• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Cover
 Title Page
 Preface
 Table of Contents
 List of Tables
 List of Illustrations
 Map: Part of Gujranwala Tehsil
 Chapter I: The setting
 Chapter II: The people
 Chapter III: Land utilization,...
 Chapter IV: Tools and implemen...
 Chapter V: The crops and methods...
 Chapter VI: Livestock
 Chapter VII: Labour
 Chapter VIII: The agricultural...
 Chapter IX: Marketing and...
 Chapter X: Education
 Chapter XI: Health
 Chapter XII: Union councils
 Chapter XIII: Technological...
 Chapter XIV: Agricultural...
 Chapter XV: District administration...
 Chapter XVI: The expedition and...
 Chapter XVII: Postscript by a Pakistani...
 Glossary
 Back Cover






Title: Budhopur report: a study of tradition and change in a Punjabi Village in the Gujranwala District, West Pakistan
CITATION PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE PAGE TEXT
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00053840/00001
 Material Information
Title: Budhopur report: a study of tradition and change in a Punjabi Village in the Gujranwala District, West Pakistan
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Social Sciences Research Centre, University of the Panjab
Cambridge University Asian Expedition ( Contributor )
Affiliation: University of the Panjab -- Social Sciences Research Centre
Publisher: Social Sciences Research Centre, University of the Panjab
Publication Date: 1962
 Subjects
Subject: Agriculture   ( lcsh )
Farm life   ( lcsh )
Farming   ( lcsh )
Spatial Coverage: Asia -- Pakistan
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00053840
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: Marston Science Library, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 04390627

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    Preface
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Table of Contents
        Page v
        Page vi
    List of Tables
        Page vii
        Page viii
    List of Illustrations
        Page ix
    Map: Part of Gujranwala Tehsil
        Plate
    Chapter I: The setting
        Page 1
        Physical features
            Page 1
        Climate
            Page 1
        History
            Page 2
            Page 3
    Chapter II: The people
        Page 4
        Caste
            Page 4
            Page 5
            Page 6
            Plate
        Age
            Page 7
        Births and deaths
            Page 7
        Marital status and marriage customs
            Page 8
            Plate
        Children
            Page 9
            Page 10
            Plate
        Religion
            Page 11
        Village politics
            Page 12
        Friendship and recreation
            Page 13
        Drinking and smoking
            Page 14
        The household
            Page 14
            Plate
            Plate
        Clothing
            Page 15
            Page 16
    Chapter III: Land utilization, ownership and tenancy
        Page 17
        Size of holdings
            Page 17
        Land ownership
            Page 17
        Tenancy
            Page 18
            Page 19
            Page 20
            Page 21
    Chapter IV: Tools and implements
        Page 22
        Plate
        Page 23
    Chapter V: The crops and methods of cultivation
        Page 24
        Methods of cultivation
            Page 24
        The rice crop
            Page 24
        Sugar cane
            Page 25
        Other Kharif crops
            Page 26
        The wheat crop
            Page 26
        Other Rabi crops
            Page 27
        Vegetables
            Page 28
        Cropping figures
            Page 28
            Page 29
    Chapter VI: Livestock
        Page 30
        Page 31
    Chapter VII: Labour
        Page 32
        Permanenet farm labour
            Page 32
        Casual and voluntary labour
            Page 33
        Village artisans and providers of services
            Page 33
            Blacksmith and carpenter (Lohar and Turkhan)
                Page 33
            Washerman (dhobi)
                Page 34
            Kumhiar (potter, now carrier)
                Page 34
            Cobbler (mochi)
                Page 34
                Plate
            Barber (nai)
                Page 35
            Weaver (julaha)
                Page 35
            Water carrier (machhi)
                Page 35
            Dung cake making (goya di seyp)
                Page 35
            Chowkidar
                Page 35
            Tubewell mechanic (mistri)
                Page 35
            Shopkeeper
                Page 35
            Maulvi
                Page 36
        Men who work away from budhopur
            Page 36
            Plate
            Page 37
            Page 38
            Page 39
    Chapter VIII: The agricultural year
        Page 40
        Page 41
    Chapter IX: Marketing and the economy
        Page 42
        Economics of Chowdri Chand's farm
            Page 43
            Page 44
        Food expenditure of Yasin
            Page 45
        Income and expenditure of Yamin
            Page 46
        weddings and other expenses
            Page 47
    Chapter X: Education
        Page 48
        Plate
        Page 49
        Page 50
    Chapter XI: Health
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Plate
    Chapter XII: Union councils
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Plate
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Plate
        Page 59
    Chapter XIII: Technological change
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
    Chapter XIV: Agricultural extension
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Plate
        Page 67
    Chapter XV: District administration and services
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
    Chapter XVI: The expedition and the village
        Page 72
        Page 73
    Chapter XVII: Postscript by a Pakistani farmer by Agha Sajjad Haider, M. Sc. (Agri. econ.)
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
    Glossary
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text
/), O5~


P.. HILDEBRAND
SCaiEF OP PLANNING





The Budhopur Report
A Study of the Forces of Tradition and Change
in a Punjabi Village in the Gujranwala District, West Pakistan


Social Sciences Research
University of the Panjab,


Centre
Lahore





















































Price Rs. 5-00


$2-00; 14 sh. 4d.




Wtth COumplrnentp of fthi
Social sciences Research Centre,
University of the Panjab,
LAHORE (PAKISTAN)




THE BUDHOPUR REPORT

'A Study of the Forces of Traditiownand Change
in a Punjabi Village in the Gujranwala District, West Pakistan.















'By

The Members of the


CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY ASIAN EXPEDITION















SOCIAL SCIENCES RESEARCH CENTRE
University of the Panjab
LAHORE 1962














PREFACE


It is with great pleasure, and much justifiable
pride, that I write this short preface to the Report on
Budhopur, prepared by a team of six young men
from my Alma Mater the University of Cam-
bridge. A devoted band of workers, completely
unacquainted with the area, the people, their
language and their problems, undertook the task to
make a comprehensive survey of a village in my
homeland. The survey they have made proves the
excellence of the training they received at Cambridge,
as also the enthusiasm and devotion with which every
member of the team worked. Within a short period
of three months they were able to converse with
the people of Budhopur in their own language-
Punjabi, a language very different from the mother-
tongue of the survey team. Further, they ventured to
live under conditions in which the people of Budho-
pur lived, breathed the village air, drank the water
from the village hand-pump, cooked what was avail-
able, and got used to chapatis baked by a village
lass. They won complete confidence of the people
by sharing in their lives and activities, and were
able to understand their feelings, ambitions, hopes
and disappointments. They were thus able to
translate the desires and difficulties of the people
among whom they lived and worked.

Such an objective and scientific study as made
by the Cambridge group is of the utmost value to
us, the people of this area, whether members of the
general public or those charged with the duties of
administration at various levels, in different sections.

The village Budhopur, the focus of attention,
with a population of 783 souls, divided into 147
households, covering an area of 670 acres, of which
607 acres are under cultivation, is one of the small
villages, but is otherwise a fairly good sample of any
habitation in the region which prior to Partition
(August 14, 1947) was described as the Punjab, and
after Partition as the West Punjab. The present
population is more homogeneous after the departure


of the Hindus and Sikhs, and consists mainly of
the Sunni Muslims (719), with a few Christian con-
verts (64). Nevertheless, the old-established classi-
fication of zamindars (hereditary owners or cultiva-
tors ofland) and kammi (artisans and those who
follow ancillary occupations, sometimes considered
of a low social status) continues. The Party have
fully surveyed the social hierarchy, peculiar to this
subcontinent, perhaps based on the ancient Hindu
caste system, which centuries of Muslim rule and
Islamic ideal of social equality, had not been able
to shake off completely. The influence of this social
organization on the individual and groups, and on
village politics, social groupings, mutual alliances,
marriages, etc., has been examined with great
thoroughness.
The influence of the ownership of land, the
size of holdings, or the positions held has been
studied.
The standard of cultivation, implements used,
crops grown, yields obtained and income earned
have been under observation. Interesting informa-
tion has been collected regarding the position of
livestock in the village economy, and more partic-
ularly the position of the milch-buffalo, and of
ghee production which brings in cash.
The place of artisans in the village has also
received attention, and the importance of tube-well
mechanics in the developing pattern of irrigation
has been brought out.
The Marketing and Economy Chapter reveals
some interesting facts, which are suitably expressed
by the statement :".......... over and above
the subsistence economy of the village, there is a
per capital income of 65 rupees from outside sales."
Income and expenditure of the individual far-
mers have been worked out in some detail. These
indicate the line on which more work is needed. In
the case of Yamin (5-acre farm) the normal expendi-
ture and income almost balance, and if he did not












have an additional income from his share in the
tube-well, he would be faced with deficit.

The inadequacy of educational and health facil-
ities is brought out forcibly, as also the ineffective-
ness of assistance and guidance available for over-
all land management, better crop production, stock
raising and auxiliary occupations for additional
income. Urgent need for improved communica-
tions roads, postal services, and telephones is
rightly emphasized, because it is along these that
ideas travel and economic facilities become avail-
able.

Coming from an independent source, whose
only object was a thorough and faithful study of the
conditions prevailing, the criticism of 'Administra-
tion and Services' is worthy of most careful thought.
The people in the villages removed from the con-
stant impact of world forces, and living a life of
bare subsistence, have developed a psychology of
frustration and a lack of desire for action. The
effort required even for a small gain is so great that
people are content with their lot, and others more
fortunately placed adopt the attitude of indifference,
expressed by the Party in the phrase-"Leave them
to their fate." Active and persistent effort is need-
ed to break the thick crust of inborn and ingrained
pessimism. People do not move, they have to be
pushed, and once they move, the pressure has to be
continued to keep them in motion.

Let us hope that the objectivity of this
report, the plain statement of facts, the bold con-
clusions and suggestions will provide a stimulus for
action.


There is need for many more studies of this
type, which are thorough and unbiased. Villages in
different parts of the region, with different 'structure'
should be selected and careful surveys conducted.
For instance, it will be interesting to make a year-
to-year survey of the effects of Land Reforms on
socio-economic conditions of those who have ob-
tained possession of land, as well as those who have
lost some of their possessions. These surveys
should deal with the individual's social and
economic position as well as the impact on society.

Some years ago an attempt was made to leaven
village life by introducing educated men into
the village society. A scheme of 'Graduate
Grantees' was initiated by Sir Fazl-i-Husain.
Several graduates in Arts, Sciences and Agriculture
were given a grant of 50 acres of land each, on the
express condition that they lived in the village in
which they had been allotted land. Unfortunately,
no follow-up study was undertaken. It is suggest-
ed that the Social Sciences Research Centre may
consider the possibility of undertaking surveys of
some of the villages where Graduate Grantees had
settled. Very interesting and useful information
may become available through such studies.

In the end, I am sure, this excellent survey will
be a beginning of many such surveys. The Cam-
bridge Team deserve praise for their work.



M. AFZAL HUSAIN, M. A. (Cantab.),
Former Vice-Chancellor,

University of the Panjab.









CONTENTS
Page
Preface-by Mian Afzal Husain, M.A. (Cantab.), iii
Former Vice-Chancellor, University of the Panjab.
Chapter

I The Setting ............ 1
Physical Features ......... 1
Climate ....... .. 1
History .. ....... 2

The Village Scene : Traditional but Changing

II The People 4....... 4
Caste ........ .. 4
Age .. ...... 7
Births and Deaths ........ 7
Marital Status and Marriage Customs ... .. 8
Children .. .. ... 9
Religion .... .. 11
Village Politics ..... .. 12
Friendship and Recreation ....... 13
Drinking and Smoking ....... 14
The Household .... ... 14
Clothing ......... 15

III Land Utilization, Ownership and Tenancy 17
Size of Holdings ...... ... 17
Land Ownership ...... .... 17
Tenancy ...... .... 18

IV Tools and Implements .. .... 22

V The Crops and Methods of Cultivation 24

Methods of Cultivation .... .... 24
The Rice Crop ........ 24
Sugar Cane ...... .... 25
Other Kharif Crops .. ..... 26
The Wheat Crop ...... .... 26
Other Rabi Crops .... .... 27
Vegetables ...... .... 28
Cropping Figures ...... .... 28

VI Livestock .. .. 30









vi

Page
VII Labour .. ........ 32
Permanent Farm Labour .... .. .. 32
Casual and Voluntary Labour .. .. .... 33
Village Artisans and Providers of Services 33

1. Blacksmith and Carpenter (Lohar and Turkhan) .. 33
2. Washerman (Dhobi) .. .. .... 34
3. Kumhiar (Potter, now Carrier) .. .... 34
4. Cobbler (Mochi) .. .. .. .. 34
5. Barber (Nai) ... 35
6. Weaver (Julaha) .. .. .. 35.
7. Water Carrier (Machhi) .. ..35
8. Dung Cake Making (Goya di Seyp) .... 35
9. Chowkidar .. .. ..35,
10. Tubewell Mechanic (Mistri) .. .. 35
11. Shopkeeper .. .. .. 35-
12. Maulvi .. ... .. 36
Men who work away from Budhopur .. .. 36,

VIII The Agricultural Year .. .. .. .. 40

IX Marketing and the Economy .... .. 42
Economics of Chowdri Chand's Farm ...... 43,
Food Expenditure o,f Yasin .. .. .... 45
Income and Expenditure of Yamin .... 46.
Weddings and other Expenses ...... 47

Outside Influences : A Force for Development

X Education .. .... .... 48

XI Health .... .. .... 51

XII Union Councils .. .. .. .. 53

XIII Technological Change .. .... .. .. 60.

XIV Agricultural Extension .. .. .. .... 65

XV District Administration and Services .... .. .. 68.

XVI The Expedition and the Village .... .. 72

XVII Postscript by a Pakistani Farmer by Agha Sajjad Haider, M. Sc. (Agri. Econ.) 74-

Glossary ...... .... 79

MAPS

Map 1 Part of Gujranwala Tehsil .... .. opposite page .. 1
Map 2 Plan of Budhopur Village .. .. .. ,, .. T
Map 3 Mokhal and Mandiala Tega Union Councils .. ,, .. 54-













LIST OF TABLES


Spread of rainfall and temperature.
Recent local kammi immigrants.
Budhopur families by caste. ..
Births and deaths recorded.
Kinship categories of parents-in-law.
Distribution of children by caste.
Children's ages at death.
Size of farm holdings. .. .
Land ownership and cultivation, by caste.
Land ownership and tenancy, by size of holding...
Tools and implements used by the farmer in Budhopur.
Extract from the Revenue Patwari's Lal Kitab for Budhopur.
Cropping figures for the total acreage cultivated...
Bud hopur livestock .
Permanent labour by size of holding.
Arains working away from Budhopur ..
Rajputs working away from Budhopur ..
Work categories of adult males by caste : zamindars.
Work categories of adult males by caste : kammis.
The Agricultural Year. ...
Cropping pattern of Chand's farm.
Chand's cash crop, 1961
Chand's assets. ..
Yearly food expenditure of Yasin. .
Yearly expenditure of Yamin. .. .
Yearly income of Yamin. ..
Expenses for a double wedding. ..
The elected members of Mokhal Union Council.
The nominated members of Mokhal Union Council.
The elected members of Mandiala Tega Union Council.
The nominated members of Mandiala Tega Union Council.
Attendance record.. .. .
Origin of topics discussed. ..
Topics discussed. ....
Agricultural extension services... .


Page
2
5
6
7
8
9
10
17
19
S .21
S22
S29
S29
S30
S32
S36
37
S38
S39
41
44
44
45
45
46
46
47
55
55
56
S56
S57
. 57
S57
S67











LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS


A Punjabi Villager...

The Sociologist and Haji Jamaluddin, Lamhardar.

Ajermand, reading the Holy Quran.
Inside of a house.

A mud-made bin carried to be placed in the house.

Winning of wheat.

A carpenter at work.

A peddler in the village.
A class-room of Mandiala Tega School.
A mother attending to her daughter's hair.

Road buildings-a self-help venture. .

A Plant Protection Expert..


. Facing page


Cover page

8

11
14

15

22

34

36
48
52

59

66






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CHAPTER I
THE SETTING


Physical Features

The District of Gujranwala consists of a flat
featureless plain, bordered by the Chenab river
to the north-west, and with the Degh Nala incising
the plain and breaking its flat conformity in the
south-east. Low-lying alluvial lands (hithar) fringe
these rivers and between lies the upland plain (uthar)
on which Budhopur is situated.

Geographically, it lies between the fertile
sub-montane District of Sialkot and the former
desert of Jhang with fertility decreasing with the
distance from the Himalayas. Thus Budhopur, close
to the Sialkot border, lies in one of the most fertile
parts of the Gujranwala District. On a clear day
the usually level horizon is broken to the north
by the line of snow-capped Himalayas. Geologi-
cally, the area consists of thick deposits of alluvium,
for which most recent estimates give an average
depth-of 6,000 feet; though flooding of streams
in the area used to have a great fertilising effect,
nowadays water control nearly always prevents this.

Although there is no forest in the region, and
shortage of wood is very apparent in the villages,
there are many trees dotted over the landscape,
especially in and around the villages and at the
wells. The Forestry Department is planting many
trees, particularly along the roads and canals,
and is encouraging the villagers to do likewise.

Fish thrive in the local rivers and the Fisheries
Department is encouraging the stocking of village
ponds. Though Budhopur ponds have no fish,
only a few turtles, the villagers do occasionally go
fishing in Kotli Nangra, Kotli Baga, or Tokri,
where the ponds are well stocked.

The motor route from Gujranwala to Budho-
pur is about 20 miles : eight miles to the south along
the Grand Trunk Road, then two miles along the
Eminabad link road of tarmac, before heading


north beside the Kamoke Distributary along seven
miles of kachcha canal road, to the final two miles
over a rough track towards Mandiala Tega and
the old Sialkot road to Budhopur (see Map 1).
The direct route to Gujranwala, a distance of
10 miles-along the Mandiala Tega-Ferozwala-
Gujranwala roads, is quite unmotorable and is
negotiated only with difficulty by tongas and bicycles,
even in fair weather. It is hoped to tarmac this
one day, but since funds at present only run to ten
miles of new road a year, it may be five or ten years
before the project is carried through. The villager
can travel on foot to Ferozwala, three miles away,
and take a tonga for the remaining five miles; this
way the journey takes about two hours.
Budhopur's relations are much closer with the
neighboring village of Mandiala Tega, only a mile
away, than with Mokhal, the new Union Council
headquarters, which is three miles away. Further
afield, Ferozwala, a much larger village on the
direct route to Gujranwala, has some influence;
but this is overshadowed by the closeness of Guj-
ranwala, in which several of the villagers work,
and from where Budhopur is administered.
Climate
The winter season, lasting from the end of
October till mid-March, is very pleasant, usually
with clear skies (especially in November and Decem-
ber), warm days and cool nights. In mid-winter
the night temperatures drop to the 30s with a very
occasional frost, and the villagers lack warm
clothes and usually retire early under cotton-stuffed
razais (quilts). In January or February, the winter
rains begin, but they are variable both in timing and
quantity, and cannot be relied upon by the farmer.
In March the temperatures start to rise very quickly
and by May have passed a daily maximum of 1000
in the shade. The hot and dry heat increases to a
daily maximum up to 1-10 in June, but may be
broken for a short spell by sudden dust and rain













CHAPTER I
THE SETTING


Physical Features

The District of Gujranwala consists of a flat
featureless plain, bordered by the Chenab river
to the north-west, and with the Degh Nala incising
the plain and breaking its flat conformity in the
south-east. Low-lying alluvial lands (hithar) fringe
these rivers and between lies the upland plain (uthar)
on which Budhopur is situated.

Geographically, it lies between the fertile
sub-montane District of Sialkot and the former
desert of Jhang with fertility decreasing with the
distance from the Himalayas. Thus Budhopur, close
to the Sialkot border, lies in one of the most fertile
parts of the Gujranwala District. On a clear day
the usually level horizon is broken to the north
by the line of snow-capped Himalayas. Geologi-
cally, the area consists of thick deposits of alluvium,
for which most recent estimates give an average
depth-of 6,000 feet; though flooding of streams
in the area used to have a great fertilising effect,
nowadays water control nearly always prevents this.

Although there is no forest in the region, and
shortage of wood is very apparent in the villages,
there are many trees dotted over the landscape,
especially in and around the villages and at the
wells. The Forestry Department is planting many
trees, particularly along the roads and canals,
and is encouraging the villagers to do likewise.

Fish thrive in the local rivers and the Fisheries
Department is encouraging the stocking of village
ponds. Though Budhopur ponds have no fish,
only a few turtles, the villagers do occasionally go
fishing in Kotli Nangra, Kotli Baga, or Tokri,
where the ponds are well stocked.

The motor route from Gujranwala to Budho-
pur is about 20 miles : eight miles to the south along
the Grand Trunk Road, then two miles along the
Eminabad link road of tarmac, before heading


north beside the Kamoke Distributary along seven
miles of kachcha canal road, to the final two miles
over a rough track towards Mandiala Tega and
the old Sialkot road to Budhopur (see Map 1).
The direct route to Gujranwala, a distance of
10 miles-along the Mandiala Tega-Ferozwala-
Gujranwala roads, is quite unmotorable and is
negotiated only with difficulty by tongas and bicycles,
even in fair weather. It is hoped to tarmac this
one day, but since funds at present only run to ten
miles of new road a year, it may be five or ten years
before the project is carried through. The villager
can travel on foot to Ferozwala, three miles away,
and take a tonga for the remaining five miles; this
way the journey takes about two hours.
Budhopur's relations are much closer with the
neighboring village of Mandiala Tega, only a mile
away, than with Mokhal, the new Union Council
headquarters, which is three miles away. Further
afield, Ferozwala, a much larger village on the
direct route to Gujranwala, has some influence;
but this is overshadowed by the closeness of Guj-
ranwala, in which several of the villagers work,
and from where Budhopur is administered.
Climate
The winter season, lasting from the end of
October till mid-March, is very pleasant, usually
with clear skies (especially in November and Decem-
ber), warm days and cool nights. In mid-winter
the night temperatures drop to the 30s with a very
occasional frost, and the villagers lack warm
clothes and usually retire early under cotton-stuffed
razais (quilts). In January or February, the winter
rains begin, but they are variable both in timing and
quantity, and cannot be relied upon by the farmer.
In March the temperatures start to rise very quickly
and by May have passed a daily maximum of 1000
in the shade. The hot and dry heat increases to a
daily maximum up to 1-10 in June, but may be
broken for a short spell by sudden dust and rain













CHAPTER I
THE SETTING


Physical Features

The District of Gujranwala consists of a flat
featureless plain, bordered by the Chenab river
to the north-west, and with the Degh Nala incising
the plain and breaking its flat conformity in the
south-east. Low-lying alluvial lands (hithar) fringe
these rivers and between lies the upland plain (uthar)
on which Budhopur is situated.

Geographically, it lies between the fertile
sub-montane District of Sialkot and the former
desert of Jhang with fertility decreasing with the
distance from the Himalayas. Thus Budhopur, close
to the Sialkot border, lies in one of the most fertile
parts of the Gujranwala District. On a clear day
the usually level horizon is broken to the north
by the line of snow-capped Himalayas. Geologi-
cally, the area consists of thick deposits of alluvium,
for which most recent estimates give an average
depth-of 6,000 feet; though flooding of streams
in the area used to have a great fertilising effect,
nowadays water control nearly always prevents this.

Although there is no forest in the region, and
shortage of wood is very apparent in the villages,
there are many trees dotted over the landscape,
especially in and around the villages and at the
wells. The Forestry Department is planting many
trees, particularly along the roads and canals,
and is encouraging the villagers to do likewise.

Fish thrive in the local rivers and the Fisheries
Department is encouraging the stocking of village
ponds. Though Budhopur ponds have no fish,
only a few turtles, the villagers do occasionally go
fishing in Kotli Nangra, Kotli Baga, or Tokri,
where the ponds are well stocked.

The motor route from Gujranwala to Budho-
pur is about 20 miles : eight miles to the south along
the Grand Trunk Road, then two miles along the
Eminabad link road of tarmac, before heading


north beside the Kamoke Distributary along seven
miles of kachcha canal road, to the final two miles
over a rough track towards Mandiala Tega and
the old Sialkot road to Budhopur (see Map 1).
The direct route to Gujranwala, a distance of
10 miles-along the Mandiala Tega-Ferozwala-
Gujranwala roads, is quite unmotorable and is
negotiated only with difficulty by tongas and bicycles,
even in fair weather. It is hoped to tarmac this
one day, but since funds at present only run to ten
miles of new road a year, it may be five or ten years
before the project is carried through. The villager
can travel on foot to Ferozwala, three miles away,
and take a tonga for the remaining five miles; this
way the journey takes about two hours.
Budhopur's relations are much closer with the
neighboring village of Mandiala Tega, only a mile
away, than with Mokhal, the new Union Council
headquarters, which is three miles away. Further
afield, Ferozwala, a much larger village on the
direct route to Gujranwala, has some influence;
but this is overshadowed by the closeness of Guj-
ranwala, in which several of the villagers work,
and from where Budhopur is administered.
Climate
The winter season, lasting from the end of
October till mid-March, is very pleasant, usually
with clear skies (especially in November and Decem-
ber), warm days and cool nights. In mid-winter
the night temperatures drop to the 30s with a very
occasional frost, and the villagers lack warm
clothes and usually retire early under cotton-stuffed
razais (quilts). In January or February, the winter
rains begin, but they are variable both in timing and
quantity, and cannot be relied upon by the farmer.
In March the temperatures start to rise very quickly
and by May have passed a daily maximum of 1000
in the shade. The hot and dry heat increases to a
daily maximum up to 1-10 in June, but may be
broken for a short spell by sudden dust and rain











storms, especially upsetting for the farmer during
the wheat harvest.
The monsoon usually arrives in July and there
is intermittent rain until September, with the usual
muggy spells. However, this too is variable from
year to year; the farmer using well irrigation for his
rice crop depends on a good monsoon rainfall in
addition, and in drier years his crop definitely
suffers. Hail falls occasionally and a heavy storm
in the autumn of 1961 caused severe damage to
rice crops in Gujranwala Tehsil. Although rainfall
is greatest during the monsoon, with a minor peak
in winter, it may come at any time of the year, and a
month is rarely completely dry-October and No-
vember are the driest. From September onwards
temperatures drop quickly and revert by November
to the daily range in winter of 30.
There is no meteorological station at Gujranwala,
and the following figures are taken from Sialkot,
as the mean for the years 194,7-60; in fact, Budho-
pur has rather less rain and slightly higher stir.mer
temperatures.
TABLE 1
Spread of Rainfall and Temperatume
Mean Mean Total
Month Max. Min. Rainfall
Temp F Temp F ins.

January .. 66 42 2.0

February .. 69 46 1.7

March .. 80 54 1.5

April .. 92 65 1.0

May .. 102 74 1.0

June .. 105 80 2,4

July .. 97 8p 8.4

August .. 94 78 9.3

September .. 95 74 3.4

October .. 91 62 0.3

November .. 81 49 0.2

December .. 69 42 0.7


The rainfall figures are most notable for their
variability over the years and the annual total may
vary from as little as 15 ins. up to as much as 41 ins.

History

Little is known of early history, but the area was
inhabited when Alexander was campaigning, and
in 630 A. D. a Chinese pilgrim records a flourishing
kingdom stretching from the Indus to the Beas,
whose capital was at Mian Ali, near Khangah Dogran
in adjoining Sheikhupura District. Much later,
under Mughal rule, the ancient town of Eminabad
was the chief administrative centre (parganah) of the
region, and this lies only eight miles south-west of
Budhopur. It was during this period that most
of the existing villages were founded by immigrants,
who were predominantly Jats. In the early 18th
century, with the decline of the Mughal rule, war,
famine, and inter-tribal struggles laid waste the
country, and many settlements were deserted; but
with the ensuing consolidation of Sikh rule the
old owners returned and resumed their homes.

The Gujranwala District was among the first
in which Sikh dominion was established and both
Mahan Singh and his more famous son Ranjit Singh
were born in Gujranwala city. The Sikhs had
expelled the Mughals from Eminabad as early as
1760, and this town became a great centre of Sikh
culture. They founded Rohri Sahib, a Sikh gur-
dwara which is connected with Guru Nanak, the
chief Sikh prophet, who is supposed to have made
his bed there on a couch of broken stones. Guj-
ranwala grew under Ranjit Singh's influence, but
it seems probable that Eminabad was still far more
important to the villages in the Budhopur area.

After the death of Ranjit Singh, and the war
following, British rule was established by the sett-
ing up of a regency at Lahore in 1845. This lead
to the breakdown of Sikh power, but they remain-
ed the dominant group in the area and returned to
favour with the British after their help at the time
of the 1857 rising. With the boundary reform
of 1851-52, Budhopur became part of the Sialkot


Annual


87 62 31.8











District, but it was right on the boundary with Guj-
ranwala District and far more closely connected
with Gujranwla, only eight miles away, than with
Sialkot, which is 28 miles to the north-east. ,How-
.ever, the British constructed a 30 yards wide
kachcha road for moving troops from the Grand
Trunk Road through Eminabad to Sialkot, which
passes right through Budhopur's land, and the
older villagers remember when troops used to pass
this way.

Other developments under the British include
the coming of the railway to Gujranwala on the
Lahore-Rawalpindi-Peshawar Grand Trunk
Route in 1871-74, with a branch line from Wazira-
bad to Sialkot in 1885. Then the construction
of the Lower Chenab and Upper Chenab Canals
in 1888 and 1912 respectively revolutionised the
,agriculture and prosperity of the district.

In 1919, Budhopur reverted to Gujranwala
District, whose boundaries have remained the same
since. The metalling of the road from Gujranwala
to Sialkot in the 1920's finally set the seal on the
death of the old road from Eminabad to Sialkot
through Budhopur, and this is now in very bad
-condition, only used by pedestrians, animals, or
occasionally jeeps; it is just motorable in fair
weather. The canals, however, brought good
kachcha roads along their banks which are used
-chiefly by officials, on a permit.

After the upheaval of Partition ruins of Sikh
and Hindu temples still stand in some villages. The
Gazetteer talks of "The fine ruins of Muslim
architecture in Eminabad"; to-day one sees
equally the fine ruins of Sikh architecture. For the
last three years the Rohri Sahib monastery at Emina-
bad has been revisited by Sikhs from the East Punjab,
for the Baisakhi festival. The Eminabad Baisakhi
.mela (fair) is as large as it ever was; it is certainly
the highlight of the year for all the Budhopur
farmers and for villages even up to a forty-mile
.radius from Eminabad. As a town, however,
Eminabad has declined, and this began before Parti-
tion, as it was not on the main road and railway.


In the last ten years its population increased only
1 per cent, while that of Gujranwala and Kamoke,
both on the Grand Trank Road and main railway,
increased by 60 per cent. Kamoke, five miles to
the south of Eminabad, has become an important
rice market, and the Budhopur farmer now sells
his grain either in Kamoke or in Gujranwala.

Budhopur itself was founded about the year
1800. This information was obtained on a visit
to the 80 year old mirasi of the Jat Sundu biraderi,
who lives in the neighboring village of Mandiala
Tega. A blind man, he recited 38 generations
of the Jat Sundu lambardar, Mohammed-ud-Din,
which must date back well before 1,000 A. D. Six
generations ago Mahi, one of the two sons of Gurdet
Singh who lived in Mandiala Tega, was converted
to the Muslim faith, and with a group of his
followers he founded the secondary settlement of
Budhopur about a mile to the north of Mandiala
Tega.

But Budhopur did not remain exclusively
Muslim and many Sikh Jat Viraks were amongst
the earlier settlers. In the 20th century the Sikhs
were the dominant power in the village and had a
local reputation for cattle thieving and lawlessness.

After Partition in 1947 zamindar refugee im-
migrants came to Budhopur from the East Punjab
and were not assimilated by the locals, though they
now form about 20 per cent of the population. On
arrival they were rebuffed and, despite the efforts
of refugee rehabilitation officials, economically
repressed. At first kammis (artisans and labourers)
refused to work for them at harvest time, and when
the refugees rented land to the locals the latter did
not pay rent in full, or on time. Then in 1957 a
relatively wealthy, educated, and respected leader
emerged in Haji Jamaluddin, when he returned
to the village from service in the Pakistan Navy
and in Kuwait. Since then relations between the
two groups have improved considerably. Even
though there is still evident friction between the
two parties, Budhopur cannot be described as
a village of faction.













CHAPTER II
THE PEOPLE


Caste

In January 1962 there were 783 people with
their homes in Budhopur, and households totalled
147. There are nineteen different caste groups and
these are divided by two basic criteria. Firstly two
thirds of the villagers are farmers (zamindars), but
the remaining third (kammis) perform the more
specialised artisan and menial tasks. At least that
was their traditional status, but now kammis can and
do own land. The second main division is' within
the zamindar group, between local Jat castes and
refugee castes who came after Partition.

The dominant local caste is Jat Sundu, but
there are seven other Jat sub-castes who have settled
independently and at different times in the village.
Jat Sundu are found in at least 84 villages in the area
and own by far the most land in Budhopur ; their
leader is one of the two headmen (lambardars). The
Sundu have intermarried with the Jat Pan family,
who were flooded out of their native village of Pan
in the Sialkot District twelve years ago, and also with
the Rendawa. There were six Jat Rendawa bro-
thers who migrated from Lyallpur forty years ago
and the Rendawa biraderi is now the next most
powerful Jat group. The Jat Kalu, a smaller group,
also came from Lyallpur but only during the last
fifteen years ; they too are related by marriage to
the Rendawa. The large Jat Gukkar biraderiis long
established and owns, like the Rendawa, about 60
acres. The two Jat Chumbul brothers only came in
1950, to farm their Sundu nephews' land after the
death of the later's fathers. The Chumbuls them-
selves are landless, as are the Jat Gundul (from
Sialkot twenty-six years ago) and the long-esta-
blished Jat Goraya family. Though these Jat sub-
castes are exogamous and have much in common,
they are treated in this report as distinct groups
because the differences of origin and of economic
status are fairly wide. The only other local zamin-


dar caste is Kashmiri consisting of one landless
family.

The main refugee immigrant caste is Arain and
they come from the Jighadri Tehsil in the Ambala
District. Traditionally the Arains are vegetable
gardeners and are well known as good cultivators,
but most Jats would hold themselves superior to
the humble Arains. None of the Arains practise
vegetable farming on any scale and none of their
women sell vegetables. The Arain biraderi owes its
strength in the village partly to its numbers (111 out
of a total 783) and partly to Haji Jamaluddin, an
educated man who combines strong leadership
qualities with his religious authority as Haji. The
members of the Arain biraderi in Budhopur are
not of common descent ; though many of Jamal--
uddin's biraderi (caste brethren) were dispersed all
over Pakistan after Partition, they still form a large
segment of the Ai;ains in Budhopur, and he himself
is spokesman not only for the Arains but for the
Kanboh as well.

The Kalnboh also have market gardening tradi-
tions, and the two brothers who survived the fighting
of 1947 came fronl Patiala State with their families..
The other significant refugee caste is Rajput Bhatti,.
from Amritsar, but they have not identified them-
selves with the refugee group at all and have remain-
ed out on a limb. The two Jat Bachal families are
completely independent of each other, but both came
from the same villages as some of the. Arains and so
are usuallyidentified with them. The Suddan family
are ofPathan origin, allegedly, and came from north
of Rawalpindi only three years ago. The Suddan
son, who has a share in one of the tube-wells, was
on Haj, and his father, an old and rather unkempt
character, has not been assimilated into the village.
The remaining zamindar, who had been in Budho-
pur for just over a year, is the maulvi, a Quresht
whose brothers look after his fourteen acres up in
Azad Kashmir.













CHAPTER II
THE PEOPLE


Caste

In January 1962 there were 783 people with
their homes in Budhopur, and households totalled
147. There are nineteen different caste groups and
these are divided by two basic criteria. Firstly two
thirds of the villagers are farmers (zamindars), but
the remaining third (kammis) perform the more
specialised artisan and menial tasks. At least that
was their traditional status, but now kammis can and
do own land. The second main division is' within
the zamindar group, between local Jat castes and
refugee castes who came after Partition.

The dominant local caste is Jat Sundu, but
there are seven other Jat sub-castes who have settled
independently and at different times in the village.
Jat Sundu are found in at least 84 villages in the area
and own by far the most land in Budhopur ; their
leader is one of the two headmen (lambardars). The
Sundu have intermarried with the Jat Pan family,
who were flooded out of their native village of Pan
in the Sialkot District twelve years ago, and also with
the Rendawa. There were six Jat Rendawa bro-
thers who migrated from Lyallpur forty years ago
and the Rendawa biraderi is now the next most
powerful Jat group. The Jat Kalu, a smaller group,
also came from Lyallpur but only during the last
fifteen years ; they too are related by marriage to
the Rendawa. The large Jat Gukkar biraderiis long
established and owns, like the Rendawa, about 60
acres. The two Jat Chumbul brothers only came in
1950, to farm their Sundu nephews' land after the
death of the later's fathers. The Chumbuls them-
selves are landless, as are the Jat Gundul (from
Sialkot twenty-six years ago) and the long-esta-
blished Jat Goraya family. Though these Jat sub-
castes are exogamous and have much in common,
they are treated in this report as distinct groups
because the differences of origin and of economic
status are fairly wide. The only other local zamin-


dar caste is Kashmiri consisting of one landless
family.

The main refugee immigrant caste is Arain and
they come from the Jighadri Tehsil in the Ambala
District. Traditionally the Arains are vegetable
gardeners and are well known as good cultivators,
but most Jats would hold themselves superior to
the humble Arains. None of the Arains practise
vegetable farming on any scale and none of their
women sell vegetables. The Arain biraderi owes its
strength in the village partly to its numbers (111 out
of a total 783) and partly to Haji Jamaluddin, an
educated man who combines strong leadership
qualities with his religious authority as Haji. The
members of the Arain biraderi in Budhopur are
not of common descent ; though many of Jamal--
uddin's biraderi (caste brethren) were dispersed all
over Pakistan after Partition, they still form a large
segment of the Ai;ains in Budhopur, and he himself
is spokesman not only for the Arains but for the
Kanboh as well.

The Kalnboh also have market gardening tradi-
tions, and the two brothers who survived the fighting
of 1947 came fronl Patiala State with their families..
The other significant refugee caste is Rajput Bhatti,.
from Amritsar, but they have not identified them-
selves with the refugee group at all and have remain-
ed out on a limb. The two Jat Bachal families are
completely independent of each other, but both came
from the same villages as some of the. Arains and so
are usuallyidentified with them. The Suddan family
are ofPathan origin, allegedly, and came from north
of Rawalpindi only three years ago. The Suddan
son, who has a share in one of the tube-wells, was
on Haj, and his father, an old and rather unkempt
character, has not been assimilated into the village.
The remaining zamindar, who had been in Budho-
pur for just over a year, is the maulvi, a Quresht
whose brothers look after his fourteen acres up in
Azad Kashmir.











The largest group of the "occupational" castes
(kammis) are the carriers (kumhiars) who ferry the
villagers' grain to market in Kamoke or Gujranwala
by horse and donkey. The blacksmiths and car-
penters are all of one caste which is known generally
after their occupation as lohar (blacksmith), turkhan
(carpenter), or mistri (engineer). One of these
families has been enterprising enough to buy a tube-
well pump and is now one of the richer families in
the village. The washermen (dhobi) have partly
gone to the town for washing work and partly
taken to tenant farming or buying and selling
cattle. The fakir families are tenant farmers or
labourers. There are only four weavers (julaha-
from the Persian jula-ball of thread) left in the
village. Other castes are cobbler (mochi), water-
carrier (machhi), watchman (chowkidar), barber
(nai), and "New Muslim". The "New Muslim"
as the villagers call him was formerly a Brahman,


and as he had no relatives he did not leave for India
at Partition and was converted to the Muslim faith.
He is a fully integrated member of the village and
very popular. He does odd labouring jobs on the
farms.

The second largest group are the Christians
(Isahi) who do much of the farm labouring and are
accorded the lowest status of all. They have been
converted by American Protestant and Belgian Ca-
tholic missions within the last 50 years ; .but
though a Muslim will not share food or a huqqah
(water pipe) with the Isahi, the latter are well inte-
grated in the village. There is no history of Muslim-
Christian conflict in the village, and relations are
generally very good.

There are no refugee kammis in Budhopur, and
only eight out of sixty-one households are recent
local immigrants :


TABLE 2
Recent Local Kammi Immigrants


Distance
Occupation Caste Place of Origin from Date Reason for moving
Budhopur



(1) Cobbler .. .. Mochi .. Sialkot .. 30m 1922
(2) Cobbler .. .. Mochi .. Abdal .. 5m 1958 Out of work.
(3)-(4) 2 Weaver Brothers .. Julaha .. Joey Chak .. Im 1953 Involved in a murder case.
(5) Barber .. .. Nai .. Sargodha .. 55m 1954 Replaced brother who died.
(6) Carrier .. .. Kumhiar .. Loharawali .. 12m 1936
(7) Shopkeeper .. .. Kumhiar .. Lyallpur .. 50m 1953 His wife and his brother's wife
quarrelled.
(8) Carrier .. .. Kumhiar .. Talwandi Musa 5m 1955 His wife's brother, of Budho-
Khan. pur, died.


Out of the total of 147 households, 102 com-
prise the nuclear family unit and the average num-
ber living in each house is 5.3. The biggest house-
hold contains fourteen people. Category B in
Table 3 refers to houses where sons possessing fami-
lies of their own still live with their parentss. Cate-
gory C refers to houses with two or more brothers


and their families sharing one house. Normally,
however, to share house and kitchen with one's
brother is not a preference. Category D refers to a
group of bachelors or widowers of one family.
Category E comprises people who live by them-
selves. These are all male.








TABLE 3
Bodhopur Families by Caste


I









A. Nuclear .. .. 16 3 .. 2 1 .... 15 .. 6 6 .. 1 1 5 14 8 7 3 5 2 2 1 2 1 1 102


B. 3 Gens- extended lineally .. 6 2 2 .. ..... 1 1 4 3 3 ...... 1 4 .. 3 .. 2 .. 2 ...... 33


G. Brothers extended laterally 1 .. 1 .... ... ... 1 .. ..... ............ .. .... ...... 3


D. Group ofunpartnered men 1 .. .. .. .. .. 1 ...... ......... .... 1 ........ ........ 3


E Living alone .. .. 1 1 ...... 1 ....... ....... .. 1 .. .. .. 1 .. 1 ........ 6


Total .. 25 6 3 2 1 1 1 16 11 9 3 1 151612 8 6 6 4 3 2 2 1 1 147


Persons .. .. 111 19 30 12 3 1 4 102 9 68 61 22 4 5 3 68 64 38 48 26 19 10 13 14 7 2 783


Average number per House .. 4 3 10 6 3 1 4 6 9 6 7 7 4 5 5 4 5 5 8 4 5 3 7 7 7 2 5.3


Male.. .. .. 54 9 17 7 2 1 4 54 9 39 32 10 3 4 11 36 32 17 24 16 9 7 7 5 3 1 409


Female .. .. 57 10 13 5 1 .... 48 4 29 29 12 1 1 12 32 32 21 24 10 10 3 6 9 4 1 374


Sex Ratio (Males per 100 Fe- 95 90 131 ........ 113 .. 131 110 83 .... 92 109 100 81 100 160 90 .......... 109
males.










PLAN OF BUDHOPUR VILLAGE


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In regard to the size of household castewise the
Rajput Bhatti have the largest households, whilsts
the Arain and Kamboh with an average of four and
three per house are much smaller than the Sundu
-and Gukkar, who have six, and the Rendawa and
Kalu, who have seven. Among the kammis, the
Lohar/Turkhan with eight members have large house-
holds, Isahi and Dhobi with five are considerably
smaller, whilst the Kumhiar and Fakir with four are
half the size.

Generally unmarried sons live with the mother;
but unless his wife fails to agree with his mother,
a married son also may live with his parents for
many years. The expense of building a new house,
well over 1,000 rupees, may prevent him moving
even if he wishes. The castes tend to live in clusters
of houses and often in common courtyards, but
there is some dispersal, partly due to Partition and
partly due to expansion (see map 2).

The ratio of males to 100 females in the village
is 109, which is fairly close to the 1961 census figures
of 112 for rural West Pakistan. The Arains, Kamboh,
Gundul, Kalu, Dhobi and Julaha have more females
than males; the Gukkar have 39 males and 29
females. The population density also approxi-
mates to that of the Gujranwala District (7,96
per square mile). The Gujranwala figure, however,
includes both Gujranwala itself and Kamoke, and
so the average rural density is likely to be well below
700 per square mile.

Age

The age of everyone in the village was asked,
but ages given over twenty years old were unreli-
able and could only be classified within ten-year
groups. Hence no clear-cut facts about age emerg-
ed other than the following:

(1) There are 322 children under the age of
sixteen, i.e. 40 per cent of the population.

(2) There are 195 males either below or above
the age period of 16 to 60 years, out of a
total of 409.


(3) There is little discrepancy between num-
bers of males and females until the 16-
20 group is reached; from 41-60 the
discrepancy again disappears (reappear-
ing in the over 60 group). This may
suggest that the decrease in the number
of females is a direct result of the child-
bearing period of 15-45.

(4) A drop in the number of both males and
females for the ages 11-20 suggests
that Partition may have had some effect
on the rate of survival.

Births and Deaths

The Clih~ I.idar records of births and deaths
date back to 1914 but are not complete. Usual-
ly the records are not written by the Chowkidar
himself but by a literate villager. The books cannot
be relied upon to give complete records of annual
birth and death rates for two reasons :

(1) Not all Chowkidars were conscientious
in recording all births, nor will the father
always notify the birth of a child who
dies almost immediately.

(2) Some women come from other villages
to their mothers in Budhopur for child-
birth and these are also entered, and some
Budhopur women go home to their
mothers in other villages, and these are
not entered.

TABLE 4

Births and Deaths Recorded


BIRTHS DEATHS

Year
Male Female Total Total
)


1914
1915


7 4 11
. 8 5 13











In regard to the size of household castewise the
Rajput Bhatti have the largest households, whilsts
the Arain and Kamboh with an average of four and
three per house are much smaller than the Sundu
-and Gukkar, who have six, and the Rendawa and
Kalu, who have seven. Among the kammis, the
Lohar/Turkhan with eight members have large house-
holds, Isahi and Dhobi with five are considerably
smaller, whilst the Kumhiar and Fakir with four are
half the size.

Generally unmarried sons live with the mother;
but unless his wife fails to agree with his mother,
a married son also may live with his parents for
many years. The expense of building a new house,
well over 1,000 rupees, may prevent him moving
even if he wishes. The castes tend to live in clusters
of houses and often in common courtyards, but
there is some dispersal, partly due to Partition and
partly due to expansion (see map 2).

The ratio of males to 100 females in the village
is 109, which is fairly close to the 1961 census figures
of 112 for rural West Pakistan. The Arains, Kamboh,
Gundul, Kalu, Dhobi and Julaha have more females
than males; the Gukkar have 39 males and 29
females. The population density also approxi-
mates to that of the Gujranwala District (7,96
per square mile). The Gujranwala figure, however,
includes both Gujranwala itself and Kamoke, and
so the average rural density is likely to be well below
700 per square mile.

Age

The age of everyone in the village was asked,
but ages given over twenty years old were unreli-
able and could only be classified within ten-year
groups. Hence no clear-cut facts about age emerg-
ed other than the following:

(1) There are 322 children under the age of
sixteen, i.e. 40 per cent of the population.

(2) There are 195 males either below or above
the age period of 16 to 60 years, out of a
total of 409.


(3) There is little discrepancy between num-
bers of males and females until the 16-
20 group is reached; from 41-60 the
discrepancy again disappears (reappear-
ing in the over 60 group). This may
suggest that the decrease in the number
of females is a direct result of the child-
bearing period of 15-45.

(4) A drop in the number of both males and
females for the ages 11-20 suggests
that Partition may have had some effect
on the rate of survival.

Births and Deaths

The Clih~ I.idar records of births and deaths
date back to 1914 but are not complete. Usual-
ly the records are not written by the Chowkidar
himself but by a literate villager. The books cannot
be relied upon to give complete records of annual
birth and death rates for two reasons :

(1) Not all Chowkidars were conscientious
in recording all births, nor will the father
always notify the birth of a child who
dies almost immediately.

(2) Some women come from other villages
to their mothers in Budhopur for child-
birth and these are also entered, and some
Budhopur women go home to their
mothers in other villages, and these are
not entered.

TABLE 4

Births and Deaths Recorded


BIRTHS DEATHS

Year
Male Female Total Total
)


1914
1915


7 4 11
. 8 5 13












Births
Male Female Total
6 6 12
5 8 13
n ; 15


Deaths 1958
Total 1959
22 1960
1961


1916
1917
1918
1921
1924
1925
1927
1928
1932
1933
1934
1938
1939
1940
1941
1942
1943
1944
1945
1946
1947
1948
1949
1950
1951
1952
1953
1954
1955
1956
1957


11
16
27
17


TABLE 5
Kinship Categories of Parents-in-Law
Father's Father's Mother's Mother's Extended
Brother Sister Brother Sister Biraderi Total
(Chacha) (Phuphi) (Mama) (Massi) (now a
Rishtadar)


Men .. 13 12 19 7 58 107


Women .. 4 9 12 7 20 48

Parallel Cousin Cousin.............. Cross Parallel Cousin


Year


. .


4
14


5
9






13



12
13
12

20
11

17



11


14
24
.. 19
8
.. .. 8
4 8 15
9 23
16
7 12
10 19 12
20
19
10
9
7 20 22
11
13
9 21 22
18 31 27
9 21 39
15 29 29
4 24 14
16 27 18
25 25
20 37 38
36
23
11 22 19


In the years 1914-17 the average number of
births recorded per year was twelve and for
1959-61 it is now 37, a triple increase.

The figures indicate no particular trend in
the death rates. The years 1942-46 have very few
deaths recorded (average per year thirteen) com-
pared with post-Partition figures 11947-50 (average:
per year twenty-nine).

Marital Status and Marriage Customs

Most of the men in the village had been married
by the age of twenty-four and most of the girls are
married between the ages of twelve and twenty,
usually at fifteen. Strict endogamy within the
caste is practised and the only intermarriage is be-
tween Jat sub-castes, a useful means of alliance of
the biraderis (caste brethren). Much time and
diplomacy are devoted to arranging a marriage,
though this responsibility is primarily the parents'..
In cases of difficulty the whole biraderi and even
close friends may become involved in the process.
Preference is to marrying a cousin, and particularly
for the son or daughter of one's mother's brother
(namna). The parents-in-law of 107 Budhopur
married men, and of 48 daughters of Budhopur
who had married, were found to be in the following
kinship categories :


. .




















,r


SI


S


a)f~l


f t-.4


flatp~


The sociologist and Haji Jamaluddin, Lambardar, go through the Chowkidar's book.










The advantages of cousin marriages are that
the in-laws are known and that land inherited by
the offspring of such marriages will remain in the
family.

Eighteen men, all Jats, have married brides
born in Budhopur. Of the kammi castes, four
Kumhiars were married in Budhopur, and the
families of Isahi, Fakir and Lohar have each had
one marriage within the village. The remaining
wives came mostly from villages all over the Dis-
trict of Gujranwala and also the Tehsil of Pasrur,
in Sialkot District. The Jat and the kammi castes
marry nearest home, as their biraderis are nearest.
Exceptions are the immigrant Jat sub-castes Kalu
and Rendawa, who still marry mainly into their
biraderi in the Lyallpur District. The refugee castes
encounter most difficulty in finding wives, as the
upheaval of 1947 dispersed their biraderis all over
Pakistan. A Punjabi marriage involves the whole
village, as well as just the family, and obviously the
closer the two villages are together the greater chance
there is for social ties to develop.

Not every villager finds a wife, however,
Out of thirty-eight bachelors, five were over the
age of thirty and likely to remain "on the shelf".
There were at least three or four girls over twenty-
one and yet unmarried. There are thirty widowers,
four of whom have been able to afford re-marriage.
Several men have taken a widow as their first wife;
but there are thirty-two widows who have not re-
married even though some are undoubtedly eligible.
Hence there are sixty-four adult single men in the
village whereas there are only thirty-six women;
the total of 100 represents 22 per cent. of the adult
population. Meanwhile there are exactly 150 men
who have their wives living with them.

There are only five instances of divorce, in one
of which there has been a re-marriage. In addition
there are two cases of a wife having deserted the
husband. Two of the Jat Sundu had two wives,
one having married his brother's widow. The
former's second wife recently died; but the latter
keeps both wives in one household, though in


separate rooms. The second wife has now assumed
the more significant domestic and marital roles but
the two wives coexist very amicably. There are
seven children, two girls from the original wife and
five including one boy from the second marriage.

Children

The desire for a son is almost as strong as the
sex instinct itself. For the zamindar a son represents.
not only an heir but also a farm labourer. Several
of the Arain landowners who have neither brothers
nor sons have been forced to rent out their few
acres and axe left with little other work than tend-
ing their buffaloes. The future strength of the
biraderi does in fact depend upon its sons. The
following table indicates the number of children
in the various caste groups.

TABLE 6

Distribution of children by caste


No. of Male Female Nos.
House- Children Children Attend-
Caste holds under under ing
21 21 School


Arain .. 25 17 28 4

Kamboh .. 6 1 5

Rajput .. 3 10 5 1

Bachal .. 2 5 3 3

Suddan .. 1 ..

Qureshi .. 1 .. ..

Kashmiri .. 1

Sundu .. 16 30 26 5

Pan .. 1 3 1 3









1

. 11 20 14 4


Rendawa .. 9 14 14 1

Kalu .. 3 2 4

Goraya .. 1 1 1 ..

Chumbul .. 1 2

Gundul .. 5 5 7 .

Kumhiar .. 16 14 15 3

Isahi .. 12 12 15

Dhobi .. 8 7 12 1

Lohar .. 6 13 13

Fakir .. 6 8 5 7

Julaha .. 4 5 4 1

Mochi .. 3 4 2 1

Chowkidar .. 2 4 2 1

Machhi 2 3 7 ..

Nai .. 1 2 3 ..

New Muslim .. 1



The Jat Sundu, who own the most land, are
fortunate in also having the most male children.
The twenty households of Jat Gukkar and Rendawa
have twice as many sons as the Arains (twenty-five
households). Further, though only two of the
older generation of Jat Sundu, Pan and Gukkar
have been educated beyond 5th class, they are send-
ing twelve of the total thirty children attending
school from the village. Seven children of the
.Lohar/Turkhan caste have also been to school, but


Gukkar


3

none are going at present, as two of the fathers
died recently. Families with more children can
more easily spare them to go to school; and it is
noticeable that most of the school children come
from the larger families.

The birth of a child is always attended by the
girl's mother as well as by one of the four midwives
(dais) available around Budhopur. Two of them
actually live in Budhopur, beirg the wives of a
weaver and washerman respectively, while the
others live in the nearby villages of Kot Des Raj
and Kotli Metallian. No one can accuse these
four old women of lacking experience, but in
medical knowledge and facilities they are sadly
lacking.

Only five married households have no children
at all, but nearly twenty middle-aged couples have
no son. There is a high infant mortality rate (under
one year of age), and in addition many children
die between the ages of one and five, due to poor
diet and lack of general hygiene. Babies are often
entrusted to the care of their elder sisters, who play
with them, often in a surprisingly rough manner.
Dysentery is a common complaint amongst young-
er children. In winter children will often play on
a bitterly cold day naked except for a shirt.

The 225 adult males questioned in the census
were asked how many of their children had died
and most gave frank answers. A few were evasive
and it was also apparent that dead sons were re-
membered more clearly than daughters:

TABLE 7

Children's Ages at Death


Age at Death 1-5 6-10 11-15 16-21 Total

Boys .. 93 7 4 3 107

Girls .. 56 1 2 2 61

Total .. 149 8 6 5 168



















\i


Ajermand, reading the Holy Quran.


a iiIle


il


sel
"Sdy











The "dangerous years" are clearly 1-5, when
'90 per cent of these deaths take place.

Religion

All the members of the village, apart from the
sixty-four Christians, are Sunni Muslim by faith.
Though all the Muslims embrace the same faith,
they do not all worship in the same mosque. When
the refugees arrived in Budhopur they found the
mosque, which was dominated by the Gukkar,
without a maulvi and in a generally moribund con-
dition. In the last two years, under Haji Jamal-
uddin's leadership and mostly with his money, a
new mosque costing 3,000 Rs. has been built by the
refugees. The old mosque, which in fact was never
properly completed, was built by the Jat Gukkar
and is attended on week-days by about eight people
of the Jat Gukkar, Jat Sundu, Rajput, Kumhiar, and
Fakir castes. However, over twenty people usually
come to the Friday (Juma) prayers. Three of the
-Gukkars and one Rajput act as mauhlis, there being
no professional, except for the month of Ravizanz
when a former maulvi came. Unlike his counter-
part in the new mosque, he did not remain within
the mosque night and day for all of Ramzan, but
preferred to make himself well known and well
liked among the farmers. His caste is Syed and he
was permanently in Budhopur from 1956 to 1959,
when he left to go to a larger village in the Sialkot
District.

The Arains are traditionally very orthodox
Muslims and are the dynamic religious force within
the village. Their leader, Haji Jamaluddin, has tried
to revive religion within the village and, though
daily observance even in the new mosque is rarely
above twenty or so, over 100 rallied to the mosque
for evening prayers in the earlier stages of Ramzan.
He threatened those who broke fast with fines and
in fact the fasting of Ramnzan was kept very
strictly. Recent improvements to the new mosque
include new washing, shower and toilet facilities,
where people can wash before entering the mosque.
In March the maulvi, a scholarly and conscientious
man who had been here for just over a year, was


dismissed by Jamaluddin. The villagers who paid
the maulvi in wheat, rice and raw sugar (gur) had
resented his wife buying expensive clothes. Even
the expense of the maulvi's upkeep proved beyond
the means of the fifty or so households who main-
tained him. His successor proved of far more
expensive taste: "He expects tea four times a day",
one villager complained and only stayed a week.

Now an older more ascetic maulvi from Hafiz-
abad has assumed the duties with much gusto and
has started a thriving school to teachthe Holy Quran
to the children. They are mostly children of the
Arains and Kamboh, though Julaha, Nai, and other
kammis do send their children as well. The method
is by repetition, but many of the children take little
saparas (chapters of the Holy Quran) with them.
Every house in the village has its own Quran Sharif
usually carefully bound in cloth, and kept in a
cloth cover on a shelf. Some of the women read
it to their children and many of the women say
their prayers (nimaz) on their own prayer mats
(masalla) at home. The Arain lambardar, a widely
travelled and very devout old man, never goes to
the mosque, but is often to be seen reading an
expensive and beautifully bound edition of the
Holy Quran in his own home.

The village's division into two places of worship
does to some extent reflect village politics. The
old mosque belongs to the Jats, but still the Jat
Rendawa who have close ties with the Jat Sundu
attend the new mosque of the refugees and more
significantly help pay for its upkeep. Some of the
older kammis still go to the old mosque; but most
of the kammis who do go to a mosque attend "new
mosque." However, the Rajput Bhattis, also
refugees, who are very devout, attend the old
mosque. One of the younger Rajputs is also a pir,
but the Arains disapprove of the rather exhibitionist
faith of this man. In January he was walled up
in a space of about thirty cubic feet with a pint of
water and he emerged twenty-three days later,
when an Allah waste feast was given to friends
with a local band also in attendance. Periodically










these Allah waste (in the name of God) feasts are
given by a family, rich or poor, and the barber is
called in to cook a big pot (deg) of rice which is
blessed by the maulvis and then distributed through-
out the village particularly to the children.

Jamaluddin's religious revival has introduced a
regular Friday sermon. One Friday in Ramzan
a prominent maulvi from Gujranwala was brought
by tonga, together with loudspeaker equipment.
A special, curtained enclosure was made with
blankets (khess) for the women. Over a hundred
people attended this mid-day service, including some
men and women from nearby villages, and the
mosque was decorated with gay bunting (strings of
coloured paper flags).

On the morning of the Eid-ul-fitar, or Sweet
Eid, all the village joined together, in lines, on the
kachcha road outside the village, and over 200
people were praying in unison. However, had not
Jamaluddin insisted that the two mosque parties
join together on that day, they would have worship-
ped at two different places. It was in fact the
refugees who had to change their position and come
to join the old mosque group.

Two members of the village have been to Mecca.
Haji Jamaluddin, the leader of the Arains, has been
there twice, his working in Kuwait made this easier
for him. The other is an old cobbler, now retired,
and known as Baba Haji. A third villager is working
in Arabia at the moment, and is going on Haj this
year.

The beard is regarded as an outward token of
faith and anyone with whiskers is given the tag of
Maulvi. Of Jamaluddin's close associates, seven
out of ten wear beards and they are the ones who
pray five times daily at the mosque. The incidence
of beards and of religious observance among the
Jats is considerably lower. Since the Jats represent
the bulk of the full-time farmers, who are tied to
their land, their wells, and their cattle, they have
less opportunity for regular prayer at the mosque-
which is often far from their well. Some however


do say their prayers at the well, where there is.
always a piece of land, usually raised, kept for this.
purpose.

Boys from the age of about twelve sometimes,
attend the mosque, especially the Juma prayer.
The maulvi leads the prayer and gives the sermon,.
but not all his Urdu and Arabic is understood by the-
uneducated. Behaviour in the mosque between
prayers is relaxed, and sometimes men will yawn
and go to sleep if the sermon endures too long.

The faith not only calls for a very high code of
moral conduct but also rigorous bodily cleanliness
which nearly villager maintains. In prayer the
villager usually seeks good health, good crops, a wife,.
many sons, at least one girl, a female calf from his
buffalo, a male from his cow, and other needs close.
to the heart of the countryman.

Ten of the Christian households are Roman'
Catholic and the other two are United Presbyterian.
Apart from the impressive Christmas celebrations,
which involve a visit to each neighboring village
in turn over a week, the religious observance of the
Budhopur Christians seems very little. The Catho-
lics are occasionally visited by a Belgian pastor on a
motor-bike. None attend the weekly services
held in the churches of either Ferozwala or Mo-
khal; but all twelve households keep pictures of
Christ and other Christian symbols. Some also
say a prayer at night. The Christmas feast of
zerda, pulao and halva is cooked by Sharif Nai,
himself a Muslim.

Village Politics

In 1957 Jamaluddin, then only 27 years old,,
returned from his job with an oil firm in Kuwait.
Since then he has advanced to a remarkable position
of power in the village in just four years. With his.
education and shrewdness he was able to break the
oppression of the refugees, and now he champions
not only his own biraderi but that of the kammis
and poorer villagers as well. Moreover, since his.
appointment as a nominated member to the Union
Council he represents the village as a whole. He:










is popular for his generosity, his religious devotion,
and his modest charm. Apart from all this he is
relatively rich and this alone commands respect.
Both he and Mohamm'uddin Sundu, the
lambardar, are ruthless in their desire to expand
their lands. The latter has grown from a small
farmer to one owning sixty acres, merely since In-
dependence in 1947. Jamaluddin recently bought
one and j acres on Mohamm'uddin's side of the
village; Mohamm'uddin tried to persuade him not
to buy it, and let himself have the land instead, as
this represented Jamaluddin's first expansion on the
Jat Sundu side of the village.
Mohamm'uddin, though illiterate and not
particularly shrewd, is a strong force within the
village for two reasons : he is the wealthy leader of a
large biraderi, and he has old social ties with other
large landlords in the area and he thus is part of a
larger political network. It is to this network that
the candidates in the recent National and Provin-
cial Assembly elections had to appeal for support,
and in fact Mohamm'uddin voted for the same
candidate as the three larger zamindars supported.
He himself had met or seen none of the candidates
before the election canvassing began. The import-
ance of the caste brotherhood or biraderi still seems
fairly strong in the Budhopur area, for there are no
political relationships as yet to replace these old
kinship ties.
Jamaluddin's biraderi is a wealthy one, but is
much dispersed and settled mainly in the towns.
The call of kinship is however very strong: at one
o'clock one night a messenger arrived on foot from
Gujranwala to give news of the death of Jamalud-
din's brother's wife's mother's brother's father in
Jhelum. Within an hour he and three of his rela-
tions left for the funeral. As a result the extension
officer who came next morning from Mokhal to
spray Jamaluddin's sugar cane found no-one at
home.

So far the two leaders, Mohamm'uddin and
Jamaluddin, have not opposed each other's powers
and interests, and there is little sign that either so


desires. They consult each other on village pro-
blems and walk together the three miles to Mokhal
for Union Council meetings. In leisure hours
they rarely meet other than for discussion of business.
matters. The intermediate group, the Jat Rendawa,
spend a lot of time with the refugee immigrant
Kamboh and Arains, while Muhammed Saduq Jat
Pan is also well disposed to the refugee group.
The kamnis were hitherto strongly allied with the
local Jat zamindars, but this has now changed in
favour of the refugee group under Jamaluddin's.
influence : for example his reforms in regard to
seyp payment which now give the kammis a fair deal.
Most of the kammis who are strongly religious
now attend the refugee mosque.

Friendship and Recreation

In the village, as might be expected, ties of blood
form the strongest social connections, and friend-
ship is of secondary importance. However, many
friendships in the village cut across caste and status
boundaries. For instance Haji Jamaluddin's closest
friend is a Kumhiar and Haji in fact did most of the
arranging for the latter's wedding, at which both he
and other zamindars, as well as Kumhiars, helped
serve the guests with food. Muhammad Saduq
Jat Pan, a wealthy zamindar with a rice mill in
Kamoke, has shared several capital ventures with
Nasir Kumhiar, who keeps a shop. The Chowki-
dar and Jat Gundul families are very friendly, both
renting land at the same well and working there
together. Though one is kammi and the other of
zamindar status, they accept each other as both
are small tenant farmers.

The Arains, Kamboh and Jat Bachal are closely-
associated and form the mainstay of the "new
mosque set". Abdul Karim, a young bachelor
Kamboh, keeps a small shop and at night this forms.
the meeting place of the "bachelor group", which
includes unmarried Arains, Kamboh, Jat Rendawa,.
Kashmiri and Dhobi castes and occasionally younger
married men of the Rajput and Jat Rendawa.
Sherifthe barber and Rehmat Mochi are good hands
at playing cards and also sometimes attend this.











group. Other chief diversions are talking, oc-
casionally singing from the old ballad books, and
the inevitable huqqah. Only a handful of people
display much musical bent either singing or play-
ing the double pipes. The best singer is Mushtaq
Kashmiri, blind since birth, and he is often called
upon to give a song to round off the evening.

One of the cobblers in the village, known as
Rehmat "Guppy" (Guppy means a teller of highly
fictional yarns), is a relative newcomer to the village
but always has a group sitting by him listening
to his fairly outrageous fictions all told with
great art as he repairs very worn looking shoes.
All five grocery shops, the biggest of the carpenters'
shops, Haji Jamaluddin's guesthouse and the wells
are also the focus of many social activities. This
means mainly smoking and talking. In fact
only the bachelor group indulges in card playing,
which they do despite the stern disapproval of their
elders, on religious grounds. There is little gamb-
ling in the village, and this is more a hobby with
the town workers.

The children of ten to fifteen liked to gamble
with small shells for one paisv coins; however, the
shells were often confiscated for this reason.
Other games of the elder children are a primaeval
.and very roughtorm of hockey (Kedu-tila), Kab-
badi, tug-of-war (rassa kashie), pitu-gurum, hop-
scotch, and gulli danda. Schoolboys have also
learnt to play football and volleyball. The boys
over ten or eleven years of age tend to segregate
from the girls in their play; girls often by the age of
twelve or thirteen are domesticated and are not
quite so free to wander about the village. The
younger children mainly play with their own
brothers, sisters and cousins, though the rowdier
and less conservative elements do combine to form a
fairly heterogeneous group. The less noisy children
tend to be dominated by elder sisters, who often
lead games to the tune of various chants and nursery
rhymes.

Drinking and Smoking

One hundred and forty-five men were asked


about their smoking habits. Seventy-six smoked
the huqqah, thirty-six both huqqah and occa-
sionally cigarettes, whilst twenty-six were
non-smokers and a further four had given up
smoking in old age. Three town workers smoked
only cigarettes. The maulvi did not smoke and
claimed the habit was forbidden by the Quran;
however, most of the mosque leaders, including
Jamaluddin, srhoke fairly heavily. The huqqah
smokers often carry small quantities of tobacco in
a small cotton bag, along with a lump of gur to
sweeten the smoke; this they carry in a shirt pocket.
The huqqah is carried, everywhere and the weaver
even contrives to smoke it as he weaves his cloth.
Most men have their own huqqah, costing from five
to fifty rupees, but a group will squat in a circle
sharing a single huqqah. The composition of the
groups and their locations (see map) are a fair index
of group association within the village.

No one makes liquor in Budhopur, but Chak
Nizam, a village three miles away, has a reputation
for so doing. It was said that several of the
villagers drank alcohol, but the only ones we saw
were those who work in the towns. Some of the
older men take nasswar, but no one chews the
betel nut.
Tea is taken in most homes but is regarded as a
decadent city habit. The virtues of lassi (buttermilk)
are much extolled and tea is mainly a winter
stimulant, a luxury, or reserved for guests. It is
usually made with buffalo milk and a pinch of salt;
san (fennel) is usually added to help cure bad colds.
Coffee is known only to the old Arain lambardar,
Arjumand, who learnt to like coffee while serving
in the Royal Air Force during both world wars.

There is no prostitution within the village and
though the panchayat does take sanctions against
immorality, occasions are fairly rare. Other vil-
lages in the area have slightly different reputations.

The Household

All but seventeen houses are built of mud and
wheat straw (kachcha). The better kachcha houses











group. Other chief diversions are talking, oc-
casionally singing from the old ballad books, and
the inevitable huqqah. Only a handful of people
display much musical bent either singing or play-
ing the double pipes. The best singer is Mushtaq
Kashmiri, blind since birth, and he is often called
upon to give a song to round off the evening.

One of the cobblers in the village, known as
Rehmat "Guppy" (Guppy means a teller of highly
fictional yarns), is a relative newcomer to the village
but always has a group sitting by him listening
to his fairly outrageous fictions all told with
great art as he repairs very worn looking shoes.
All five grocery shops, the biggest of the carpenters'
shops, Haji Jamaluddin's guesthouse and the wells
are also the focus of many social activities. This
means mainly smoking and talking. In fact
only the bachelor group indulges in card playing,
which they do despite the stern disapproval of their
elders, on religious grounds. There is little gamb-
ling in the village, and this is more a hobby with
the town workers.

The children of ten to fifteen liked to gamble
with small shells for one paisv coins; however, the
shells were often confiscated for this reason.
Other games of the elder children are a primaeval
.and very roughtorm of hockey (Kedu-tila), Kab-
badi, tug-of-war (rassa kashie), pitu-gurum, hop-
scotch, and gulli danda. Schoolboys have also
learnt to play football and volleyball. The boys
over ten or eleven years of age tend to segregate
from the girls in their play; girls often by the age of
twelve or thirteen are domesticated and are not
quite so free to wander about the village. The
younger children mainly play with their own
brothers, sisters and cousins, though the rowdier
and less conservative elements do combine to form a
fairly heterogeneous group. The less noisy children
tend to be dominated by elder sisters, who often
lead games to the tune of various chants and nursery
rhymes.

Drinking and Smoking

One hundred and forty-five men were asked


about their smoking habits. Seventy-six smoked
the huqqah, thirty-six both huqqah and occa-
sionally cigarettes, whilst twenty-six were
non-smokers and a further four had given up
smoking in old age. Three town workers smoked
only cigarettes. The maulvi did not smoke and
claimed the habit was forbidden by the Quran;
however, most of the mosque leaders, including
Jamaluddin, srhoke fairly heavily. The huqqah
smokers often carry small quantities of tobacco in
a small cotton bag, along with a lump of gur to
sweeten the smoke; this they carry in a shirt pocket.
The huqqah is carried, everywhere and the weaver
even contrives to smoke it as he weaves his cloth.
Most men have their own huqqah, costing from five
to fifty rupees, but a group will squat in a circle
sharing a single huqqah. The composition of the
groups and their locations (see map) are a fair index
of group association within the village.

No one makes liquor in Budhopur, but Chak
Nizam, a village three miles away, has a reputation
for so doing. It was said that several of the
villagers drank alcohol, but the only ones we saw
were those who work in the towns. Some of the
older men take nasswar, but no one chews the
betel nut.
Tea is taken in most homes but is regarded as a
decadent city habit. The virtues of lassi (buttermilk)
are much extolled and tea is mainly a winter
stimulant, a luxury, or reserved for guests. It is
usually made with buffalo milk and a pinch of salt;
san (fennel) is usually added to help cure bad colds.
Coffee is known only to the old Arain lambardar,
Arjumand, who learnt to like coffee while serving
in the Royal Air Force during both world wars.

There is no prostitution within the village and
though the panchayat does take sanctions against
immorality, occasions are fairly rare. Other vil-
lages in the area have slightly different reputations.

The Household

All but seventeen houses are built of mud and
wheat straw (kachcha). The better kachcha houses





























I



4'


Inside of a house : the bin is for storing grain.






























































A mud-made bin carried to be placed in the house.










have beams and planking for the roof, but the ma-
jority use tree branches with pampas grasses (chhap-
pari), and this is all sealed with mud on the roof.
These mud houses have no windows and are warm
in winter and cool in summer; (one day it was 1000
outside, we measured only 85' inside). The walls
need replastering once or twice a year. The houses
in the centre of the village are over forty years old
and are much smaller than'the newer houses built
on the edge of the village over the last seven years..
A typical old house is fifteen feet long, ten feet wide
and eleven feet high, with a yard in front fifteen by
sixteen feet, whereas the new house cf the Arain
.lambardar is fifty four feet long, divided into three
rooms, each eighteen feet long, and has a walled
yard fifty-four feet by thirty-eight feet. The brick,
pakka houses generally have concrete floors. Both
the mosques are of brick, the new one is also faced
with cement. The smallest houses in the village
belong to the Christians and weavers, in one extreme
case Yakub Isahi lives in a room only eight feet by
five feet by six feet high. When the refugees came
to Budhopur they were allotted the houses of the
departed Sikhs. In fact three Kamboh households
now inhabit the Sikh gurdwara (temple), enjoying
the luxury of its tiled floors.

The women do much of their spinning, grain
-drying and other work on the house roofs and this
.area is exclusively their preserve. Since they can
live, sleep and travel to nearby houses to a large
.extent on the roofs, strict observance of purdah
is rendered unnecessary.

Nowadays water is mainly drawn from hand-
pumps manufactured in Gujranwala. Though
clothing, housing and furniture are often no guide
to economic status, the presence of a hand-pump
with concrete sink may well be, since the unit costs
from 150 to 250 rupees to install. Eleven of the
sixty-three hand-pumps in the village belong to
Jat Sundu, the Arains have only seven, and yet nine
of the twelve Christian households have this modern
appliance. The Kamboh and Arains who live in or
near the Sikh gurdwara are the only families using


a bucket well. Most other houses having no pump
themselves use other people's. No householder
has a bathroom, but three have installed the pumps
inside the house itself or enclosed it with brick walls.
Some houses have latrines, and these may well drain
quite near the water pumps. Most of the villagers
defaecate in the fields, sheltered by the crops, and
the women usually do this at night or early in the
morning before the sun rises.

Many of the households have a small kitchen,
with a mud hearth (chula) in their courtyards. Some
cook in the open air and only one household-
three widowers cooks inside the house. About
one in three houses has an oven for boiling the milk
throughout the day and so sterilising it, on a slow-
burning cow-dung fire. Their oven (dud-a-allah)
is usually installed at shoulder height in one of the
walls of the courtyards. Two meals a day are taken
in winter. In summer, when the days are longer,
the two meals are supplemented with a light break-
fast. However, during the month of Ramzan the
two meals are taken before dawn and after sunset.

Only the richest zamindars have tables and
chairs and they rarely use them for themselves.
Furniture is minimal within the house and the walls
are usually adorned with a shelf of metal and glass-
ware. The domestic belongings of a poor man
may be worth as little as fifty rupees, but the average
farmer's possessions cost from 200 to 400 rupees,
many of them given by his father-in-law as part
of the dowry.

Clothing
In Budhopur society it is the man who wears
the "skirt" (lakhid) and the woman who wears the
"trouser" (shelwar). Both wear shirts (qamiz),
the woman's fitting down to the hips and cut square.
Foam-rubber brassieres were on sale from the
Kamboh shop-keeper, but only a few women wear
them. Cosmetics, especially antimony (surma)
on the eyes, are used and are sold in the village.
Clothing does vary with economic status to some
extent, but there is little difference in the dress of
say a big and a small farmer, or between zamindar










and kammi, The Christians can afford for the
most part only local cloth (khaddi), but most of the
villagers have at least one factory-made shirt.
Women have in their tin trunks often as many as 6
or 7 "suits", mostly given to them at marriage
time. Status symbols for the men would be a
Jinnah cap, shelwar trousers (both worn by Jamal-
uddin, who also sports a fine Arab head dress in
summer bought whilst he was in Kuwait). The
rich women wear finely spun dopattas (shawl over
the head and shoulders) and some jewellery. The
Sundu women were usually better dressed than the
Arain; but only Jamaluddin's wife was kept in


complete purdah a sign of social standing and
prestige. Only about 20 of the wives ownburqqas,
and generally observance of purdah is restricted to
veiling the face or lips with the chadar or doppatta.

Footwear for best are chappals. Many now
buy shoes made in Gujranwala or Kamoke, being:
better quality than the local ones which usually
only last about 9 months. Women and children
wear cheap rubber sandals or else go bare-foot..
The tendency is increasingly towards factory-made
shoes, if they can be afforded, and at a wedding,.
even the women may wear them.















CHAPTER III
LAND UTILIZATION, OWNERSHIP AND TENANCY


The village of Budhopur has about 670 acres
altogether, and 605 of these are cultivated ; of the
rest, 35 are water-logged, and the remaining 30 are
taken up by the village abadi (housing area), ponds,
cemeteries, roads and tracks. In addition to the
605 acres cultivated within the village revenue
boundaries, a further 143 acres are rented or owner-
cultivated by Budhopur men in neighboring
villages. Thus nearly 20% of the land cultivated
lie outside the village. It is interesting to note that
no Budhopur land is farmed by anyone living out-


side the village. All further references to farming
"in" the village will be to the total of 748 acres
which is cultivated by Budhopur men.

Size of Holdings

There are 50 farms altogether, giving an average
size of holding at 15 acres, but these range from 69
acres down to the smallest of only half an acre (see
Table 8). Farms are defined here as being cultivated
as separate units, irrespective of the number of
brothers or relations working on the farm.


TABLE 8
Size of Farm Holdings


Percentage Percentage
Size of Holding Nos. of of Total Acres
Total Farms Total Land


Over 25 acres
20-25 acres
15-20 acres
10-15 acres
5-10 acres
Under 5 acres


50 Farms


6%
28%
10%
16%
22%
18%


Total acreage


.. 748


Mohamm'uddin lambardar, with 69 acres, is
by far the largest farmer ; of the other two over 25
acres, Allah Rukha Gukkar cultivates 37 acres,
and Niaz Fakir farms 32 acres as a tenant. A
large part of the land, and the greatest number of
farmers, lie in the 20-25 acre category; there is a
fairly even spread of holdings below this size. At
the bottom end of the scale, there are four farmers
with between 1 and 5 acres, and three of them are
full-time farmers, while the fourth is a tenant
Kmnhiar who also has his transport business. Five
farms are under 1j acres : two of the farmers
are Sundu zamindars who rent out all their land


except a little for buffalo fodder, one is a Kamboh
shopkeeper, one a full-time Kamboh vegetable
grower, and one a Dhobi who rents the land for
fodder since he deals in animals.

Land Ownership
By far the largest landowners in the village are
the old-established Jat Sundu, who own nearly 40 %
of the land; the refugee Arains are the next largest
owners, but many of them rent out their land to
other farmers.

A fifth of the land within the village bounda-
ries is owned by outsiders, but none of them farm















CHAPTER III
LAND UTILIZATION, OWNERSHIP AND TENANCY


The village of Budhopur has about 670 acres
altogether, and 605 of these are cultivated ; of the
rest, 35 are water-logged, and the remaining 30 are
taken up by the village abadi (housing area), ponds,
cemeteries, roads and tracks. In addition to the
605 acres cultivated within the village revenue
boundaries, a further 143 acres are rented or owner-
cultivated by Budhopur men in neighboring
villages. Thus nearly 20% of the land cultivated
lie outside the village. It is interesting to note that
no Budhopur land is farmed by anyone living out-


side the village. All further references to farming
"in" the village will be to the total of 748 acres
which is cultivated by Budhopur men.

Size of Holdings

There are 50 farms altogether, giving an average
size of holding at 15 acres, but these range from 69
acres down to the smallest of only half an acre (see
Table 8). Farms are defined here as being cultivated
as separate units, irrespective of the number of
brothers or relations working on the farm.


TABLE 8
Size of Farm Holdings


Percentage Percentage
Size of Holding Nos. of of Total Acres
Total Farms Total Land


Over 25 acres
20-25 acres
15-20 acres
10-15 acres
5-10 acres
Under 5 acres


50 Farms


6%
28%
10%
16%
22%
18%


Total acreage


.. 748


Mohamm'uddin lambardar, with 69 acres, is
by far the largest farmer ; of the other two over 25
acres, Allah Rukha Gukkar cultivates 37 acres,
and Niaz Fakir farms 32 acres as a tenant. A
large part of the land, and the greatest number of
farmers, lie in the 20-25 acre category; there is a
fairly even spread of holdings below this size. At
the bottom end of the scale, there are four farmers
with between 1 and 5 acres, and three of them are
full-time farmers, while the fourth is a tenant
Kmnhiar who also has his transport business. Five
farms are under 1j acres : two of the farmers
are Sundu zamindars who rent out all their land


except a little for buffalo fodder, one is a Kamboh
shopkeeper, one a full-time Kamboh vegetable
grower, and one a Dhobi who rents the land for
fodder since he deals in animals.

Land Ownership
By far the largest landowners in the village are
the old-established Jat Sundu, who own nearly 40 %
of the land; the refugee Arains are the next largest
owners, but many of them rent out their land to
other farmers.

A fifth of the land within the village bounda-
ries is owned by outsiders, but none of them farm















CHAPTER III
LAND UTILIZATION, OWNERSHIP AND TENANCY


The village of Budhopur has about 670 acres
altogether, and 605 of these are cultivated ; of the
rest, 35 are water-logged, and the remaining 30 are
taken up by the village abadi (housing area), ponds,
cemeteries, roads and tracks. In addition to the
605 acres cultivated within the village revenue
boundaries, a further 143 acres are rented or owner-
cultivated by Budhopur men in neighboring
villages. Thus nearly 20% of the land cultivated
lie outside the village. It is interesting to note that
no Budhopur land is farmed by anyone living out-


side the village. All further references to farming
"in" the village will be to the total of 748 acres
which is cultivated by Budhopur men.

Size of Holdings

There are 50 farms altogether, giving an average
size of holding at 15 acres, but these range from 69
acres down to the smallest of only half an acre (see
Table 8). Farms are defined here as being cultivated
as separate units, irrespective of the number of
brothers or relations working on the farm.


TABLE 8
Size of Farm Holdings


Percentage Percentage
Size of Holding Nos. of of Total Acres
Total Farms Total Land


Over 25 acres
20-25 acres
15-20 acres
10-15 acres
5-10 acres
Under 5 acres


50 Farms


6%
28%
10%
16%
22%
18%


Total acreage


.. 748


Mohamm'uddin lambardar, with 69 acres, is
by far the largest farmer ; of the other two over 25
acres, Allah Rukha Gukkar cultivates 37 acres,
and Niaz Fakir farms 32 acres as a tenant. A
large part of the land, and the greatest number of
farmers, lie in the 20-25 acre category; there is a
fairly even spread of holdings below this size. At
the bottom end of the scale, there are four farmers
with between 1 and 5 acres, and three of them are
full-time farmers, while the fourth is a tenant
Kmnhiar who also has his transport business. Five
farms are under 1j acres : two of the farmers
are Sundu zamindars who rent out all their land


except a little for buffalo fodder, one is a Kamboh
shopkeeper, one a full-time Kamboh vegetable
grower, and one a Dhobi who rents the land for
fodder since he deals in animals.

Land Ownership
By far the largest landowners in the village are
the old-established Jat Sundu, who own nearly 40 %
of the land; the refugee Arains are the next largest
owners, but many of them rent out their land to
other farmers.

A fifth of the land within the village bounda-
ries is owned by outsiders, but none of them farm












it. Some of these are relatives of the villagers
living elsewhere, or families who have left the village,
whilst others are from neighboring villages and
have inherited the land through marriage of Budho-
pur girls. Finally, some is owned by refugees who
have been allowed land by the Settlement Board but
have never settled in Budhopur. Many Kashmiris
are amongst the latter group and they seem to prefer
to live and work in the town or often in the army.

Change of ownership normally takes place on
the death of the father, and inheritance is accord-
ing to the Islamic Shariat law. This states that the
widow, if living, gets one eighth, the father of the
deceased one sixth and the mother of the deceased
one sixth, then the remainder is divided between
sons and daughters in the ratio 2:1 respectively. If
there are no children the widow gets one fourth and
the rest is divided between the nearest patrilineal
relatives, the father and mother of the deceased
taking precedence, and then brothers and sisters
of the deceased in the 2 : 1 ratio. Recent national
laws have confirmed the place of the daughter in
succeeding to her share of the inheritance; also in
1959 a law placed the son of the deceased in pre-
cedence over the father of the deceased.

Nearly all the Budhopur land was inherited
after death, but there are two exceptions. One old
Jat Sundu with two wives, Mohamm'uddin, has
already divided his land between his sons ; whilst
one of the Jat Rendawa, Ghulam Muhammad, gave
his eldest son some land after marriage; but the
two younger sons, though married, still farm with
their father. Another young Sundu, Rehmat, is
fighting a court case with his widowed mother,
who has been selling more of her late husband's
land than was her one eighth share on his death.
After the father's death the sons may decide to
carry on farming the land together, or some decide
to split up and farm separately. Two leading
Sundu brothers, who each had one son, died recently
leaving 40 acres. Since the sons are minors, now
at school, the mother of one got a relative to come
and help. The relative, with his brother, rents 12


acres and also supervises the work on a further 12
acres which are nominally farmed by the widow.
The remaining 16 acres are rented out.

Land is rarely sold, as the zamindar prizes his
land above all else, but it does happen occasionally..
Early in 1962 Jamaluddin bought 1] acres from a
fellow Arain who had very little land, but was in
need of the money, possibly due to his stepson's.
recent marriage. The price paid was 2,400 rupees,.
which was quite high because Jamaluddin and
Mohamm'uddin lambardar were competing for the
land. Three years ago Roashan Sundu, a semi-
retired farmer who keeps goats and rents out most.
of his land, sold three acres to a farmer from a
neighboring village, who now also rents out this
land. Mohammad Yamin Arain has also recently
-bought an acre of land from a relative, for 1,100,
rupees; whilst Mohammad Saduq Pan is trying to
buy land from Rehmat Sundu's mother, over which.
there is the court case mentioned above. Mo-
hamm'uddin lambardar's father had only 13 acres.
of land initially, and over the last 30 years this has
increased to 60 acres, 20 of these having been bought
in neighboring villages, some in Budhopur, and the.
rest received by inheritance. Apart from Mohamm'
uddin the present buyers of land are noticeably
the tube-well owners : Jamaluddin Arain, Mo-
hammad Yamin Arain and Mohammad Saduq
JatPan.

One other dispute is going on, over some re--
fugee land. Wali Mohammad's wife was allotted
25 acres in accordance with an inheritance just
before Partition. However, the Indian records-
now show that this inheritance was under stay of
cancellation at the time of Partition and so the land
was re-allocated to another refugee, who is now
living in Lahore. To complicate the issue, the
Lahore refugee has sold 12 of the acres to Jamal-
uddin; whilst settlement is awaited, Wali
Mohammad continues to farm the land.

Tenancy

Of the 50 farmers, only 11 are merely tenants;
7 of these are kammnis and 4 are zamindars. On













the other hand, there are only seven people who
are cultivating all their own land. The remaining
32 are both owners and tenants; 13 of these, beside
renting in more land, actually rent out some of
their own land. The reason for this seemingly
strange procedure is that they are combating frag-
mentation. They let out land they have on distant
wells and rent more land nearer to their own well
if possible. Thus it is really a move towards con-
solidation, or rather an attempt by another means
to solve the existing problem.

Fragmentation is a great nuisance to the farmer
in wastage of time and the energy of both man and
draught animal. There is less incentive to improve
standards of cultivation, and certain crops which
need to be watched for fear of thieving are not much
grown. The case of Ghous Mohammad Kamboh,
Swho only farms 7J acres, is more extreme than
most. His land is in eleven separate pieces and on
five different wells. However, most farmers have
lands whose furthest pieces are a mile apart, and
usually farm from at least two wells.

When a farmer has land to rent, or when one
is looking for more land, they sound out friends
until the two parties meet and a bargain is made.
If the farmer wants too much the prospective renter
may refuse, or vice versa, but there is usually no
shortage of prospective farmers for any land avail-


able. The nature of the soil, its drainage, and the
distance from a well are all important points when
haggling over the rent. The majority of the land
is rented on a Teka basis (see table 10), for a
fixed .amount of grain payable after the harvest;
this may vary from 20 dropas to 50 dropas or more
of wheat per acre (50 dropas -4J maunds of wheat,
worth about 65 rupees). Teka accounts for
three quarters of the renting, but the other quarter
is done on the share-cropping or Hissa system. In
Budhopur, with no canal-irrigated land, under the
share-cropping system the landlord receives one
third of the crop. The kammis in particular, though
by no means exclusively, rent land on this basis.
For 9 good cultivator Teka is preferable; but should
the crop fail, a poor man who has to pay 50 dropas
Teka per acre is placed in an embarrassing position,
whereas if he was to pay one third Hissa he would
not get into debt and would be guaranteed his
share of the crop.

However, when a tenant grows more, to have"
to give more to his landlord as well does not en-
courage him to improve his methods. This is
especially true if he is taking water from a tube-
well as this also is done on a one third Hissa basis.
A tenant who is giving one third to the landlord
and one third for water is not left very much from
which to eke out a living and to cover his own
farming expenses.


TABLE 9
Land Ownership and Cultivation, by Caste


BUDHOPUR NEARBY VILLAGES TOTAL
Caste Owning Farming Owning Farming Owning Farming


220x 155
63x 128
59 88
7 24
14x 34


46 62
2
59
20


363x 439 51 141 414 570


Jat Sundu .
Jat Rendawa
Jat Gukkar
Jat Kalu '
Other Jats

All Local Jats


266
65
59
7
17


. .















Caste Owning Farming Owning Farming Owning Farming

Arains .. .. .. 108 64 .... 108 64
Refugee Jats .. .. .. 50x 23 .... 50 23
Rajput .. .... 3' 9 .... 3 9
Kamboh .. .. .. 5 10 4 .. 9 10


All Refugee Zamindars .. .. 166 105 4 .. 170 106


All Kammi Tenants .. .. .. 70 .. 2 .. 72


Neighbouring villagers .. .. 25 ...... 25
Gujranwala .. .. .. 30 .... 30
Distant Owners .. .... 65 ...... 65


Total Absentee Landlords .. .. 120 ...... 120


Grand Total .. .. 649x 605 55 143 705 728

xIndicates some water-logged land :out of 35 acres water-logged, 32 acres are Jat Sundu land.










TABLE 10
Land Ownership and Tenancy by Size of Holding


IN BUDHOPUR IN NEIGHBORING VILLAGES TOTALS
r .
a |

Size of Holding g |



o a a o 0






*10-15 acres (8 holdings) .. 49 30 19 53 83 14 4 10 14 18 63 34 29 54 13 67 01
Over 25 acres (3 holdings) .. 44 34 10 66 100 30 20 10 19 39 7 4 54 20 63 22 85 139

0-25 acres (14 holdings) .. 202 135 46 103 238 8 3 5 77 80 210 138 51 151 29 180 318
x(10)

15-20acres(5holdngs) .. 52 46 1 38 84 2 14 4 52 46 1 32 10 42 88
x(5)



10-15 acres(8holdings) 49 30 19 53 83 14 4 10 14 18 63 34 29 54 13 67 101




5-10 acres 11 holdings) .. 42 24 18 56 80 1 .. 1 2 2 43 24 19 26 32 58 82




Under 5 acres (9 holdings) .. 53 10 34 10 20 2 .. 2 .... 55 10 36 81 2 101 20
x(9)



Total .. 442 279 128 316 605 55 27 28 116 143 497 306 156 334 108 442 748
x(34)

(xlndicates water-logged land)












CHAPTER IV


TOOL AND
All the farmer's tools and implements are
-traditional ones, with the exception of the geared
hand fodder cutter (toka) and the metal sugar-cane
crusher (bailna). Both of these were introduced
between the two World Wars, but none other of the
improved implements advocated by the Agricul-
ture Department are being used in Budhopur.

A complete census was made of all the tools
belonging to each farmer in the village. Only the
list of Suba's tools is given, as it is. quite typical
(Table 11). Suba is a Sundu zamindarw ho farms 21
acres of land.

TABLE 11

Tools and Implements used by Farmer in
Budhopur


Average Life
Punjabi Name Cost in years


2 Ploughs .. Hal
3 Yokes .. Panjarli
1 Plank .. Sohaga
1 Fodder Cutter Toka
1 Fodder Chopper Toka
1 Cane Crusher .. Bailna (sl
1 Ridge Maker .. Jendra
2 Winnowing Trangli
Forks.
2 Spades (mattocks) Kayee
6 Sickles .. Dahtri
5 Trowels .. Rhumba
1 Tree-lopper .. Kulpa
1 Axe .. Coiree
2 Sets Blinkers Cowpah
2 Winnowing Chajj
Baskets.
3 Cattle Troughs Kurli


..ared)
hared)
..


The essential part of the hal
ing block of hard wood, kur, w


500
'5
30-50
)0-130
10
500
8


IMPLEMENTS
triangle uppermost; and the point at the forward
end is protected by a pointed iron "share", known as
phalla. All the farmers in the village without ex-
ception use this type of plough. Two of Suba's
yokes are for ploughing, and there is a smaller one
for use at the Persian Wheel and cane crusher
(bailna). The sohqga is a heavy rectangular block
of wood used for crushing the sods and is drawn
by four bullocks. It may vary in size according
to the size of the holding.

The new geared fodder cutter is quite expensive
but is a great time-saver and economises on fodder.
Most of the zamindars and several of the kammis
own one. It will chaff 20-40 maunds of green
fodder in an hour. The hand toka (chopper) is now
mainly used for sugar cane harvesting.

The cane crusher is a very expensive item, and
only seven farmers have one. The sugar crusher
with metal rollers extracts 60 per cent of the juice
as compared with only 40 per cent by the old wooden
crusher. It can crush 3 maundss of cane in an
hour. The farmers who do not have a crusher
borrow free of charge from those who have one.
Since only very little cane is grown in Budhopur,
it takes the farmer a long time to repay the initial
capital outlay.


lu Thejendra is used by two men to ridge fields to
facilitate efficient irrigation, and they can do two
2 2 acres in a day. The kayee is a multi-purpose tool,
2 1 but its chief use is for making buptds (irrigation banks
1 1 around the fields) and cleaning irrigation ditches.
6 2 The winnowing fork now normally has metal prongs
.. 6 5 instead of wooden ones. The sickles are used for
10 2 harvesting cereals and fodder crops, whilst the rhum-
1 ba is used for weeding, hoeing, and cutting grass.

20-40 5 Most farmers have an axe, but only the few who
keep goats have a tree-lopper. The blinkers are
consists of a taper- used for the draught animals at the Persian Wheel.
pith the base of the Suba also has a camel harness, as he keeps a camel


Implement

































- *~;: /-~
~4q~*~ :'~


4: I
m. -~~;~




4r A


I


Winnowing of wheat.


''*I ..^
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to drive his Persian Wheel. There is only one other
farmer who keeps a camel for this purpose.
The cost of a Persian Wheel is shared by all of
the farmers at the well, in proportion to their land-
holding there. To sink a new well costs about
1,400 rupees in Budhopur, where the water table
is everywhere between 12 and 15 feet below ground
level. In addition the complete equipment for the
Persian Wheel costs 600 rupees and should last


about 20 years, but the buckets have to be replaced
every four or five years, at a cost of 160 rupees.

The farmer pays the craftsman for each new
item of equipment he buys, but all repairs are done
on the seyp contract system. It is interesting to
note that there are no bullock carts in the village
and all carrying of crops is done on the head, or
occasionally with horses or donkeys.














CHAPTER V
THE CROPS AND METHODS OF CULTIVATION


When discussing crops the year can be divid-
ed into two main seasons : Kharif, which covers
the summer monsoon period and lasts from May
to November, and Rabi, covering the winter months
from November till April.

The chief crop of Kharif in Budhopur is rice,
which undoubtedly is the leading cash crop in
the village, as well as an important cereal in the
villagers' diet. The Basmati variety is grown pre-
dominantly, under recent government encourage-
ment, as both prices and yields are better. ,How-
ever, Basmati is a late maturer, too late to harvest
in time for planting a successful wheat crop on the
same land, so some of the other varieties such as
safaida, pelman and mushkan are also grown.

Other important crops in Kharif are sugar
cane and Desi cotton. The latter is grown in very
small quantities, entirely for home consumption.
Most of the sugar cane is also eaten within the
village, an insignificant amount being sold outside.
Most farmers now grow the LS49 variety of sugar
cane, but several prefer the Pony variety for its
better quality, despite lower yield, and a few grow
the 85 variety-which is definitely inferior to both
of the others. Tobacco, which is planted in Rabi,
is harvested in Kharif, but this again is grown
purely for local consumption within the village.
A little oilseed, Foia or rape, is also grown.

Of the fodder crops in Kharif, Bajra and Jdwar
are by far the most important. These millets are
almost all fed to the animals when green, and little
is ripened for human consumption. A small
amount of maize is grown intercultured with the
young sugar cane, but this is also mainly used as
fodder, though some is kept for harvesting as grain.
The only other Kharif crops of note are a few
chillies, vegetables, and melons. They are all for
home consumption.


In Rabi, wheat is by far the most important
crop and is the staple cereal as well as an important
cash crop. In 1961-62 nearly 400 acres were under
wheat, whereas there were only 250 acres under-
rice during the previous Kharif. Nearly all the
farmers grow the C5091 variety of wheat, though
this has only been introduced in the last five years.
A few still grow the C0591 variety, which was for-
merly predominant here.

A few acres of barley are also grown, some-
times mixed with wheat, and this is partly used for
fodder and partly harvested as grain. A pulse,.
gram, is grown for home consumption and also is
added to the animal fodder; gram may be grown
mixed with wheat and this combination is known as
Goji. Other minor crops include a few oilseeds :
Ulsi (linseed), Toria and Tara Mira. Also some
vegetables are grown.

Chetala (a clover) is the main fodder crop;
but a few acres of Senji (a longer clover) are also
grown. Gonglu (turnips) are grown in the young:
wheat, their tops are cut for fodder, and roots.
are cooked as vegetable. Other vegetables are
Mulli (radishes), Gajr (carrots) and Gunda (onions),.
grown in small quantities.

Methods of Cultivation

We have already seen that implements are-
traditional and methods of cultivation follow the
same pattern. All sowing is done by the broad-
cast method and little manure and no fertilizers.
are used. Little attempt is made to combat pests-
as the zamindars do not know how to, though the
Plant Protection Service is helping here, and many
farmers neither clean their irrigation ditches nor
weed their crops properly.
The Rice Crop

In 1961 the government ordinance that no rice
nurseries should be planted before June 15th was.














CHAPTER V
THE CROPS AND METHODS OF CULTIVATION


When discussing crops the year can be divid-
ed into two main seasons : Kharif, which covers
the summer monsoon period and lasts from May
to November, and Rabi, covering the winter months
from November till April.

The chief crop of Kharif in Budhopur is rice,
which undoubtedly is the leading cash crop in
the village, as well as an important cereal in the
villagers' diet. The Basmati variety is grown pre-
dominantly, under recent government encourage-
ment, as both prices and yields are better. ,How-
ever, Basmati is a late maturer, too late to harvest
in time for planting a successful wheat crop on the
same land, so some of the other varieties such as
safaida, pelman and mushkan are also grown.

Other important crops in Kharif are sugar
cane and Desi cotton. The latter is grown in very
small quantities, entirely for home consumption.
Most of the sugar cane is also eaten within the
village, an insignificant amount being sold outside.
Most farmers now grow the LS49 variety of sugar
cane, but several prefer the Pony variety for its
better quality, despite lower yield, and a few grow
the 85 variety-which is definitely inferior to both
of the others. Tobacco, which is planted in Rabi,
is harvested in Kharif, but this again is grown
purely for local consumption within the village.
A little oilseed, Foia or rape, is also grown.

Of the fodder crops in Kharif, Bajra and Jdwar
are by far the most important. These millets are
almost all fed to the animals when green, and little
is ripened for human consumption. A small
amount of maize is grown intercultured with the
young sugar cane, but this is also mainly used as
fodder, though some is kept for harvesting as grain.
The only other Kharif crops of note are a few
chillies, vegetables, and melons. They are all for
home consumption.


In Rabi, wheat is by far the most important
crop and is the staple cereal as well as an important
cash crop. In 1961-62 nearly 400 acres were under
wheat, whereas there were only 250 acres under-
rice during the previous Kharif. Nearly all the
farmers grow the C5091 variety of wheat, though
this has only been introduced in the last five years.
A few still grow the C0591 variety, which was for-
merly predominant here.

A few acres of barley are also grown, some-
times mixed with wheat, and this is partly used for
fodder and partly harvested as grain. A pulse,.
gram, is grown for home consumption and also is
added to the animal fodder; gram may be grown
mixed with wheat and this combination is known as
Goji. Other minor crops include a few oilseeds :
Ulsi (linseed), Toria and Tara Mira. Also some
vegetables are grown.

Chetala (a clover) is the main fodder crop;
but a few acres of Senji (a longer clover) are also
grown. Gonglu (turnips) are grown in the young:
wheat, their tops are cut for fodder, and roots.
are cooked as vegetable. Other vegetables are
Mulli (radishes), Gajr (carrots) and Gunda (onions),.
grown in small quantities.

Methods of Cultivation

We have already seen that implements are-
traditional and methods of cultivation follow the
same pattern. All sowing is done by the broad-
cast method and little manure and no fertilizers.
are used. Little attempt is made to combat pests-
as the zamindars do not know how to, though the
Plant Protection Service is helping here, and many
farmers neither clean their irrigation ditches nor
weed their crops properly.
The Rice Crop

In 1961 the government ordinance that no rice
nurseries should be planted before June 15th was.










adhered to : this ordinance was designed to curb
the attacks of the rice stem borer, which is most
;active in May and early June. Also all the rice
nurseries were sprayed by the Plant Protection
authorities. According to the local method
of cultivation, a wet nursery of 2-4 marlas
for every acre is sown broadcast with three
seer of rice. After three weeks it is ready for
transplanting. Meanwhile the land is irrigated
heavily and then given three or four ploughings,
followed by sohaga. In addition a few more stir-
rings are given just before transplanting to make
the soil thoroughly puddled. Seedlings are trans-
planted into standing water, 9" apart. Usually
hired labour is employed for this at the rate of seven
-rupees per acre.

Ideally rice needs 60" of water, or about 20
-irrigations.Lands owned in the neighboring villages
of Mandiala Tega and Chak Joya get water from the
,canals, but within Budhopur water comes from the
Persian Wheel or tube-well. However, the monsoon
rains are a necessary supplement and if they are
light the crop may suffer. Some farmers give the
*crop one weeding, others do not bother. Two
weeks before harvest the crop is drained of its stand-
"ing water.

Harvesting is done by hand sickle (dahtri) and
then threshing takes place immediately. The rice
is gathered into bundles and soundly beaten, across
.a log or a ridge of hardened earth, until all the ears
are empty. Crude ropes of twisted rice straw are
made for holding the bundle whilst threshing and for
carrying away the piral (rice straw). Nine dropas per
.maund(100 dropa) of unhusked rice grain are shared
among the harvesters. The women who do the
-winnowing share one dropa per mauni. The
.kumhiar gets two dropas per mauni for carrying the
:rice grain from the fields to the farmer's house.

After winnowing, the rice is carefully weighed
out under the eye of the owner. An air of sanctity
'is given to the proceedings, and the man who does
the measuring should be barefooted and have his
-head covered. 25 dropas are loaded into each side


pack of the horse or donkey; so each carries half a
mauni, which is 31 maunds or 280 lb. of rice.

Storage of grain is discussed under the wheat
section. The milling of rice is done locally at two
of the tube-wells. The District Food Controller
seals these machines for a while after the harvest,
to encourage early selling, and the milling for home
consumption at that time is done by hand by the
women- using the chakki (pair of grindstones).
Once the rice mill is working most of the villagers
bring their rice to it and the cost of milling is
rwo rupees per mauni (7 maunds).

Sugar cane
Sugar cane is given the most intensive land
preparation of all the crops in the village. Most
farmers give about ten ploughings and cross-plough-
ings, followed by sohaga, Many apply manure for
this crop.

The seed consists of short sections of cane
called sets, each containing two buds. A few
marlas of the old crop are left standing for this
purpose. Straw is wrapped around the base of
the plough to give a broad furrow and the sets are
dropped into the furrow, often by children, end to
end, about 4" apart. The succeeding furrow partly
covers the former one, and afterwards the rows are
ridged up by hand jendra.

Tobacco, maize, vegetables, and melons are
often grown intercultured with the young cane.
Sankukra (or Deccan hemp) for rope-making is
planted all around the edge of the field which
protects the crop from passing animals. An
irrigation is then given and subsequent waterings
every two to three weeks. Hoeing and weeding
is usually done twice.

This crop in Budhopur is severely damaged by
top borers, stem borers and red rust. The Plant
Protection people have demonstrated spraying in
the village, but the farmers can not be bothered to
do it themselves, though they are very happy for the
Plant Protection men to do it.











Harvesting is done mostly by family labour,
but casual labour is taken on at one rupee a day
plus some of the green tops. It is cut by hand to/ca,
and the green tops are then chopped off for fodder.
The dead leafage is stripped from the cane with a
dahtri and used as fuel for the boiling. After the
cane is crushed in the bullock driven bailna, the
juice (rao) is poured into a large shallow metal pan,
4J feet in diameter. Then it is boiled for about
an hour over a boiling oven which is a closed
hearth built at the well. Soda is added to the boil-
ing juice to clean it, and the scum is then skimmed
off the top.

After boiling, it is poured into a shallow, 21 ft.
square, wooden box, where it is thoroughly stirred
with a small trowel and then allowed to set. Balls
'of gur (the unrefined brown sugar) are moulded
from this by hand. If shakkar (a finer brown
sugar) is being made, then the juice is boiled longer
and it is not allowed to cool into a hard mass, but
is constantly stirred and then broken up by rubbing
with the hands.

One is always conscious of the subsistence na-
ture of this economy by the unconcern of the far-
mer at wastage. Canes are taken from the field
by anyone to chew, even by passing strangers.
Many canes are removed from the field before
harvest time in this way and while the gur is being
made more canes are eaten and juice is drunk.
Many eager fingers are dipped into the cooling tray
to eat the warm gur, especially by the children.
At one well we saw a quarter of each pan being
eaten in this manner, but this is exceptional.
After harvesting, the stubble is left to propa-
gate a second time and the following crop is usually
better than the first ; but invariably after two years
the stubbles are taken out and a fresh crop is planted.

Other KharifCrops.

Cotton is given little land preparation, usually
about two to three ploughings each way. It is
watered about once a month, and hoeing and weed-
ing is done only once. The harvesting is done by


women, usually from the family of the farmer.,
Alternatively, others may be hired and given a share
of the crop, usually about 10 % of the total between
them. Seed is sown 8 seers to the acre and the:
average yield per acre ranges from 6 to 8 maunds,
Raw cotton consists of one third seed and two
thirds lint by weight.

The main fodder crops are the millets, jowar
and bajra. Again only two or three ploughings are
given, the seed rate is about 20 seers per acre for
jowar and only 5 seers for bajra. When harvested
as grain, yields are usually five to six maunds per acre..

The Wheat Crop

The preparation of the soil for wheat varies:
from farmer to farmer. Some give only two plough--
ings and cross-ploughings followed by sohaga,.
while others, like Mohammad Yamin Arain, give
as many as six, but this is still less than that which
is recommended by agricultural authorities for
better yields. In Budhopur the wheat is all sown,
by broadcast method, normally at the rate of 26-32
seers per acre, and the land is then 'rolled' again
with the sohaga and given the first irrigation after
a fortnight or a month. Irrigations are then given
monthly if there is no rain. Little weeding as such
is done, but when sarson is grown with the wheat,.
it is taken out for fodder with other weeds. at the
same time. Occasionally, when the wheat is young:
and very thick in growth the farmer may cut the
field for fodder. By removing all the young wheat
tops as well as the weeds he thus thins the crop.

Harvesting is done with hired labour by the
wealthier farmers, as it is an exhausting task, but
the poorer farmers do it themselves. Each la-
bourer gets one large sheaf (bharree), which he can
just carry away on his head at the end of a day's
work. This bharree contains about 16 seers of
grain which is worth five to six rupees. Four men
can cut an acre in a day.

The bharrees, which are tied with rice straw
rope, are stacked near the well and when all the
harvesting is complete the threshing begins.











Harvesting is done mostly by family labour,
but casual labour is taken on at one rupee a day
plus some of the green tops. It is cut by hand to/ca,
and the green tops are then chopped off for fodder.
The dead leafage is stripped from the cane with a
dahtri and used as fuel for the boiling. After the
cane is crushed in the bullock driven bailna, the
juice (rao) is poured into a large shallow metal pan,
4J feet in diameter. Then it is boiled for about
an hour over a boiling oven which is a closed
hearth built at the well. Soda is added to the boil-
ing juice to clean it, and the scum is then skimmed
off the top.

After boiling, it is poured into a shallow, 21 ft.
square, wooden box, where it is thoroughly stirred
with a small trowel and then allowed to set. Balls
'of gur (the unrefined brown sugar) are moulded
from this by hand. If shakkar (a finer brown
sugar) is being made, then the juice is boiled longer
and it is not allowed to cool into a hard mass, but
is constantly stirred and then broken up by rubbing
with the hands.

One is always conscious of the subsistence na-
ture of this economy by the unconcern of the far-
mer at wastage. Canes are taken from the field
by anyone to chew, even by passing strangers.
Many canes are removed from the field before
harvest time in this way and while the gur is being
made more canes are eaten and juice is drunk.
Many eager fingers are dipped into the cooling tray
to eat the warm gur, especially by the children.
At one well we saw a quarter of each pan being
eaten in this manner, but this is exceptional.
After harvesting, the stubble is left to propa-
gate a second time and the following crop is usually
better than the first ; but invariably after two years
the stubbles are taken out and a fresh crop is planted.

Other KharifCrops.

Cotton is given little land preparation, usually
about two to three ploughings each way. It is
watered about once a month, and hoeing and weed-
ing is done only once. The harvesting is done by


women, usually from the family of the farmer.,
Alternatively, others may be hired and given a share
of the crop, usually about 10 % of the total between
them. Seed is sown 8 seers to the acre and the:
average yield per acre ranges from 6 to 8 maunds,
Raw cotton consists of one third seed and two
thirds lint by weight.

The main fodder crops are the millets, jowar
and bajra. Again only two or three ploughings are
given, the seed rate is about 20 seers per acre for
jowar and only 5 seers for bajra. When harvested
as grain, yields are usually five to six maunds per acre..

The Wheat Crop

The preparation of the soil for wheat varies:
from farmer to farmer. Some give only two plough--
ings and cross-ploughings followed by sohaga,.
while others, like Mohammad Yamin Arain, give
as many as six, but this is still less than that which
is recommended by agricultural authorities for
better yields. In Budhopur the wheat is all sown,
by broadcast method, normally at the rate of 26-32
seers per acre, and the land is then 'rolled' again
with the sohaga and given the first irrigation after
a fortnight or a month. Irrigations are then given
monthly if there is no rain. Little weeding as such
is done, but when sarson is grown with the wheat,.
it is taken out for fodder with other weeds. at the
same time. Occasionally, when the wheat is young:
and very thick in growth the farmer may cut the
field for fodder. By removing all the young wheat
tops as well as the weeds he thus thins the crop.

Harvesting is done with hired labour by the
wealthier farmers, as it is an exhausting task, but
the poorer farmers do it themselves. Each la-
bourer gets one large sheaf (bharree), which he can
just carry away on his head at the end of a day's
work. This bharree contains about 16 seers of
grain which is worth five to six rupees. Four men
can cut an acre in a day.

The bharrees, which are tied with rice straw
rope, are stacked near the well and when all the
harvesting is complete the threshing begins.










Several bharrees are undone and the wheat is laid
out in a circle, around which bullocks are driven,
pulling a makeshift sled to compress the straw ;
whilst the farmer repeatedly shakes it with his
trangli the Kumhiars use their horses and donkeys
for this instead of bullocks. A poor household
may cut off all the ears from the straw and thresh
it by hand, beating it with sticks.
The winnowing of the harvest is usually done
by casual labour and many of the kammis and poor
non-cultivating zamindars perform this task. The
wage paid for winnowing is 5 dropas per mauni.
The actual process of winnowing is done by tossing
the grain and chaff into the air, using a trangli (long
fork), The grain is thus separated from the chaff
which falls farther away, and then to clean it further
a flat basket (chajj) is used.

The grain is stored in a variety of ways, in
sacks, large mud bins, in earthenware pots, or
often loose in the corner of a room. This last
method is used when the farmer is waiting only
a few weeks for a better time to sell his grain, but
for long term storage the mud bin is favoured in
Budhopur. Losses in storage occur through ro-
dents, insects, and moisture. The bhusa (crushed
wheat straw) is all stored in low mud clamps (dhar)
in the fields around Budhopur. But in the neigh-
bouring village of Mandiala Tega some of the
refugee farmers from the East Punjab store it in
small conical stacks, thatched with straw, which are
called kups.
Two of the tube-wells have wheat mills and
the charge for milling is 8 annas per maund. Most
villagers take their wheat to them.

Other Rabi Crops.
Barley and gram are often grown as a mixed
crop with wheat or with one another. The cul-
tivation is similar to that of wheat, but when grown
unmixed with wheat both planting and harvesting
is done one or two weeks earlier.

A few oilseeds are also grown, often in corners
of wheat fields, or where the latter border roads -


to protect the wheat crop from being grazed on by
passing animals. The chief of these is ulsi (linseed),
while others are sarson, taria and tara mira. Ulsi
(linseed) is planted at the rate of 6 seers per acre
and the yield is usually three maunds per acre.
Since the crop is so small in Budhopur it is threshed
by manual labour, and the linseed is fed in the form
of fodder cakes after the oil has been extracted.
Sarson is grown in the wheat by most farmers in
Budhopur and is weeded out in February and fed
green to the animals. Where it is grown separate
from the wheat it is sown in November, and about
2) seers of seed is used per acre. It is harvested
in March and left to dry in the fields for a short
period, before transferring it to a threshing floor,
where it is trampled by bullocks and winnowed
like wheat. The straw is used for fuel, or mixed
into manure, and the seed is fed to the animals in
the form of 'cake'. The young green shoots of
sarson are a great delicacy when cooked as saag
in the winter months, popularly eaten at that time
with maize chapatis.

Tobacco is planted in Rabi, after a thorough
working of the soil, which is also heavily manured.
Sometimes it is intercultured with sugar cane.
Seedlings are bought locally and planted out on
ridges 9" high and about a foot apart, and then
irrigated immediately. The plot is usually sur-
rounded by a wall of thorn branches to keep out
animals, and in one case one of the farmers sleeps.
in the midst of his tobacco patch to keep thieves
away, during the ripening period. Three hoeings.
and weedings are given, one each month, and the
crop is harvested in late June.

Clovers are the main fodder crop in winter,.
and the chief of these is Persian Clover, (shaftal
or chetala). This is sown in October, sometimes.
in a growing rice crop of the late maturing variety.
The crop gives four to seven cuttings from December
to the end of April.

Despite the popularity of bersgemn (Egyptian
clover) elsewhere, none is grown in Budhopur, and
chetala remains the predominant clover. A few











acres of senji are grown it is a good fodder crop
which is harvested in March but since it only
gives the one cutting it has largely been replaced
in Budhopur by chetala.

Vegetables

Very few vegetables are grown in the village.
This is partly due to lack of knowledge, and also
there appears to be a social stigma against growing
them. Only one poor Kamboh refugee gets all his
living solely from growing vegetables, and he culti-
vates only 7 kanals of land.

Vegetables, however, give very good returns,
:and one farmer fromrjust one kanal got 30 maunds
of onions, which were worth 120 rupees. For the
most part a few farmers grow one or two marlas
of vegetables near their wells, chiefly carrots and
onionsin winter; in summer tinde (like small
marrows), kaddu (gourds), craylay and tomatoes -
intercultured with the sugar cane. Also in the sum-
mer melons and water-melons are grown. It is
usual practice for the farmer to sell these to a
.shopkeeper when they are in flower, for a lump
sum, and then the latter has to guard them from
being stolen by thieves or children.

Even the Arains, who are traditionally vegetable
growers, grow very few in Budhopur. One Arain
suggested that there are two groups of Arains, one
the vegetable grower and one the farmer, and that
all the Budhopur Arains are of the latter group.

There are, however, certain difficulties to
vegetable growing. First of all, although the return


may be high, because of its perishable nature it is a
more risky type of crop. Secondly, with fragmen-
tation, it is difficult.to protect vegetables against
thieving. Thirdly, the paucity of communications
makes it difficult to transport vegetables to the
town markets. Fourthly, lack of knowledge, other
farm work and some times traditional laziness
prevents the farmer from giving sufficient attention
to vegetables. One farmer cut two marlas of car-
rots as fodder, since they were so choked with weeds
that the crop had not matured. Nevertheless there
is great possibility for an improvement in the agri-
cultural economy if the farmers grow more vege-
tables.

One of the few items imported into the village
is in fact vegetables. Large quantities of potatoes,
cauliflowers, cabbage, onions, carrots, turnips,
brinjal (egg plant), peas, tinda, kaddu, cucumbers,
tomatoes and melons are brought into the village
and sold by shopkeepers or hawkers. These are
not only eaten by the richer zamitdars, but also by
the poorer kammis and the Christian labourers.

Cropping Figures

The figures for Rabi and Kharif, for 1960 and
1961, are given below (in Table 12). These are
taken from the Lal. Kitab (red book) in which the
Patwari (local revenue official) records the crop
date and tenancy for every field twice a year. These
are only for Budhopur itself and do not include the
148 acres of land cultivated outside the village
boundaries.











acres of senji are grown it is a good fodder crop
which is harvested in March but since it only
gives the one cutting it has largely been replaced
in Budhopur by chetala.

Vegetables

Very few vegetables are grown in the village.
This is partly due to lack of knowledge, and also
there appears to be a social stigma against growing
them. Only one poor Kamboh refugee gets all his
living solely from growing vegetables, and he culti-
vates only 7 kanals of land.

Vegetables, however, give very good returns,
:and one farmer fromrjust one kanal got 30 maunds
of onions, which were worth 120 rupees. For the
most part a few farmers grow one or two marlas
of vegetables near their wells, chiefly carrots and
onionsin winter; in summer tinde (like small
marrows), kaddu (gourds), craylay and tomatoes -
intercultured with the sugar cane. Also in the sum-
mer melons and water-melons are grown. It is
usual practice for the farmer to sell these to a
.shopkeeper when they are in flower, for a lump
sum, and then the latter has to guard them from
being stolen by thieves or children.

Even the Arains, who are traditionally vegetable
growers, grow very few in Budhopur. One Arain
suggested that there are two groups of Arains, one
the vegetable grower and one the farmer, and that
all the Budhopur Arains are of the latter group.

There are, however, certain difficulties to
vegetable growing. First of all, although the return


may be high, because of its perishable nature it is a
more risky type of crop. Secondly, with fragmen-
tation, it is difficult.to protect vegetables against
thieving. Thirdly, the paucity of communications
makes it difficult to transport vegetables to the
town markets. Fourthly, lack of knowledge, other
farm work and some times traditional laziness
prevents the farmer from giving sufficient attention
to vegetables. One farmer cut two marlas of car-
rots as fodder, since they were so choked with weeds
that the crop had not matured. Nevertheless there
is great possibility for an improvement in the agri-
cultural economy if the farmers grow more vege-
tables.

One of the few items imported into the village
is in fact vegetables. Large quantities of potatoes,
cauliflowers, cabbage, onions, carrots, turnips,
brinjal (egg plant), peas, tinda, kaddu, cucumbers,
tomatoes and melons are brought into the village
and sold by shopkeepers or hawkers. These are
not only eaten by the richer zamitdars, but also by
the poorer kammis and the Christian labourers.

Cropping Figures

The figures for Rabi and Kharif, for 1960 and
1961, are given below (in Table 12). These are
taken from the Lal. Kitab (red book) in which the
Patwari (local revenue official) records the crop
date and tenancy for every field twice a year. These
are only for Budhopur itself and do not include the
148 acres of land cultivated outside the village
boundaries.












TABLE 12
Extract from the Revenue Patwari's La! Kitab for Budhopur


Kharif


Rice


Rice :-
Basmati..
Mushkan
White Pelman


'Sugar Cane
,Cotton (Desi)
Maize


1960 1961


118 .Wheat
213 22 Barley


45
248
19
9
3


36 Wheat/Barley Mixed
176
11 Gram (pulse) ..
8 Wheat/Gran Mixed
Barley/Grain Mixed


1960 1961


228
17


10 12
37 53
.. 1 1


42 16 Linseed
11 Toria


.Suank


.Jowar .. .. .. 23 7 Senji (large clover)
*Other fodder .. .. 5 .. Chetala (small clover)


Mung (pulse)
SOilseed (Toria)
Chillies
Vegetables


Total acreage


2 Turnip
14
.... 2 3


356 251


.. .. 17
47


14 13


Total acreage ..


471 508


The reason for the drop in acreage in the 1961
rice crop is partly due to the breakdown at Jamal-
uddin's tube-well. However, the 1961 Kharif figures
-definitely appear incomplete. It is inconceivable
that 70 acres of fodder crops were grown in 1960
and then only 34 in 1961, as there was no radical
change in the number of livestock. The unreliabili-
ty of the figures is further evidenced by a discre-
pancy between the figures in the Patwari's field
.Lal Kitab and the fair copy left at the Tehsildar's
office. Even our survey's figures (Table 13) do not
-agree with the Patwari's. However, the difficulty
of getting accurate statistics from the farmers is
great, especially for yields. Actual acreages can be
recorded by checking the crops growing in each
field and this in theory is what the Patwari does.
However it takes too long for him to walk around
the fields, so the farmers come and tell him what
they have grown, as he sits on a charpoy (bed-
stead) in the village. Undoubtedly many farmers
-cannot really understand where the fields lie on his
:nap.


TABLE 13

Cropping figures for the Total Acreage Cultivated
748 acres, Kharif 1961 and Rabi 1962


Kharif 1961
Rice
Cotton
Sugar
Maize
Bajra
Jowar
Chillies


Vegetables


Rabi 1962
. 245 Wheat
10 Tobacco
29 Gram
7 (some in wheat)
51 Oilseed (linseed)
62 Barley
1 (some in wheat)
Chetala
3 Senji
Sarson (oilseed,
in wheat) 220
Vegetables


408


2


534


(Sarson is not included in the total acreage,
as it is thinly sovn among the wheat).












CHAPTER VI
LIVESTOCK


From a glance at the livestock table (No. 14)
we see that nearly 600 animals are owned in Budho-
pur, one to each 1 acres cultivated. Of these. 18 %
are bullocks, he-buffaloes (sa'ndar) and camels,
which are used as draught animals on the farms.
A further 8% of he-buffalo calves and 1'% young
bullocks are kept. So a quarter of the total live-
stock is kept for power, which shows how much
land devoted to fodder and time spent in feeding
could be saved if total mechanisation were possible.

Milk-giving buffaloes are preferred to cows :
57% of the livestock are she-buffaloes and their
female calves, only 3 % are cows and their female
calves. The chief reason for this is the higher fat
content of the buffalo milk, 50% more, so that
more ghee (boiled butter) can be made. The lassi
(buttermilk) left from the ghee-making, which is


done by the housewife early in the morning, is a
very popular drink especially in summer. The
average lactation period is only 8 to 9 months in
the year.

Of the remainder of the livestock, 6% are
horses and donkeys which are almost all owned by
the kumhiars, who conduct the transport trade.
Of the 7 % which are goats, most are kept in one
herd by an old Sundu and an old Fakir; they feed
on all the waste ground, cemeteries, roads and
common land of the village; some farmers lop
branches off their trees and let them graze over
their fields after the harvests. Goats are chiefly kept
for meat, but they are also milked. A blind
Kashmiri recently sold two three-year old goats for
180 rupees each.


TABLE 14
Budhopur Livestock




Owners' Land Holdings (no.)
0 0 0 0


Over 25 acres (3) .. .. .9 1 1 4 24 8 4 .. .. .. 16 67
20-25 acres (14) .. 46 4 6 8 52 24 12 1 2 .. 3 158
15-20 acres (5) .. 11 .. 1 3 20 6 5 1 1 .. .. 48
10-15 acres (8) .. .. 12 3 3 1 26 15 3 .. .. .. .. 63
5-10 acres (11) .. 6 .. 1 6 35 9 4 .. .. .. .. 61
Under 5 acres (8) .. .. .. 1 21 8 2 .. .. .. 14 46
Non-cultivating (15) .. .. 1 1 2 16 11 6 .. .. .. 2 39
Non-cultivating Kammis (14) .. 2 1 .. .. 38 28 13 .. 26 4 4 116
Total Livestock .. .. 86 10 13 25 232 109 49 2 29 4 39 598
Totalpercentage .. 14% 2% 2% 4% 39% 18% 8% .. 5% 1% 7% 100%










The livestock are kept outside during most of
the year and are normally tethered in the field or
by the well. Often, however, during the day,
they graze on the harvested fields or on patches
of waste land, when they are usually looked after
by boys or old men. All green fodder is cut in the
fields by hand sickle, then chopped up by the toka
(fodder cutter), and mixed with bhusa or piral
(rice straw). Concentrates also are fed to the live-
stock and are normally a mixture of barley, oil-
seed and cotton seed cakes. Salt is given to them
once a month and more frequently in summer,
while also during the hot weather the buffalos are
taken daily to the ponds to wallow in the water and
to receive a rub down.
In December and January the livestock are
kept in barns at the wells by the cultivators,and the
non-cultivators keep them in their yards, or in a
room in their houses. Livestock undoubtedly are
essential to the farmer and are highly valued by
him. At night time they are not only tethered but
locked to their troughs and some members of the
family or servants always sleep with them. De-
spite this, cattle thieving is still prevalent. On three
occasions.at night, during our six months' stay in
the village, we joined in a hunt for such thieves.
Unfortunately they were never caught, as they
usually come in a group on horseback and are away
before many people are alerted. On one occasion
a buffalo was stolen, on another a calf, and on the
third they got away with nothing. However,
their lives would probably be in danger if they were
caught, for the whole male population of the village
turns out with sticks and staves to chase the thieves
across the countryside. Even the village blind man
was once with the leaders running at full tilt.
One winter's night part of a barn roof fell in and
slightly injured the lambardar's son and a Chris-
tian servant, who were sleeping with the animals.
Luckily none fell on the six bullocks and eight
buffaloes which were in the barn. A farmer in a
neighboring village, however, was not so fortu-
nate : when the roof collapsed on 16 of his buffaloes
and bullocks, eight were killed and the rest all had


broken limbs, as the barn was built with very heavy
wooden beams. The average farmer pays little-
attention to the upkeep of his barns; in each of these
cases the beams supporting the roof were quite
obviously rotten.
The average price range paid for a bullock in
the village is 500-700 rupees and she-buffaloes 300-
600 rupees. The quality of the animals is generally
low, often very poor, and no attention is paid to
improved breeding methods. The farmer keeps
far too many mediocre animals, often for prestige
reasons. Mating is done with the nearest easily
available animal and so weak stock are not culled
out. The facilities offered by the animal husbandry
service in the District are very limited and no farmer
in Budhopur has ever tried to get a vet for an injur-
ed or sick animal. Most ask help from nobody, a
few seek advice from a zamindar in Mandiala Tega,
who has a reputation for wide experience in this
field.
Some poultry are also kept in the village, mostly
chickens, and a few ducks. This again provides
a valuable addition to both the economy and a pro-
tein-short diet. However, in December all the chick-
ens in Budhopur died from a disease-probably
chickenpox. Since chickens roam the village at
will, looking for scraps, any epidemic will strike
ready the whole chicken population. No villager
can be encouraged to keep more than a few chickens
when he knows nothing about dealing with poultry
diseases, which apparently quite frequently cause
the death of the majority of the village poultry.
If the villager could be instructed in the proper
breeding of livestock, and in the keeping of poultry,
a radical improvement could immediately be made
in his economy. The villagers look after their
animals carefully, but they could get a far higher
return from them by keeping smaller numbers of
better quality if they knew how. This would make
more land available for crops other than fodder.
Pakistan is woefully short in her animal husbandry
sector and adequate advisers in this field could help
the farmers considerably in raising their standard
of living.














CHAPTER VII
LABOUR


Permanent Farm Labour
From the table (15) of labour, the feature of the
village being one of small peasant proprietors is
immediately apparent. Of the total permanent
agricultural labour force of 134, only 20 (15 per
-cent) are employed labourers. Most of these are em-
ployed on the larger farms, 13 of them in the 20-25
acre group. However, the size of farm is not the
major factor concerning the employment of labour,
although naturally it has a definite effect. The
number of working sons of the cultivator is more
important and, if there are no sons or only one
working on the farm, the need for additional labour
is greater. Sometimes this problem is solved by
renting out some land rather than by- employing
more labour, but this depends on the individual
farmer.
The figures showing average acreage per
labourer are interesting. The over 25 acre group,
with one man to 91 acres, definitely indicates
under-cultivation or less efficient methods. In
our opinion 9 acres is too large an area for one


man to tend efficiently by traditional methods, but
this can be and is of course overcome by larger
employment of additional casual labour.

The 10-25 acre group in the table suggests
that 6 acres is an ideal size for one man to look
after. He can tend this really intensively and effi-
ciently according to traditional methods, if he is a
good worker. The farmers in the 5 to 10 acre
group show one man to 31 acres, and in the under
5 acre group of holdings a man to each acre.
Unless the farmer is cultivating really intensively
(vegetables for instance) he is under-worked and
cannot expect to get a reasonable living from such a
small acreage.

These, however, are only the mean figures;
individual farms show marked differences. One
tenant farmer is cultivating 14 acres alone, except
for a nine-year old boy, and his farm is grossly
under-cultivated and inefficiently managed even
by local standards.


TABLE 15
Permanent Labour by size of holding


Total Relatives Permanent Total Average Average
Size of Holding No. Acreage Working Employed Labour Labour Force Acreage
Labour Force per Farm per Labourer


Over 25 acres (3) .. 138 13 lix 141 5 91
20-25 acres (14) .. 318 36 13 49 31 61
15-20 acres (5) .. 88 13 2 15 3 6
10-15 acres (8) .. 102 15 2 17 2 6
5-10 acres (11) .. 82 22 1 23 2 31
Under 5 acres (9) .. 20 15 13 151 11 11


Total (50) .. 748 114 20 134 21 53

xFor the purpose of this section, a man over 60, or a boy under 15, is only counted as I a labourer. In the employed
labour section, some labourers are shared by farmers, also giving rise to 11.














CHAPTER VII
LABOUR


Permanent Farm Labour
From the table (15) of labour, the feature of the
village being one of small peasant proprietors is
immediately apparent. Of the total permanent
agricultural labour force of 134, only 20 (15 per
-cent) are employed labourers. Most of these are em-
ployed on the larger farms, 13 of them in the 20-25
acre group. However, the size of farm is not the
major factor concerning the employment of labour,
although naturally it has a definite effect. The
number of working sons of the cultivator is more
important and, if there are no sons or only one
working on the farm, the need for additional labour
is greater. Sometimes this problem is solved by
renting out some land rather than by- employing
more labour, but this depends on the individual
farmer.
The figures showing average acreage per
labourer are interesting. The over 25 acre group,
with one man to 91 acres, definitely indicates
under-cultivation or less efficient methods. In
our opinion 9 acres is too large an area for one


man to tend efficiently by traditional methods, but
this can be and is of course overcome by larger
employment of additional casual labour.

The 10-25 acre group in the table suggests
that 6 acres is an ideal size for one man to look
after. He can tend this really intensively and effi-
ciently according to traditional methods, if he is a
good worker. The farmers in the 5 to 10 acre
group show one man to 31 acres, and in the under
5 acre group of holdings a man to each acre.
Unless the farmer is cultivating really intensively
(vegetables for instance) he is under-worked and
cannot expect to get a reasonable living from such a
small acreage.

These, however, are only the mean figures;
individual farms show marked differences. One
tenant farmer is cultivating 14 acres alone, except
for a nine-year old boy, and his farm is grossly
under-cultivated and inefficiently managed even
by local standards.


TABLE 15
Permanent Labour by size of holding


Total Relatives Permanent Total Average Average
Size of Holding No. Acreage Working Employed Labour Labour Force Acreage
Labour Force per Farm per Labourer


Over 25 acres (3) .. 138 13 lix 141 5 91
20-25 acres (14) .. 318 36 13 49 31 61
15-20 acres (5) .. 88 13 2 15 3 6
10-15 acres (8) .. 102 15 2 17 2 6
5-10 acres (11) .. 82 22 1 23 2 31
Under 5 acres (9) .. 20 15 13 151 11 11


Total (50) .. 748 114 20 134 21 53

xFor the purpose of this section, a man over 60, or a boy under 15, is only counted as I a labourer. In the employed
labour section, some labourers are shared by farmers, also giving rise to 11.










At the other extreme, four brothers are farming
41 acres quite intensively and reasonably effi-
ciently. They grow hardly any vegetables, which
could give several good cash crops in a year. Yet
if we look at these two cases more closely we see
that they are not as simple as we have stated. The
tenant farmer with 14 acres is of Fakir caste, with
a wife and four small children. On his land he
pays one third of his crop to the landlord, and when
he grows rice he pays another one third to the tube-
well owner, for water. (Rice is his chief crop, and
last year he cultivated 7 acres). Consequently,
barely to exist he needs a large acreage, and the
increased efficiency to be had from employing a
labourer would not cover the cost of hire, especially
as any increase in his yield is two thirds absorbed
in the payments to landlord and tube-well owner.

The four brothers, on the other hand, are
zamindars and own all their land except for one
acre rented at fi'ed price from a sister in Gujranwala.
One is quite old and tends only the animals, while
another suffers very badly from malaria. They
live very frugally and, although they grow only a
half acre of sugar cane, they own one of the bailnas
(cane crushers) in the village. Moreover, several
larger land-owners borrow their bailna quite free of
cost. If the brothers wanted to they could rent more
land, but they are quite happy as they are.

Some of the more efficient farmers admit that
they do not use improved methods, such as line
sowing, because they have not the time and labour
to do it although they agree that the new method
seems to give better results. But many farms are
inefficient because the farmers are just lazy : they
don't like weeding their crop so they do not do it,
but prefer to sit about and puff at their huqqahs.

Thus the contention that the introduction of
machinery brings gross unemployment, which can-
not be absorbed into the towns, just is not true.
Choudhri Chand, who farms 20 acres with the aid
of three sons, admitted that he could be more effi-
cient if he had more labour. His farm is one of
the best run in the village and his sons are very hard


workers. The introduction of machinery on a
cooperative basis could be a great boon to him and
would cause no unemployment on his farm.

At the rice harvest, labour is paid at the rate of
8 or 9 dropas per mauni threshed, whilst the women
get 1 dropa for winnowing. At the wheat harvest
payment is on the basis of one bharree (large sheaf)
per man per day. One man will cut 2 kanals in a
day. A bharree usually contains 15 seers of wheat
grain. Threshing and winnowing of wheat is paid
at the rate of 5 dropas per mauni.

Casual and Voluntary Labour

Casual labour is employed for weeding crops
and for transplanting rice, both at a rate of 7 rupees
per acre, and additional labour is often sought for
cutting fodder. At this a man works for a day in
return for a bharree of fodder or as much as he can
carry away on his head. The farmer needs the
extra help and the landless livestock owner needs
the fodder for his animals; so this is a happy arrange-
ment. Casual labour is normally engaged on a
daily basis and food is also given to the labourers
at mid-day.

The tradition of voluntary labour (mang) still
exists. One large farmer, who was in jail, had all
his harvest cut for him by a voluntary labour force
of over a hundred men, lent by the leading zamindars
of the area. Except at certain busy seasons of the
farmer's year, thirty or forty men could be raised
from the village on any one day to work in a com-
munity project. Seventeen women worked volun-
tarily on plastering the interior walls of Jamaluddin's
guest house and were given only food.

Village Artisans and Providers of Services
1. Blacksmith (Lohar) and Carpenter (Turkhan)

They make and repair the farmers' tools on a
contract basis (seyp), and the wage is usually
measured by the number of plough teams that the
farmer has. Until 1958 the farmers paid 6 bharrees
(bundles of wheat) per plough team; but after the
kammis had complained of small bundles, and so
had demanded larger ones, Jamaluddin introduced










At the other extreme, four brothers are farming
41 acres quite intensively and reasonably effi-
ciently. They grow hardly any vegetables, which
could give several good cash crops in a year. Yet
if we look at these two cases more closely we see
that they are not as simple as we have stated. The
tenant farmer with 14 acres is of Fakir caste, with
a wife and four small children. On his land he
pays one third of his crop to the landlord, and when
he grows rice he pays another one third to the tube-
well owner, for water. (Rice is his chief crop, and
last year he cultivated 7 acres). Consequently,
barely to exist he needs a large acreage, and the
increased efficiency to be had from employing a
labourer would not cover the cost of hire, especially
as any increase in his yield is two thirds absorbed
in the payments to landlord and tube-well owner.

The four brothers, on the other hand, are
zamindars and own all their land except for one
acre rented at fi'ed price from a sister in Gujranwala.
One is quite old and tends only the animals, while
another suffers very badly from malaria. They
live very frugally and, although they grow only a
half acre of sugar cane, they own one of the bailnas
(cane crushers) in the village. Moreover, several
larger land-owners borrow their bailna quite free of
cost. If the brothers wanted to they could rent more
land, but they are quite happy as they are.

Some of the more efficient farmers admit that
they do not use improved methods, such as line
sowing, because they have not the time and labour
to do it although they agree that the new method
seems to give better results. But many farms are
inefficient because the farmers are just lazy : they
don't like weeding their crop so they do not do it,
but prefer to sit about and puff at their huqqahs.

Thus the contention that the introduction of
machinery brings gross unemployment, which can-
not be absorbed into the towns, just is not true.
Choudhri Chand, who farms 20 acres with the aid
of three sons, admitted that he could be more effi-
cient if he had more labour. His farm is one of
the best run in the village and his sons are very hard


workers. The introduction of machinery on a
cooperative basis could be a great boon to him and
would cause no unemployment on his farm.

At the rice harvest, labour is paid at the rate of
8 or 9 dropas per mauni threshed, whilst the women
get 1 dropa for winnowing. At the wheat harvest
payment is on the basis of one bharree (large sheaf)
per man per day. One man will cut 2 kanals in a
day. A bharree usually contains 15 seers of wheat
grain. Threshing and winnowing of wheat is paid
at the rate of 5 dropas per mauni.

Casual and Voluntary Labour

Casual labour is employed for weeding crops
and for transplanting rice, both at a rate of 7 rupees
per acre, and additional labour is often sought for
cutting fodder. At this a man works for a day in
return for a bharree of fodder or as much as he can
carry away on his head. The farmer needs the
extra help and the landless livestock owner needs
the fodder for his animals; so this is a happy arrange-
ment. Casual labour is normally engaged on a
daily basis and food is also given to the labourers
at mid-day.

The tradition of voluntary labour (mang) still
exists. One large farmer, who was in jail, had all
his harvest cut for him by a voluntary labour force
of over a hundred men, lent by the leading zamindars
of the area. Except at certain busy seasons of the
farmer's year, thirty or forty men could be raised
from the village on any one day to work in a com-
munity project. Seventeen women worked volun-
tarily on plastering the interior walls of Jamaluddin's
guest house and were given only food.

Village Artisans and Providers of Services
1. Blacksmith (Lohar) and Carpenter (Turkhan)

They make and repair the farmers' tools on a
contract basis (seyp), and the wage is usually
measured by the number of plough teams that the
farmer has. Until 1958 the farmers paid 6 bharrees
(bundles of wheat) per plough team; but after the
kammis had complained of small bundles, and so
had demanded larger ones, Jamaluddin introduced










At the other extreme, four brothers are farming
41 acres quite intensively and reasonably effi-
ciently. They grow hardly any vegetables, which
could give several good cash crops in a year. Yet
if we look at these two cases more closely we see
that they are not as simple as we have stated. The
tenant farmer with 14 acres is of Fakir caste, with
a wife and four small children. On his land he
pays one third of his crop to the landlord, and when
he grows rice he pays another one third to the tube-
well owner, for water. (Rice is his chief crop, and
last year he cultivated 7 acres). Consequently,
barely to exist he needs a large acreage, and the
increased efficiency to be had from employing a
labourer would not cover the cost of hire, especially
as any increase in his yield is two thirds absorbed
in the payments to landlord and tube-well owner.

The four brothers, on the other hand, are
zamindars and own all their land except for one
acre rented at fi'ed price from a sister in Gujranwala.
One is quite old and tends only the animals, while
another suffers very badly from malaria. They
live very frugally and, although they grow only a
half acre of sugar cane, they own one of the bailnas
(cane crushers) in the village. Moreover, several
larger land-owners borrow their bailna quite free of
cost. If the brothers wanted to they could rent more
land, but they are quite happy as they are.

Some of the more efficient farmers admit that
they do not use improved methods, such as line
sowing, because they have not the time and labour
to do it although they agree that the new method
seems to give better results. But many farms are
inefficient because the farmers are just lazy : they
don't like weeding their crop so they do not do it,
but prefer to sit about and puff at their huqqahs.

Thus the contention that the introduction of
machinery brings gross unemployment, which can-
not be absorbed into the towns, just is not true.
Choudhri Chand, who farms 20 acres with the aid
of three sons, admitted that he could be more effi-
cient if he had more labour. His farm is one of
the best run in the village and his sons are very hard


workers. The introduction of machinery on a
cooperative basis could be a great boon to him and
would cause no unemployment on his farm.

At the rice harvest, labour is paid at the rate of
8 or 9 dropas per mauni threshed, whilst the women
get 1 dropa for winnowing. At the wheat harvest
payment is on the basis of one bharree (large sheaf)
per man per day. One man will cut 2 kanals in a
day. A bharree usually contains 15 seers of wheat
grain. Threshing and winnowing of wheat is paid
at the rate of 5 dropas per mauni.

Casual and Voluntary Labour

Casual labour is employed for weeding crops
and for transplanting rice, both at a rate of 7 rupees
per acre, and additional labour is often sought for
cutting fodder. At this a man works for a day in
return for a bharree of fodder or as much as he can
carry away on his head. The farmer needs the
extra help and the landless livestock owner needs
the fodder for his animals; so this is a happy arrange-
ment. Casual labour is normally engaged on a
daily basis and food is also given to the labourers
at mid-day.

The tradition of voluntary labour (mang) still
exists. One large farmer, who was in jail, had all
his harvest cut for him by a voluntary labour force
of over a hundred men, lent by the leading zamindars
of the area. Except at certain busy seasons of the
farmer's year, thirty or forty men could be raised
from the village on any one day to work in a com-
munity project. Seventeen women worked volun-
tarily on plastering the interior walls of Jamaluddin's
guest house and were given only food.

Village Artisans and Providers of Services
1. Blacksmith (Lohar) and Carpenter (Turkhan)

They make and repair the farmers' tools on a
contract basis (seyp), and the wage is usually
measured by the number of plough teams that the
farmer has. Until 1958 the farmers paid 6 bharrees
(bundles of wheat) per plough team; but after the
kammis had complained of small bundles, and so
had demanded larger ones, Jamaluddin introduced











payment by weight at the rate of 128 lbs. of wheat
grain per plough team. All but the most old-
fashioned of the Jat farmers have adopted this
method. Blacksmith and carpenter make both new
tools and furniture, which they sell in the village.
For instance, in addition to the normal farm tools
.and implements fodder trays, cupboards, toys, and
butter churners are made. Repair of domestic
Articles, however, such as bedsteads, stools, or
butter churners, chopping firewood, and other such
services, are included in seyp work. At any mo-
ment of the day the artisan may be called upon to
drop his own productive work in order to mend
:some part of the Persian Wheel that has broken,
put a new handle on a spade (kayee), sharpen a
hand sickle (dahtri), or merely repair something;
.a housewife has brought along to his yard.

The carpenters buy most of their wood from
the farmers in Budhopur. One of the families
had a flour mill run by bullock power until mecha-
nical flour mills were installed locally at the tube-
wells. The tools used by these craftsmen are mostly
made in Gujranwala. The most interesting is a
,combination of chisel-cum-hammer, known as a
.teysa. One Budhopur Lohar. who has himself
invested in a tube-well, works for the villages of
Machike and Opul Jagir; while one Budhopur
zamindar has his Lohar and Turkhan seypees in the
village of Joey Chak, as he rents in this village.
most of the land that he farms.

2. Washerman (Dhobi)

Most of the poorer women wash their own
,clothes, beating them with a stick, either at the pond
or a well. Hence only three of the Budhopur Dhobi
are seypees and one of these has contracts with 12
households' ii the village of Machike. Four other
Dhobi brothers work inGujranwala, three as washer-
men earning 50-60 rupees per month, and the
fourth and youngest, educated to fifth class, is an
apprentice in a cloth factory and hopes eventually
to earn 20 rupees per month. They all do washing
for the village on a cash basis when they are at home,
but otherwise their mothers and sisters look after


the work in Budhopur. In the village there are
two boilers, made of mud and heated by a furnace.
The technique is to boil with soda, leaving the clothes
in to steam, then later they are thrashed and rinsed.
The Dhobi women also own one of the five sewing
machines in the village and do some tailoring.
Another Dhobi family earns its living by trading in
buffaloes and oxen.

3. Kumhiar (Potter, now Carrier).

There are an unusual number of Kumhiars in
Budhopur, none of whom follow their traditional
craft as potters. Their seyp with the farmers is
small and monopolised by Muhammad Hussain and
his brother-in-law. Seyp payment is rarely more
than half a maund of wheat per plough team per
year. The seyp work consists of transporting goods
specifically within the village, mainly moving earth
or manure. A rare case of a zamindar terminating
his seyp contract with a kammi occurred when
Husain Kumhiar refused to take Jamaluddin's
manure out to his fields.

The rest of the time the Kumhiars work for
cash and since this chiefly involves carrying rice
and wheat to Gujranwala and Kamoke they bear
certain town influences. They are often accused
of smuggling through the inland customs octroii).
The Kumhiars receive 4 rupees per mauni for carry-
ing grain to market. Most of the Kumhiars own
three horses, donkeys, or mules, and since these
animals can carry li mauni they earn 6 rupees
for a trip to the market. Other work includes fetch-
ing provisions for the shopkeeper and carrying
bricks. They charge 10 rupees per 1,000 bricks
from Chak Rehan or Noinke, 12 rupees from more
distant Faisalpur.

4. Cobbler (Mochi).

The cobblers' seyp is little better than a retain-
ing fee and one of them frequently expressed his
disgust with the little handful of grain his seypee's
households in the village give him. The cobbler,
washerman, and barber may be seypee of both
zamindar and kammi since every household may











payment by weight at the rate of 128 lbs. of wheat
grain per plough team. All but the most old-
fashioned of the Jat farmers have adopted this
method. Blacksmith and carpenter make both new
tools and furniture, which they sell in the village.
For instance, in addition to the normal farm tools
.and implements fodder trays, cupboards, toys, and
butter churners are made. Repair of domestic
Articles, however, such as bedsteads, stools, or
butter churners, chopping firewood, and other such
services, are included in seyp work. At any mo-
ment of the day the artisan may be called upon to
drop his own productive work in order to mend
:some part of the Persian Wheel that has broken,
put a new handle on a spade (kayee), sharpen a
hand sickle (dahtri), or merely repair something;
.a housewife has brought along to his yard.

The carpenters buy most of their wood from
the farmers in Budhopur. One of the families
had a flour mill run by bullock power until mecha-
nical flour mills were installed locally at the tube-
wells. The tools used by these craftsmen are mostly
made in Gujranwala. The most interesting is a
,combination of chisel-cum-hammer, known as a
.teysa. One Budhopur Lohar. who has himself
invested in a tube-well, works for the villages of
Machike and Opul Jagir; while one Budhopur
zamindar has his Lohar and Turkhan seypees in the
village of Joey Chak, as he rents in this village.
most of the land that he farms.

2. Washerman (Dhobi)

Most of the poorer women wash their own
,clothes, beating them with a stick, either at the pond
or a well. Hence only three of the Budhopur Dhobi
are seypees and one of these has contracts with 12
households' ii the village of Machike. Four other
Dhobi brothers work inGujranwala, three as washer-
men earning 50-60 rupees per month, and the
fourth and youngest, educated to fifth class, is an
apprentice in a cloth factory and hopes eventually
to earn 20 rupees per month. They all do washing
for the village on a cash basis when they are at home,
but otherwise their mothers and sisters look after


the work in Budhopur. In the village there are
two boilers, made of mud and heated by a furnace.
The technique is to boil with soda, leaving the clothes
in to steam, then later they are thrashed and rinsed.
The Dhobi women also own one of the five sewing
machines in the village and do some tailoring.
Another Dhobi family earns its living by trading in
buffaloes and oxen.

3. Kumhiar (Potter, now Carrier).

There are an unusual number of Kumhiars in
Budhopur, none of whom follow their traditional
craft as potters. Their seyp with the farmers is
small and monopolised by Muhammad Hussain and
his brother-in-law. Seyp payment is rarely more
than half a maund of wheat per plough team per
year. The seyp work consists of transporting goods
specifically within the village, mainly moving earth
or manure. A rare case of a zamindar terminating
his seyp contract with a kammi occurred when
Husain Kumhiar refused to take Jamaluddin's
manure out to his fields.

The rest of the time the Kumhiars work for
cash and since this chiefly involves carrying rice
and wheat to Gujranwala and Kamoke they bear
certain town influences. They are often accused
of smuggling through the inland customs octroii).
The Kumhiars receive 4 rupees per mauni for carry-
ing grain to market. Most of the Kumhiars own
three horses, donkeys, or mules, and since these
animals can carry li mauni they earn 6 rupees
for a trip to the market. Other work includes fetch-
ing provisions for the shopkeeper and carrying
bricks. They charge 10 rupees per 1,000 bricks
from Chak Rehan or Noinke, 12 rupees from more
distant Faisalpur.

4. Cobbler (Mochi).

The cobblers' seyp is little better than a retain-
ing fee and one of them frequently expressed his
disgust with the little handful of grain his seypee's
households in the village give him. The cobbler,
washerman, and barber may be seypee of both
zamindar and kammi since every household may











payment by weight at the rate of 128 lbs. of wheat
grain per plough team. All but the most old-
fashioned of the Jat farmers have adopted this
method. Blacksmith and carpenter make both new
tools and furniture, which they sell in the village.
For instance, in addition to the normal farm tools
.and implements fodder trays, cupboards, toys, and
butter churners are made. Repair of domestic
Articles, however, such as bedsteads, stools, or
butter churners, chopping firewood, and other such
services, are included in seyp work. At any mo-
ment of the day the artisan may be called upon to
drop his own productive work in order to mend
:some part of the Persian Wheel that has broken,
put a new handle on a spade (kayee), sharpen a
hand sickle (dahtri), or merely repair something;
.a housewife has brought along to his yard.

The carpenters buy most of their wood from
the farmers in Budhopur. One of the families
had a flour mill run by bullock power until mecha-
nical flour mills were installed locally at the tube-
wells. The tools used by these craftsmen are mostly
made in Gujranwala. The most interesting is a
,combination of chisel-cum-hammer, known as a
.teysa. One Budhopur Lohar. who has himself
invested in a tube-well, works for the villages of
Machike and Opul Jagir; while one Budhopur
zamindar has his Lohar and Turkhan seypees in the
village of Joey Chak, as he rents in this village.
most of the land that he farms.

2. Washerman (Dhobi)

Most of the poorer women wash their own
,clothes, beating them with a stick, either at the pond
or a well. Hence only three of the Budhopur Dhobi
are seypees and one of these has contracts with 12
households' ii the village of Machike. Four other
Dhobi brothers work inGujranwala, three as washer-
men earning 50-60 rupees per month, and the
fourth and youngest, educated to fifth class, is an
apprentice in a cloth factory and hopes eventually
to earn 20 rupees per month. They all do washing
for the village on a cash basis when they are at home,
but otherwise their mothers and sisters look after


the work in Budhopur. In the village there are
two boilers, made of mud and heated by a furnace.
The technique is to boil with soda, leaving the clothes
in to steam, then later they are thrashed and rinsed.
The Dhobi women also own one of the five sewing
machines in the village and do some tailoring.
Another Dhobi family earns its living by trading in
buffaloes and oxen.

3. Kumhiar (Potter, now Carrier).

There are an unusual number of Kumhiars in
Budhopur, none of whom follow their traditional
craft as potters. Their seyp with the farmers is
small and monopolised by Muhammad Hussain and
his brother-in-law. Seyp payment is rarely more
than half a maund of wheat per plough team per
year. The seyp work consists of transporting goods
specifically within the village, mainly moving earth
or manure. A rare case of a zamindar terminating
his seyp contract with a kammi occurred when
Husain Kumhiar refused to take Jamaluddin's
manure out to his fields.

The rest of the time the Kumhiars work for
cash and since this chiefly involves carrying rice
and wheat to Gujranwala and Kamoke they bear
certain town influences. They are often accused
of smuggling through the inland customs octroii).
The Kumhiars receive 4 rupees per mauni for carry-
ing grain to market. Most of the Kumhiars own
three horses, donkeys, or mules, and since these
animals can carry li mauni they earn 6 rupees
for a trip to the market. Other work includes fetch-
ing provisions for the shopkeeper and carrying
bricks. They charge 10 rupees per 1,000 bricks
from Chak Rehan or Noinke, 12 rupees from more
distant Faisalpur.

4. Cobbler (Mochi).

The cobblers' seyp is little better than a retain-
ing fee and one of them frequently expressed his
disgust with the little handful of grain his seypee's
households in the village give him. The cobbler,
washerman, and barber may be seypee of both
zamindar and kammi since every household may
























- S.?-


I IC


hi


S,


A carpenter at work.


~
r
d
h ?
; 5

.: .,.: -


L-.*<* .,











-need their services. Most of the cobbler's meagre
income comes from selling new shoes at 5-6 rupees,
-or repairing the old ones for a few annas. He
usually sells one pair of shoes each week.

5. Barber (Nai).

Apart from his laag (traditional cash gift) pay-
ments at weddings, the barber depends entirely
,on his seyp and he works for 122 of the 147 house-
holds in the village. The remaining 25 include
12 Christian households who have their own Chris-
tian barber, coming weekly from Mandiala Tega,
and 13 other households for whom a Muslim
barber comes from the same village. Sharif, the
only barber in Budhopur, is assisted by his 14 year
-old nephew, and since he has no shop he cuts the
people's hair where he finds them, which is usually
at the well. However, there is now a plan for the
village to build Sharif a shop. Wedding negotia-
tions, messages, accompanying the bride or bride-
groom's father and cooking the food for weddings
and other feasts are other special duties for the
barber. The wedding payment (laag) is usually
.about 10-20 rupees.

6. Weaver (Julaha).

The weaver, whose work has been to some
extent undermined by the use of factory-made
,cloth, no longer has seyp contracts. The spun
cotton thread is supplied to him, and his wife un-
winds it from the bobbins into a warp, then sizes
it ready for the loom. She also winds the small
bobbins for the shuttle. The ordinary cloth for a
bedcover' or Dhotidress costs the consumer
-rupee per yard. A cotton blanket (khess) costs
from 21 to 4 rupees and this is often paid in kind.
The weavers are busiest in the early spring, when the
spun cotton is ready for them to weave, as spinning
is a winter occupation in all the households. But
none of the weavers buy cotton themselves to make
cloth for, the open market. Two of the weavers
who emigrated from Joey Chak still work for that
-village, as well as for Budhopur.


7. Water Carrier (Machhi).

The wives of the two water carriers cook roti
(bread) in their ovens (tenur) with the flour brought
to them by the village women and charge one roti
for every 10 they cook. The installation of hand-
pumps (nelkas) in most courtyards has ended the
machhi's traditional function, though he does still
get a bharree for carrying water around the fields
at wheat harvest time.

The Isahi women who clear the drains are paid
1/2 mauni of rice and 1/2 mauni of wheat per year
for each street that they clean.

8. Dung Cake Making (goya di seyp).

The Christian wives and also one kumhiar wife
do 'goya di seyp', making the cow dung fuel cakes
for the richer zamindars' households; they are paid
2" maunds of wheat for this service.

9. Chowkidar.

The chowkidar is an official who keeps the
register of births and deaths in the village and he is
the night watchman. He is also the official mes-
senger and looks after the comfort of any guests.
Each household in effect pays him one rupee for
every six months and this is levied by the two
village lambardars.

10. Tube-well Mechanic (Mistri).
One tube-well, owned by a small group of
refugees led by Jamaluddin, is maintained by Nasir
Isahi, who left his job as fitter in Karachi for health
reasons. He is paid 60 rupees per month, all the
year round. Saduq Pan's tube-well mechanic is
Yasin, son of the Arain .lambardar. He has no
formal mechanical training and is paid 45 rupees
per month for the five summer months, the only
time the tube-well works to capacity. If Jamalud-
din is away visiting relatives, as he often is, then his
mistri may also take a few days off, leaving the
farmers without their source of water.

11. Shopkeepers.
The biggest shop in the village is run by two











-need their services. Most of the cobbler's meagre
income comes from selling new shoes at 5-6 rupees,
-or repairing the old ones for a few annas. He
usually sells one pair of shoes each week.

5. Barber (Nai).

Apart from his laag (traditional cash gift) pay-
ments at weddings, the barber depends entirely
,on his seyp and he works for 122 of the 147 house-
holds in the village. The remaining 25 include
12 Christian households who have their own Chris-
tian barber, coming weekly from Mandiala Tega,
and 13 other households for whom a Muslim
barber comes from the same village. Sharif, the
only barber in Budhopur, is assisted by his 14 year
-old nephew, and since he has no shop he cuts the
people's hair where he finds them, which is usually
at the well. However, there is now a plan for the
village to build Sharif a shop. Wedding negotia-
tions, messages, accompanying the bride or bride-
groom's father and cooking the food for weddings
and other feasts are other special duties for the
barber. The wedding payment (laag) is usually
.about 10-20 rupees.

6. Weaver (Julaha).

The weaver, whose work has been to some
extent undermined by the use of factory-made
,cloth, no longer has seyp contracts. The spun
cotton thread is supplied to him, and his wife un-
winds it from the bobbins into a warp, then sizes
it ready for the loom. She also winds the small
bobbins for the shuttle. The ordinary cloth for a
bedcover' or Dhotidress costs the consumer
-rupee per yard. A cotton blanket (khess) costs
from 21 to 4 rupees and this is often paid in kind.
The weavers are busiest in the early spring, when the
spun cotton is ready for them to weave, as spinning
is a winter occupation in all the households. But
none of the weavers buy cotton themselves to make
cloth for, the open market. Two of the weavers
who emigrated from Joey Chak still work for that
-village, as well as for Budhopur.


7. Water Carrier (Machhi).

The wives of the two water carriers cook roti
(bread) in their ovens (tenur) with the flour brought
to them by the village women and charge one roti
for every 10 they cook. The installation of hand-
pumps (nelkas) in most courtyards has ended the
machhi's traditional function, though he does still
get a bharree for carrying water around the fields
at wheat harvest time.

The Isahi women who clear the drains are paid
1/2 mauni of rice and 1/2 mauni of wheat per year
for each street that they clean.

8. Dung Cake Making (goya di seyp).

The Christian wives and also one kumhiar wife
do 'goya di seyp', making the cow dung fuel cakes
for the richer zamindars' households; they are paid
2" maunds of wheat for this service.

9. Chowkidar.

The chowkidar is an official who keeps the
register of births and deaths in the village and he is
the night watchman. He is also the official mes-
senger and looks after the comfort of any guests.
Each household in effect pays him one rupee for
every six months and this is levied by the two
village lambardars.

10. Tube-well Mechanic (Mistri).
One tube-well, owned by a small group of
refugees led by Jamaluddin, is maintained by Nasir
Isahi, who left his job as fitter in Karachi for health
reasons. He is paid 60 rupees per month, all the
year round. Saduq Pan's tube-well mechanic is
Yasin, son of the Arain .lambardar. He has no
formal mechanical training and is paid 45 rupees
per month for the five summer months, the only
time the tube-well works to capacity. If Jamalud-
din is away visiting relatives, as he often is, then his
mistri may also take a few days off, leaving the
farmers without their source of water.

11. Shopkeepers.
The biggest shop in the village is run by two











-need their services. Most of the cobbler's meagre
income comes from selling new shoes at 5-6 rupees,
-or repairing the old ones for a few annas. He
usually sells one pair of shoes each week.

5. Barber (Nai).

Apart from his laag (traditional cash gift) pay-
ments at weddings, the barber depends entirely
,on his seyp and he works for 122 of the 147 house-
holds in the village. The remaining 25 include
12 Christian households who have their own Chris-
tian barber, coming weekly from Mandiala Tega,
and 13 other households for whom a Muslim
barber comes from the same village. Sharif, the
only barber in Budhopur, is assisted by his 14 year
-old nephew, and since he has no shop he cuts the
people's hair where he finds them, which is usually
at the well. However, there is now a plan for the
village to build Sharif a shop. Wedding negotia-
tions, messages, accompanying the bride or bride-
groom's father and cooking the food for weddings
and other feasts are other special duties for the
barber. The wedding payment (laag) is usually
.about 10-20 rupees.

6. Weaver (Julaha).

The weaver, whose work has been to some
extent undermined by the use of factory-made
,cloth, no longer has seyp contracts. The spun
cotton thread is supplied to him, and his wife un-
winds it from the bobbins into a warp, then sizes
it ready for the loom. She also winds the small
bobbins for the shuttle. The ordinary cloth for a
bedcover' or Dhotidress costs the consumer
-rupee per yard. A cotton blanket (khess) costs
from 21 to 4 rupees and this is often paid in kind.
The weavers are busiest in the early spring, when the
spun cotton is ready for them to weave, as spinning
is a winter occupation in all the households. But
none of the weavers buy cotton themselves to make
cloth for, the open market. Two of the weavers
who emigrated from Joey Chak still work for that
-village, as well as for Budhopur.


7. Water Carrier (Machhi).

The wives of the two water carriers cook roti
(bread) in their ovens (tenur) with the flour brought
to them by the village women and charge one roti
for every 10 they cook. The installation of hand-
pumps (nelkas) in most courtyards has ended the
machhi's traditional function, though he does still
get a bharree for carrying water around the fields
at wheat harvest time.

The Isahi women who clear the drains are paid
1/2 mauni of rice and 1/2 mauni of wheat per year
for each street that they clean.

8. Dung Cake Making (goya di seyp).

The Christian wives and also one kumhiar wife
do 'goya di seyp', making the cow dung fuel cakes
for the richer zamindars' households; they are paid
2" maunds of wheat for this service.

9. Chowkidar.

The chowkidar is an official who keeps the
register of births and deaths in the village and he is
the night watchman. He is also the official mes-
senger and looks after the comfort of any guests.
Each household in effect pays him one rupee for
every six months and this is levied by the two
village lambardars.

10. Tube-well Mechanic (Mistri).
One tube-well, owned by a small group of
refugees led by Jamaluddin, is maintained by Nasir
Isahi, who left his job as fitter in Karachi for health
reasons. He is paid 60 rupees per month, all the
year round. Saduq Pan's tube-well mechanic is
Yasin, son of the Arain .lambardar. He has no
formal mechanical training and is paid 45 rupees
per month for the five summer months, the only
time the tube-well works to capacity. If Jamalud-
din is away visiting relatives, as he often is, then his
mistri may also take a few days off, leaving the
farmers without their source of water.

11. Shopkeepers.
The biggest shop in the village is run by two











-need their services. Most of the cobbler's meagre
income comes from selling new shoes at 5-6 rupees,
-or repairing the old ones for a few annas. He
usually sells one pair of shoes each week.

5. Barber (Nai).

Apart from his laag (traditional cash gift) pay-
ments at weddings, the barber depends entirely
,on his seyp and he works for 122 of the 147 house-
holds in the village. The remaining 25 include
12 Christian households who have their own Chris-
tian barber, coming weekly from Mandiala Tega,
and 13 other households for whom a Muslim
barber comes from the same village. Sharif, the
only barber in Budhopur, is assisted by his 14 year
-old nephew, and since he has no shop he cuts the
people's hair where he finds them, which is usually
at the well. However, there is now a plan for the
village to build Sharif a shop. Wedding negotia-
tions, messages, accompanying the bride or bride-
groom's father and cooking the food for weddings
and other feasts are other special duties for the
barber. The wedding payment (laag) is usually
.about 10-20 rupees.

6. Weaver (Julaha).

The weaver, whose work has been to some
extent undermined by the use of factory-made
,cloth, no longer has seyp contracts. The spun
cotton thread is supplied to him, and his wife un-
winds it from the bobbins into a warp, then sizes
it ready for the loom. She also winds the small
bobbins for the shuttle. The ordinary cloth for a
bedcover' or Dhotidress costs the consumer
-rupee per yard. A cotton blanket (khess) costs
from 21 to 4 rupees and this is often paid in kind.
The weavers are busiest in the early spring, when the
spun cotton is ready for them to weave, as spinning
is a winter occupation in all the households. But
none of the weavers buy cotton themselves to make
cloth for, the open market. Two of the weavers
who emigrated from Joey Chak still work for that
-village, as well as for Budhopur.


7. Water Carrier (Machhi).

The wives of the two water carriers cook roti
(bread) in their ovens (tenur) with the flour brought
to them by the village women and charge one roti
for every 10 they cook. The installation of hand-
pumps (nelkas) in most courtyards has ended the
machhi's traditional function, though he does still
get a bharree for carrying water around the fields
at wheat harvest time.

The Isahi women who clear the drains are paid
1/2 mauni of rice and 1/2 mauni of wheat per year
for each street that they clean.

8. Dung Cake Making (goya di seyp).

The Christian wives and also one kumhiar wife
do 'goya di seyp', making the cow dung fuel cakes
for the richer zamindars' households; they are paid
2" maunds of wheat for this service.

9. Chowkidar.

The chowkidar is an official who keeps the
register of births and deaths in the village and he is
the night watchman. He is also the official mes-
senger and looks after the comfort of any guests.
Each household in effect pays him one rupee for
every six months and this is levied by the two
village lambardars.

10. Tube-well Mechanic (Mistri).
One tube-well, owned by a small group of
refugees led by Jamaluddin, is maintained by Nasir
Isahi, who left his job as fitter in Karachi for health
reasons. He is paid 60 rupees per month, all the
year round. Saduq Pan's tube-well mechanic is
Yasin, son of the Arain .lambardar. He has no
formal mechanical training and is paid 45 rupees
per month for the five summer months, the only
time the tube-well works to capacity. If Jamalud-
din is away visiting relatives, as he often is, then his
mistri may also take a few days off, leaving the
farmers without their source of water.

11. Shopkeepers.
The biggest shop in the village is run by two











-need their services. Most of the cobbler's meagre
income comes from selling new shoes at 5-6 rupees,
-or repairing the old ones for a few annas. He
usually sells one pair of shoes each week.

5. Barber (Nai).

Apart from his laag (traditional cash gift) pay-
ments at weddings, the barber depends entirely
,on his seyp and he works for 122 of the 147 house-
holds in the village. The remaining 25 include
12 Christian households who have their own Chris-
tian barber, coming weekly from Mandiala Tega,
and 13 other households for whom a Muslim
barber comes from the same village. Sharif, the
only barber in Budhopur, is assisted by his 14 year
-old nephew, and since he has no shop he cuts the
people's hair where he finds them, which is usually
at the well. However, there is now a plan for the
village to build Sharif a shop. Wedding negotia-
tions, messages, accompanying the bride or bride-
groom's father and cooking the food for weddings
and other feasts are other special duties for the
barber. The wedding payment (laag) is usually
.about 10-20 rupees.

6. Weaver (Julaha).

The weaver, whose work has been to some
extent undermined by the use of factory-made
,cloth, no longer has seyp contracts. The spun
cotton thread is supplied to him, and his wife un-
winds it from the bobbins into a warp, then sizes
it ready for the loom. She also winds the small
bobbins for the shuttle. The ordinary cloth for a
bedcover' or Dhotidress costs the consumer
-rupee per yard. A cotton blanket (khess) costs
from 21 to 4 rupees and this is often paid in kind.
The weavers are busiest in the early spring, when the
spun cotton is ready for them to weave, as spinning
is a winter occupation in all the households. But
none of the weavers buy cotton themselves to make
cloth for, the open market. Two of the weavers
who emigrated from Joey Chak still work for that
-village, as well as for Budhopur.


7. Water Carrier (Machhi).

The wives of the two water carriers cook roti
(bread) in their ovens (tenur) with the flour brought
to them by the village women and charge one roti
for every 10 they cook. The installation of hand-
pumps (nelkas) in most courtyards has ended the
machhi's traditional function, though he does still
get a bharree for carrying water around the fields
at wheat harvest time.

The Isahi women who clear the drains are paid
1/2 mauni of rice and 1/2 mauni of wheat per year
for each street that they clean.

8. Dung Cake Making (goya di seyp).

The Christian wives and also one kumhiar wife
do 'goya di seyp', making the cow dung fuel cakes
for the richer zamindars' households; they are paid
2" maunds of wheat for this service.

9. Chowkidar.

The chowkidar is an official who keeps the
register of births and deaths in the village and he is
the night watchman. He is also the official mes-
senger and looks after the comfort of any guests.
Each household in effect pays him one rupee for
every six months and this is levied by the two
village lambardars.

10. Tube-well Mechanic (Mistri).
One tube-well, owned by a small group of
refugees led by Jamaluddin, is maintained by Nasir
Isahi, who left his job as fitter in Karachi for health
reasons. He is paid 60 rupees per month, all the
year round. Saduq Pan's tube-well mechanic is
Yasin, son of the Arain .lambardar. He has no
formal mechanical training and is paid 45 rupees
per month for the five summer months, the only
time the tube-well works to capacity. If Jamalud-
din is away visiting relatives, as he often is, then his
mistri may also take a few days off, leaving the
farmers without their source of water.

11. Shopkeepers.
The biggest shop in the village is run by two











-need their services. Most of the cobbler's meagre
income comes from selling new shoes at 5-6 rupees,
-or repairing the old ones for a few annas. He
usually sells one pair of shoes each week.

5. Barber (Nai).

Apart from his laag (traditional cash gift) pay-
ments at weddings, the barber depends entirely
,on his seyp and he works for 122 of the 147 house-
holds in the village. The remaining 25 include
12 Christian households who have their own Chris-
tian barber, coming weekly from Mandiala Tega,
and 13 other households for whom a Muslim
barber comes from the same village. Sharif, the
only barber in Budhopur, is assisted by his 14 year
-old nephew, and since he has no shop he cuts the
people's hair where he finds them, which is usually
at the well. However, there is now a plan for the
village to build Sharif a shop. Wedding negotia-
tions, messages, accompanying the bride or bride-
groom's father and cooking the food for weddings
and other feasts are other special duties for the
barber. The wedding payment (laag) is usually
.about 10-20 rupees.

6. Weaver (Julaha).

The weaver, whose work has been to some
extent undermined by the use of factory-made
,cloth, no longer has seyp contracts. The spun
cotton thread is supplied to him, and his wife un-
winds it from the bobbins into a warp, then sizes
it ready for the loom. She also winds the small
bobbins for the shuttle. The ordinary cloth for a
bedcover' or Dhotidress costs the consumer
-rupee per yard. A cotton blanket (khess) costs
from 21 to 4 rupees and this is often paid in kind.
The weavers are busiest in the early spring, when the
spun cotton is ready for them to weave, as spinning
is a winter occupation in all the households. But
none of the weavers buy cotton themselves to make
cloth for, the open market. Two of the weavers
who emigrated from Joey Chak still work for that
-village, as well as for Budhopur.


7. Water Carrier (Machhi).

The wives of the two water carriers cook roti
(bread) in their ovens (tenur) with the flour brought
to them by the village women and charge one roti
for every 10 they cook. The installation of hand-
pumps (nelkas) in most courtyards has ended the
machhi's traditional function, though he does still
get a bharree for carrying water around the fields
at wheat harvest time.

The Isahi women who clear the drains are paid
1/2 mauni of rice and 1/2 mauni of wheat per year
for each street that they clean.

8. Dung Cake Making (goya di seyp).

The Christian wives and also one kumhiar wife
do 'goya di seyp', making the cow dung fuel cakes
for the richer zamindars' households; they are paid
2" maunds of wheat for this service.

9. Chowkidar.

The chowkidar is an official who keeps the
register of births and deaths in the village and he is
the night watchman. He is also the official mes-
senger and looks after the comfort of any guests.
Each household in effect pays him one rupee for
every six months and this is levied by the two
village lambardars.

10. Tube-well Mechanic (Mistri).
One tube-well, owned by a small group of
refugees led by Jamaluddin, is maintained by Nasir
Isahi, who left his job as fitter in Karachi for health
reasons. He is paid 60 rupees per month, all the
year round. Saduq Pan's tube-well mechanic is
Yasin, son of the Arain .lambardar. He has no
formal mechanical training and is paid 45 rupees
per month for the five summer months, the only
time the tube-well works to capacity. If Jamalud-
din is away visiting relatives, as he often is, then his
mistri may also take a few days off, leaving the
farmers without their source of water.

11. Shopkeepers.
The biggest shop in the village is run by two











-need their services. Most of the cobbler's meagre
income comes from selling new shoes at 5-6 rupees,
-or repairing the old ones for a few annas. He
usually sells one pair of shoes each week.

5. Barber (Nai).

Apart from his laag (traditional cash gift) pay-
ments at weddings, the barber depends entirely
,on his seyp and he works for 122 of the 147 house-
holds in the village. The remaining 25 include
12 Christian households who have their own Chris-
tian barber, coming weekly from Mandiala Tega,
and 13 other households for whom a Muslim
barber comes from the same village. Sharif, the
only barber in Budhopur, is assisted by his 14 year
-old nephew, and since he has no shop he cuts the
people's hair where he finds them, which is usually
at the well. However, there is now a plan for the
village to build Sharif a shop. Wedding negotia-
tions, messages, accompanying the bride or bride-
groom's father and cooking the food for weddings
and other feasts are other special duties for the
barber. The wedding payment (laag) is usually
.about 10-20 rupees.

6. Weaver (Julaha).

The weaver, whose work has been to some
extent undermined by the use of factory-made
,cloth, no longer has seyp contracts. The spun
cotton thread is supplied to him, and his wife un-
winds it from the bobbins into a warp, then sizes
it ready for the loom. She also winds the small
bobbins for the shuttle. The ordinary cloth for a
bedcover' or Dhotidress costs the consumer
-rupee per yard. A cotton blanket (khess) costs
from 21 to 4 rupees and this is often paid in kind.
The weavers are busiest in the early spring, when the
spun cotton is ready for them to weave, as spinning
is a winter occupation in all the households. But
none of the weavers buy cotton themselves to make
cloth for, the open market. Two of the weavers
who emigrated from Joey Chak still work for that
-village, as well as for Budhopur.


7. Water Carrier (Machhi).

The wives of the two water carriers cook roti
(bread) in their ovens (tenur) with the flour brought
to them by the village women and charge one roti
for every 10 they cook. The installation of hand-
pumps (nelkas) in most courtyards has ended the
machhi's traditional function, though he does still
get a bharree for carrying water around the fields
at wheat harvest time.

The Isahi women who clear the drains are paid
1/2 mauni of rice and 1/2 mauni of wheat per year
for each street that they clean.

8. Dung Cake Making (goya di seyp).

The Christian wives and also one kumhiar wife
do 'goya di seyp', making the cow dung fuel cakes
for the richer zamindars' households; they are paid
2" maunds of wheat for this service.

9. Chowkidar.

The chowkidar is an official who keeps the
register of births and deaths in the village and he is
the night watchman. He is also the official mes-
senger and looks after the comfort of any guests.
Each household in effect pays him one rupee for
every six months and this is levied by the two
village lambardars.

10. Tube-well Mechanic (Mistri).
One tube-well, owned by a small group of
refugees led by Jamaluddin, is maintained by Nasir
Isahi, who left his job as fitter in Karachi for health
reasons. He is paid 60 rupees per month, all the
year round. Saduq Pan's tube-well mechanic is
Yasin, son of the Arain .lambardar. He has no
formal mechanical training and is paid 45 rupees
per month for the five summer months, the only
time the tube-well works to capacity. If Jamalud-
din is away visiting relatives, as he often is, then his
mistri may also take a few days off, leaving the
farmers without their source of water.

11. Shopkeepers.
The biggest shop in the village is run by two











Arain brothers and they sell mainly vegetables,
oils, sweets, spices, and cheap consumer goods
which they bring twice a week from Gujranwala.
Hafizuddin, the younger brother, brings 30-40 lbs.
of ice daily in the summer, on his bike from Gujran-
wala. He also brings one to five maunds of melons
from the village of Kot Des Raj daily. Most of
these commodities are paid for by the women in
farm produce at the following rates : The women
measure out the grain into a metal bowl called a
propi and are paid 2 annas for, a propi of wheat or
gram; 14 annas for basmati rice; 1 anna for other
varieties of rice, jowar and barley. To cater for
the greatly increased spending after harvests the
shopkeepers cook" sweets and delicious savouries.
A speciality in winter is pakorae (fried potatoes and
chillies), and in summer Hafizuddin makes ice lol-
lipops. At the height of the two main harvest
seasons he may- take well over a maund of grain
per day, throughout the month. This he sells direct
to the kumhiar, for disposal in the town. Normal
weekly profit is worth 15 to 20 rupees, but probably
only 30 to 40 per cent of this he gets in cash.

Nazir Kumhiar's shop has a much smaller
turnover and is the second largest. He also brings
his stores from Gujranwala by his own horse and
is patronised mainly by kaJnmi households. The
women normally patronise the nearest or best
stocked shop; caste is no criterion in choice of
shop, nor is price, as prices are fairly constant.
Hafizuddin's shop does offer the best selection and,
possibly, quality. An old retired Kumhiar also
keeps a shop and in May he sold his grain takings
for the six months since the rice harvest, which were
about 15 maunds of rice. This he sold to a Guj-
ranwala dealer for 217 rupees 5 annas at the rate of
41 rupees per maund. No doubt a few had paid
him in cash, perhaps 20 or 30 rupees per month.

A Kamboh and his son sell clothes, cheap jewel-
lery and knicknacks. Since the Budhopur market
is limited they also visit the neighboring villages
of Opul Jagir, Noinke, Machike, Tatta Chuhan,
Mokhal and Chak Rehan, with a metal box full of


their cosmetics and jewellery. They mainly rely
for their income on seasonal spending sprees after
the harvests and before Eid, when many people buy
new clothes. In the four weeks following the-
wheat harvest, they had brought in 26 maunds of
wheat grain. The son also pedals his wares at
various local melas (fairs).

12. Maulvi.

The maulvi is given a fixed amount of wheat,
rice and gur by the households which patronize
his mosque. During Ramzan, when he never
stepped outside the mosque, 30 households each
supplied his food in rotation.

Men who work away from Budhopur

Muhammad Saduq is the only self-employed
man among the 22 who work away fromJBudhopur.
He rents a rice mill in Kamoke and is building up a
growing business as a rice dealer. Last year his
mill husked 1,728 mauni of rice and he was paid 3
rupees 8 annas per mauni. He is one of only 4 Jats
who work in town, and the other three are labourers
in Gujranwala, Lyallpur and Sukkur respectively..
However none of the Jat Sundu and Jat Gukkar
has so far left farming.

There are seven Arains who work away from
Budhopur, and their activities are listed in Table:
16 below.
TABLE 16
Arains working away from Budhopur


I
(1) Cloth worker .. Gujranwala
(2) Shopkeeper .. Lyallpur
(3) Apprentice Tube-well


Income
Rs. per month
70


Mechanic .. Bahawalpur
District.
(4) Washerman .. Gujranwala ..
(5) Labourer in rice Halipur, Gujrat
market. District.
(6) Peon at power house Bahawalnagar ..
(7) Bearer and boot boy P.A.F. Station,
Mauripur, Ka rachi.











Arain brothers and they sell mainly vegetables,
oils, sweets, spices, and cheap consumer goods
which they bring twice a week from Gujranwala.
Hafizuddin, the younger brother, brings 30-40 lbs.
of ice daily in the summer, on his bike from Gujran-
wala. He also brings one to five maunds of melons
from the village of Kot Des Raj daily. Most of
these commodities are paid for by the women in
farm produce at the following rates : The women
measure out the grain into a metal bowl called a
propi and are paid 2 annas for, a propi of wheat or
gram; 14 annas for basmati rice; 1 anna for other
varieties of rice, jowar and barley. To cater for
the greatly increased spending after harvests the
shopkeepers cook" sweets and delicious savouries.
A speciality in winter is pakorae (fried potatoes and
chillies), and in summer Hafizuddin makes ice lol-
lipops. At the height of the two main harvest
seasons he may- take well over a maund of grain
per day, throughout the month. This he sells direct
to the kumhiar, for disposal in the town. Normal
weekly profit is worth 15 to 20 rupees, but probably
only 30 to 40 per cent of this he gets in cash.

Nazir Kumhiar's shop has a much smaller
turnover and is the second largest. He also brings
his stores from Gujranwala by his own horse and
is patronised mainly by kaJnmi households. The
women normally patronise the nearest or best
stocked shop; caste is no criterion in choice of
shop, nor is price, as prices are fairly constant.
Hafizuddin's shop does offer the best selection and,
possibly, quality. An old retired Kumhiar also
keeps a shop and in May he sold his grain takings
for the six months since the rice harvest, which were
about 15 maunds of rice. This he sold to a Guj-
ranwala dealer for 217 rupees 5 annas at the rate of
41 rupees per maund. No doubt a few had paid
him in cash, perhaps 20 or 30 rupees per month.

A Kamboh and his son sell clothes, cheap jewel-
lery and knicknacks. Since the Budhopur market
is limited they also visit the neighboring villages
of Opul Jagir, Noinke, Machike, Tatta Chuhan,
Mokhal and Chak Rehan, with a metal box full of


their cosmetics and jewellery. They mainly rely
for their income on seasonal spending sprees after
the harvests and before Eid, when many people buy
new clothes. In the four weeks following the-
wheat harvest, they had brought in 26 maunds of
wheat grain. The son also pedals his wares at
various local melas (fairs).

12. Maulvi.

The maulvi is given a fixed amount of wheat,
rice and gur by the households which patronize
his mosque. During Ramzan, when he never
stepped outside the mosque, 30 households each
supplied his food in rotation.

Men who work away from Budhopur

Muhammad Saduq is the only self-employed
man among the 22 who work away fromJBudhopur.
He rents a rice mill in Kamoke and is building up a
growing business as a rice dealer. Last year his
mill husked 1,728 mauni of rice and he was paid 3
rupees 8 annas per mauni. He is one of only 4 Jats
who work in town, and the other three are labourers
in Gujranwala, Lyallpur and Sukkur respectively..
However none of the Jat Sundu and Jat Gukkar
has so far left farming.

There are seven Arains who work away from
Budhopur, and their activities are listed in Table:
16 below.
TABLE 16
Arains working away from Budhopur


I
(1) Cloth worker .. Gujranwala
(2) Shopkeeper .. Lyallpur
(3) Apprentice Tube-well


Income
Rs. per month
70


Mechanic .. Bahawalpur
District.
(4) Washerman .. Gujranwala ..
(5) Labourer in rice Halipur, Gujrat
market. District.
(6) Peon at power house Bahawalnagar ..
(7) Bearer and boot boy P.A.F. Station,
Mauripur, Ka rachi.


















VZ


-~


A peddler in the village.


F



?


i. ;


,,'


Fn-J
y- is










A brother of Jamaluddin, who is working for
an oil company in Kuwait, is not included in the
census. He sends over 1,000 rupees a year to his
brother. A relative of one of the Christians, who
works in Karachi. also sends 20 runees a month to


his family.

Four of the Rajputs have rela
jobs :
TABLE 17
Rajputs working away from B

(1) Motor driver .. Karachi
(2) Clerk in Education Lahore
Department.
(3) Cloth master .. Gujranwala


(4) Dye master


.Lahore, n(
casual lal
the activity


Also two Rajput brothers are respectively washer-
man, in Gujranwala for 75 rupees a month, and
casual labourer one is permanently employed
in dyeing.


The employment position in Gujranwala is far
from stable and the villager finds it difficult both to
itively skilled start and then to keep a permanent job. Regular
hours, separation from the family, and very poor liv-
ing quarters in the town are the factors which Geter
ludhopur other villagers from seeking work there. Lack of

Rs. education is another factor, though only 8 of the 22
200 p.m. who work away from Budhopur actually went to
school. Conditions of apprenticeship are hard for
a village youth unused to the town. Apart from
110 p.m. the tube-well apprentice in Budhopur there are only
periodic, two other apprentices who both studied to the sixth
ow combines class, one is the son of the chowkidar, who is tailoring
bouring with in Sheikhupura, the other is a dhobi who is doing
es of a pir. weaving work in Gujranwala.










38

TABLE 18
Work Categories of Adult Males by Caste : Zamindars




Local Castes Jat Arain Rajput Kamboh Kashmiri Jat Suddan Qureshi
Bachal


Owner Farmer .. .. 53 17 2 2 .. 1 .. 75


Non-Farming Owner .. 5 7 .. 1 .. .. 13


Tenant Farmer .. .. 11 .......... 11


Full Time Farm Labourer .. .. .. .... 1 1 .. 2


Shopkeeper .. .. .. 2 .. 3 ...... 5


Town Worker .. .. 4 7 6 .. 1 .... 18


Casual Labourer, Personal Servant .. .. .. 2 ...... 2


Sick or Incapable .. .. 1 1 .... 1 .. 3


Retired.. .. .. 2 2 .. 1 1 .. 1 7


M aulvi .... ............ 1


Keeps a Buffalo .... .... 1 .... .... 1


Total in Castes .. .. 76 36 9 9 4 2 1 1







39
TABLE 19
Work Categories of Adult Males by Caste : Kammis


Work Categories


0
- 0


Tenant Farmer .. .. .. .. 4


Full-Time Farm Labourer


Tube-Well Mistri

Blacksmith

Carpenter ..

Cobbler ..

Weaver ..

Washerman .. .

Carrier ..
Chowkidar

Barbar

Shopkeeper ..

Town Worker (Dhobi) ..

Casual Labourer/Personal

Sick or Incapable

Retired


15

.. .. 1 ..











3
.. .. 3






16





2

...... 4

Servant ..

1

.. 2 2 ..


4


.. 5 .. .. 1

2 .. .

1 .. .. .. ..

8 .. .. .. ..


2







1


1


~"


Total in castes 21 18 11 14 10 4 3 3 2 1 1 88


S .. .. 10

.. ... 14

.. .. 2




5

.. .. .. 2

- .. .. 4

.* .. 3

S.. 16


.. 1 .. 1




.. 4

2 .. 1 4

..

-- 7


Total in castes


.. 21 18


3 3


2 1 1 88


11 14 10 4


5




.. 4




















2
. 2


j


I


i













CHAPTER VIII
THE AGRICULTURAL YEAR


From a glance at the accompanying calendar
it is immediately apparent that certain times of the
year are very much busier than others. The busiest
period of all is from April to May. In early April
barley, gram, and oilseed are harvested and at the
same time Spring sowing is in progress. Then
comes the Baisakhi Mela at nearby Eminabad
which lasts for a week in mid-April, and to which
nearly all the male population go to enjoy them-
selves, and a few to trade animals. Only one
bullock was bought there in 1962 and although
two other farmers took respectively a buffalo and
a horse, neither of them got the price they wanted,
there was no sale and they brought them back
again. Once the Mela is over the wheat harvest
begins and this is undoubtedly one of the most
exhausting operations of the year, as work is done
under the hot sun all day. If the weather remains
fine, harvesting is completed after a fortnight.
Then all through May the farmers are busy thresh-
ing and winnowing their harvest.

Early June is a quiet period, followed by the
planting of the rice nurseries. But in July and early
August with the onset of the monsoon rains,
the farmer is again very busy preparing the soil and
transplanting his rice.

There follows a quiet period in the autumn,
.when little more is done than feeding the animals,
irrigating the rice, and starting to prepare land for
the wheat-sowing in November. This is a popular
time for housebuilding, as also is June and late


March, for besides dryness a hot sun is needed and!
the winter is not suitable for this mud construction
work.

The rice harvest takes place in November.
This means a very busy time, with not only the
harvest and threshing of the rice but also sowing of
wheat and other Rabi crops. This continues till
mid-December.
From mid-December until mid-March it is a
quiet period for three months. The sugar harvest
is conducted in a leisurely fashion over these months,
although the work itself is quite tiring. The
animals. as always, have to be fed and cutting
clover (chetala) takes up a considerable time in the
farmer's day. The days are shorter and work both
starts later and finishes earlier than in the summer.
This period enjoys the most pleasant weather of the
year in the Punjab, and such subsidiary activities as
rope making from hemp, cleaning of irrigation
ditches, and repair of tools are carried on. The
late winter is the most popular time of year for
marriages, and this period with the autumn quiet
period is naturally favoured by the farmers for
visiting relatives.
In the two peak harvest periods nearly all able-
bodied men, and some not so fit, are at work in the
fields. In April, May and November even all the
kammi are at work on the fields except for doing
essential repair work, and it is only during the other
nine months of the year that they are working full
time at their crafts.











TABLE 20

The Agricultural Year


January February March April May June July August September October November December





x- Quiet Period- xx- Very Busy Peak Period- xx- Less Busy- xx- Busy- xx- Quiet Period xx- Very Busy

Wheat .. Harvest Threshing Ploughing Sowing
Nursery
Rice .. Ploughing Trans- Harvest and threshing.
planting.
x Irrigating Rice-x

Sugar .. xHarvest and gur making Cane planted xx- Cane weeded------ Repair of
gur ovens.

Ploughing Barley Barley
Ready for Oilseed Weeding Planted
Spring Gram Oilseed
Sowing Harvest Gram
Planted
Maize
Tobacco Cotton Cotton Maize Cotton
Vegetables Jowar Maize Tobacco Harvested
Planted Vegetables Tobacco Harvested
Planted Weeded
Bajra
Planted

Fodder .. x- Cutting Chetala Clover Take x- Feeding Jowar Cutting
Cletala x- Feeding Bajra- Chetala
Seed begins
Turnip Cutting Barley Feeding
cut from Senji Straw, Maize Feeding
Wheat Gram Rice
Straw

xFeeding rice straw and Sugar Cane Topas xxFeeding wheat straw up to the end of the year. Some farmers right through
the year
Mid
April
Baisakhi Mela













CHAPTER IX


MARKETING AND THE ECONOMY


At present the economy is still mainly-a sub-
sistence one, and very little is sold outside the vil-
lage, except for rice, wheat and ghee (boiled butter)
But a great deal of trade takes place within the
village. Many farmers do not grow tobacco, cotton
or sugar cane and buy or barter from the others.
Moreover, some people have no livestock and often
the livestock of others are not giving milk, so there
is a big internal trade in milk and ghee. The seypee
system is a product of the subsistence economy
and arises from the inter-dependence of all the
villagers for their daily needs. With the beginning
of sales outside the village, the subsistence economy
has given way to a part cash economy and the
seypee system is now breaking down. From selling
his grain the farmer has money and so can buy
things from outside, thus shops are growing in the
village to satisfy some of his needs.

Nowdays a free economy, associated with
local towns, is beginning gradually to displace the
role of subsistence in the village. From the nearby
city the villager gets his desire to share in the higher
level of prosperity. He wants a pen, watch, torch,
bicycle, and wireless, and a few people are now
affording these. At the same time he looks for
medical attention, new roads, and quite a number
.are anxious for education as they have identified
it with increasing prosperity.

In 1961 Kharif, 244 acres of rice were planted
and yielded 660 mauni, so giving on average 19
maunds per acre. Of this the farmers marketed
201 mauni. The shopkeepers, who receive a great
deal as payment, sent a further 44 mauni to market
over the period from the harvest until the end of
May; tube-well owners sold another 90 mauni, and
5 mauni approximately were given to peddlers.
So a total of 340 mauni or 52 per cent of the crop
produced were exported from the village and 320
maunis were consumed locally. This represents a


sum of 28,000 rupees coming into the village from
the sale of rice outside. It should be mentioned
that 84 mauni were sold by one family-that of
Mohamm'uddin lambardar, and so he alone
received about Rs. 7,000.
The wheat crop covered 370 acres in Rabi 1962
and the total yield was about 420 mauni, or a little
over a mauni per acre. Most of this is consumed
locally, but probably about 30 per cent of the crop
is sold outside. This will bring to the village an-
other 14,000 Rs. There is no appreciable sale of
any other crop outside the village, but a consider-
able amount of ghee is sold, also a very few eggs,
and some goats' meat. This brings to the village
a further 8,000 Rs.

So, on a very approximate basis of calculation,
the village is receiving about 50,000 rupees per year
from the sale of its produce outside, and some
further money is coming into the village from people
who work outside. These figures show that, over
and above the subsistence economy of the village,
there is a per capital income of 65 rupees per year
from outside sales. This contribution of 50,000
rupees worth of food to the national requirements
is in itself a considerable one, but it could be very
greatly increased with improved methods of cul-
tivation and livestock breeding.

On the question of marketing, the recent im-
provements in facilities, and particularly a guarante-
ed fair price for the farmer, have been a great
encouragement to the village producer. The
Budhopur farmer has confidence that he will get a
fair price for his wheat and rice, and knowledge of
current prices in the markets is very quick in reach-
ing the village. Most of the farmers sell their
grain either in Gujranwala or Kamoke depending
on the price prevailing at each place. Gujranwala
is eight miles away, Kamoke fourteen, but this
difference causes only a slight change in transport-











ing fees, which is quickly offset by a better price.
Muhammad Saduq Jat Pan, from Budhopur, has
been a rice trader in Kamoke for two years and
since he is a very popular and unassuming figure
in the village, many farmers send their rice to him;
but again, the prevailing price is still a more import-
and factor.

Most of the bigger zamindars will take their
own grain to market, which involves them in
paying the fees of the kumhiar, 4 rupees per mauni
to Gujranwala, the government tax of about
one rupee a mauni, and finally 2 per cent commis-
sion to the commission agent (arthi). To the
farmer who is only selling a little grain it seems
rather futile to spend a whole day going to market.
So many cultivators sell direct to the kumhiar
(carrier), who will then market it himself. This
is a fairly happy arrangement for the small farmer,
as the slightly lower price he gets is compensated
by the saving in time. In any case the small farmer
is not used to the practices of the market, whilst the
kumhiar is and the latter thus receives a slightly
higher profit.
Ghee is a very important item in the econo-
my and is one of the few products sold outside
the village. The distance from the town makes the
people sell only ghee and no milk outside the village.
Not only is the sale of ghee a major item in the far-
mer's economy, but some of the poorer non-culti-
vators depend almost solely on the sale of ghee for
their livelihood. After the internal needs of the
village are satisfied, most is sold in Mandiala Tega,
but some goes to Ferozwala and Gujranwala.
Thus it can be seen that the basic subsistence
economy has a very important cash economy super-
:imposed on it. This is fast becoming the dominant
feature, and the village is open to further advances,
with the desire for increased prosperity. How far
this is being satisfied is discussed in the next section.

Economics of Chowdri Chand's Farm
To illustrate the income of the farmer, let us take
an example from one of the medium-sized farms.
-Chaudhri Chand, Jat Rendawa, farms 19 acres


with his three sons and a part share in a hired ser-
vant. The farm supports two households: Chand,
with his wife, two sons (one married) and two
daughters, lives in one household totalling seven
people; Ismael, the eldest son by a former wife
who died, is living with his wife and three children
in the second household. So the farm is support-
ing a total of twelve people, only three of whom
are under 10. Of the 12 there are 4 working
members, and with no older dependents the family
is in an economically good situation by average
village standards. Chand owns 12 of his acres and
rents a further 8 by the fixed teka system.
The cropping pattern of the farm (Table 21)
shows that a much higher percentage of land than
the village average is cropped twice in the year;
In the Rabi season only half an acre is lying fallow
and in Kharif 8 acres. Only 2 of the 6 acres of rice
are irrigated by tube-well, the others by his Persian
well, and his yield of 22 maunds per acre is above
the village average of 19 maunds per acre. He
grows more sugar cane than most Budhopur farmers,
which can give a higher profit per acre than rice or
wheat, though the price of gur is subject to much
wider fluctuation from year to year. In 1961 his
sugar cane yield was worth 400 rupees per acre,
his rice yield 250 rupees and his wheat 180 rupees
per acre; but this does not take into account the
shorter time needed in cultivating the grain crops
and incomparably greater value of wheat and rice
straw for fodder, as compared with sugar cane tops.
His fodder crops give a generous feed to the
14 livestock, throughout the year; he neither sells
nor buys fodder. His cotton crop satisfies the
needs of home-spun working clothes for all the
family. He grows more chillies and vegetables
than most farmers, which enables him to spend less
than many people on buying them.
In Rabi his wheat crop provides flour for both
households all through the year, bhusa (wheat
straw) for his livestock, and after paying all his rent,
part payments to his servant, and seyp contracts
in wheat, he sells 6 mauni. He also grows suffi-
cient tobacco for the family huqqah.













TABLE 21

Cropping Pattern of Chand's Farm


Yield


Rice

Cotton

Sugar

Baira

Jowar


. 6 acres

. 1 acre

. 12 acres

. 2 acres

.2 acres


Chillies .. 1 kanal

Vegetables .. 10 marlas

(Gourds, marrows,
carrots, onions, garlic).

Fruit .. 1 mango tree
Sannukra, (Hemp)

Fallow .. 7 acres


18 mauni .. Part cash crop .. Wheat

4 maunds .. Uses all of it .. Tobacco

. 20 matuds .. Part cash crop .. Barley
Provides fodder from June lo October Chetala
Sarson
(in wheat).

Eats all .. Senji

Eats all .. Under Sugar cane


Fallow

Eats all

Uses for rope


12 acres part cash crop.

1 kanal Uses all of it.

21 acres Provide
Fodder.
3 acres

12 acres

11 acre

13 acres.


3 kanal.


Table 22 shows how his cash crops, rice, wheat are clothing
and sugar pay for his labour seyp contracts, rent, ment of fa
and provide the staples of his diet. In addition luxury goo
in 1961-62 they yielded an extra 2,000 rupees for expenditure
his cash expenditure. The chief items of spending
TABLE 22
Chand's cash crop, 1961

Rice Sugar


;, housing, additional food, and replace-
irm tools. Other minor items include
ds, travel, religion, and various social
;s.


Wheat B utter---~~


Total Yield

Harvesting Costs

Paid to Landlord
Paid for Tube-Well Water
Net Yield

Paid to Labourers Seyp

Kept for Food and Seed

Sold ..

Where sbld
Profit after Costs of Carriage, Tax & Auction
fees ..

Tax and Auction Fee


153


6

8

Kamoke

640 Rs.


2 maund

18

In village

540 Rs.


1
6 maund

6

Gujranwala

720 Rs.


20 seers

Mandiala Tega.

100 Rs.

-2,000 Rs.


Kharif 1961


xAll figures, unless otherwise stated are maundi.
I mauni rice .... 7 maunds.
1 mauni wheat .. 9
1 mauni sugar .. 5


Rabi 1962


Wheat


Butter











Table 23 shows that the assets chiefly consist
of his land (56 per cent), then his livestock
(20 per cent), and the new pakka house he recently
built (16 per cent)- His total wealth is about 27,000
rupees. Unfortunately we do not know whether
he has any outstanding debt or hoarded savings.

TABLE 23


3 Cow Troughs

Other Tools

1 share in Persian
Wheel


Total


60 With deprecia-
tion; new:
40 With deprecia-
tion; each new:
150 With depreciation
One new wheel:


500 Rs.


Chand's Assests


Land and House
12 acres of land


New 3 room pakka 4,500
house, built 1955.
Ismael's 2 room kachcha 500
house.
Both households' 1,000
furniture & equip-
ment.

21,000


Rs.

15,000 (approx. present
value).


(with depreciation).


Livestock


4 Bullocks
6 Bullocks
1 She-buffalo Calf
2 He-buffalo Calves
1 Horse
Duck and Chickens


Rs.
2,200
2,700
60
60
250
30


500,600 each
400,500
60 ,,
30 ,,
250


Total Assets
Land and House .. 21,000
Livestock .. 5,300
Implements & Tools 500

Total Assets 26,800 Rs.


Food Expenditure of Yasin, son of the Arait
Lambardar

The household is comparatively poor. Yasin
receives 13 maunds of wheat as rent for his 9 acres
and works for 4 months of the year as a tube-well
mechanic. He also sells butter and eggs, which
yield about 200 rupees a year. His total annual
income does not exceed 750 rupees, and he is the
only earner in a family of 7 (2 males, 2 females, and
3 small children).

TABLE 24


Yearly Food Expenditure of Yasin


5,300


Rs. R

e) 150 With deprecia-
tion ; new:
60 With deprecia
tion ; new:
20 With depreciation-
tion; new:
20 With deprecia-
tion ; new plough :
New yoke :


Crop Products

Wheat
Gur (unrefined sugar)
Ss.
Sugar (refined)
Flour
500 Fine flour
Monkey nuts
120 Masoor (pulse)
Math (pulse)
500 Other pulses
Milk (during buffalo's dry
10 4 months)
5 Butter ( do. )


Quantity Value


16 maunds
2
2
4 lbs.
9 lbs.

40 lbs.
10 lbs.
40 lbs.
15 lbs.


12 lbs.


Total


Implements


1 Bailna (I share

1 Toka

1 Sohaga


3 Ploughs
Yokes












Goat's rieat
Fish
Beef
Salt
Chillies
Garlic
Turmeric
Pepper
Dried Coriander
Ginger
Potatoes
Tomatoes
Cauliflower
Cabbage
Carrots
Peas
Aubergine
Mertri
Tinde
Tea
Tobacco
Spice potato (pakore)
Sweets (methaye)
Lollipops
Oranges
Melons

Total


.. 61bs. 12
. 2 lbs. 1
.24 Ibs. 24
.. maund 6
20 Ibs. 10
.16 bs. 4
4 lbs. 16
10 packets 1
2 lbs. 3
1 lb. 1
1. maunds 12
4 lb. 2
50 lbs. 18
4 lbs. 11
8 lbs. 1
. 2 lbs. 2
. 4 lbs. 1
.. 4bs. 1I
.. 2bs.
5
40
2 lb. 2
.. 14
100 1
50 3
10

Rs. 586


Income and Expenditure of Yamin

Another Arain, who farms 5 acres and has a
part share with Jamaluddin in the tube-well, spent
the following on all his requirements for the year:
{his family is 1 male, 2 females, and 3 children)

TABLE 25
Yearly Expenditure of Yamin


Item
Food bought (N.B. he pro-
duces his own grain).
Wheat, paid as rent
Rice, paid as rent
Cloth


Quantity Value
378


9 maunds
7 ,
30 gaz (yds.)


Bedding
Shoes ..
Oils and fuel
Medicines and injections
Pocket money (for son at
school in Gukkur).
Travel
Wedding Gifts
Seyp payments : wheat ..
Gifts to beggars (khairaat)
Land tax (mamla)
Mosque
Toilet goods
Seeds
Special feed for animals
Domestic utensils
Land bought from brother- 1
in-law
Buffalo bought in Gujranwala
Tube-well cost (1I share)

Total


pairs


35
26 maunds 316
150
20
20
3
4
5
25
Sacre
1,100
500
480

Rs. 3,751


His income is as shown in Table 26 below :

TABLE 26

Yearly home of Yamin


Source of income

Sale of wheat
Sale of rice
Sale of barley
Sale of butter
Sale of onions
Sale of fodder
Sale of 1 buffalo
Tube-well earnings (4 share)
(6 mauni of wheat)

Total


Quantity Value

40 maunds 720
30 ,, 380
10 ,, 80
120 lbs. 360
5 maunds 20


900

Rs. 3,045


The purchase of an acre of land, for 1,100
rupees, accounts for the deficit. Yamin has no
debts, and being a very strict Muslim would not
involve himself in any, but this does not apply
to the majority of villagers.











5Weddings and Other Expenses

Early in 1962 Chowdri Chand
:second son, whose wife had died, v
him in an expense of about 3,000 ru
to get payment from his debtors
borrowed 800 rupees from two friend
Jat Kulu and 400 from the Jat Sund
This wedding expense exceeds by
total annual cash income, and
undoubtedly one of the prime caus
the village.

A kumhiar's double wedding o
:,sister cost over 2,700 rupees, and thi:
rupees in loans as follows : 200 ruj
an uncle in Eminabad (baba da ma.
.Jat Sundu zamindar, a Budhopur dho
from Jaboke, and 100 rupees each
Budhopur dhobi and Haji Jamaluddi
breakdown of expenses he claimed tc
-on the two marriages is shown in Ta

TABLE 27

Expenses for a Double Wedd

Itemn


Jewellery for the bride and for his si
,Clothing for the bride and for his sis
Food for guests ..
Payment to the kammis (laag)
Remainder of the dowry
Transport
Fireworks
Throwing of paisas

Total


:Some of this expense was supported
people and his mother's relatives.


remarried his
vhich involved
pees. He had
and himself


A poor man's wedding (e.g. a Christian or a
water-carrier) costs about 500 rupees. Chief causes
of debt seem to be weddings or building a new
house. Surplus earnings are usually invested in
land, cattle or a tube-well.


Ids (400 from a The bigger Jat zamindars are the main money
tu lambardar). lenders in the village and charge the highest interest.
5 per cent his Haji Jamaluddin is owed 1,600 rupees and claims
weddings are that Islam forbids him to take interest. Only
es of debt in Muhammad Saduq Jat Pan, the rice dealer, uses
banking facilities. Everyone else hides away their
money and jewellery inside the house. Savings
f brother and
are invariably invested in gold or silver jewellery
s included 1000
e and the women wear this at weddings or on religious
pees each from
holidays. Increased prosperity in the last ten or
ma da potr), a
i a a d twenty years has changed spending habits of the
'bi and a dhobi
from another family to some extent. Many consumer goods
from another
are brought from the big market in Gujranwala
in. The rough
and travelling salesmen bring aluminium, china,
have incurred
ble 27 below and pottery utensils, cotton prints, the Quran Sharif,
jewellery and cosmetics. Tin trunks have been
substituted for wooden ones, and Gujranwala is
particularly famous for brass utensils. Brass and
glass are replacing the old unglazed pot, which is
Value very poorly fired; but brass is still too expensive
Rs. for larger vessels. Five people have bicycles (a
ster 1,400 young educated Sundu, the barber, Hafizuddin
ter 600 shopkeeper, Muhammad Saduq the rice dealer,
and a Kamboh shopkeeper); seven have Japanese
400
100 or German sewing machines (two Dhobi, one Rajput,
one Jat Sundu, one Kumhiar,Haji Jamaluddin, and
110
the blacksmith who owns a tube-well). Apart from
40
6 buying food, most of the shopping is still done by
the men, including clothing and even the burqah.
55
The Jat women, who are less cloistered than the
Arain, wear better clothes and do visit Gujranwala
.. 2,765
frequently-not always with their husbands.
Generally, however, the husband is still the money
by his father's spender.













CHAPTER X
EDUCATION


Budhopur, though at present without a school,
has three schools within a radius of one mile from
the village, and one high school three miles across
the fields in the village of Ferozwala. Of the 120
children between the ages of 5 and 15 years, one boy
attends the high school, 20 boys and 3 girls
attend a middle school at Mandiala Tega and
three boys attend a school some 18 miles away.

It was disappointing not to receive a single
clear answer from the teachers in the rural schools
visited to a question on the objectives of primary
or middle school education. Evasive answers such
as 'The Government has a new plan, so the objec-
tives will change' were common, if an answer was
given at all. It may be fair to say, therefore, that
the teachers in their own way should be working at
least towards making a child functionally literate,
to arouse in the child interest in all his work, to
prepare him for further education, and to develop
his personality.

It has been said that no system of education is
better than its teachers. Most of the teachers in
the rural schools have been educated at least to
middle school standard, some to matriculation,
and a few to the intermediate level (though these
have received no training as teachers). They come
from zamindar families, with their fathers owning
small farms. Their families have not usually re-
ceived much education. Most teachers have
drifted into the profession due to lack of prospects
in other jobs or a feeling of not reaching the stand-
ard required by other careers, except for those who
have strong religious convictions, for whom teach-
ing as a career is a natural choice as all the prophets
were teachers. Many have to travel long distances
to their schools, anything up to 15 miles, an un-
enviable task over the poor roads. Their pay
varies according to academic ability and training,
and years of service. Although this is low, vary-


ing from Rs. 50/- per month, initially, for the
Junior Vernacular-trained teacher with middle
school education, to Rs. 100/- per month for the
untrained F.A. (two years of college education)
teacher, all the teachers have a sense of security in
their jobs and few wish to leave.

Every morning, school begins with prayers,.
with one of the boys leading. The children then
separate to the various sections of the courtyard
in which their classes are held. The teachers are
all multi-purpose teachers, each in charge
of one class, except where there is a teacher
of English. The emphasis in the first class is to
teach the children Urdu. Most pupils spend two
years in this class and will not progress into the-
second class until the child's command of Urdu,
the medium of instruction, is sufficient for him to
benefit from further instruction. The remaining
classes of the primary stage introduce the child to
simple science, general knowledge, simple arithme-
tic, agriculture, drawing, religious studies and phy-
sical education. In the secondary school classes,.
English, Persian, History, Geography, Geometry,.
and Civics are taught as well as the subjects taught.
in the primary school. There is a tutorial period
once a week, when problems worrying the pupils
are amplified and discussed. The method of teach-
ing is fairly uniform, the first half of the period
being used to test what was learnt in the previous
period, followed in the second half by fresh in--
struction.
It is disappointing to notice the lack of indi-
vidual interest the teacher has in his pupils. The
marking of takhtis (wooden boards), slates or
books always follows the same pattern : the teacher-
corrects a few belonging to the monitors and
leaves them with their corrected work as copies to
mark the remainder. Meanwhile, the teachers
may be talking together, smoking a cigarette or get_












C


IV
rI
h


tic


A class-room of Mandiala Tega school.
A class-room of Mandiala Tega school.


9?

4


-- ,


ALIar


*'^











involved with activities outside the school-a grave
.disadvantage of a school being situated too close
to a village, where distractions will undoubtedly
occur.

The yearly examinations come at the end of
March or the beginning of April. For all except
the 5th and 8th Classes, the examinations are set by
the teachers. For the 5th and 8th Classes, the
Assistant Inspector of Schools will visit each Centre
School, to hold the examinations. Boys from
surrounding schools in the 5th class will sit for
their examination at the Centre School. Criti-
cism was voiced by the teacher of the highest form
in one school against the papers set by the other
teachers, claiming that for credit in their work, the
papers set by the teachers were too lenient, allowing
boys to pass who were not ready for further educa-
tion. "Boys in the 6th Class cannot answer ques-
tions of 4th and 5th class standard", he claimed.

Once a year, the District Inspector of Schools
will visit each school under his supervision. Assist-
.ant Inspectors of Schools come more regularly,
four or five times a year. The school is cleaned
for these visits, registers are brought up to date and
the attendance notice board is filled in only on
these occasions. The function of these visits is
to check the registers and to give assistance to the
teachers with suggestions to improve their work.
'The visits do not appear to be very fruitful, as the
Schools Inspector cannot usually give more than
three hours to each school.

Kingsley Davis in his book 'Population of
India and Pakistan' called those children who
have received education for less than four years an
'educational waste'. The figures given to us show
that 25-30 % of the children leave before complet-
ing four years at school. A further 20-25 % leave
,at the end of Ihe 5th class, while approximately
50 % continue to middle or high school. It is the
rare exception to find village school children pro-
gressing further as costs of intermediate schooling
,are prohibitive to village parents. All those in the
'educational waste' category usually work on the


farms. Amongst those who have completed at
least five years of education, town workers are
found, but they are a small proportion. Some
who passed the middle class may become teachers,
and, if matriculation has been reached, clerks.
Most, though, stay in the village, finding work on
the farms, opening shops, etc.

In the village itself, the literacy rate is about
6%. Undoubtedly, the higher proportion of
better-educated people come from the refugee
castes, Arains and Kambohs, though there are a few
Gukkurs to be found amongst the more educated
in the village. For most of the village, their world
exists only in and around Budhopur. Many were
able to bring Gujranwala into their world, but few,
especially amongst the illiterate, could bring in
Lahore. It was therefore not surprising to be told
by many that the world is flat, though two people,
amongst the sample of the village taken, drew an
analogy between the earth and an orange. Politi-
cal interest and knowledge outside village politics
is very small. On the other hand, in the field of
weights and measures, most villages had a very
good knowledge and used several practical 'dodges'
to make estimates. It was interesting to see the
number of illiterates who had taken the trouble to
learn to write their name, even though it was written
extremely slowly. In the village, the mosque is
used for religious instruction, mainly for the girls.
Girls can also be seen, squatting in the courtyards
of their homes, reading and learning the Holy Quran.

Since there will in the near future be a school
for Budhopur and two neighboring villages, it is
worth noting a few points in which it could be made
better than the.other schools in the neighbourhood.
There seem two alternatives for the siting of the
building, either well away from the village, where
low walls will be possible, or on the edge of the
village, with high walls to avoid distractions be-
tween school and village activities. The building
itself should be able to hold all the classes indoors
so that during the rain school activities can con-
tinue. Preferably, the building should be made











of bricks, which can be obtained locally. The
courtyard should be sufficiently large to enable
periods of physical education to be held, but this
will raise the problem of finding a large plot of land.
Books, pencils, chalk and blackboards, although
not plentiful, can be made available either direct
from the Office of the District Inspector of Schools
at Gujranwala or from the village shops.

It would be infinitely preferable for the new
teacher to live in the village, and to play his part in


village life. Undoubtedly, the better teachers are
found in the towns, where rates of pay are more
attractive. If the man who comes to the new
school, even though his academic standard is no
higher than matriculation or middle school, is less,
satisfied than usual with the present state of the pro-
fession, shows some concern for educational stand-
ards and is prepared to use local material for many
of his visual aids, then the new school should.
thrive.











CHAPTER XI
HEALTH


Budhopur lacks a dispensary, but there are three
within a radius of five miles from the village, all of
which are under the supervision of the District
Health Office. There are also numerous other
small private dispensaries. The official dispensaries
are open for seven hours each day, five in the morn-
ing and two in the afternoon.

Most dispensaries are small buildings, consist-
ing of two rooms, one in which consultations are
held and the other in which preparations are made.
There is usually only one member on the staff. The
dispenser at Mandiala Tega has had a one-year
training course at the Civil Hospital, Gujranwala,
a course which included one month in each ward
and instruction on the preparation, dosage, pre-
scription and toxicity of medicines for various
diseases, the more common being malaria, pulmo-
nary tuberculosis, typhoid, dysentery and pneumo-
nia. Diagnosis of eye diseases, requiring surgical
treatment, is also included in the course. He can
expect to treat 70.patients in one day. It is his
responsibility to obtain medicines from either
the District Health Office at Gujranwala or the
Medical Store Depot, Lahore. He should be able
to visit invalids in surrounding villages unable to go
to the dispensary, but this is rarely done. In con-
trast to the Government Dispenser, the private
dispenser is normally a Hakim-e-haziq a man with
five years training, primarily in herbal medicines
at Tibbia College, Lahore. His day is not so full,
with on average about ten patients to attend. For
all his services, the patient can expect to pay.

It does not take long, on entering the village,
to notice septic sores, swollen stomachs, persistent
coughs and opaque pupils from which the villagers
are suffering. We found that bimari (sickness) was
a frequent complaint. Even though the dispensaries
have many patients in a day, many villagers are
reluctant to go to them. It is a combination of
distrust, as one villager said, "Pakistani doctor: he
no good man" and desire for quick results, which


together with tradition leads to the employment of
the hakim (herbal doctor) for their treatment. The
villagers are aware of the periods during the year
when in-patient treatment is best; 50-60 per cent
of the in-patients at the Civil Hospital at Gujranwala
from rural areas are treated during September -
October and February March, during which time
the weather is the most kind for operations.

Budhopur has two untrained dais (midwives)
who between them are in attendance at the birth of
nearly every child. When complications are
expected, a trained Red Cross Society midwife
might be available at the dispensary five miles away.
Otherwise the expectant mother must be taken
to one of the two maternity hospitals in Gujran-
wala, for there are no other trained midwives in the
locality. Except during the recent smallpox
epidemic, Budhopur, for the past four and a half
years, has not been visited by any team of innocu-
lators. Sanitary inspections tend to be annual
affairs.

In the locality around Budhopur, there is not a
single fully qualified doctor although many have
claimed this status, none have graduated with
MB., B.S., or an equivalent degree. All the doctors
are in the towns. Apart from the one Government-
appointed doctor and his Lady doctor assistant
in Gujranwala there are about 40 doctors who have
private practices, few wishing for a system analogous
to the National Health Service in Britain None
are prepared to move their practices into the rural
areas. They fear that they would loose contact
with modern thought and practices in the profes-
sion, and cannot see how, with the poor communi-
cations, medicines and equipment could be brought
out to them. It is interesting to note that a group
within the Pakistan Medical Association in Gujran-
wala were prepared to consider coming out in turns
on Friday afternoons to Budhopur to dispense
medicine free of charge. This, they felt, would
bring honour to their profession, but also they feared











that if some voluntary step such as this was not
undertaken, the Government would impose some
similar measure upon them

A strong belief in Islamic faith, by at least the
leaders of the village, does not allow any villager
to practice Family Planning, even though some
rural dispensaries do hold stocks of contraceptives
and the fact is publicly known. In what was the
'Granary of India', the idea of world food shortage
is meaningless. 'The famine may be there, but I
do not believe that anyone dies of hunger' as one
villager said during a discussion on the subject.
The argument considering the health and welfare
of the mother does not wholely convince them. The
larger the family and the greater the number of sons,
the stronger is the biraderi and the more hands are
there to work in the fields and in the homes. The
Family Planning Programme must grow in the
towns, and by the natural contacts the villages have
with the towns the ideas will filter through, to the
rural areas. Greater stress on rural education
would accelerate the adoption of family planning
methods by the villagers. The results from the


direct approach to the villagers will not justify the
expense involved.

It was disappointing to learn that, as a result
of the abolishment of the Village-AID pro-
gramme, the first-aid boxes which each V-AID
worker was issued were no longer in use. Our
experience has shown that someone with first-aid
knowledge in the village can alleviate much hard-
ship. It should be possible for the Union Council
Secretary, with his training, not only in first-aid,
but also as an advisor, to impart his knowledge
to others. We found that two older school-boys
in Budhopur showed much interest to learn. They
soon learnt the uses of the triangular and roller
bandages, and the application of dressings. Budho-
pur should be able to supply the necessary equip-
ment which could be kept in one of the village shops.
In this way, minor ailments could be treated before
they become worse, and major ailments checked
until proper attention could be given. Until there
are more dispensaries in the rural areas, this and
similar training in other villages would relieve
some of the pressure on the existing dispensaries.































'- I

'U.


A mother attends to her daughter's hair.


If


^!J


?II
~~II













CHAPTER XII


UNION COUNCILS


After Independence in 1947, the old division
of the land into Revenue Divisions, Districts and
Tehsils was continued, with local government in
the hands of the village Panchayats, with limited
judicial powers only, and District Boards perform-
ing most of the functions of Government. Under
the Basic Democracies Order of 27 October, 1959,
a process of decentralization was brought in, in an
attempt to increase local participation in the affairs
of local government.

Each Tehsil was subdivided into groups of vil-
lages, called Unions, each Union containing appro-
ximately 10,000 people. Under the Order, Basic
Democracies Elections were held in January, 1960,
to elect Union Councils, on the basis of one member
per thousand population, to provide an elective
base for the Basic Democracies scheme. These elect-
ed members of the Union Councils were augment-
ed by the appointment of further members, nomi-
nated by the Deputy Commissioner (D. C.), up
to not more than one third of the total Council.
This provision was meant to safeguard the rights
of minorities and to enlist the services of educated
or prominent citizens who had not been elected,
but it has already been announced that no such
appointments will be made in 1965, when the next
Basic Democracies elections are due to be held,
and the Union Councils will become all
elective.

The first task of the Union Council after elec-
tion was to elect a Chairman from their midst, and
the Chairmen of all the Union Councils in a Tehsil
sit on the next tier of Basic Democracies, the Tehsil
Council. This Council contains in addition an
equal number of civil servants from government
technical departments as nominated by the D. C.
These include the Tehsildar, who is ex-officio Chair-
man of the Council. The District Council, which
has superseded the old District Board, contains


no directly elected members, but is made up of a
half ex-officio civil servants, including the D. C,
who is also Chairmen of the District Council, a
quarter nominated civil servants and a quarter
nominated Chairmen of Union Councils, the nomi-
nations being made by the Commissioner on the
advice of the D. C.

Functions of the Local Councils

The Union Council has been given specific
but very wide duties relating to local government
and assisting the work of the government technical
departments. It has been given powers to levy taxes
in the Union, subject to prior approval by the D.C.,
and also to raise other funds as it requires. The
Tebsil Council has no fund-raising powers, and its
function is to co-ordinate the work of the Union
Council in the Tehsil, and to act as a selective channel
for requests for assistance from the Union Council
to District level. This is the main level of specialis-
ed government activity, and the District Council
has wide responsibilities, including provision and
maintenance of important technical services such
as Health, Education and Public Works.

Higher Authorities

Each District in West Pakistan belongs to one
of 11 Revenue Divisions, now presided over by the
Commissioner, as Chairman of the Divisional
Council, a body composed of one half ex-officio
civil servants, including D. C.s, one quarter nomi-
nated civil servants and one quarter nominated
Chairmen of Union Councils. The scheme of
Basic Democracies was topped by a Provincial
Development Advisory Council, with policy-making
powers, but since the inception of the new Con-
stitution for Pakistan in March 1962, the functions
of this council have been taken over by the elected
Provincial Assembly.











Budhopur and Surrounding Villages

Budhopur lies in Mokhal (Sandhuan) Union,
one of the 54 Unions in Gujranwala Tehsil of Guj-
ranwala District. The largest village and centre
of this Union is Mokhal with a population of
1,700 (1951), three miles from Budhopur. The
Union Council has 14 elected and 6 nominated
members (see Tables 28 and 29), representing 10,260
people (1951). Budhopur is also only one mile
from Mandiala Tega, population 2,150 (1951),
the largest village and centre of another Union,
which is a group of 15 villages with a total popula-
tion of 8,030 (1951), represented by 6 elected and 3
nominated members of the Union Council (see
Tables 30 and 31). Here the activities of these
two Union Councils only will be discussed, since
the activities of the higher levels of the Basic De-
mocracies were not apparent from Budhopur.

Ecology and Facilities of These Two Unions

None of the villages in these two Unions differs
greatly from Budhopur in general ecology, nor do
either of the Unions form a natural economic or
.social unit. There is no metalled road in the area,
and existing un-made roads in generally poor condi-
tion crisscross the two Unions (see Map 3). Nine
villages of Mokhal Union have primary schools,
but the Union possesses no middle or high school.
Only five villages of Mandiala Union have primary
schools, but there is a middle school in Mandiala
Tega and also a dispensary (set up in 1958 by Village-
AID, and now being taken over by the Union
Council). This Union also has two resident
hakins. There is no dispensary in Mokhal Union,
but four villages have resident hakims. For agri-
cultural credit, eight villages of Mokhal Union have
.co-operative credit societies, but in Mandiala Union


there is only one society. This situation is how-
ever being alleviated by the work of the Sector
Officer under the Agricultural Crash Programme.

No village in either Union has electricity, and
market facilities are available only in Gujranwala
or Kamoke. Police Station, hospital, veterinary
surgeon, railway, colleges, cinema etc. are all in
Gujranwala.

As shown in Table 28 below, Mokhal Union
lies in a belt of Jat Sundu villages, which extends
beyond the boundaries of the Union (e.g. Wadala
Sandhuan in Sialkot District). In addition to
1947 refugees, seven villages have small proportions
of later refugees from Kashmir, living in settlements
apart from the main village. Mandiala Union
contains more varied caste groups, and the popula-
tion shift of 1947 has left a greater mark in this
Union. Five villages have later Kashmir settle-
ments.

Marriage and family ties extend far beyond
the Union boundaries, and apart from the portion
of the Sundu biraderi in Mokhal Union, these were
not a unifying factor. Refugee indigenous and
caste factions were very evident in four villages,
probably aggravated by Basic Demorasices elec-
tions, and between several villages of Mokhal
Union.

The Members of the Union Councils

The composition of the councils is analysed in
Tables 28-31 (M "Majority Caste" largest
zamindar caste in the constituency). It could fairly
be said that, with one obvious exception, the elected
members represented the power structure of their
villages.












SMOKHAL AND MfANDIALA TEGA UNION COUNCILS





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