Head

Marital Status (widow; polygamous)

Age

Family Composition (adults living in household, children, other dependents)

Health status--any present illnesses: aids

Educational Background of Household Members

Ethnic Group/Tribe

Religion

Occupations of Household Members

II. Access to Resources

Access to Land; tenure (timad, kert); land renting

Access to Common Property
forests
pastures
water resources

Access to Means of Production
farm equipment (plows, tools)
traction animals (oxen, hoe)









Access to Livestock
types and number
selling patterns (within one-year time frame)

III. Livelihood Strategies

Crops Grown--focus on major staples grown (teff, maize, sorghum, wheat, barley, peas, broad
beans, haricot beans, lentils, chatt, sweet potatoes, onion, other vegetables)

For each crop ask about:
cultivation practices (use of oxen, hoe or combination)
division of labor
timing of different stages of cultivation (crop calendars)
inputs used (seeds, fertilizers, manures, insecticides)
where obtained
use of crop (quantity produced, marketed, consumed)
constraints to production
solutions to problems
effect of lack of oxen on time of planting (how late)

Other Income-Generating Activities
off-farm employment (wage labor)
seasonal migration
hunting
firewood or charcoal sales (price per bag)
trading
brewing (Tella. Arakie, Teji)
sale of wild foods, products (honey)
other (milk, butter, eggs)

IV. Coping Strategies

Adjustment to Meals (number, amount, diversity); compare good and bad days

Food Substitution (main staple, and whether they substitute)

Sale of Assets (liquid; productive)

Borrowing from Relatives/Friends

Credit (who, interest rate, terms)








Migration (permanent, seasonal)

Wild Foods\Unusual Foods (seasonality)

Alternative Employment

Redistribution of livestock

Redistribution of Children

Remittances (quantity, frequency)

Food Aid (consumed; sold--what they buy with it)

Other (wood selling)

V. Food Consumption Patterns

Composition of Diet (seasonal access)
types of staples
main pulses and protein food (vegetables, meat, fish)
snack foods (supplementary energy foods)

Sources of Food
own production
market purchases
types of food purchased
seasonality
prices
hunting/gathering
fishing
sharing/borrowing/begging
credit
food aid

Problems of Food Availability (market access, price, income, production shortfall)

Food Conservation/Preservation
food processing (what, how. who)
access to mills
access to oil press (where they go)









food storage
types of structures
types of food stored
duration of storage
other preservation techniques (drying? what preserved? problems?)
problems (losses do to pests, moisture damage, theft)

Traditional Food Sharing Practices (including ceremonies and festivals)

Food Preferences (qualities)
staples
pulses and energy foods
snacks

Food Taboos/Specialty Foods

Changes in the Diet (trends in last 10 years)

VI. Child Care

Care of Children When Mother Is Working

Number of Feeding Times

Weaning Foods (types, weaning age--partial and full)

VII. Household's Own Perception of Household Food Security

Perceived Adequacy of Access to Food (and if not adequate, why?)

Constraints

Competition Between Food Needs and Other Livelihood Needs

Proposed Solutions

VIII. Participation in Food Aid Programs

Participation in Food for Work Programs
history of program participation (how they became involved, who in the family
participates, was it a priority?)








wage earnings (type of foods, whether food is obtained locally or imported), impact of
earnings on livelihood, and whether it was significant
impact on family eating patterns (taste preferences, types of food eaten, meal frequency,
contribution of program to total food consumption (dependency?)
impact on health and nutritional status (do they feel better when FFW is received?)
seasonality of employment (slack season? at the right time? what is their preferred
calendar of FFW?)
types of projects and participants; perception of impact (household or community based).
land-use changes resulting from FFW program
availability of complementary resources (tools, supplies)
level of training (was there training?)
maintenance and sustainability of project
change in time of allocation/opportunity cost (what would you be doing if there were not
FFW? What were you doing before FFW?)

Participation in Emergency Feeding Program
nature of disaster or chronic food security problem (production failure, civil conflict,
drought, etc)
history of program participation (how they became involved, who in the family
participates)
impact on family eating patterns (taste preferences, types of food eaten, meal frequency,
contribution of program to total food consumption (dependency))
impact on health and nutritional status
ration size and commodity mix (imported or local, adequacy, frequency of distribution)
timeliness and effectiveness of response (degree of asset depletion, perception of
monitoring and participation); over a one-year period? how much of FFD did you
sell, when and why?
involvement in complementary programs (FFW/CFW, supplemental feeding, etc.);
distance travelled to FFD points

Participants' Perception of Strengths and Weaknesses of Food Aid Program

Recommendations for Improvements









ANNEX 8

CONCEPTUAL MODEL


Symptoms and
Signs





Immediate
Causes






Underlying
Causes


Political and Ideological Superstructure

Economic structure



Potential
Resources


Basic
Causes


Origin: UNICEF










Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix

GROUP INTERVIEW FOR SURVEY AREA

Livelihood Cereal Major Agro-Pastoral

Location West of Wonji town (Adama Bosset Woreda) About 12 kms northeast of Doni

Population:
number 2000 2275
ethnic groups Oromo Oromo
household types Female-headed HI1 30; Male-headed IIII 470 Female-headed 1tt 50; Male-headed HH 350

Major Crops Grown, and Maize, teff, wheat, barley, haricot beans, haricot beans peas, sorghum, lentils, Maize, teff, haricot beans, barley, sorghum, wheat, chickpeas. Used to grow peas,
Trends chickpeas. Don't grow chickpeas due to lack of seed, sorghum due to bird chickpeas, cotton and more sorghum. Reduced sorghum due to birds, locusts and
problem. Migratory birds came due to sugar plantation nearby. No improved seed shortage, cotton due to worm and seed shortage, chickpeas due to pest.
seed access, no oil seeds, not aware either.

Access to Infrastructure

health facilities No access to clinic nearest is Wonji and it is a factory clinic. Can't afford No health facilities. They have to go to Doni or Nazareth (3 hrs from Doni). No
medicine. No traditional healers. traditional healers.

schools No access to schools. Church school was destroyed. The nearest is Wonji. Only No school; the nearest is 10 kms away. Only five families send their kids. 90%
10% can read and write. are illiterate.

markets (prices) The nearby market is Wonji. No buyers come to the area. No market except Doni (once a week on Sunday).

roads Accessible road is CARE FFW-built road (dry season road). CARE has built road, but they have a transport problem no public transport.

storage Each house has storage (gotera), sometimes bags. Rats and insects destroy 1/3 of They use traditional "gotera."
the stored grain.

water sources Nearby water source is Awash River and Koka Lake, 3-4 hrs round trip. There is They use Awash River, 6-8 hrs round trip. They have ponds which last 3-4
potential for wells. months. Access to 5 ponds, three have water; distance is 30 minl 2 hrs.

Access to Natural Resources

forest reserves/wetlands 15-16 years back, the hills were covered with trees. Now the hills are cleared They have access to forest because they cannot use it for cultivation; it is too
down. The community is replanting trees through CARE. But the problem is stony.
that the livestock are grazing the seedlings.

mining resources None None









Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix

access to land Range: 2-10 kerts; average 4 kert (4 kert = 1 ha). 300 IIH have no access to 200 families are landless. They gain access by cultivating lands of their
land. families.

fish resources No one knows how to fish. They lack fishing tools. They don't have the technique of fishing, although they will eat it.

livestock 50-60 1111 have cattle (from 1-10) Half of the IIII have livestock. They have cattle (5-17), goats, sheep, donkeys,
camels. No horses, mules.
wild game They trap and catch fox and guinea fowl, hyena, hippo and monkeys. Guinea fowl, they eat and sell it.

wild foods Wild mustard (Chemerda), ziziphus and other wild greens. Cactus, ziziphus. They eat cactus for four months.

trends Wild foods have been disappearing for the last 16 years. There used to be more game, but all were killed off.
There used to be more trees.
Cactus is increasing due to drought.
Increasing environmental degradation.
Access to Government Services

agriculture No access to MOA people No agricultural extension service.

forestry No access to forestry people. They had an orientation on deforestation a year No forestry.
ago.
veterinary Veterinary services are in Wonji, and a year ago the vet. service visited their Vet. service came one year ago to vaccinate for rinderpest. They came on
village. request.

health No health service or education. No health vaccination since 5 years ago.

other

Community Participation (see Community Problems) In 1984 only 40 HH received FFD two times. They started FFW 4 years ago.
in Food Aid 200 HH participated. Priority was given to people who have less food.
Registration was done by the PA, and only able-bodied people were allowed to
participate. For 17 days work they received 50 kg of wheat and 1 litre of oil
provided only 2 times a yr. They collect the food at Doni.
Population trends (out- There is outmigration to other PAs. They have immigration (return of ex-soldiers). People seasonally migrate for pasture and water. Outmigration due to drought.
migration) Some immigration










Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix (5 9 $

Access to Common Property

forests Limited access to forests and grazing No access to forest. Everybody has access to forest Same
lands. People harvest trees from
shrubs around the lake.

pastures Govt. pasture land. Govt. pasture land Everybody has access to pasture on Same
communal land
water resources Awash river, ponds. Same

Access to Means of Production

farm equipment (plows, None having equipment (3 don't Only one has equipment, one has No equipment 2. Having equipment- No equipment.
tools) have) none. 6 (One got 3 sets)

traction animals 0-4 oxen. Rent oxen with grain or with None own oxen. Gain access through Two IIII have no oxen. Four HH have One Hit has no oxen and 1 11H has I
labour (3 days on owner's land. I day sharing production (equal share). Begs I ox. One 11l1 has 4 oxen. ox.
his own) and by providing land (3 for oxen for 2 kerts.
kerts).

Access to Livestock

types and number Five 111I have no animals. None 2 chickens.
Well-to-do HII have 4 oxen, 2 cows,
7 sheep, 15 chickens.
Other (poor) 1 ox.
Other has 3 goats and 2 chicks
One has chickens.
One has a donkey.

selling pattern (within Sale of chickens when in need. Sold ox to treat sick baby. Cows: 3 iHH none; 4 HH 1; 1 HH Cows: 1 HH none; 1 Hll 3. Goats:
one year time frame) ** Seasonal changes in prices: Sold ox to bury husband. 2; 1 HI! 6. Bulls: 1 HH 3. Calves: 0-5. Sheep: 0-4. No donkeys or
Bull: 1000 birr Nov/Dec, 500-600 birr 0-3. Heifers: 0-3. chickens. Only products are sold.
May-Sep. Goats: 0-7. Sheep: 0-1. Donkeys: 0-3.
Goat: 60 birr Nov/Dec, 20-30 birr May- Chickens: 0-2.
Sep. One farmer sold 8 cattle and 5 goats
for health expenses and food expenses.
Another sold 3 cattle for health
expenses.









Rapid Bate Bora Hassie Dhera
Food Security
Assessment Matrix

Climatic Trends Frequency of rainfall changed. Falls hard and then stops. When it falls hard it The drought is increasing and they are more dependent on charcoal. However
floods the farm; people with no oxen have difficulty replanting, and replace the the government is confiscating charcoal at checkpoints.
field with other short crops (maize and sorghum with haricot beans, chick peas
and teff).

Social organization Food is not sufficient to share. They have PA and traditional burial ceremony ("iddir").
(peasant associations,
political leadership, food
sharing networks)

Other Income Generating Charcoal production, sale of grass, fuel, daily labour in Wonji, shepherding. Charcoal is a source of income. Firewood sales. Seasonal state farm
Activities employment. Selling grain from FFW.

General Responses to They use what they stored. They sell animals, do FFW, sell charcoal and grass, They eat wild food, increase charcoal sales and participate in FFW.
Food Scarcity take loans, send children to Wonji for daily labour. Seek government assistance (also NGOs).

Access to Development Projects Design Participation

government None No access to government

NGO and donor CARE works in the area: roads, soil conservation, ponds, area closure, nursery. CARE has been operating in the area for 4 yrs with FFW programs, constructing
programs ponds and roads, gelling access to trees.

Land Tenure (See natural resources). Half of the population does not have access to land. When land was distributed,
Arrangements Women become landholders when they inherit from their husbands. each husband and wife got 6 kert and each child 1 kert in 1976.

Access to Credit Credit is obtained from Wonji, women need sponsors to get credit. Credit interest Grain loan and cash through PAs with interest of 100% to be paid within 3-4
is 100%-125%. Credits are in cash and in kind. months.




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