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AN HISTORICAL SURVEY OF THE FRENCH COLONT IN THE ISLAND OF ST. DOMINGO: COMPREHENDING A SHORT ACCOUNT OF ITS ANCIENT GOVERNMENT, POLITICAL STATE, POPULATION, PRODUCTIONS; AND EXPORTS; A NARRATIVE OF THE CALAMITIES WHICH HAVE DESOLATED THE COUNTRY EVER SINCE THE YEAR 1789, WITH SOME REFLECTIONS ON THEIR CAUSES AND PROBABLE CONSEkUENCES; AND A DETAIL OF THE MILITARY TRANSACTIONS OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN THAT ISLAND TO THE END OF 1794. BY BRYAN EDWARDS, ESQ. M.P. F.R.S. &c. AUTHOR OF THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH COLONIES IN THE WEST INDIES. LONDON: PRINTED FOR JOHN STOCKDALE, PICCADILLY. 1797. I

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CO N T E NT S. CHAP. I. POLITICAL State of SAINr DOMINGO, prev;ous ta the Tear 1789 ----Page i CHAP. II. From the Revolution of 1789, to the Meeting of the FirfJ General Colonial Afembly -----4 CHAP. III. Proceedings of the General Colonial A/femby until its final Dijolution, and Embarkation of the Members for France, Auguft 1790 ------25 CHAP. IV. Rebellion and Defeat of Oge, a free Man of Colour -39 CHAP. V. Proceedings in France-Mafacre of Colonel Mauduit in St. Domingo-andfatal Decree of the National Afembly of the 1 5tb May 1791 ---5I Az CHAP. ssN.

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C O N TE N T S. CHA P. VI. Confetuences in St. Domingo of the Decree of the Igth of Ma)yRebellion of the Negroes in the Northern Province, and Enormities committed by them-Revolt of the Mulattoes at Mirebalais -Concordat or Truce between the Inhabitants of Port au Prince and the Men of Colour of the i Ith of September-Proclamation by the National Afembly of the 2oth of September -63 CHAP. VII. Of the Motives which induced the People of Colour tojoin the revolted Negroes-Conduct of the Briti/j AfJciation for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, and of the Society in Paris called Les Amis des Noirs-Letter from Abbe' Gregoire to the People of. Colour-Repeal of the Decree of the 5th May 1791ff'eis of that Meajkre-Civil War with the Mulattoes renewed-Port au Prince deflroyed by Fire-Cruelties exercifed by both Parties-Arrival at Cape Franfois of the Civil Cominjioners ------8 x CHA P. VIII. Reception and Proceedings of the Civil Commixioners, and their Return to France-National Decree of the 4th f April 1792 -Appointment of a new Governor (Monf Dfparbes) and three other Commi/ioners (Santhonax, Polverel, and Ailhaud) -Their Embarkation and Arrival, with a feled Body of f'roops-Their violent Proceedings-Appointment, by the Executive

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C N T E N T S. tutive Council, of M. Galbaud as Chief Governor, in the Room of Defparbes-His Arrival, and Difputes with the Commif. Jioners-Both Parties proceed to Hotlilities-The revolted Negroes called in to the Ajjifance of the Commifioners-A general Mafjacre of the White Inhabitants, and Conflagration of the Town of Cape Franfois ----10 CHAP. IX. Situation, Extent, and general Defcription of St. Domingo-Origin of the French Colony, and Topographical Defcription of thefiveral Provinces into which the French Pojfejions were divided -Their Population, and Produce-Shipping and ExportsCompared with the Returns of Jamaica --122 CHAP. X. Emigrations-Overtures to the Britijh Government acceptedSituation and Strength of the Republican Party in St. Domingo, and Difpofition of the Inhabitants-Negro Slavery abolihed by the French Commifioners-Armament allotted for the Invafon of the Country-Surrender of Jeremie and the Mole at Cape St. Nicholas-Unfuccefsful Attempt on Cape Tiburon-Further Proceedings of the BritiJh Army until the Arrival of General Whyte-Capture of Port au Prince ---139 CHAP. XI. Sicknefs among the Troops, and the Cauifes thereof-Reinforcement -Dreadfdl Mortality-General Whyte is ucceeded by Brigadier General

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C ON T E N T S. General Horneck-Leogane taken by the Rebels-Temporary Succefes of Lieutenant-Colonel Brifbane at Artibonite-Revolt of the Mulattoes at St. Marc-Attack of Fort Bizotton-Preparations by Rigaud for a fecond Attempt on Tiburon-The Poft attacked on ChrEibmas Day, and carried-Gallant Defence and Efcape of the Garrifon, and melancholy Fate of Lieutenant Bajkerville-Lieutenant-Colonels Bribane and Markham killed -Obfervations and Strictures on the Conduct of the War 161 CHA P. XII. Ancient State of the Spanifh Colony--Te Towz'n of St. Domingo eJfablihed by Bartholomew Columbus in i498-Pillaged by Drake in I586-Conjetures and Reftelions concerning its prefent Condition, and the State of Agriculture in the interior Country-Numbers and Characer of the prefent InhabitantsTheir Animofity towards the French Planters, and Jealoufy of the Engli/h-Conjeatures concerning the future Situation of the whole IfJand; and fome concluding Reftecions -177 Tableau du Commerce et de Finances de la Partie Francoie de St. Domingue ----195 Additional Tables ----206 Additional Notes and Iluflrations ---213

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P R E F A CE. SOON after I had publifhed the Hiflory of the Britifh Colonies in the Weft Indies, I conceived the defign of compiling a general account of the fettlements made by all the nations of Europe in that part of the New Hemifphere, but more particularly the French, whofe poffeflions were undoubtedly the moft valuable and produtive of the whole Archipelago. This idea fuggefted itfelf to my mind, on furveying the materials I had collected with regard to their principal colony in St. Domingo; not doubting, as the fortune of war had placed under the Britifh dominion all or moft of the other French iflands, that I fhould eafily procure fuch particulars of the condition, population, and culture of each, as would enable me to complete my defign, with credit to myfelf, and fatisfadion to the Publick. I am forry to obferve, that in this expectation I b have

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PREFACE. have hitherto found myfelf difappointed. The prefent publication therefore, is confined wholly to St. Domingo; concerning which, having pcrfonally vifited that unhappy country foon after the revolt of the negroes in 1791, and formed connexions there, which have fupplied me with regular communications ever fince, I poflefs a mals of evidence, and important documents. My motives for going thither, are of little confequence to the Publick; but the circumftances which occafioned the voyage, the reception I met with, and the fituation in which I found the wretched Inhabitants, cannot fail of being interefting to the reader; and I flatter myfelf that a fhort account of thofe particulars, while it confers fome degree of authenticity on my labours, will not be thought an improper Introdution to my book. IN the month of September 1791, when I was at Spanifh Town in Jamaica, two French Gentlemen were introduced to me, who were juft arrived from St. Domingo, with information that the negro flaves belonging to the French part of that ifland, to the number, as was believed, of ioo,ooo and upwards, had

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PREFACE. had revolted, and were fpreading death and defolation over the whole of the northern province. They reported that the governor-general, confiderng the fituation of the colony as a common caufe among the white inhabitants of all nations in the Weft Indies, had difpatched commiffioners to the neighbouring iflands, as well as to the States of North America, to requeft immediate affiftance of troops, arms, ammunition, and provifions; and that themfelves were deputed on the fame errand to the Government at Jamaica: I was accordingly defired to prefent them to the Earl of Effingham, the commander in chief. Although the difpatches with which thefe gentlemen were furnifhed, were certainly a very fufficient introduaion to his lordfhip, I did not hefitate to comply with their requeft; and it is fcarcely neceffary to obferve, that the liberal and enlarged mind which animated every part of Lord Effingham's condua, needed no folicitation, in a cafe of beneficence and humanity. Superior to national prejudice, he felt, as a man and a chriftian ought to feel, for the calamities of fellow men; and he faw, in its full extent, the danger to which every ifland in the Weft Indies would be expofed from fuch an b 2 example,

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iv PRE FAC E. example, if the triumph of favage anarchy over all order and government fhould be complete. He therefore, without hefitation, aflured the comrniiTioners that they might depend on receiving from the government of Jamaica, every aflftance and fuccour which it was in his power to give. Troops he could not offer, for 1he had them not; but he faid he would furnilh arms, ammunition, and provificns, and he promifed to confuit with the diftinguiflied Cfficer commanding in the naval department, concerning the propriety of fending up one or more of his Majefty's fhips; the commimfioners having fuggefted that the appearance in their harbours of a few veffels of war might ferve to intimidate the infurgents, and keep them at a diftance, while the neceffary defences and intrenchments were making, to preferve the city of Cape Francois from an attack. ADMIRAL AFFLECK (as from his known worth, and general c_ raier might have been expected) very cheerfully co-operated on this occafion with Lord Efimngham; and immediately iffued orders to the caUk ali of the Blonde and Daphne frigates to proceed,

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PREFACE ceed, in company with a floop of war, forthwith to Cape Francois. The Centurion was foon afterwards ordered to Port au Prince. The Blonde being commanded by my amiable and lamented friend Captain William Affleck, who kindly undertook to convey the French commiffioners back to St. Domingo, I was eafily perfuaded to accompany them thither;: and fome other gentlemen. of Jamaica joined the party.. WE arrived in the harbour of Cape Franqois in: the evening of the 26th of September, and the firfi obje& which arrefted our attention as we approached, was a dreadful fcene of devaftation by fire. The noble plain adjoining the Cape was covered with afhes, and the furrounding hills, as far as the eye could reach, every where prefented to us ruins ftill fmoking, and houfes and plantations ac that moment in flames. It was a fight more terrible than the mind of any man, unaccufomed tofuch a fcene, can eafily conceive.-The inhabitants of the town being affembled on the beach, direAed all their attention towards us, and we landed amidft a crowd of fpecdators who, with uplifted' hands and greaming eyes, gave welcome to their deliverers (for fuch they confidered us) and acclamations of vivent !es Anglois refounded from every quarter. JLfl ..

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vi RPREFA CE. THE governor of St. Domingo, at that time, wvas the unfortunate General Blanchelande; a marecla! de camp in the French fervice, who has fince perifhed on the fcaffold. He did us the honour to receive us on the quay. A committee of the colonial affembly, accompanied by the governor's only fon, an amiable and accomplifhed youth *, had before attended us on board the Blonde, and we were immediately conduded to the place of their meeting. The fcene was ftriking and folemn. The hall was fplendidly illuminated, and all the members appeared in mourning. Chairs were placed for us within the bar, and the Governor having taken his feat on the right hand of the Prefident, the latter addreffed us in an eloquent and affeaing oration, of which the following is as lite:al a tranflation as the idiom of the two languages will admit: WE were not miitaken, Gentlemen, when we placed our confidence in your generofity; but we could hardly entertain the hope, that, befides fending us This young gentleman likewife perifhed by the guiilotir.e under the tyanny of Robtrfpierre. He was maf1acred at Paris, on the 20th July 1794, in the twentieth year of his age. 1fuccoCUrs,

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PREFAC E. vi fuccours, you would come in perfon to give us confolation. You have quitted, without relu&ance, the peaceful enjoyment of happinefs at home, to come and participate in the misfortunes of ftrangers, and blend your tears with our's. Scenes of mifery (the contemplation of which, to thofe who are unaccuftomed to misfortune, is commonly difgufting) have not fuppreffed your feelings. You have been willing to afcertain the full extent of our difreffes, and to pour into our wounds the falutary balm of your fenfibility and compaffion. THE pi&ure which has been drawn of our calamities, you will find has fallen fhort of the reality. l hat verdure with which our fields were lately arrayed, is no longer vifible; difcoloured by the flames, and laid wafe by the devaftations of war, our coafts exhibit no profped but that of defolation. The emblems which we wear on our perfons, are the tokens of our grief for the lofs of our brethren, who were

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yi PR E FA CF. were furprifed, and crully affaffinated, by the revolters. IT is by the glare of the conflagrations that every way furround us, that we now deliberate; we are compelled to fit armed and watchful through the night, to keep the enemy from our fanduary. For a long time paft our bofoms have been depreffed by forrow; they experience this day, for the firft time, the fweet emotions of pleafure, in beholding you amongft us. GENEROUS iflanders! humanity has operated powerfully on your hearts;-you :have yielded to the firft emotion of your generofity, in the hopes of fnatching us from death; for it is already too late to fave us from mifery. What a contraft between your conduA, and that of other nations! We will avail ourfelves of your benevolence; but the days you preferve to us, will not be fufficient to manifeft our

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PREFACE. our gratitude: our children ihall keep it in remembrance. REGENERATED France, unapprized that fuch calamities might befal us, has taken no meafures to prote& us againft their effects: with what admiration will the learn, that, without your afliftance, we fhould no longer exift as a dependency to any nation. THE Commiffioners deputed by us to the ifland of Jamaica, have informed us of your exertions to ferve us.-Receive the affurance of our attachment and fenfibility. "< THE Governor-general of this ifland, whofe fentiments perfedly accord with our own, participates equally in the joy we feel at your prefence, and in our gratitude for the affifance you have brought us." AT this juncture, the French colonifts in St. Domingo, however they might have been divided in c political

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x PREFAC E. political fentiments on former occafions, feemed to be foftened, by the fenfe of common fuffering, into perfec unanimity. All defcriptions of perfons joined in one general outcry againft the National Affembly, to whofe proceedings were imputed all their difafters. This opinion was indeed fo widely diffeminated, and fo deeply rooted,, as to create a very ftrong difpofition in all claffes of the whites, to renounce their allegiance to the mother country. The black cockade was univerfally fubftituted in place of the tri-coloured one, and very earneft withes were avowed in all companies, without fcruple or reftraint, that the Britifh adminiftration would fend an armament to conquer the ifland, or rather to receive its voluntary furrender from the inhabitants. What they withed might happen,, they perfuaded themfel.ves to believe was aAually in contemplation; and this idea foon became fo prevalent, as. to place the author of this work in an awkward fituation. The fanguine difpofition obfervable in the French. chara&ter, has been noticed by all: who have vifited them; but in this cafe their credulity grew to a height that was extravagant and: even ridiculous. By the kindnefs of the Earl' of Effingham,

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PR E F A C E Effingham, I was favoured with a letter of introduaion to the Governor-general; and my reception, both by M. Blanchelande and the colonial affembly, was fuch as not only to excite the publick attention, but alfo to induce a very general belief that no common motive had brought me thither. The fuggeftions of individuals to this purpofe, became perplexing and troublefome. Affurances on my part, that I had no views beyond the gratification of curiofity, had no other effe& than to call forth commendations on my prudence. It was fettled, that I was an agent of the Englifh miniftry, fent purpofely to found the inclinations of the Colonifts towards the government of Great Britain, preparatory to an invafion of the country by a Britifh armament; and their withes and inclinations co-operating with this idea, gave rife to many firange applications which were made to me; fome of them of fo ludicrous a nature, as no powers of face could eafily withftand. THIS circumftance is not recorded from the vain ambition of fhewing my own importance. The reader of the following pages will difcover its application; and, perhaps, it may induce him to make fone c 2 allowance

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ii P R E F A C E. allowance for that confident expectation of fure and fpeedy fuccefs, which afterwards led to attempts, by the Britifi arms, againt this ill-fated country, with means that muft otherwife have been thought at the time,-as in the fequel they have unhappily proved, -altogether inadequate to the objec i: view. THE ravages of the rebellion, during the time that I remained at Cape Francois, extended in all direAions. The whole of the plain of the Cape, with the exception of one plantation which adjoined the town, was in ruins; as were likewife the Parifh of Limonade, and moft of the fettlements in the mountains adjacent. The Parifh of Limbe was every where on fire; and before my departure, the rebels had obtained poffeflion of the bay and forts at 1'Acul, as well as the difrids of Fort Dauphin, Dondon, and La Grande Riviere. DESTRUCTION every where marked their progrefs, and refiftance feemed to be confidered by the whites not only as unavailing in the prefent conjuncture, but as hopelefs in future. To fill up the meafure of

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P R E F A C E. xii of their calamities, their Spanifh neighbours in the fame ifland, with a fpirit of bigotry and hatred which is, I believe, without an example in the world, refufed to lend any affitance towards fupprefling a revolt, in the iffue of which common reafon fhould have informed them, that their own prefervation was implicated equally with that of the French. They were even accufed not only of fupplying the rebels with arms and provifions; but alfo of delivering up to them to be murdered, many unhappy French planters who had fled for refuge to the Spanifh territories, and receiving money from the rebels as the price of their blood. Of thefe latter charges, however, no proof was, I believe, ever produced; and, for the honour of human nature, I am unwilling to believe that they are true. To myfelf, the cafe appeared altogether defperate from the beginning; and many of the moft refpe&able and beft informed perfons in Cape Francois (fome of them in high ltations) afrured me, in confidence, that they concurred in this opinion. The merchants and importers of European manufacures, apprehending every hour the deftrucion of the town, UI^f ~

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xiv P R E F A C E. as much from incendiaries within, as from tihe rebels without, offered their goods for ready moncvy at half the ufual prices; and applications were made to Captain Affleck, by perfons of all defcriptions, for permiffion to embark in the Blonde for Jamaica. The interpofition of the colonial government obliged him to rejeA their folicitations; but means were contrived to fend on board confignments of money to a great amount; and I know that other conveyances were found, by which effets to a confiderable value were exported both to Jamaica, and the flates of North America. UNDER thefe circumflances, it very naturally occurred to me to dired my enquiries towards the flate of the colony previous to the revolt, and colled authentick information on the fpot, concerning the primary caufe, and fubfequent progrefs, of the widely extended ruin before me. Strongly impreffed with the gloomy idea, that the only memorial of this once "flourifhing colony would foon be found in the records of hiftory, I was defirous that my own country and fellow-colonifts, in lamenting its cataftrophe, might at the fame time profit by fo terrible an example.

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PREFACE. xv example. My means of information were too valuable to be negleded, and 1 determined to avail myfelf of them. The Governor-general furnifhed me with copies of all the papers and details of office that I folicited, with a politenefs that augmented the favour. The fate of this unhappy gentleman, two years afterwards, gave me infinite concern. Like his royal mafter, he was unfortunately called to a ftation to which his abilities were not competent'; and in times when perhaps no abilities would have availed him. THE'Prefident -of the colonial affembly, at the time of my arrival, was M. de Caducih, who fome time afterwards took up his refidence, and held an important office,. in Jamaica. He was a man of very diftinguifhed talents, and withal firongly and finacerely attached to the Britifh government,, of which, if it were proper, I could furnifh unqueftionable proof*. This gentleman drew up, at my requeft, a ihort account of the origin and progrefs of the re* He afterwards accompanied General Williamfon back to St. Domingo,, and' was killed (or, as I have heard, bafely murdered), in a duel at.Port au Prince, by oneof his countrymen. bellion;,

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xvi P R E F A C E. bellion ; and after my return to England, favoured me with his corrcfpondence. Many important facts, which are given in this work, are given n his authority. To M. Delaire, a merchant of confideration in the town of the Cape, who has fince removed, I believe, to the flate of South Carolina, I was indebted for a fimilar narrative, drawn up by himfelf in the Englifh language, of which he is a very competent mafter. It is brief, but much to the purpofe; difplays an intimate knowledge of the concerns of the colony, and traces, with great acutenefs, its difafters to their fource. BUT the friend from whofe fuperior knowledge I have derived my chief information in all refpe&s, is the gentleman alluded to in the marginal note to p. 112 of the following fheets; and I fincerely regret, that ill-fortune has fo purfued him as to render it improper in this work to exprefs to him, by name, the obligations I owe to his kindnefs. After a narrow efcape from the vengeance of thofe mercilefs -men, Santhonax and Polverel, he was induced to re.turn

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P R E F ACE. C turn to St. Domingo, to look after his property ; and, I grieve to fay, that he is again fallen into the hands of his enemies. He found means, however, previous to his prefent confinement, to convey to me many valua-ble papers; and, among others, a copy of that moft curious and important document, the dying depofition or teftament of Oge, mentioned in the fourth chapter, and printed at large among the additional notes and illufirations at the end of my work. Of this paper (the communication of which, in proper time, would have prevented the dreadful fcenes that followed) although I had frequently heard, I had long doubted the exiflence. Its fuppreflion by the perfons to whom it was delivered by the wretched fufferer, appeared to be an a& of fuch monftrous and unexampled wickednefs, that, until I faw the paper itfelf, I could not credit the charge. Whether M. Blanchelande was a party concerned in this atrocious proceeding, as my friend afferts, I know not. If he was guilty, he has juftly paid the forfeit of his crime; and although, believing him innocent, I mourned over his untimely fate, I fcruple not to avow my opinion, that if he had poffeffed a thoufand lives, the lofs of them all had not been a fufficient d atonement,

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xviii P R E F A C E atonement, in fo enormous a cafe, to violated juftice SucH were the motives that induced me to undertake this Hiftorical Survey of the French part of St. Domingo, and fuch are the authorities from whence I have derived my information concerning thofe calamitous events which have brought it to ruin. Yet I will frankly confefs, that, if I have any credit with the publick as an author, I am not fure this work will add to my reputation. Every writer muft rife or fink, in fome degree, with the nature of his fubjet; and on this occafion, the piaure which I fhall exhibit, has nothing in it to delight the fancy, or to gladden the heart. The profpeds before us are all dark and difmal. Here is-no room for tracing the beauties of unfullied nature. Thofe groves of perennial verdure; thofe magnificent and romantick landfcapes, which, in tropical regions, every where invite the eye, and oftentimes detain it, until wonder is exalted to devotion, muft now give place to the miferies of war, and the horrors of peftilence; to fcenes of anarchy, defolation, and carnage. We have to contemplate the human mind in its utmoft x deformity :

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P R E F A C xix deformity : to behold favage man, let loofe from refiraint, exercifing cruelties, of which the bare recital makes the heart recoil, and committing crimes which are hitherto unheard of in hiitory; teeming ---all monfirous, all prodigious things, Abominable, unutterable, and worfe Than fables yet have feign'd, or fear conceiv'd! MIL TON. ALL therefore that I can hope and expe& is, that my narrative, if it cannot delight, may at leaft inJlruE. On the fober and confiderate, on thofe who are open to convition, this affemblage of horrors will have its effe&. It will expofe the lamentable ignorance of fome, and the monftrous wickednefs of others, among the reformers of the prefent day, who, urging onwards fchemes of perfe&ion, and proje6ts of amendment in the condition of human life, fafter than nature allows, are lighting up a confuming fire between the different claffes of mankind, which nothing but human blood can extinguifh. To tell fuch men that great and beneficial _modifications in the eftablifhed orders of fociety, can only be effeted by a progreffive improvement in the d fituation

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xx. PREFACE. fituation of the lower ranks of the people, is to preach to the winds. In their hands reformation, with a fcythe more dcitru&ive than that of time, mows down every thing, and plants nothing. Moderation and caution they confider as rank cowardice. Force and violence are the ready, and, in their opinion, the only proper application for the cure of early and habitual prejudice. Their pratice, like that of other mountebanks, is bold and compendious; their motto is, cure or kilL THESE refle&ions neceffarily arife from the circumftance which is incontrovertibly proved in the following pages, namely, that the rebellion of the negroes in St. Domingo, and the infurre&ion of the mulattoes, to whom Oge was fent as ambaffador, had one and the fame origin. It was not the ftrong and irrefiftible impulfe of human nature, groaning under oppreffion, that excited either of thofe claffes to plunge their daggers into the bofoms of unoffending women and helplefs infants. They were driven into thofe 'xceffes -relutantly driven-by the vile machinations of men calling themfelves philofophers (the profelytes and imitators in France, of the. Old .Jewry

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PRE P A C B. xxi Jewry affociates in London) whofe pretences to philanthropy were as grofs a mockery of human reafon, as their conduA was an outrage on all the feelings of our nature,, and. the ties which hold fociety together! IT is indeed true, that negro-rebellions have heretofore arifen in this and other iflands of the Weft Indies, to which no fuch exciting caufes contributed :but it is equally certain, that thofe rebellions always originated among the newly-imported negroes only; many of whom had probably lived in a ftate of freedom in Africa, and had been fraudulently, or forcibly, fold: into flavery by their chiefs. That cafes of this kind do fometimes occur in theflave trade,.I dare not difpute, and I admit that revolt and infurre&ion are their natural confequences. BUT, in St. Domingo, a very confiderable part of the infurgents were-not Africans, but-Creoles,,or natives. Some of the leaders were favoured domefticks among the white inhabitants, born and brought up in their families. A few of them had even received. thofe advantages, the perverfion of which,. tinder,

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xxii P R E F A C E. under their philofophical preceptors, ferved only to render them pre-eminent in mifchief; for having been taught to read, they were led to imbibe, and enabled to promulgate, thofe principles and dotrines which led, and always will lead, to the fubverfion of all government and order. LET me not be underftood, however, as affirming that nothing is to be attributed on this occafion to the flave-trade. I fcorn to have recourfe to concealment or falfhood. Unqueftionably, the vaft annual importations of enflaved Africans into St. Domingo, for many years previous to 1791, had created a black population in the French part of that ifland, which was, beyond all meafure, difproportionate to the white ;the relative numbers of the two claffes being as fixteen to one. Of this circumfance the leaders of the rebels could not be unobfervant, and they doubtlefs derived encouragement and confidence from it. Here too, I admit, is a warning and an admonition to ourfelves. The inference has not efcaped me:-it conftitutes my parting words with the reader, and I hope they are not urged in vain. HAVING

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PREF A CE. xxiii HAVING thus pointed out the motives which induced me to write the following narrative; the fources from whence my materials are derived, and the purpofes which I hope will be anfwered by the publication; nothing farther remains but to fubmit the work itfelf to the judgment of my readers, which I do with a refpetful folicitude. LONDON,. December, 1796.

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ERRATA. Page 3, line 4, for its, read the. 4, note (a) for ordonateur, read ordonnateur. 5, line 16, for 52, readfifty-one. 10, line 8, from the bottom: dele the words enflavedNegroes, and place them in the margin. The paffage, as it now ftands, is wholly unintelligible, Ir, line i, for attending this, read attending it. 13, laft line but one: read the chief aim. 20, line 2, for in the metropolis, read of the metropolis. 24, line 4, for in exclufion, read to the exclufion. 49, laft line; for Machiavilian, read Machiavelian. 86, line i, for apprized, read believing. 109, line 2, for eight, readfix. -line 9, after governor, infert accompanied by a fleet of thirty tra/fports. 132, line o1, for fourteen, readfixteen. 135, line 5, from the bottom: after the wordfreighted, infert for Europe. 152, line i, inflead of the whole of that extenfive bay, read the windward pajjage, and the whole of that extenfive bay.

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S74"' 7o o 720 Jo 71o 6" \ ----.... ..... I,M AP OF S I )OM INGO oth Silver ..i MaiiA .I el -A/™ rrAA I i11 1 .1 'I J Q ..* .+ ,^ ... ," ,^0 : -. -.11,l" .l FI-0 ,' ""I Le T .' i: Ct F;) ..1 .. ........ J o I, ._,,., -' -9 ._ -* : -1 ,'-, --r,./ eXt T AI S. .. ui '-r ..,". -..__ ._ ., N A4ii, .1 -ba. \t .. --i^?^ ^ ?.!^2 'sII Igo : 0%Ac o0 I 1S .1 ,,nz., tIT, G v n _, ,/ • s -" > -0-1 ^ -' ;" i" ',, "^" -* f -K "' • --.--'',' 1' -; "-,,*; +r -o^ .t -.--,, 1.._, 110; l-i I L, Il S', s y x -C. -1" ,4. >jA Ij(\ 3" A I =. .tal f I .I u'"W 4 A .-. S,' o.r."-• -C DBuit-s M -= Cap --...-. ..-A ... n, I. A. --vi %10_ __ .,( .r....... .! .,„„, ..A ,„.r„5yJ. At.!) -" 0T, A / JoI -; ;. ... ,, -,, ".: _L .... ..t ."-. i<-4\ .&.,' -(" -' ,--I--+ j.4tt Air4 ;7-. A *l' SF Iir 7" "1" .. ...7 7 ... --, .. .t> -i "...i. ... .. ..1 .-, I -41T I,, ',I ".wo IV, ---4-al VI L"T j .Aha IBeaIa British Miles 73 30 20 Jo .30 00

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A SHORT H I S T O R Y OF THE FRENCH Colony in ST. DOMINGO, &c. CHAP. I. Political State of ST. DOMINGO previous to the Tear 1I789. T H E inhabitants of the French part of St. Domingo, C H A P. as of all the Weft Indian Iflands, were compofed of 1. three great claffes: ift, pure whites. 2d, people of colour, and blacks of free condition. 3d, negroes in a ftate of Inhabitants. flavery. The reader is apprifed that the clafs which, by a ftrange abufe of language, is called people of colour, originates from an intermixture of the whites and the blacks. The genuine offspring of a pure white with a negro is called a mulatto; but there are various cafts, produced by fubfequent conneftions, fome of which draw near to the whites, until all vifible diftinction between them is loft; whilft others fall retrograde to the blacks. All thefe were known in St. Domingo by the term fang-mel'es, or gens de couleur, (in comB mon

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2 HISTORY OF C H A P. mon parlance they are colledively called mulattoes) and it mulf I. be attributed, I prefume, to the greater difcountenance which the married flate receives from the national manners, that in all the French iflands thefe people abound in far greater proportion to the whites than in thofe of Great Britain. In Jamaica, the whites out-number the people of colour as three to one. In St. Domingo, the whites were eftimated at 30,000, the nmulattoes at 24,000, of whom 4,700 were men capable of bearing arms, and accordingly, as a diftint people, actuated by an efprit de corps, they were very formidable. Of the policy which it was thought neceffary in St. Domingo to maintain towards this unfortunate race, I fhall prefently treat; but it feems proper, in the firft place, to give fome account of the fubordination in which, before the revolution of 1789, the parent country thought fit to hold the colony at large. THE government was exercifed by a Governor General, and an officer called Intendant, both of whom were nominated by the crown, on the recommendation of the minifter of the marine, and generally confidered as eftablifhed in their refpe6tive offices for three years. Their powers, in fome cafes, were adminiftered jointly; in others, they poffeffed feparate and diftinct authority, which each of them exercifed without the concurrence or participation of the other. IN their joint adminifiration their powers were unlimited. comprehending every part of colonial government, and extending even to detail, in the minuteft branches of finance and police. They enacted the laws, nominated to all vacant offices, and

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ST. DOMINGO. 3 and diffributed the crown lands as they thought proper. They C H A P. refpedively prefided at the fame time in each of the fupreme I. councils, or courts of juftice in the dernier refort; and as vacancies happened in thofe courts, by the death or removal of its members, they filled up the vacant places. Againft the abufe of powers, thus extravagant and unbounded, the people had no certain proteaion. Fortunately, it was rare that the governor and intendant agreed in opinion on the exercife of their joint authority, which therefore became neceffarily relaxed; and the inhabitants derived forne degree of fecurity from the difputes and diffenfions of the contending parties. In all fuch cafes, however, the greateft weight of authority fell to the fhare. of the governor. He was, in truth, an abfolute prince, whofe will, generally fpeaking, conflituted law. He was authorized to imprifon any perfon in the colony, for caufes of which he alone was the judge; and having at the fame time the fupreme command of both the naval and military force, he had the means of exercifing this power whenever he thought proper. On the other hand, no arreft, by any other authority, was valid without the governor's approbation. Thus he had power to flop the courfe of juftice, and to hold the courts of civil and criminal jurifdiaion in a flavifh dependance on himfelf. THE peculiar province of the intendant was that of regulating the publick revenues, or adminiffering the finances of the colony. The collecors and receivers of all duties and taxes were fubjet to his infpetion and controul. He paffed or rejeaed their accounts, and made them fuch allowances as he B 2 alone

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4 HISTORY OF CHAP. alone thought proper. The application of all the publick I. monies refted entirely with the intendant; -a province which created fuch temptation to himfelf as no virtue could refift, and furniihed fuch means of corruption, as overcame all oppofition from others (a). FOR the better adminiftration of juftice, and the eafier collection of the revenues, the colony was divided into three provinces; which were diftinguifhed, from their relative fituation, by the names of the Northern, the Weftern and Southern. In each of thefe provinces refided a deputy governor, or commander en fecond, and in each were eftablifhed fubordinate courts of juifice, both civil and criminal; from whofe determination appeals were allowed to the fuperior councils, of which there were two; one at Cape Franfois for the Northern province, the other at Port au Prince for the Weftern and Southern. They were compofed of the governor-general, the intendant, the deputy governors, the king's lieutenants (b), a prefident, (a) The taxes and duties were laid and modified, as occafion required, by a court compofed of the governor genera], the intendant, the prefidents of the provincial councils, the attorney general, the commiflioner of the navy (ordonateur) and the feveral commandants of the militia. This court was dignified by the title of the Colonial Afembly, although the colonifts had not a fingle delegate in it. (b) Thefe king's lieutenants were military officers refiding in the feveral towns, commonly with the rank of colonel. There were alfo in each town majors and aides-major. All there officers were wholly independent of the civil power, and owned no fuperior but the governor-general, who could difmifs them at pleafure. It may be proper to obferve too that the counfellors held their feats by a very uncertain tenure. One, of the governors (the Prince de Rohan) fent the whole number ftate prifoners to France. They were feized on their feats ofjuiice, and put on board a fhip in irons, and in that condition conveyed to Paris, and fhut up for a long time in the Baftile, without trial or hearing, and

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ST. DOMINGO. 5 and twelve counfellors, four aefezurs, or affiftant judges, toC H A P. gether with the attorney general and regifter. In thefe councils, I1 or courts of fupreme jurifdition, as in the parliaments of France, the king's edits, and thofe of the governor and intendant, were regiffered. Seven members conftituted a quorum for the hearing of appeal caufes; but a hint from the governor-general was always fufficient to render much inveftigation unneceffary: and it is afferted (with what truth I pretend not to determine) that, befides their flavifh dependance on the executive power, the members of thefe courts were notorioufly and fhamefully open to corruption and bribery. An appeal however lay to the king, in the laft refort; and candour compels me to obferve that, on fuch appeals, fubftantial juftice was generally obtained (cj. THE number of the king's troops on the colonial eftablifhment was commonly from 2 to 3,000 men; and each of the 52 parifhes into which the colony was divided raifed one or more companies of white militia, a company of mulattoes, and a company of free blacks. The officers, both of the regular troops and the militia, were commiflioned provifionally by the governor-general, fubjea to the king's approbation; but the militia received no pay of any kind. FROM this recapitulation, it is evident that the peace and happinefs of the people of St. Domingo depended very much on (c) In the year 1787 there two fuperior councils were confolidated into one, which held its meetings at Port au Prince, this city being the feat of government in time of peace. In the event of a war, the governor-general removed to Cape Francois. The true, though not the oftenfible, reafon for this juncdion of the council boards, was an idea that a fingle board would be found more tradable in the regiftry of ediAs and ordinances than two feparate jurifdidions. the:

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6 HISTORY OF CHAP. the perfonal qualities and native difpofition of the governorL general, who was always feleted from the army. At the fame time it muft be honeftly admitted, that the liberality and mildnefs, which of late years have dignified and foftened the military characer among all the nations of Europe, had a powerful influence in the adminiftration of the government in the French colonies. It muff be allowed alfo, that the manifeft importance to which, as mankind become divefted of ancient prejudices-, the commercial part of the community, even among the French, has imperceptibly rifen, infured to the wealthy and opulent planters a degree of refpef from perfons in power, which, in former times, attached only to noble birth and powerful connecions; while the lower orders among the whites derived the fame advantage from that unconquerable diftintion which nature herfelf has legibly drawn between the white and black inhabitants; and from their vifible importance, in a country where, from the difproportion of the whites to the blacks, the common fafety of the former clafs depends altogether on their united exertions. To contend, as fome philofophers have idly contended, that no natural fuperiority can juftly belong to any one race of people over another, to Europeans over Africans, merely from a difference of colour, is to wafte words to no purpofe, and to combat with air. Among the inhabitants of every ifland in the Weft Indies, it is the colour, with fome few exceptions, that diftinguifhes freedom from flavery: fo long therefore as freedom fhall be enjoyed exclufively by one race of people, and flavery be the condition of another, contempt and degradation x will

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ST. D 0 M I N GO. 7 will attach to the colour by which that condition is generally C HAP. recognized, and follow it, in fome degree, through all its varieties I and affinities. We may trace a fimilar prejudice among the moft liberal and enlightened nations of Europe. Although nothing furely ought to reflec greater luftre on any man than the circumftance of his having rifen by induftry and virtue above: the difadvantages of mean birth and indigent parentage, there are, neverthelefs, but few perfons in the world who delight to be reminded of this fpecies of merit. There is a confcioufnefs of fomething difgraceful in the recolletion; and it feems therefore reafonable to conclude, that if nature had made the fame diftindion in this cafe as in the other, and ftamped, by an indelible mark, the condition and parentage on the forehead, the fame, or nearly the fame, effea would have refulted from it, as refults from the difference of colour in the Weft Indies. I. mean however only to account for in fome degree, not to defend, the condua of the whites of St. Domingo towards the coloured people; whofe condition was in truth much worfe than that of the fame clafs in the Britifh colonies, and not to be jufified on any principle of example or reafon. IN many refpeas their fituation was even more degrading and Free Muawretched than that of the enflaved negroes in any part of the lattoes. Weft Indies; all of whom have mafters" that are interefted in their prefervation, and many of whom find inthofe mafters powerful friends and vigilant prote6tors. Although releafed from the dominion of individuals, yet. the free men of colour in all the French iflands were Rill confidered as the property of the publick, and as publick property they were obnoxious to the.

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S HISTORY OF C HA AP. the caprice and tyranny of all thofe whom the accident of birth I. had placed above them. By the colonial governments they were treated as flaves in the ftriteft fenfe; compelled, on attaining the age of manhood, to ferve three years in a military eftablifhment called the mare'chauteie (e), and on the expiration of that term they were fubjea, great part of the year, to the burthen of the corvees;-a fpecies of labour allotted for the repair of the highways, of which the hardfhips were infupportable. They were compelled moreover to ferve in the militia of the province or quarter to which they belonged, without pay or allowance of any kind, and in the horfe or foot, at the pleafure of the commanding officer; and obliged alfo to fupply themfelves, at their own expence, with arms, ammunition, and accoutrements. Their days of mufter were frequent, and the rigour with which the King's lieutenants, majors, and aides-major, enforced their authority on thofe occafions over thefe people, had degenerated into the bafeft tyranny. THEY were forbidden to hold any publick office, truff, or employment, however infignificant; they were not even allowed to exercife any of thofe profeffions, to which fome fort of liberal education is fuppofed to be neceffary. All the naval and military departments, all degrees in law, phyfick, and divinity, were appropriated exclufively by the whites. A mulatto could not (e) It confifted of certain companies of infantry, which were chiefly employed as rangers in clearing the woods of maron or runaway flaves. This eftabliihment was afterwards very prudently diffolved, and the companies difbanded; it appearing that the mulattoes acquired, by communication with each other, a fenfe of common intereft and of common ftrength, which was beginning to render them formidable to their employers. be

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ST. D 0 M I N 0. be a prieft, nor a lawyer, nor a phyfician, nor a furgeon, nor C HAP. an apothecary, nor a fchoolmafter. Neither did the diftin&ion I of colour terminate, as in the Britifh Weft Indies, with the third generation. There was no law, nor cuftom, that allowed the privileges of a white perfon to any defcendant from an African, however remote the origin. The taint in the blood was incurable, and fpread to the lateft pofterity. Hence no white man, who had the fmalleft pretenfions to chara6ter, would ever think of marriage with a negro or mulatto woman: fuch a ftep would immediately have terminated in his difgrace and ruin. UNDER the preffure of thefe accumulated grievances, hope itfelf, too frequently the only folace of the wretched, was denied to thefe unfortunate people; for the courts of criminal jurifdiaion, adopting the popular prejudices againft them, gave effet and permanency to the fyftem. A man of colour being profecutor (a circumftance in truth which feldom occurred) muff have made out a ftrong cafe indeed, if at any time he obtained the convition of a white perfon. On the other hand, the whites never failed to procure prompt and fpeedy juftice againft the mulattoes. To mark more ftrongly the diftintion between the two claffes, the law d jredthat if a free man of colour prefumed to ftrike a white perfon of whatever condition, his right hand fhould be cut off; while a white man, for a fimilar affault on a free mulatto, was difmiffed on the payment of an infignificant fine. IN extenuation of this horrible detail, it may be faid with truth that the manners of the white inhabitants foftened, in C fome

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io HISTORY OF C H A P. fome meafure, the feverity of their laws : thus, in the cafe Iafl L mentioned, the univerfal abhorrence which would have attended an enforcement of the penalty, made the law a dead letter. It was the fame with the Roman law of the Twelve Tables, by which a father was allowed to inflia the punifhment of death on his own child:-manners, not law, prevented the exertion of a power fo unnatural and odious. BUT the circumftance which contributed moft to afford the coloured people of St. Domingo protetion, was the privilege they poffeffed of acquiring and holding property to any amount, Several of them were the owners of confiderable eftates; and fo prevalent was the influence of money throughout the colony, that many of the great officers in the adminiftration of government fcrupled not fecretly to become their penfioners. Such of the coloured people therefore as had happily the means of gratifying the venality of their fuperiors, were fecure enough in their perfons; although the fame circumitance made them more pointedly the objeAs of hatred and envy to the lower orders of the whites. THE next @Aa w.meay.e g g, and loweft, clafs of people in the French iflands were the negroes in a fate of flavery; of whom, in the year 1789, St. Domingo contained no lefs than 480,000. It was in favour of this clafs that Louis XIV. in the year 1685, publifhed the celebrated ediat, or code of regulations, which is well known to the world under the title of the Code Noir; and it muft be allowed, that many of its provifions breathe a fpirit of tendernefs and philanthropy which refleas honour on the memory of its 6 author

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ST. D 0 MI N G O. n author;-but there is this misfortune attending this, and muft atC H A P. tend all other fyftems of the fame nature, that moft of its reguI lations are inapplicable to the condition and fituation of the colonies in America. In countries where flavery is eflablifhed, the leading principle on which government is fupported, isfear; or a fenfe of that abfolute coercive neceffity, which, leaving no choice of ation, fuperfedes all queffion of right. It is in vain to deny that fuch adually is, and neceffarily muff be, the cafe in all countries where flavery is allowed. Every endeavour there. fore to extend pofitive rights to men in this flate, as between one clafs of people and the other, is an attempt to reconcile inherent contradicions, and to blend principles together which admit not of combination. The great and, I am afraid, the only certain and permanent fecurity of the enflaved negroes, is the ftrong circumftance that the intereft of the mafter is blended with, and in truth, altogether depends on, the prefervation, and even on the health, ftrength, and ativity, of the flave.. This applies equally to all the European colonies in America; and accordingly the atual condition of the negroes in all thofe colonies, to whatever nation they belong, is I believe nearly the fame. Of that condition I have given an account in another place (f): I have therefore only to obferve in this, that in all the French iflands the general treatment of the flaves is neither much better nor much worfe, as far as I could obferve, than in thofe of Great Britain. If any difference there is, I think that they are better clothed .among the French, and allowed more animal food among the Englith. The prevalent notion that the French planters treat (f) Hift. Civil and Commercial of the Britifh Colonies. C 2 their

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12 HISTORY OF CHAP. their negroes with greater humanity and tendernefs than the I. Britifh, I know to be groundlefs; yet no candid perfon, who has had an opportunity of feeing the negroes in the French iflands, and of contrafting their condition with that of the peafantry in many parts of Europe, will think them, by any means, the moft wretched of mankind. ON the whole, if human life, in its bell flate, is a combination of happinefs and mifery, and we are to confider that condition of political fociety as relatively good, in which, notwithtfanding many difadvantages, the lower claffes are eafily fupplied with the means of healthy fubfiftence ; and a general air of cheerful contentednefs animates all ranks of people,-where we behold opulent towns, plentiful markets, extenfive commerce, and increafing cultivation-it muft be pronounced that the government of the French part of St. Domingo (to whatever latent caufes it might be owing) was not altogether fo praftically bad, as fome of the circumflances that have been ftated might give room to imagine. With all the abufes arifing from the licentioufnefs of power, the corruption of manners, and the fyftem of flavery, the fcale evidently preponderated on the favourable fide; and, in fpite of political evils and private grievances, the figns ofpublick profperity were every where vifible. SUCH were the condition and fituation of the French colony ia St. Domingo in the year 1788-an eventful period; for the feeds of liberty which, ever fince the war between Great Britain and her tranfatlantick pofleffions, had taken root in the kingdom of France, now began to fpring up with a rank luxuriancy in all parts

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S T. D 0 M IN G 0. 13 parts of her extenfive dominions; and a thoufand circumflances C H A P. demonfirated that great and important changes and convulfions I were impending. The neceffity of a fober and well-digefted arrangement for correting inveterate abufes, both in the mother country and the colonies, was indeed apparent; but, unhappily, a fpirit of fubverfion and innovation, founded on vifionary fyftems inapplicable to real life, had taken poffeflion of the publick mind. Its effects in St. Domingo are written in colours too lafting to be obliterated; for the pride of power, the rage of reformation, the contentions of party, and the conflict of oppofing interefts and pafflons, produced a tempeft that fwept every thing before it. To trace thofe effets to their proper caufes, to develop the atrocious purpofes of pretended philanthropy, political fanaticifm, and difappointed ambition; and to defcribe the vaft and lamentable ruin which they occafioned, thereby to furnifh a profitable leffon to other nations, is the aim of the following pages. CHAP.

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14 H I S T O R Y 0 F C H A P. II. From the Revolution of 1789, to the ;'Le.:.'1 of the Firzj G.v:nce.C:i/l! Afembly. C HA P. "\N the 27th of December 1788, the court of France came II. to the memorable determination to fummon the States General of the kingdom; and refolved that the reprefentation of the tiers etat (or commons) fhould be equal to the fum of the reprefentation of the other two orders. THIS meafure, as might have been forefeen, proved the bafis of the great national revolution that followed; and it operated with immediate and decifive effect in all the French colonies. The governor of the French part of St. Domingo at that period was Monf. Duchilleau, a man who was fuppofed fecretly to favour the popular pretenfions. He was allowed therefore to coi-tinue unmolefted in the feat of government; but the fceptre dropped from his hand; for when he.attempted to prevent the parochial and provincial meetings, which were every where fummoned, from affembling, his proclamations were treated with indignity and contempt: the meetings were held in fpite of the governor, and refolutions paffed declaratory of the right of the colonifts to fend deputies to the States General. Deputies were accordingly eleaed

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ST. D 0 M IN G O. G0 elected for that purpofe, to the number of eighteen (fix for each C H A P. province) who forthwith, without any authority either from the II French miniftry or the colonial government, embarked for France, as the legal reprefentatives of a great and integral part of the French empire. THEY arrived at Verfailles the latter end of June, about a 1789, month after the States General had declared themfelves the national affembly. But neither the minifter nor the national aflembly were difpofed to admit the full extent of their claims. The number of eighteen deputies from one colony was thought exceffive; and it was with fome difficulty that fix of them only were admitted to verify their powers, and feat themfelves among the national reprefentatives. THERE prevailed at this time throughout the cities of France, a very ftrong and marked prejudice againft the inhabitants of the Sugar Iflands, on account of the flavery of their negroes. It was not indeed fuppofed, nor even pretended, that the condition of thefe people was worfe at this junAure than in any former period: the contrary was known to be the truth. But declamations in fupport of perfonal freedom, and inveaives againft defpotifin of all kinds, had been the favourite topicks of many eminent French writers for a feries of years : and the publick indignation was now artfully raifed againft the planters of the Weft Indies, as one of the means of exciting commotions and infurrelions in different parts of the French dominions. This fpirit of hoftility againft the inhabitants of the French colonies, was induftrioufly fomented and aggravated by the meafures of a fociety, who called themfelves

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16 HISTORY OF C H A P. felves Amis des Noirs (Friends of the Blacks); and it mult be ac.knowledged, that the fplendid appearance, and thought!efs extravagance, of many of the French planters refident in the mother country, contributed by no means to divert the malice of their adverfaries, or to foften the prejudices of the publick towards them. The fociety in France called Amis des Noirs, was I believe originally formed on the model of a fimilar affociation in London; but the views and purpofes of the two bodies had taken a different diretion. The fociety in London prqfifed to have nothing more in view than to obtain an act of the legiflature for prohibiting the further introdution of African flaves into the Britifh colonies. They difclaimed all intention of interfering with the government and condition of the negroes already in the plantations; publickly declaring their opinion to be, that a general emancipation of thofe people, in their prefent flate of ignorance and barbarity, inftead of a blefling, would prove to them a fource of misfortune and mifery. On the other hand, the fociety of Amis des Noirs, having fecretly in view to fubvert the ancient defpotifm of the French government, loudly clamoured for a general and immediate abolition, not only of the flave trade, but alfo of the flavery which it fupported. Proceeding on abftraC reafoning, rather than on the actual condition of human nature, they diflinguifhed not between civilized and uncivilized life, and confidered that it ill became them to claim freedom for themfelves, and withhold it at the fame time from ie negroes; it is to be lamented that a principle fo plauiible in appearance,

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S T. D 0 MI N G O. 7 appearance, fhould, in its application to this cafe, be vifionary C H A P. and impracicable. II. AT this juncture, a confiderable body of the mulattoes from St. Domingo and the other French iflands, were refident in the French capital. Some of thefe were young people fent thither for education: others were men of confiderable property, and many of them, without doubt, perfons of intelligence and amiable manners. With thefe people the fociety of Amis des Noirs formed an intimate connetion; pointed out to them the wretchednefs of their condition ; filled the nation with remonftrances and appeals on their behalf; and poured out fuch inveaives againft the white planters, as bore away reafon and moderation in the torrent. Unhappily, there was too much to offer on the part of the mulattoes. Their perfonal appearance too, excited pity, and, cooperating with the temper of the times, and the credulity of the French nation, raifed fuch an indignant fpirit in all ranks of people againft the white colonifts, as threatened their total annihilation and ruin. IN this difpofition of the people of France towards the inhabitants of their colonies in the Weft Indies, the national affembly, on the o2th day of Auguft, voted the celebrated declaration 1789, of rights; and thus, by a revolution unparalleled in hiftory, was a mighty fabrick (apparently eflablifhed by every thing that was fecure and unaffailable) overturned in a moment. Happy had it been for the general interefts of the human race, if, when, the French had gone thus far, they had proceeded no farther! Happy for themfelves, if they had then known-what painful exD perience

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i8 HI STOR Y OF CH A P. perience has fince taught them-that the worft of all governw II. ments is preferable to the miferies of anarchy PERHAPs a diligent obferver might have difcovered, even in the firft proceedings of this celebrated affembly, the latent feeds of that violence, injuftice, and confufion which have lince produced fuch a harveft of crimes and calamities. Many ot the doarines contained in the declaration of rights feem to have been introduced for no other purpofe than to awaken a mifchievous fpirit of contention and cavil, and to deilroy all fubordination in the lower ranks of the people. Such, for inftance, was the pofition, that all men are born, and continue, free and equal as to their rights;" according to which, there ought tobe no diftindions in fociety, nor (if the poffeffion of property is a right) can any man have a right to pofiefs or acquire any thing to the exclufion of others; a pofition not only falfe, but pernicious, and unfit for every condition of civilized life. To promulgate fuch leffons in the colonies, as the declared fenfe of the fupreme government, was to fubvert the whole fyftem of their eflablifhments. Accordingly, a general ferment prevailed among the French inhabitants of St. Domingo, from one end of the colony to the other. All that had paffed in the mother country concerning the colonifts,-the prejudices of the metropolis towards them,-the efforts of the fociety of Amis des Noirs to emancipate the negroes,-and the conduct of the mulattoes,-had been reprefented to them through the medium of party, and perhaps with a thoufand circumftances of exaggeration and infult, long before the declaration of rights was rec-ived in the colony; and this meafure crowned the whole. .6 They

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ST. DOMING .19 They maintained that it was calculated to convert their peaceful C H A P. and contented negroes into implacable enemies, and render the II. whole country a theatre of commotion and bloodfhed. IN the meanwhile, the French government, apprehenfive that diforders of a very alarming nature might arife in the colonies from the proceedings in France, had iffued orders to the goverSept. 1789 nor general of St. Domingo, to convoke the inhabitants, for the purpofe of forming a legiflative affembly for interior regulation. Thefe orders, however, being unaccountably delayed, the people had anticipated the meafure. The inhabitants of the Northern diftriA had already conftituted a provincial affembly, which met at Cape Francois, and their example was followed in November in the Weftern and Southern provinces; the Weftern affembly met at Port au Prince, the Southern at Aux Cayes. Parochial committees were, at the fame time, every where eftablifhed, for the fake of a more immediate communication between the people and their reprefentatives. A RECITAL of the conduct and proceedings of thefe provincial affemblies, would lead me too much into detail. They differed greatly on many important queftions; but all of them concurred in opinion concerning the neceffity of a full and fpeedy colonial reprefentation ; and they unanimoufly voted, that if inftrutions from the king for calling fuch an affembly ihould not be received within three months thenceforward, the colony fhould take on itfelf to adopt and enforce the meafure;-their immediate fafety and prefervation being, they faid, an obligation paramount to all others. D 2 DURING

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20 H I STO RY OF C II A P. DURING this period of anxiety and alarm, the mulattoes were Hnot inacive. InflruCted by their brethren in the metropolis in the nature and extent of their rights, and apprized of the favourable difpofition of the French nation towards them, they became, throughout the colony, actuated by a fpirit of turbulence and fedition; and difregarding all confiderations of prudence, with regard to time and feafons, determined to claim, without delay, the full benefit of all the privileges enjoyed by the whites. Accordingly large bodies of them appeared in arms in different parts of the country;. but ating without fufficient concert, or due preparation,, they were eafily overpowered. It is faid, that the temper of the provincial affemblies at this j.uncure,-how much foever inflamed agahinf the initigators and abettors of there people in the mother country,--was not averfe to moderation and conceffion towards the mulattoes themfelves. Thus, when the party which had taken arms at facmel was defeated, and their chiefs imprifoned, the affembly of the Weft interpofed with effet in favour of the whole number; and at Artibonite, where the revolt was much more extenfive and alarming, a free and unconditional pardon was alfo chearfully granted on the fubmiffion of the infurgents. AGAINST fuch of the whites as had taken any part in thefe diflurbances, in favour of the people of colour, the rage of the populace knew no limits. Monf. Dubois, deputy procureur general, had not only declared himfelf an advocate for the mulattoes, but, with a degree of imprudence which indicated in-fanity, fought occafions to declaim publickly againft the flavery Wf

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S T. D 0 M I N G 0. of the negroes. The Northern affembly arrefted his perfon, C H A P. and very probably intended to proceed to greater extremities; I. but the governor interpofed in his behalf, obtained his releafe, and fent him from the country. MON s. Ferrand de Beaudierre, a magiftrate at Petit Goave, was not fo fortunate. This gentleman was unhappily enamoured of a woman of colour, to whom, as ihe poffeffed a valuable plantation, he had offered marriage. Apprehenfive that by this flep he might be difplaced from the magiftracy, and being a man of a warm imagination, with little judgment, he undertook to combat the prejudices of the whites againft the whole clafs. He drew up, in the name and behalf of the mulatto people, a memorial to the parochial committee, wherein, among other things, they were made to claim, in exprefs words, the full benefit of the national declaration of rights. Nothing could be more ill-timed or injudicious than this proceeding: it was evident, that fuch a claim led to confequences of which the mulattoes themfelves (who certainly at this juncture had no wifh to enfranchife the flaves) were not apprized. This memorial therefore was confidered as a fummons to the negroes for a general revolt. The parochial committee feized the author, and committed him to prifon; but the mob took himn from thence by force, and in fpite of the magiftrates and municipality, who exerted themfelves to ftop their fury, put him to death. THE king's order for convoking a general colonial affembly was received in St. Domingo early in the month of January January 1790. It appointed the town of Leogane, in the Weltern pro1790vince,

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22 HIST RY OF CH A P. vince, for the place of meeting; and inftru&ions accompanied I. the order, concerning the mode of eleAing the members. Thefe inf'rutions, however, being confidered by the provincial affemblies as inapplicable to the circuminances of the colony, were difapproved; and another plan, better fuited, as they conceived, to the wealth, territory, and population of the inhabitants, was adopted. They refolved alfo to hold the affembly at the town of St. Marc inftead of Leogane, and the 25th of March was fixed for the time of its meeting. It was afterwards prorogued to the I6th of April. IN the meanwhile intelligence was received in France of the temper of St. Domingo towards the mother country. The inhabitants were very generally reprefented as manifefting a difpofition either to renounce their dependency, or to throw themfelves under the proteaion of a foreign power; and the planters ,of Martinico were faid to be equally difcontented and difaffeted, The trading and manufaduring towns took the alarm; and pe,titions and remonffrances were prefented from various quarters, imploring the national affembly to adopt meafures for compofing the minds of the colonifts, and preferving to the French empire its moft valuable dependencies. ON the 8th of March 1790, the national affembly entered into the confideration of the fubject, with a ferioufnefs and folemnity fuited to its importance; and, after full difcuffion, a very large majority voted, That it never was the intention of "* the affembly to comprehend the interior government of the co" lonies in the conftitution which they had framed for the mother country, i

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ST. D 0 M I N G O. 23 ,t country, or to fubjed them to laws which were incompatible C H A P. with their local eftablifhments; they therefore authorife the inII "habitants of each colony to fignify to the national affembly their fentin'ents and wifles concerning that plan of interior legifla" tion and commercial arrangement, which would be moft con" ducive to their profperity." It was required, however, that the plan to be offered thould be conformable to the principles which had connected the colonies with the metropolis, and be calculated for the prefervation of their reciprocal interefts.-To this decree was annexed a declaration, That the national affembly would not caufe any innovation to be made, direaly or indi" reftly, in any fyftem of commerce in which the colonies were already concerned." NOTHING could equal the clamour which this decree occafioned among the people of colour refident in the mother country, and the philanthropick fociety of Amis des Noirs. The declaration concerning commerce was interpreted into a tacit fanction for the continuance of the flave trade; and it was even contended, that the national affembly, by leaving the adjuftment of the colonial conflitutions to the colonifts themfelves, had difcharged them from their allegiance. It was faid that they were no longer fubjea to the French empire, but members of an independent flate. NEVERTHELESS, if the circumftances of the times, and the difpofition of the French colonifts at this juncture, be taken into the account, candour muft acknowledge that it was a decree not only juftifiable on the motives of prudence and policy, but was

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24 HISTORY OF c H A P. was founded alfo on the ftrong bafis of moral neceffity. The II. arguments that were urged againft it feem to imply that the beS" nefi ts of the French revolution were intended only for the people refiding in the realm, in exclufion of their fellow fubjets in the plantations. After that great event, to fuppofe that the inhabitants of thofe colonies (with the fuccefsful example too of the Englifh Americans recent in their memories) would have fubmitted to be governed and direaed in their local concerns by a legiflature at the diftance of 3,000 miles from them, is to manifeft a very flender acquaintance with human nature. How little inclined the colonial affembly was to fuch fubmiffion, their proceedings, from the firft day of their meeting, to their final diffolution, will demonftrate.-Of thofe proceedings I afall enc deavour to furnith a brief account in the next Chapter. C H A P.

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ST. DOMINGO. t CHA P. III. Proceedings of the General Colonial Afuembly until its final Diolution, and Embarkation of the Members for France, Auguft 1790. T HE General Affembly of St. Domingo met on the i6th H A P. of April, at the town of St. Marc. It was compofed of III. 213 members, of whom the city of Cape Franfois eleded -. twenty-four, Port au Prince fixteen, and Aux Cayes eight. Moil of the other pariihes returned two reprefentatives each; and it is allowed that, on the whole, the colony was fairly, fully, and moft refpetably reprefented. The provincial affemblies, however, continued in the exercife of their funtions as before, or appointed committees to at during their intermiffion. THE feeflon was opened by a difcourfe from the prefident, wherein, after recounting various abufes in the conftitution and adminiftration of the former colonial government, he pointed. out fome of the many great objets that feemed to require immediate attention: among others, he recommended the cafe of the mulattoes, and a melioration of the flave laws. The affembly concurred in fentiment with the orator ; and one of their firft meafures was to relieve the people of colour from the hardfhips to which they were fubjet under the military jurifdition. It ]E was

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16 HISTORY OF C HA P, was decreed, that in future no greater duty ihould be required of III. them in the militia than from the whites; and the harth au"" thority, in particular, which the king's lieutenants, majors, and aides-major, commanding in the towns, exercifed over thofe people, was declared oppreffive and illegal. Thefe ats of indulgence were certainly meant as the earneft of greater favours, and an opening to conciliation and conceffion towards the whole clafs of the coloured people. THE general affembly proceeded, in the next place, to rec6ify fome grofs abufes which had long prevailed in the courts of judicature, confining themfelves however to fuch only as called for immediate redrefs, their attention being chiefly direded to the great and interefting obje6t of preparing the plan for a new conflitution, or fyftem of colonial government; a bufinefs which 1790. employed their deliberations until the 28th of May. M. PEYNIER was now governor general, from whom the partizans and adherents of the ancient defpotifm fecretly derived encouragement and fupport. The whole body of tax-gatherers, and officers under the fifcal adminiftration, were of this number. Thefe therefore began to recover from the panick into which fo great and fudden a revolution had thrown them, and to rally their united itrength. Nothing could be more oppofite to their wifhes, than the fuccefs of the general affembly in the eftablifhment of order and good government throughout the colony. Nor were thefe the only men who beheld the proceedings of this body with an evil eye. All the perfons belonging to the courts of civil and criminal jurifdidion (and their numbers were x confiderable)

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S T. D OM II N G 0. 27 confiderable) who were interefted in the maintenance of thofe C H A P. abufes which the affembly had correced, were filled with indigI. nation and envy. To thefe were added moft of the men who held military :ommiffions under the king's authority. Habituated to the exercife of command, they indignantly beheld the fubverfion of all that accuftomed obedience and fubordination which they had been taught to confider as effential to the fupport of government, and offered themfelves the willing inftruments of the governor general in fubverting the new fyftem. SUCH were the perfons that oppofed themfelves to the new order of things in the colony, when the Chevalier Mauduit, colonel of the regiment of Port au Prince, arrived at St. Domingo. He had not come directly from France, but circuitoufly by way of Italy; and at Turin had taken leave of the Count d'Artois, to whofe fortunes he was ftrongly attached. He was a man of talents ; bra tivve, andenterprizing ; zealous for his party, and full of projeats for a counter-revolution. By his dexterity and addrefs, he foon acquired an afcendancy over the feeble and narrow genius of Peynier, and governed the colony in his name. His penetration eafily made him difcover that, in order effectually to difturb the new fettlement, it was abfolutely neceffary to prevent a coalition of interefts between the colonial affembly, and the free people of colour. He therefore proclaimed himfelf Sthe patron and proteator of the mulattoes, and courted them on all occafions, with fuch affiduity and fuccefs, as gained over the whole body. E 2 IT

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28 II S T 0 R Y OF C H A P. I-r feems however extremely probable that the peace of ths "IIl country would have been preferved, notwithftanding the machinations of Peynier and Mauduit, if the planters, true to their own caufe, had remained united among themfelves. But, unfortunitely, the provincial affembly of the North was induced, through mifreprefentation or envy, to counterad, by all polfible means, the proceedings of the general affembly at St. Marc. Thus, difcord and diffention every where prevailed; and appearances feemed to indicate an approaching civil war, even before the plan for the new conflitution was publifhed. This was contained in the famous decree of the general colonial affembly of the 28th of May; a decree, which having been the fubjeC of much animadverfion, and made the oftenfible motive, on the part of the executive power, for commencing hoftilities, it is proper to ftate it at large. May I790. IT confiited of ten fundamental pofitions, which are preceded by an introduaory difcourfe or preamble (as ufual in the French decrees) wherein, among other confiderations, it is ftated, as an acknowledged principle in the French conflitution, that the right in the crown to confirm the ats of the legiflature, is a preroga, tive, inherent and incommunicabl/e: of courfe that it cannot be delegated to a colonial governor, whofe authority is precarious and fubordinate. The articles are then fubjoined, in the order and words following: i. The legiflative authority, in every thing which relates to the internal concerns of the colony (regime interieur), is veiled. in

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ST. DOMI N GO. 9 in the affembly of its reprefentatives, which fhall be called the C H A Pw, General Afembly of the French Part of St. Domingo. I 2. No a&f of the legiflative body, in what relates to the internal concerns of the colony, fhall be confidered as a law definitive, unlefs it be made by the reprefentatives of the French part of St. Domingo, freely and legally chofen, and confirmed by the king. 3. In cafes of urgent neceflity, a legiflative decree of the general affembly, in what relates to the internal concerns of the colony, fhall be confidered as a law provional. In all fuch cafes the decree fhill be notified forthwith to the governor general, who, within ten days after fuch notification, fhall caufe it to be publifhed and enforced, or tranfmit to the general affembly his obfervations thereon. 4. The neceffity of the cafe on which the execution of fuch provifional decree is to depend, fhall be a feparate queftion, and be carried in the affirmative by a majority of two-thirds of tha general afiembly; the names and numbers being taken down. (Pri,,s par I'appel nominal.) 5. If the governor g neral fhall fend down his obfervations on any fuch decree, the fame fhall be entered in the journals of the general aflembly, who thall then proceed to revife the decree, and confider the obfervations thereon in three feveral fittings.. The votes for confirming or annulling the decree fhall be given in the words Yes. or No, and a minute of the proceedings fhall be figned by the members prefent, in which fhall be enumerated the votes on each fide of the queftion; and if there appears a majority of two-thirds for confirming the decree,, it (hall be immediately enforced by the governor general, 6. As,

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33 H I 8 T 0 R Y O F CH A P. 6. As every law ought to be founded on, the confent of thofe III who are to be bound by it, the French part of St. Domingo fhall be allowed to propofe regulations concerning commercial arrangements, and the fyftem of mutual connetion (rapports commerciaux, et autres rapports communs), and the decrees which the national aflembly flall make in all fuch cafes fhall not be enforced in the coli:y, until the general ,,fall have, confented thereto. 7. Inaffes of prefling necefity, the importation of articles for the fupport of the inhabitants (hall not be confidered as any breach in the fyftem of commercial regulations between St. Domingo and France; provided that thl decrees to be made in fuch cafes by the general affembly fhall be fubmitted to the revifion of the governor general, under the fame conditions and modifications as are prefcribed in articles 3 and 5. 8. Provided alfo, that every legiflative ac of the general affembly, executed provifionally, in cafes of urgent neceffity, fhall be tranfmitted forthwith for the royal fanction. And if the king fhall refufe his confent to any fuch act, its execution fhall be fufpended, as foon as the king's refufal fhall be legally notified to the general affembly. 9. A new general affembly flall be chofen every two years, and none of the members who have ferved in the former affembly fhall be eligible in the new one. 10. The general affembly decree that the preceding articles, as forming part of the conftitution of the French colony in St. Domingo, fhall be immediately tranfinitted to France for the acceptance of the national affembly, and the king. They fhall likewife

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ST. D MI N G 0 3 likewife be tranfmitted to all the parithes and difftrits of the coC H A P. lony, and be notified to the governor general." IIL THAT a decree of fuch comprehenfivenefs and magnitude fhould have excited very general difquifition in the colony, and have produced mifreprefentation and clamour, even among men of very oppofite fentiments and tempers, is no way furprifing. It muft be allowed, that fome of the articles are irreconcileable to every juft principle of colonial fubordination. '1M refufing to allow a negative voice to the reprefentative of the king, is repugnant to all the notions which an Englifhman is taught to entertain of a monarchical government, however limited: and the declaration that no decree of the national affembly concerning the colony, in cafes of exterior regulation, fhould be in force until confirmed by the colonial affembly, was fuch an extravagant affumption of imperial authority, in a fubordinate part of the French empire, as I believe is without a precedent. ALL that can be urged in extenuation, feems to be that the circumftances of the cafe were novel, and the members of the colonial affembly unexperienced in the bufinefs of legiflation. That they had any ferious intention of declaring the colony an independent ftate, in imitation of the Englifh American provinces, it is impoffible to believe. Neverthelefs, the decree was no fooner promulgated, than this notion was induftrioufly propagated by their enemies from one end of the colony to the other; and when this report failed to gain belief, it was pretended that the colony was fold to the Englith, and that the members of the general affembly

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2 -H I S T 0 R Y O F -C H A P. affembly had received and divided among themfelves 40 millions Ill. oflivres as the purchafe money. IF recent events had not demonftrated the extreme credulity and jealous temper of the French charater, it would be difficult to believe that charges, thus wild and unfupported, could have made an impreffion on the minds of any confiderable number of the people. So great however was the effec produced by them, as po occafion fome of the Weftern parifhes to recal their deputies; while the inhabitants of Cape Fran9ois took meafures flill more decifive: they renounced obedience to the general affembly, and prefented a memorial to the governor, requefling him to diffolve it forthwith, declaring that they confidered the colony as loft, unlefs he proceeded with the utmoft vigour and promptitude in depriving that body of all manner of authority. M. PEYNIER received this addrefs with fecret fatisfadt:on. It feemed indeed to be the policy of both parties to reject all thoughts of compromife by negociation; and there occurred at this juncture a circumftance which would probably have rendered all negociation abortive, had it been attempted. In the harbour of Port au Prince lay a fhip of the line, called the Leopard, commanded by M. Galifoniere. This officer, co-operating in the views of Peynier and Mauduit, made a fimptuous entertainment for the partizans of thofe gentlemen, and by this, or fome other parts of his condua, gave offence to his failors. Whether thefe men had felt the influence of corruption (as aflerted by one party) or were actuated folely by one of thofe unaccountable

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ST. D 0M I N G O. 33 unaccountable freaks to which feamen are particularly fubjec, C H A P, the fat certainly is, that they withdrew their obedience from III. their proper officer, and declared themfelves to be in the interefts of the colonial affembly Their conduft became at length fo turbulent and feditious, as to induce M. Galifoniere to quit the fhip, whereupon the crew gave the command to one of the lieutenants. The affembly, perceiving the advantages to be derived from this event, immediately tranfmitted a vote of thanks 27th July, to the feamen for their patriotick conduct, and required them, I790' in the name of the law and the king, to detain the fhip in the road, and await their further orders. The failors, gratified with this acknowledgement, promifed obedience, and affixed the vote of thanks on the main-maft of the fhip. Some partizans of the affembly, about the fame time, took poffeffion of a powder magazine at Leogane. A CIVIL war feemed now to be inevitable. Two days after the vote of thanks had been tranfmitted from St. Marc's to the crew of the Leopard, M. Peynier iffued a proclamation to diffolve the general affembly. He charged the members with entertaining projeCts of independency, and afferted that they had treacheroufly poffeffed themfelves of one of the king's fhips by corrupting the crew. He pronounced the members and all their adherents traitors to their country, and enemies to the nation and the king: declaring that it was his intention to employ all the force he could colleCt to defeat their projects, and bring them to condign punifhment; and he called on all officers, civil and military, for their cooperation and iupport. F His

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34 HISTORY OF CH A P. His firit proceedings were direAed againft the committee of III. the VWeftern provincial affembly.--This body held its meetings Sat Port au Prince, and in the exercife of its fubordinate funtions, during the intermiiion of that affembly, had manifefted fuch zealous attachment to the general affembly at St. Marc, as expofed its members to the refentment of the governor and his party. It was determined therefore, at a council held the fame day, to arreft their perfons the following night, and M. Mauduit undertook to condut the enterprize. Having been informed that this committee held confultations at midnight, he feleAted about one hundred of his foldiers, and formed a fcheme to feize the members at their place of meeting. On arriving however at the houfe, he found it proteaed by four hundred of the national guards (g). A fkirmith enfued; but the circumflances attending it are fo varioufly related, that no precife account can be given of the particulars; nor is it afcertained which party gave the firft fire. Nothing further is certainly known, than that two men were killed on the part of the af-. fembly,-that feveral were wounded on both fides, and that M. Mauduit returned without effeAing any purpofe but that of feizing, and bearing away in triumph, the national colours ;-a circumftance which afterwards (as will be feen in the fequel) coil him his life. THE general affembly, on receiving intelligence of this attack, and of the formidable preparations that were making for di(g) The troops in St. Domingo, called the National Guards, were originally nothing more than the colonial militia. They were new organized in 1789, on the model of the national guards in the mothel -country, and bore the fame colours, and alrumed the fame name. x reding

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S T. DO M I N G O. 35 reling hoftilities againft themfelves, fummoned the people, C H A P. from all parts of the colony, to haften properly armed to proIII. te& their reprefentatives; and moft of the inhabitants of the neighbouring parifhes obeyed the fummons. The fhip Leopard was brought from Port au Prince to St. Marc's for the fame purpofe. On the other hand, the Northern provincial affembly joined the party of the governor, and Lent to his affiftance a detachment from the regular troops in that quarter, which was joined by a body of two hundred 'people of colour. A much greater force was colle&ed at the fame time in the Weftern province by M. Mauduit, and the preparations on both fides threatened an obftinate and bloody confli ; when,. by one of thofe wonderful eccentricities in the human mind which are feldom difplayed except in times of publick commotion, a ftop was put to the immediate fhedding of blood, by the fudden and unexpeted determination of the general affembly to undertake a voyage to France, and juftify their conduct to the king and the national affembly in perfon. Their motives were thought the more laudable, as all the Weftern and great part of the Southern provinces gave a decided approbation of their conduet, and armed in a very fhort time two thoufand men in their defence, which were in full march for Port au Prince. Their refolution however was fixed, and accordingly, of about one hundred members, to which the colonial affembly was reduced by ficknefs and defertion, no lefs than eighty-five (of whom fixty-four were fathers of families) atually embarked on board the Leopard, and on the 8th of Auguft took their departure for z790. Europe:-a proceeding which created as much furprize in the governor and his party, as admiration and applaufe among the F z people

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36 HISTORY OF C H A P. people at large. Perfons of all ranks accompanied the members IIL to the place of embarkation, pouring forth prayers for their fuccefs, and fhedding tears of fenfibility and affecion for a condu(t which was very generally confidered as a noble proof of felf-denial, and as fignal an inftance of heroick virtue and chriftian forbearance as any age has exhibited. A momentary calm followed this event:-the parties in arms appeared mutually difpofed to fubmit their differences to the wifdom and juftice of the king and the national affembly, and M. Peynier refumed, though with a trembling hand, the reins of government.. SUcH was the iffue of the firfl attempt to eftablifh a free conrftitution in the French part of St. Domingo, on the fyftem ofa limited monarchy; and it affords occafion for fome important refletions. That the general colonial affembly, in their decree of the 28th of May, exceeded the proper boundary of theirconftitutional funcions, has been frankly admitted. This irregularity,. however, might have been corrected without bloodfhed or violence; but there is this misfortune attendingevery deviation from the rule of right, that, in the conflia of contending fadions, the exceffes of one party are ever confidered as the fulleft j ufification for the outrages of the other. For fome parts of their condu& an apology may be offered. The meafure of fecuring to their interefts the crew of the Leopard, and the feizure of the magazine at Leogane, may be vindicated on the plea of felf-defence. It cannot be doubted that M. Peynier had long meditated how beft to reftore the ancient defpotick fyftem, and. 4, that,

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S T. D 0 M I N G 0. 37 that, jointly with M. Mauduit and. others, he had made prepaC H A P. rations for that purpofe. He had written to M. Luzerne, the III minifter in France, that he never intended to fuffer the colonial affembly to meet i and let it be told in this place, in juftice to the French miniftry, that the anfwer which he received contained a tacit difapprobation of his meafures; for M. Luzerne recommended moderate and conciliatory councils. The governor proceeded notwithftanding in the fame career, and diftruftful perhaps of the fidelity of the French foldiers, he made application (as appeared afterwards) to the governor of the Havannah for a reinforcement of Spanifh troops from Cuba. It is evident therefore that he concurred entirely in the plans of Mauduit for effedtuating a counter-revolution; and hence it is& reafonable to conclude, that the difcord and diftruft which prevailed among the inhabitants, and above all, the fatal diflentions that alienated the provincial affembly of the North, from. the general affembly at St. Marc's, were induftrioufly fomented and encouraged by M. Peynier and his adherents. Concerning the members of the colonial affembly, their prompt and decifive determination to repair to France,. and furrender their perfons to the fupreme government, obviates all impeachment of their loyalty. Their attachment to the mother-country was indeed fecured by too many ties of intereft and felf-prefervation to be doubted.. OF their reception by thenational' afiembly, and the proceedings adopted in confequence of their arrival in Europe, I flall hereafter have occai;on to fpeak.. A paufe. in this place feems:

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38 HISTORY OF C H A P. fems requifite ;-for I have now to introduce to the reader the III. mournful hiftory of an unfortunate individual, over whofe fad fate (however we may condemn his rafh and ill-concerted enterprize) One human tear may drop, and be forgiven V" CHAP.

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8 T. D MING O. 39 CHAP, IV. Rebellion and Defeat of Oge', afree Man of Colour. F ROM the firft meeting of the general affembly of St. DoC H A Pi mingo, to its diffolution and difperfion, as related in the IV. p preceding chapters, the coloured people refident within the co" lony remained on the whole more peaceable and orderly than might have been expeted. The temperate and lenient difpofition manifefted by the affembly towards them, produced a beneficial and decifive effea in the Weftern and Southern provinces, and although 300 of them from thefe provinces, had been perfuaded by M. Mauduit to join the force under his command, they very foon became fenfible of their error, and, inftead of marching towards St. Marc, as Mauduit propofed, they demanded and obtained their difmifion, and returned quietly to their refpe&ive habitations. Such of the mulatto people however as refided at that junAure in the mother-country, continued in a far more hoftile difpofition ; and they were encouraged in their animofity towards the white colonifts by parties of very different defcriptions. The colonial decree of the 28th of May, 1790, was no fooner made known in France, than it excited univerfal clamour. Many perfons who concurred in nothing elfe, united their voices in reprobating the conduct of the inhabitants.

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4e HISTORY OF C H A P. bitants of St. Domingo. The adherents of the ancient goIV. vernment were joined on this occafion by the partizans of democracy and republicanifm. To the latter, the conflitution of 1789 was even more odious than the old tyranny; and there men, with the deepeft and darkeft defigns, pofieffed all that union, firmnefs, and perfeverance which were neceffary to their purpofes; and which, as the world has beheld, have fince rendered them irrefiftible. Thefe two facions hoped to obtain very different ends, by the fame means; and there was another party who exerted themfelves with equal affiduity in promoting publick confufion : thefe were the difcordant clafs of fpeculative reformers, whom it was impoflible to reconcile to the new government, becaufe every man among them had probably formed a favourite fyftem in his own imagination which he was eager to recommend to others. I do not confider the philanthropick fociety, called Amis des Noirs, as another diftina body, becaufe it appears to me that they were pretty equally divided between the democratick party, and the clafs laft mentioned. Strengthened by fuch auxiliaries, it is not furprizing that the efforts of this fociety thould have operated powerfully on the minds of thofe who were taught to confider their perfonal wrongs as the caufe of the nation, and have driven fome of them into the wildeft exceffes of fanaticifm and fury. AMONG fuch of thefe unfortunate people refident in France as were thus inflamed into madnefs, was a young man under thirty years of age, named lJames Oge: he was born in St. Domingo, of a mulatto woman who fill poffeffed.a coffee plantation in the Northern province, about thirty miles from Cape Francois,

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ST, DOMINGO, 4 Francois, whereon the lived very creditably, and found means C H A P. out of its profits to educate her fon at Paris, and even to fupport IV. him there in fome degree of affluence, after he had obtained the age of manhood. His reputed father, a white planter of fome account, had been dead feveral years, OGE had been introduced to the meetings of the Amis des Noirs, under the patronage of Gregoire, Briffot (h), La Fayette, and Robefpierre (i), the leading members of that fociety; and was by them initiated into the popular doftrine of equality, and the rights of man. Here it was that he firft learnt the miferies of his condition, the cruel wrongs and contumelies to which he and all his mulatto brethren were expofed in the Weft Indies, and the monfirous injuftice and abfurdity of that prejudice, which, (faid Gregoire) eftimating a man's merit by the colour of his fkin, has placed at an immenfe diftance from each other the children of the fame parent ; a prejudice which ftifles the voice of nature, and breaks the bands of fraternity afunder." THAT there are great evils muft be frankly admitted, and it would have been fortunate if fuch men as Briffot and Gregoire, inftead of bewailing their exiftence and magnifying their extent, had applied their talents in confidering of the betl practicable means of redrefling them. BUT there perfons had other objecs in view:-their aim, as I have thewn, was not to reform, but to deftroy; to excite con(h) Guillotined 3x O&ober, 1793. (i) Guillotined 28 July, 1794. G vulflons

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42 H ISTORY OF C H A P. vuli3ons in every part of the French empire; and the ill-fited IV. Oge became the tcol, and was afterwards the victim, of their guilty ambition. HE had been led to believe, that the whole body of coloured people in the French iflands were prepared to rife up as one man againft their oppreffors; that nothing but a difcreet leader was wanting,, to fet them into adtion; and, fondly conceiving that he pclfffled in his own perfon all the qualities of an able general, he determined to proceed to St. Domingo by the firft opportunity. To cherifh the conceit of his own importance, and animate his exertions, the fociety procured him the rank of lieutenantcolonel in the army of one of the German eletors. As it was found difficult to export a fufficient quantity of arms and ammunition from France, without attracting the notice of the government, and awakening fufpicion among the planters refident in the mother country, the fociety refolved to procure thofe articles in North America, and it was. recommended to Oge to make a circuitous voyage for that purpofe. Accordingly, being furnifhed with money and letters of credit, he embarked for New England in the month of July J790. BUT, notwithflanding the caution that was obferved in this inftance, the whole projet was publickly known at Paris previous to Og'es embarkation, and notice of the fcheme, and even a portrait of Oge himfelf, were tranfmitted to St. Domingo, long before his arrival in that ifland. He fecretly landed there, from an American floop, on the 2th of Oaober 1790, and found means

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ST. DOMINGO. 43 means to convey undifcovered the arms and ammunition which C H A P. he had purchafed, to the place which his brother had prepared IV. for their reception. THE firft notice which the white inhabitants received of Oge's arrival, was from himfelf. He difpatched a letter to the governor (Peynier) wherein, after reproaching the governor and his predeceffors with the non-execution of the Code Noir, he demands, in very imperious terms, that the provifions of that celebrated ftatute fhould be enforced throughout the colony; he requires that the privileges enjoyed by one clafs of inhabitants (the whites) fhould be extended to all perfons without diflinction; declares himfelf the proteaor of the mulattoes, and announces his intention of taking up arms in their behalf, unlefs their wrongs thould be redreffed. ABOUT fix weeks had intervened between the landing of Oge, and the publication of this mandate; in all which time he and his two brothers had exerted themfelves to the utmoft in fpreading difaffeCtion, and exciting revolt among the mulattoes. Affurances were held forth, that all the inhabitants of the mother country were difpofed to affift them in the recovery of their rights, and it was added, that the king himfelf was favourably inclined to their caufe. Promifes were diftributed to fome, and money to others. But, notwithftanding all thefe efforts, and that the temper of the times was favourable to his views, Og0 was not able to allure to his flandard above 200 followers; and of thefe, the major part were raw and ignorant youths, unufed Ga to

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44 HISTORY OF CHAP. to difcipline, and averfe to all manner of fubordination and IV. order. HE eftablifhed his camp at a place called Grande Riviere, about fifteen miles from Cape Frangois, and appointed his two brothers, together with one Mark Chavane, his lieutenants. Chavane was fierce, intrepid, adive, and enterprizing; prone to mifchif, and thirfly for vengeance. Oge himfelf, with all his enthuialain, was naturally mild and humane: he cautioned his followers againit the ihedding innocent blood; but little regard was paid to his wihes in this refpe&t: the firft white man that fell in their way they murdered on the fpot: a fecond, of the name of Sicard, met the fame fate; and it is related, that their cruelty towards fuch perfons of their own complexion as refufed to join in the revolt was extreme. A mulatto man of fome property being urged to follow them, pointed to his wife and fix children, affigning the largenefs of his family as a motive for wiihing to remain quiet. This condua was confidered as contumacious, and it is afferted, that not only the man himfelf, but the whole of his family, were maffacred without mercy. INTELLIGENCE was no fooner received at the town of Cape Franqcis of there enormities, than the inhabitants proceeded, with the utmoft vigour and unanimity, to adopt meafures for fuppreffing the revolt. A body of regular troops, and the Cape regiment of militia, were forthwith difpatched for that purpofe. They foon invefted the camp of the revolters, who made lefs retiftance than might have been expeced from men in their defperate circumfnances. The rout became general; many of them were s_

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S T. DOMI N G O. 45 were killed, and about fixty made prifoners; the reft difperfed C H A P. themfelves in the mountains. Oge himfelf, one of his brothers, IV. and Chavane his affociate, took refuge in the Spanifh territories. Of Ogd's other brother no intelligence was ever afterwards obtained. AFTER this unfuccefsful attempt of Oge, and his efcape from juftice, the difpofition of the white inhabitants in general towards the mulattoes, was fharpened into great animofity. The lower claffes in particular, (thofe whom the coloured people call les petits blancs) breathed nothing but vengeance againft them; and very ferious apprehenfions were entertained, in all parts of the colony, of a profcription and maffacre of the whole body. ALARMED by reports of this kind, and the appearances which threatened them from all quarters, the mulattoes flew to arms in many places. They formed camps at Artibonite, Petit Goaves, Jeremie, and Aux Cayes. But the largeft and moft formidable body affembled near the little town of Verette. The white inhabitants colleted themfelves in confiderable force in the neighbourhood, and Colonel Mauduit, with a corps of two hundred men from the regiment of Port au Prince, hafened to their affiftance ; but neither party proceeded to acual hoffility. M. Mauduit even left his detachment at the port of St. Marc, thirtyfix miles from Verette, and proceeding fingly and unattended to the camp of the mulattoes, had a conference with their leaders. What paffed on that occafion was never publickly divulged. It is certain, that the mulattoes retired to their habitations in confequence of it; but the filence and fecrecy of M. Mauduit, and his

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46 HISTORY OF C H A P. his influence over them, gave occafion to very unfavourable IV. fufpicions, by no means tending to conciliate the different claffes of the inhabitants to each other. He was charged with having traiteroufly perfuaded them not to defift from their purpofe, but only to poftpone their vengeance to a more favourable opportunity; afluring them, with the utmoft folemnity and apparent iincerity, that the king himfelf, and all the friends of the ancient government, were fecretly attached to their caufe, and would avow and fupport it whenever they could do it with advantage; and that the time was not far diftant, &c. He is faid to have purfued the fame line of condu& at Jeremie, Aux Cayes, and all the places which he vifited. Every where he held fecret confultations with the chiefs of the mulattoes, and thofe people every where immediately difperfed. At Aux Cayes, a fkirmiih had happened before his arrival there, in which about fifty perfons on both fides had lofl their lives, and preparations were making to renew hoftilities. The perfuafions of M. Mauduit effe6ted a truce; but Rigaud, the leader of the mulattoes in that quarter, openly declared that it was a tranfient and deceitful calm, and that no peace would be permanent, until one clafs of people had exterminated the other. IN November 1790, M. Peynier refigned the government to the lieutenant-general, and embarked for Europe;-a circumftance which proved highly pleafing to the major part of the planters:-and the firft meafure of M. Blanchelande (k), the new commander in chief, was confidered as the earneft of a decifive (k) Guillotined at Paris, 1793. and

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ST. D 0 MIN G O. 47 and vigorous adminiftration. He made a peremptory demand CHAP. of Oge and his affociates from the Spaniards; and the manner in Iv. which it was enforced, induced an immediate compliance there--. with. The wretched Oge, and his companions in mifery, were delivered over, the latter end of December, to a detachment of 1790. French troops, and fafely lodged in the jail of Cape Francois, with the prifoners formerly taken; and a commifiion was foon afterwards ilTued to bring them to trial. THEIR examinations were long and frequent; and in the beginning of March 1791, fentence was pronounced. Twenty of Ogd's deluded followers, among them his own brother, were condemned to be hanged. To Oge himfelf, and his lieutenant Chavane, a more terrible punifhment was allotted:-they were adjudged to be broken alive, and left to perifh in that dreadful fituation, on the wheel:-a fentence, on which it is impoffible to reflet but with mingled emotions of thame, fympathy, indignation, and horror THE bold and hardened Chavane met his fate with unufual firmnnefs, and fuffered not a groan to efcape him during the extremity of his torture: but the fortitude of Og deferted him altogether. When fentence was pronounced, he implored mercy with many tears, and an abje6t fpirit. He promifed to make great difcoveries if his life was fpared, declaring that he had an important fecret to communicate. A refpite of twenty-four hours was accordingly granted; but it was not made known to the publick, at that time, that he divulged any thing of importance. His fecret, if any he had, was believed to have died with him. IT

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4 HISTO RY OF C H A P. IT was difcovered, however, about nine months afterwards, IV. that this moft unfortunate young man had not only made a full h confeffion of the facs that I have related, but alfo difclofed the dreadful plot in agitation, and the miferies at that moment impending over the colony. His laft folemn declarations and dying confeflon, fworn to and figned by himfelf the day befbre his execution, were actually produced wherein he details at large the meafures which the coloured people had fallen upon to excite the negro flaves to rife into rebellion. He points out the chiefs by name, and relates that, notwithftanding his own defeat,a general revolt would actually have taken place in the month of February preceding, if an extraordinary flood of rain, and confequent inundation from the rivers, had not prevented it. He declares that the ringleaders fill maintained the fame atrocious projea, and held their meetings in certain fubterranean paffages, or caves, in the parith of La Grande Riviere, to which he otfers, if his life might be fpared, to conduct a body of troops, fo that the confpirators might be fecured. THE perfons before whom this confeffion and narrative were made, were the commiffioners appointed for the purpofe of taking Oge's examination, by the fuperior council of the Northern province, of which body they were alfo members (l). Whether this court (all the members of which were devotedly attached to the ancient fyftem) determined of itfelf to fupprefs evidence offuch great concern to the colony, or was direted on (1) Their names were Antoine Etienne Ruotte, and Francois Jofeph de Vertierres. this

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S T. DOM I N G O. 49 this occafion by the fuperior officers in the adminiftration of the C H A P. government, has never been clearly made known. Suppreffed it Iv. certainly was, and the miferable Oge hurried to immediate execution; as if to prevent the further communication, and full difclofure of fo weighty a fecret! CHRISTIAN charity might lead us to filppofe that the commiffioners by whom Ogd's examination was taken, difregarded and negleaed (rather than fuppreffed) his information; confidering it merely as the ihallow artifice of a miferable man to obtain a mitigation of the dreadful puniflment which awaited him, and utterly unworthy of credit. It does not appear, however, that the commiffioners made this excufe for themfelves; and the caution, circumfpetion, and fecrecy which marked their condut, leave no room for fuch a fuppofition. The planters at large fcrupled not to declare, that the royalifts in the colony, and the philanthropick and republican party in the mother country, were equally criminal; and themfelves made vicims to the blind purpofes, and unwarrantable pafiions, of two defperate and malignant fations. OF men who openly and avowedly aimed at the fubverfion of all good order and fubordination, we may eafily credit the worfi; but it will be difficult to point out any principle of rational policy by which the royalifts could have been influenced to concur in the ruin of fo noble and beautiful a part of the French empire. Their conduct therefore remains wholly inexplicable, or we muft admit they were guided by a fpirit of Machiavilian policy-a principle of refined cunning, which alH w ays 46

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50 H ISTORY OF C H A P. ways defeats its own purpofe. They muff have encouraged the IV. vain and fallacious idea that fcenes of bloodfhed, devaftation, and ruin, in different parts of the French dominions, would induce the great body of the people to look back with regret to their former government, and lead them by degrees to co-operate in the fcheme of effeding a counter-revolution; regarding the evils of anarchy, as lefs tolerable than the dead repofe of defpotifin. If fuch were their motives, we can only afcribe them to that infatuation with which Providence (as wife men have obferved, and hiftory evinces) blinds a people devoted to defrundim.. CHA i P 4

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ST. DOM I N G .S CHAP. V. Proceedings in France-Maqfacre of Colonel Mauduit in St. Do. mingo-andfatal Decree of the National ./lembly of the I 5th May 1791. N detailing the tragical ftory of the miferable Oge, I have C HA P. chofen to continue my narrative unbroken: but it is now V. time to call the reader homewards, and direa his attention to the meafures adopted by the national affembly, in confequence of advices received from all parts of St. Domingo, concerning the proceedings of the colonial affembly which met at St. 'Marc's. THE eighty-five members, whofe embarkation for France has already been noticed, arrived at Breft on the i 3th of September 1790. They were received on landing by all ranks of people, and even by men in authority, with congratulation and fhouts of applaufe. The fame honours were fhewn to them as would have been paid to the national affembly. Their expences were defrayed, and fums of money raifed for their future occafions by a voluntary and very general fubfcription; but thefe teftimonies of refpea and kindnefs ferved only to encreafe the difappointment which they foon afterwards experienced in the capital; H 2 where

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S2 HISTORY O-F C H A P. where a very different reception awaited them. They had the V. mortification to difcover that their enemies had been beforehand. with them. Deputics were already arrived from the provincial affembly of the North, who, joining with the agents of Peynier and Mauduit, had fo effet-ually prevailed with M. Barnave (a), the prefident of the committee for the colonies, that they found their caufe prejudged, and their conduSt condemned, without a hearing. The national affembly had iffued a peremptory order, on the 21 c of September, direcing them to attend at Paris, and wait there for further direaions. Their prompt obedience to this order procured them no favour. They were allowed a fingle audience only, and then indignantly difiniffed from the bar. They folicited a fecond, and an opportunity of being confronted. with their adverfaries:. the national affembly refufed their requell,. and direted the colonial committee to haften its report concerning their conduA. On the i th of Otober, this report was prefented by M. Barnave. It comprehended a detail of all the proceedings of the colonial affembly, from its firft meeting at St. Marc's,. and cenfured their general conduct in terms of great afperity; reprefenting it as flowing from motives of difaffection towards the mother country, and an impatience of fubordination to conftitutional authority and good government. The report concluded by recommending, that all the pre" tended decrees and ats of the faid colonial affembly, fhould be reverfed, and pronounced utterly null and of no effecA; that the laid affembly flould be declared diffolved, and its mem" bers rendered ineligible and incapable of being delegated in (a) Guillotined December r, 1793, "1 future

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ST. DO M I N G O. 53 ":future to the colonial affembly of St. Domingo; that teftliC H A P. monies of approbation (hould be tranfmitted to the Northern v. provincial affembly, to Colonel, Mauduit and the regiment of Port au Prince, for refifting the proceedings at St Marc's; that the king fhould be requefted to give orders for the forming a new colonial affembly on the principles of the national decree of "the 8th of March 1790, and inftrutions of the 28th of the fame month; finally, that the ci-devant members, then in "France, fhould continue in a fate of arreft, until the national affembly might find time to fignify its further pleafure concern" ing them." A decree to this effea was accordingly voted on the 12th of Otober,.by a very large majority; and the king was requefled, at the fame time, to fend out an augmentation of force, both naval and military, for the better fupporting the regal au, thority in St. Domingo.. IT is not eafy to defcribe the furprize and indignation which the news of this decree excited in St. Domingo, except among the partizans of the former government. By them it was regarded as the firft ftep towards the revival of the ancient fyftem; by moft other perfons it was confidered as a derelition by the national affembly of all principle; and the-orders for elecing a new colonial affembly were fo little regarded, that many of the parifhes pofitively refufed to choofe other deputies until the fate of their former members, at that time in France, thould be decided; declaring, that they ftill confidered thofe perfons as the legal reprefentatives of the colony. One immediate and apparent effeCt of this decree was, to heighten and inflame the popular refentment againft Mauduit and his regiment. The reader has already been made acquainted with fome particulars concerning

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54 H. I T0 ORY .OF C H A .concering this ori-ce ; and to what has been faid of his geS n';-'il character, and his intemperate zeal for the re-eftablifhmn.en•t of the. regal authority in its fullcft extent, it may be added, that he was the more dangerous, becaufe he was generous in his difpolition, and even profufe in his bounty towards his foldiers. In return, the attachment of his regiment towards his perobn :p-eared to exceed the ufual limits of obedience and duty (b). THi marlacre of this man by thofe very troops, a fhort time after the notification of the aforefaid decree, afbrds to ftriking an inftance of that cruel and ungovernable difpofition, equally impetuous and inconftant, which prevailed, and I am afraid ftill continues to prevail, amongft the lower claiTes of the people throughout all the French dominions, that I conceive a brief recital of the circumftances attending his murder will not be thought an unneceffary digre-iion. I .AVE, in a former place (c), given fibne account of the proceedingsof M. Peynier, the late governor, againft certain perfons who compofed what was called the committee of the Weffern provincial affembly, and of the attempt by M. Mauduit to feize by force the individuals who compofed that committee. This h .p-.!, on the 29th of July, i790o and I obierved that the circumftance of M. Mauduit's i..-ri W.Io off the colours from a detachment of the national v'-.-on that occaiion, ultimately t'cr.i'.d in his defruction. (b) After his example they had rtje5ted the national cockade, and wore a white fcather iM their hats, the fymbol, or avowed fignal, of the royal party. (c) Chai. iii. p. 34. I THE

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ST. D 0 M I N G .55 ,THE cafe was, that not only the detachment from whom their C H A P. enfign was taken, but the whole of the national guards throughV. out the colony, confidered this aa as the moft cutrageous and unpardonable infuit that could poffibly be offered to a body of men, who had fworn fidelity to the new conflitution; and nothing but the dread of the fuperior difcipline of the veterans compofing the Port au Prince regiment (which Mauduit commanded) prevented them from exercifing exemplary vengeance on the author of.their difgrace. This regiment therefore, being implicated in the .crime of their commanding officer, was regarded by the other troops with hatred and deteftation. ON the 3d of March 1791, the frigates Le Fougueux and Le Boree arrived from France, with two battalions of the regiments of Artois and Normandy; and when it is known that thefe troops had been vifited by the crew of the Leopard, it will not appear furprizing that, on their landing at Port au Prince, they fhould have manifeited the fame hoftile difpofition towards Mauduit's regiment, as was fhewn by the national guards. They refuted all manner of communication or intercourfe with them, and even declined to enter into any of their places of refort. They confidered, or affected to confider them, as enemies to the colony, and traitors to their country. This conduc in the new-comers towards the ill-fated regiment foon made a wonderful impreflion on the minds of both' oflicers and privaites of the regiment itfelf; and mutual reproach and accufation fpread through the whole corps. The white feather was indignantly torn from their hats, and dark and fillen looks towards

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56 I 1S T 0 R Y 0 F C H A P. wards their once-loved commander, indicated not only that he V. had loft their confidence, but alfo that he was the obje&t of meditated mifchief. Mauduit foon perceived the full extent of his danger, and fearing to involve the governor (M. Blanchelande) and his family, in the ruin which awaited himfelf, with great generofity advifed them to make the beft of their way to Cape Francois, while they could do it with fafety; and Blanchelande, for which he was afterwards much cenfured, followed this advice. Mauduit then harangued his grenadiers, to whom he had always flewn great kindnefs, and told them that he was willing, for the fake of peace, to reftore to the national troops the colours which he had formerly taken from them; and even to carry them, with his own hands, at the head of his regiment, and depofit them in the church in which they had been ufually lodged; but he added, that he depended on their affecion and duty to protet him from perfonal infult, while making this ample apology. The faithlefs grenadiers declared that they would proteat him with their lives. THE next day the ceremony took place, and Mauduit reftored the colours as he had promifed, before a vaft croud of fpetators. At that moment, one of his own foldiers cried aloud, that he mzy2 Ti pardon of the natizona troops on his knees; and the whole regiment applauded the propofal. Mauduit ftarted back with indignation, and offered his bofom to their fwords :-it was pierced with a hundred wounds, all of them inflicted by his own men, while not a fingle hand was lifted up in his defence. The fpeaators -ood motionlefs, either through hatred to the man, or -urprize at the treachery and cowardice of the foldiers. Such indeed

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S T. DOM I N GO. 57 indeed was the bafenefs of thefe wretches, that no modern lanC H A P. :guage can defcribe, but in terms which would not be endured, the horrible enormities that were practifed on the dead body of their wretched commander. It was referved for the prefent day to behold, for the firft time, a civilized nation exceeding in 'feats of cruelty and revenge the favages of North America. I grieve to add, that I have many dreadful inflances yet to recite in confirmation of this remark (c). WHILE thefe fhameful enormities were paffing in St. Domingo, the fociety of Amis des Noirs in the mother country :were but too fuccefsfully employed in devifing projecs which gave birth to deeds of ftill greater horror, and produced fcenes that transformed the moft beautiful colony in the world into a field of defolation and carnage. AL THOUG H it muft have occurred to every unprejudiced mind, from the circumftances that have been related concerning the (c) The following anecdote, though fhocking to humanity, I have thought too extraordinary to omit. It was communicated to me by a French gentleman who was at St. Domingo at the time, and knew the faa; but decency has induced me to veil it in a learned language. MAUDUITO vix mortuo, unus de militibus, dum cadaver calldum, et cruore adhuc fuente madidum, in -pavimentum ec.. clefie epicopalis jacuit, ficam dflringens, genitalia coram populo abfcidit, et membra "truncata in c/lam componens, adfeninam nobilem, quam amicam Mauduito fatuit, ut legatum de mortuo attulit. It may afford 'the reader fome confolation to find that the murder of their commanding officer by his own regiment, excited in all the other troops no other fentiments than thofe of indignation againft his murderers. They were compelled to lay down their arms, and were fent prif9nePs to France; ",but I fear they efcaped the punithment due to their crimes. I behaviour

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H5 HISTORY OF C H A P. behaviour of the mulattoes refident in the colony, that the geV. neral body of thofe people were by no means averfe to conciliation with the whites, yet it was found impoffible to perfuade their pretended friends in Europe to leave the affairs of St. Domingo to their natural courfe. Barnave alone (hitherto the moft formidable opponent of the prejudices and pretenfions of the colonifts) avowed his convition that any further interference of the mother country in the queftion between the whites and the coloured people, would be productive of fatal confequences. Such an opinion was entitled to greater refpea, as coming from a man who, as prefident of the colonial committee, muff be fuppofed to have acquired an intimate knowledge of the fubjet; but he was heard without convition. There are enthufiafts in politicks as well as in religion, and it commonly happens with fanaticks in each, that the recantation of a few of their number ferves only to ftrengthen the errors, and animate the purpofes of the reft. It was now refolved by Gregoire, La Fayette, Briffot, and fome other peftilent reformers, to call in the fupreme legiflative authority of the French government to give effed to their projeds; and that the reader may clearly underftand the nature and complexion of the mifchief that was meditated, and of thofe meafures to which the ruin of the French part of St. Domingo is immediately to be attributed, it is neceffary, in the firft place, to recal his attention to the national decree of the 8th of March 1790, of which an account was given in the fecond chapter., By that decree, as the reader muff have remembered,.the national affembly, among other things, difclaimed all right of interference ---

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ST. D 0 M I NG O. s terference in the local and interior concerns of the colonies; and C H AP. it cannot be doubted, that if this declaration had been faithfully V. interpreted and aded upon, it would have contributed, in a very eminent degree, to the reftoration of peace and tranquillity in St. Domingo, To render it therefore of as little effe& as poffible, and to add fuel to the fire which perhaps would otherwife have become extinguifhed, it had been infidioufly propofed in the national affembly, within a few days after the decree of the 8th of March had paffed, to tranfmit with it to the governor of St. Domingo, a code, or chapter, of inftruaions for its due and pun&ual obfervance and execution. Accordingly, on the 28th of the fame month, inflrutions which were faid to be calculated for that purpofe, were prefented and decreed. They confifted of eighteen articles, and contained, among other things, a dire&ion that every perfon of the age of twenty-five and upwards, poffeiTng property, or having refided two years in the colony, and paid taxes,. hould be permitted to vote in the formation of the co"lonial affembly." THE friends of the colonifts having at that time feats in the national affembly, oppofed the meafure chiefly on the ground of its repugnancy to the decree of the 8th; it being evidently, they urged, an interference in the local arrangements and interior regulations of the colonial government. It does not appear (notwithftanding what has fince been afferted to the contrary) that they entertained an idea that the mulatto people were diretly or indiretly concerned. The framers and fupporters of the meafure pretended that it went only to the modification of the privilege of voting in the parochial meetings, which it was well I 2 known

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60 HIST ORY OF, C H A P. known, under the old government had been conftituted of whitev. perfons only. The coloured people had in no inflance attended. thofe meetings, nor fet up a claim, or even expreffed a defire, to take any part in the bufinefs tranfaded thereat. But thefe inftrudtions were no fooner adopted by the national, affembly, and. converted into. a decree, than its framers and fupporters threw. off the mafk, and the mulattoes refident in the mother country, as well as the fociety of Amis des Noirs, failed not to apprize their friends and agents in St. Domingo, that the people of colour, not being excepted, were virtually comprized ,in it. Thefe, however, not thinking themfelves fufficiently powerful to en-; force the claim, or, perhaps, doubting the real meaning of the, decree, fent deputies to France to demand an explanation of it from the national affembly. IN the beginning ofMay 1791, the confideration of this fubjea was brought forward by the Abbe..Gregoire, and the claim of the free mulattoes to the full benefit of the inftruaions of the 28th of March 1790, and to all the rights and privileges enjoyed by the white inhabitants, citizens of the French colonies, was ifpported with all that warmth and eloquence for which he was diftinguifhed. Unfortunately, at this ju.n&tire the news of the miferable death of Og arrived at Paris, and raifed a torm of. indignation in the minds of all ranks of people, which, the planters refident in France were unable to refift. Nothing was heard in all companies but declamations againft their oppreffion and cruelty. To fupport and animate the popular.outcry againft them, a tragedy or 'pantomine, formed on the ftory of.Oge, was reprefented on the publick theatres. ,By thefe, and other means, the

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St.T; D" O' M I'N G 0. 6 tl* planters were become fo generally odious, that for a time C HAP.' they dared not to appear in the ftreets of Paris. Thefe were the; V. arts by which Gregoire, Condorcet, La Fayette, Briffit, and "-"' Roberfpierre difpofed the publick mind to clamour for a new and explanatory decree, in which the rights of the coloured people: fhould be placed beyond all future doubts and difpute. The friends and advocates of the planters were overpowered and confounded. In vain did they predict the utter deftuction of the colonies if fuch a propofal fhould pafs into a law. Perifh the colonies," faid Roberfpierre, rather than facrifice one iota of our prin" ciples." The majority reiterated, the fentiment, and the fa-, mous decree of the 15th of May 1791 was pronounced amidft: the acclamation and applaufe of the. multitude.. BY this decree it was declared and enadted, that the people of colour refident in the French colqnies, born of free parents, were: entitled to, as of right, and fhould.be allowed the enjoyment of, all the privileges of French-citizens, and, among others, to thofe of having votes in the. choice of reprefentatives, and of being eligible to feats both in .the parochial and colonial ajfmblies." Thus did the national affembly fweep away in a.xnoment, all the. laws,, ufages, prejudices,-and opinions-concerning thefe; people, which had exifted in the French colonies from their eadieft fettlement, and.,tear up by the roots the, firft principle of a free conftitution -a principle founded on the cleareft .dictates of reafon and. juftice, and exprefsly confirmed to the inhabitants of the French Weft Indies by the national decree ,of the.8th of March 1790; I mean, the fole and exclufive right ofpaffing laws for their local. andinterior regulation and government. The colonial committee,. of:

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62 H I S T OR Y O F C H A P. of which M. Barnave was prefident, failed not to apprize the *v. national affembly of the fatal confequences of this meafure, and immediately fufpended the exercife of its fundions. At the fame time, the deputies from the colonies fignified their purpofe to decline any further attendance. The only effea produced by thefe meafures however, on the national affembly, was an order that the three civil commiffioners, who had been appointed in February preceding for regulating the affairs of the colonies on the fpot, fhould immediately repair thither, and fee the national decrees duly enforced. The confequences in St. Domingo will be related in the following chapter (d). (d) It has been confidently afferted, that La Fayette, in order to fecure a majority on this queffion, introduced into the national affembly no lefs than eighty perfons who were not members, but who fat and voted as fuch. This man had formerly been poffeffed of a plantation at Cayenne, with feventy negro flaves thereon, which he had fold, without any fcruple or ftipulation concerning the fituation of the negroes, the latter end of 1789, and from that time enrolled himfelf among the friends of the blacks. The mere Englifh reader, who may be perfonally unacquainted with the Weft Indies, will probably confider the clamour which was raifed on this occafion by the French planters as equally illiberal and unjuff. The planters in the Britifh Weft Indies will perhaps bring the cafe home to themfelves; and I have no hefita:tion in faying, that, fuppofing the Englifh parliament fhould pats a law declaring, -for inftance, the free mulattoes of Jamaica to be eligible into the affembly of that ifland, fuch a meafure would prove there, as it proved in St. Domingo, the declaration of civil war. On mere abftraa reafoning this may appear ftrange and unjuftifiable; but we muft take mankind as we find them, and few inflances occur in which the prejudices of habit, education, and opinion have been correded by force. CHAP.

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ST. DOM I N G O. 63 CHAP. VI. Confequences in St. Domingo of the Decree of the 5th of MayRebellion of the Negroes in the Northern Province, and Enormities committed by them-Revolt of the Mulattoes at Mirebalais -Concordat or Truce between the Inhabitants of Port au Prince and the Men of Colour of the I th of September-Proclamation by the National Aftmbly of the zotb of September. I A M now to enter on the retrofpea of fcenes, the horrors C H A P, of which imagination cannot adequately conceive nor pen VI. defcribe. The difputes and contefts between different claffes of French citizens, and the violences of malignant faAions towards each other, no longer claim attention. Such a pidure of human mifery ;-fuch a fcene of woe, prefents itfelf, as no other country, no former age -has exhibited. Upwards of one hundred thoufand favage people, habituated to the barbarities, of Africa, avail themfelves of the filence and obfcurity of the night,. and fall on the peaceful and unfufpicious planters, like fo many famifhed tygers thirfting for human blood, Revolt, conflagration and maffacre, every where mark.their progrefs; and death, in all its horrors, or cruelties and outrages, compared to which. immediate death is mercy, await alike the old and the young, the matron, the virgin, and the helplefs infant. No. condition, age,

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I4 tI: STORY OF C HA P. age, or fex is fpared. All the fhocking and fhameful enorVI. mities, with which the fierce and unbridled paffions of favage man have ever condu&ed a -war, prevail uncontrouled. The rage of fire confumes what the fword is unable to deftroy, and, in a-few difinal hours, the moft fertile and beautiful plains in the .world are converted into one vaft field of carnage;--a wildernefs of defolation! TITERE is indeed too much reafon to believe, that thefe niiferies would have occurred in St. Domingo, in a great degree, even if the proceedings of the National Affembly, as related in the latter part of -the preceding chapter, had been more temperate, and if the decree of the I5th of May had never paffed into a law. The declarations of the dying Oge fufficiently point out the mifchief that was meditated, long before that obnoxious decree was promulgated. But it may be affirmed, with truth and certainty, that this fatal meafure gave life and aaivity to the poifon. It was the brand by which the flames were lighted, and the combuftibles that were prepared fet into ation. Intelligence having been received of it at Cape Fran2791. cois on the 3oth of June, no words can defcribe the rage and indignation which immediately fpread throughout the colony; and in no place did the inhabitants breathe greater refentment than in the town of the Cape, which had hitherto been foremoft in profeffions of attachment to the mother country, and in promoting the fpirit of difunion and oppofition in the colonial affembly. They now unanimoufly determined to rejea the civick oaths although great preparations had been made for a general fedesation on the 14th of July. The news of this decree feemed to unite

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ST. DOMING O. 63 unite the moft difcordant interefts. In the firif tranfports of C H A P. indignation it was propofed to feize all the fhips, and confifcate VI. the effeas of the French merchants then in the harbour. An embargo was adually laid, and a motion was even made in the provincial affembly to pull down the national colours, and hoift the Britith ftandard in their room. The national cockade was every where trodden under foot, and the governor-general, who continued a forrowful and filent fpeAator of there exceffes, found his authority, as reprefentative of the parent country, together with every idea of colonial fubordination in the people, annihilated in a moment. THE fears and apprehenfions which the governor felt on this occafion have been well defcribed by that officer himfelf, in a memorial which he afterwards publifhed concerning his adminiftration. Acquainted (he obferves) with the genius and temper of the white colonifts, by a refidence of feven years in the Windward Iflands, and well informed of the grounds and motives of their prejudices and opinions concerning the peo* ple of colour, I immediately forefaw the difturbances and dangers which the news of this ill-advifed meafure would in" evitably produce; and not having it in my power to fupprefs "' the communication of it, I loft no time in apprizing the king's minifters of the general difcontent and violent fermen" tation which it excited in the colony. To my own obferva" tions, I added thofe of many refpetable, fober, and difpaf* fionate men, whom I thought it my duty to confult in fo critical a conjun&ure.; and I concluded my letter by expref"* fing my fears that this decree would prove the death-warrant K "of

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66 HISTORY OF C H A P. of many thoufands of the inhabitants. The event has momn.VI. fully verified my prediftions !" ON the recommendation of the provincial affembly of the Northern department, the feveral parifhes throughout the colony now proceeded, without further hefitation, to the elecion of deputies for a new general colonial affembly. Thefe deputies, to the number of one hundred and feventy-fix, met at Leogane, and on the 9th of Auguft declared themfelves the general afembly of the French part of St. Domingo. They tranfa&ed however but little bufinefs, but manifefted great unanimity and temper in their proceedings, and refolved to hold their meetings at Cape Fran9ois, whither they adjourned for that purpofe, appointing the 25th of the fame month for opening the feffion. IN the mean-while, fo great was the agitation of the publick mind, M. Blanchelande found it neceffary not only to tranfmit to the provincial affembly of the North, a copy of the letter which he mentions to have written to the king's minifters, but alfo to accompany it with a folemn affurance, pledging himfelf to fufpend the execution of the obnoxious decree, whenever it Jhould come out to him properly authenticated; a meafure which too plainly demonftrated that his authority in the colony was at an end. JUSTLY alarmed at all thefe proceedings, fo hoftile towards them, and probably apprehenfive of a general profcription, the mulattoes throughout the colony began to colled in different "places

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ST. DOMING O. 57 places in armed bodies; and the whites, by a mournful fatality, C H A P. fuffered them to affemble without moleftation. In truth, every VI. man's thoughts were direaed towards the meeting of the new colonial affembly, from whofe deliberations and proceedings the extintion of party, and the full and immediate redrefs of all exifting grievances, were confidently expeaed. M. Blanchelande himfelf declares, that he cherithed the fame flattering and fallacious hopes. After a long fucceffion of violent florms, I fondly expeted (he writes) the return of a calm and ferene morning. The temperate and conciliating condu& of the new affembly, during their fhort fitting at Leogane, the cha" raters of moft of the individual members, and the neceffity, fo apparent to all, of mutual conceffion and unanimity on this great occafion, led me to think that the colony would at length fee the termination of its miferies; when, alas, the "ftorm was ready to burft, which has fince involved us in one common deftrudion 1" IT was on the morning of the 23d ofAuguft, juft before day, z791. that a general alarm and conflernation fpread throughout the town of the Cape, from a report that all the negro flaves in the feveral neighbouring parifhes had revolted, and were at that moment carrying death and defolation over the adjoining large and beautiful plain to the North-eaft. The governor, and moft of the military officers on duty, affembled together; but the reports were fo confufed and contraditory, as to gain but little credit; when, as day-light began to break, the fudden and fuc. ceffive arrival, with ghaftly countenances, of perfons who had with difficulty efcaped the maffacre, and flown to the town K for

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68 HISTORY OF CHAP. for protection, brought a dreadful confirmation of the fatal VI. tidings. THE rebellion firft broke out on a plantation called Aoe, in the parifh of Acul, nine miles only from the city. Twelve or fourteen of the ringleaders, about the middle of the night, proceeded to the refinery, or fugar-houfe, and feized on a young man, the refiner's apprentice, dragged him to the front of the dwelling-houfe, and there hewed him into pieces with their cutlaffes : his fcreams brought out the overfeer, whom they inflantly fhot. The rebels now found their way to the apartment of the refiner, and maffacred him in his bed. A young man lying fick in a neighbouring chamber, was left apparently dead of the wounds inflicted by their cutlaffes: he had ftrength enough however to crawl to the next plantation, and relate the horrors he had witneffed. He reported, that all the whites of the eftate which he had left were murdered, except only the furgeon, whom the rebels had compelled to accompany them, on the idea that they might fland in need of his profeffional affiftance. Alarmed by this intelligence, the perfons to whom it was communicated immediately fought their fafety in flight. What became of the poor youth I have never been informed. THE revolters (confiting now of all the flaves belonging to that plantation) proceeded to the houfe of a Mr. Clement, by whofe negroes alfo they were immediately joined, and both he and his refiner were maffacred. The murderer of Mr. Clement was his own poftillion, a man to whom he had always fhewn great kindnefs. The other white people on this eftate contrived to make their efcape. AT

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S T. D 0 MI NG 0. 69 AT this juncture, the negroes on the plantation of M. FlaC H A P. ville, a few miles difiant, likewife rofe and murdered five white VI. perfons, one of whom (the procureur or attorney for the eftate) had a wife and three daughters. Thefe unfortunate women, while imploring for mercy of the favages on their knees, beheld their huiband and father murdered before their faces. For themfelves, they were devoted to a more horrid fate, and were carried away captives by the affaffins. THE approach of day-light ferved only to difcover fights of horror. It was now apparent that the negroes on all the eftates in the plain aded in concert, and a general maffacre of the whites took place in every quarter. On fome few eftates indeed the lives of the women were fpared, but they were referved only to gratify the brutal appetites of the ruffians; and it is fhocking to relate, that many of them fuffered violation on the dead bodies of their hufbands and fathers I IN the town itfelf, the general belief for fome time was, that the revolt was by no means an extenfive, bat a fudden and partial infurretion only. The largeft fugar plantation on the plain was that of Monf. Gallifet, fituated about eight miles from the town, the negroes belonging to which had always been treated with fuch kindnefs and liberality, and pofieffed fo many advantages, that it became a proverbial expreflion among the lower white people, in fpeaking of any man's good fortune, to fay il eft heureux comme un negre de Gallifet (he is as happy as one of Gallifet's negroes). M. Odeluc, the attorney, or agent, for this plantation, was a member of the general affembly, and being 4 full

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70 HISTORY OF C H A P. fully perfuaded that the negroes -belonging to it would remain V1I firm in their obedience, determined to repair thither to encourage them in oppofing the infurgents; to which end, he defired the affiftance of a few foldiers from the town-guard, which was granted him. He proceeded accordingly, but on approaching the eftate, to his furprife and grief he found all the negroes in arms on the fide of the rebels, and (horrid to tell!) their Jfandard was the body of a white infant, which they had recently impaled on aflake M. Odeluc had advanced too far to retreat undifcovered, and both he, and a friend that accompanied him, with moft of the foldiers, were killed without mercy. Two or three only of the patrole, efcaped by flight; and conveyed the dreadful tidings to the inhabitants of the town. BY this time, all or moft of the white perfons that had been found on the feveral plantations, being maffacred or forced to feek their fafety in flight, the ruffians exchanged the fword for the torch. The buildings and cane-fields were every where fet on fire; and the conflagrations, which were vifible from the town, in a thoufand different quarters, furnifhed a profpea more thockmg, and refletions more difmal, than fancy can paint, or the powers of man defcribe. CONSTERNATION and terror now took pofleffion of every mind; and the fcreams of the women and children, running from door to door, heightened the horrors of the fcene. All the citizens took up arms, and the general affembly vefted the governor with the command of the national guards, requefting him to give fuch orders as the urgency of the cafe feemed to demand. ONE

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S T. DOMING O. 71 ONE of the firft meafures was to fend the white women and C H A P. children on board the ihips in the harbour; and very ferious VI. apprehenfions being entertained concerning the domeflick negroes within the town, a great proportion of the ableft men among them were likewife fent on fhipboard and clofely guarded. THERE till remained in the city a confiderable body offree mulattoes, who had not taken, or affeaed not to take, any part in the difputes between their brethren of colour and the white inhabitants. Their fituation was extremely critical; for the lower clafs of whites, confidering the mulattoes as the immediate authors of the rebellion, marked them for defitruion; and the whole number in the town would undoubtedly have been murdered without fcruple, if the governor and the colonial affembly had not vigoroufly interpofed, and taken them under their immediate protedion. Grateful for this interpofition in their favour (perhaps not thinking their lives otherwife fecure) all the able men among them offered to march immediately againft the rebels, and to leave their wives and children as hoftages for their fidelity. Their offer was accepted, and they were enrolled in different companies of the militia. THE affembly continued their deliberations throughout the night, amidft the glare of the furrounding conflagrations; and the inhabitants, being ftrengthened by a number of feamen from the fhips, and brought into fome degree of order and military fubordination, were now defirous that a detachment fhould be fent to attack the firongeft body of the revolters. Orders were given accordingly ;

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72 HISTORY OF C H A P. cordingly; and M. de Touzard, an officer who had diftinguifhed "VI. himfelf in the fervice of the North Americans, took the comrnand of a party of militia and troops of the line. With thefe, he marched to the plantation of a M. Latour, and attacked a body of about four thoufand of the rebel negroes. Many were deftroyed, but to little purpofe ; for Touzard, finding the number of revolters to encreafe in more than a centuple proportion to their loffes, was at length obliged to retreat; and it cannot be doubted, that if the rebels had forthwith proceeded to the town, defencelefs as it then was towards the plain, they might have fired it without difficulty, and deftroyed all its inhabitants, or compelled them to fly to the fhipping for refuge. SENSIBLE of this, the governor, by the advice of the affembly, determined to ad for fome time folely on the defenfive; and as it was every moment to be apprehended that the revolters would pour down upon the town, the firft meafure reforted to was to fortify the roads and paffes leading into it. At the eaftern extremity, the main road from the plain is interfedted by a river, which luckily had no bridge over it, and was croffed in ferry boats. For the defence of this paffage, a battery of cannon was raifed on boats lafhed together; while two finall camps were formed at proper diftances on the banks. The other principal entrance into the town, and contiguous to it towards the fouth, was through a mountainous diftriA, called le Haut du Cap. Poffeffion was immediately taken of thefe heights, and confiderable bodies of troops, with fuch artillery as could be fpared, were tfationed thereon. But thefe precautions not being thought fufficient, it was alfo determined tofurrcund the whole of the town, except

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74 HISTORY OF CH A P. tains,/ were now wholly abandoned to the ravages of the enemy, VI. and the cruelties which they exercifed, uncontrouled, on fuch of ''*4 the miferable whites as fell into their hands, cannot be remembered without horror, nor reported in terms ftrong enough to convey a proper idea of their atrocity. THEY feized Mr. Blen, an officer of the police, and having pailed him alive to one of the gates of his plantation, chopped off his limbs, one by one, with an axe. A Pooa man named Robert, a carpenter by trade, endeavouring to conceal himfelf from the notice of the rebels, was ditovered in his hiding-place; and the favages declared" that he jhould die in the way of his occupation : accordingly they bound. him between two boards, and deliberately fawed him afunder. M. CARDINEAU, a planter of Grande Riviere, had two natural fons by a black woman. He had manumitted them in their infancy, and bred them up with great tendernefs. They both joined in the revolt; and when their father endeavoured to divert them from their purpofe, by foothing language and pecuniary offers, they took his money, and then flabbed him to the heart. ALL the white, and even the m4latto children whofe fathers had not joined in the revolt, were murdered without exception, frequently before the eyes, or clinging to the bofoms, of their mothers. Young women of all ranks were firit violated by a whole troop of barbarians, and then eneaally put to death. -ISome

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ST. DO M INGO. 73 except the fide next the fea, with a ftrong palifade and chevaux C HA P. defrize; in the ereding and completing of which, all the inhaVI. bitants laboured without diftindion or intermiffion. At the fame time, an embargo was laid on all the fhipping in the harbour; a meafure of indifpenfible neceffity, calculated as well to obtain the affiftance of the feamen, as to fecure a retreat for the inhabitants in the laft extremity. To fuch of the diftant parifhes as were open to communication either by land or by fea, notice of the revolt had been tranfinitted within a few hours after advice of it-was received at the Cape; and the white inhabitants of many of thofe pariihes had therefore found time to eftablifh camps, and form a chain of pofts, which for a fhort time feemed to prevent the rebellion fpreading beyond the Northern province (a). Two of thofe camps however, one at Grande Riviere, the other at Dondon, were attacked by the negroes (who were here openly joined by the mulattoes) and forced with great flaughter. At Dondon, the whites maintained the conteft for feven hours; but were overpowered by the infinite difparity of numbers, and compelled to give way, with the lofs of upwards of one hundred of their body. The furvivors took refuge in the Spanifh territory. THESE two diftri&s therefore; the whole of the rich and extenfive plain of the Cape, together with the contiguous moun(a) It is believed that a general infurreftion was to have taken place throughout the colony on the 25th of Auguft (St. Louis's day); but that the impatience and "impetuofity of fome negroes on the plain, induced them to commence their operations two days before the time. L tains,

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ST. DOMINGO. 5" Some of them were indeed referved for the further gratificatiotr 6 r1 A:i of the luft of the favages, and others had their eyes fcooped out with a knife. IN the parifh of Limbe at a place called the Great Ravine, a venerable planter, the father of two beautiful young ladies, was tied down by a favage ringleader of a band, who ravifhed the eldetl daughter in his prefence, and delivered over the youngeft to one of his followers: their paffion being fatisfied, they flaughtered both the father and the daughters. AMIDST thefe fcenes of horror, one inftance however occurs of fuch fidelity and attachment in a negro, as is equally unexpe&ed and affeaing. Monf. and Madame Baillon, their daughter and fon-in-law, and two white fervants, refiding on a mountain. plantation about thirty miles from Cape Francois, were apprized of the revolt by one of their own flaves, who was himfelf in the confpiracy, but promifed, if poffible, to fave the lives of his mafter and his family. Having no immediate means of providing for their efcape, he condu&ed them into an adjacent woods after which he went and joined the revolters. The following night, he found an opportunity of bringing them provifions from the rebel camp. The fecond night he returned again, with a further fupply of pro. vifions; but declared that it would be out of his power to give them any further affiftance. After this, they faw nothing of the negro for three days; but at the end of that time he came again; and directed the family how to make their way to a river which led to Port Margot, affuring them they would find a canoe on a part of the river which he defcribed. They followed his diL 2 re&ions,

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76 HISTORY OF C H A P. reaions; found the canoe, and got fafely into it; but were overfet VI. by the rapidity of the current, and after a narrow efcape, thought it beft to return to their retreat in the mountains. The negro, anxious for their fafety, again found them out, and direted them to a broader part of the river, where he aiTured them he had provided a boat; but faid it was the laft effort he could make to fave them. They went accordingly, but not finding the boat, gave themfelves, up for loft, when the faithful negro again appeared like their guardian angel. He brought with him pigeons, poultry, and bread;. and conduded the family, by flow marches in the night, along the banks of the river,, until they were within fight of the wharf at Port Margot; when telling them they were entirely out of danger, he took his leave for ever, and went to join the.rebels.. The family werez in. the woods nineteern aights.. LET us now turn our attention back to the town of the Caper where, the inhabitants being at length placed, or fuppofed to be placed, in fome fort of fecurity, it was thought neceffary by the governor and affembly, that offenfive operations againf the rebels fhould be renewed, and afmall army, under the command of M.. Rouvray,. marched to the eafternpart of the plain, and en. camped at a place called Roucrou. A very coniiderable body of the rebel negroes took poffeffion, about the fame time, of the large buildings on the plantation' of M. Gallifet,, and mounted fome heavy pieces of artillery on the walls. They had procured the cannon at different thipping places and harbours along the coaft, where it had been placed in time of war by the go. vernment, and. imprudently left. unproteted; but it was a matter

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S T. D-O M I N G O. 77 ter of great furprize by what means they obtained ammuniC H A P. tion (b). From this plantation they tent out foraging parties, VI. with which the whites had frequent fkirmifhes. In there engagements, the negroes feldom ftood their ground longer than to receive and return a fingle volley, but they appeared again the next day; and though they were at length driven out of their entrenchments with infinite flaughter, yet their numbers feemed not to diminifh :-as Loon as one body was cut off, another appeared, and thus they fucceeded in the objet of haraffing and deftroying the whites by perpetual fatigue, and reducing the country to a defert. To detail the various confliAs, fkirmifhes, maffacres, and fcenes of flaughter, which this exterminating war produced, were: to offer a difgufting and frightful piture;-a combination of horrors;-wherein we fhould behold, cruelties unexampled in -the annals of mankind;, human blood poured forth in torrents;. the earth blackened with afhes, and the air tainted with peftilence. It was computed that, within two months after the revolt firft began,,upwards of two thoufand white perfons, of all conditions and ages, had been maffacred.;-that one hundred and eighty fugar plantations, and about nine hundred coffee, cotton,. (b) It was difcovereC afterwards, that great quantities of powder and ball were ftolen by the negroes in the town of Cape Franqois from the king's arfenal, and': fecretly conveyed, to the' rebels.. Moft of the fire-arms at firit in their poffeffion. were fuppofed to have been part of Oge's importation. But it grieves me to add, that; the rebels were afterwards abundantly fupplied,.by fmall veffels from North Ame-rica; the mafters of which felt no fcruple to receive in payment.fugar and rum,, from eftates of which the owners had been murdered, by the men with whom they trafficked. and.

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7 HISTORY OF C H A P. and indigo fettlements had been deftroyed (the buildings thereon VI. being confumed by fire), and one thoufand two hundred chriftian families reduced from opulence, to fuch a ftate of mifery as to depend altogether for their clothing and fuftenance on publick and private charity. Of the infurgents, it was reckoned that upwards-often thoufand had perifhed by the fword or by famine; and fome hundreds by the hands of the executioner;many of them, I grieve to fay, under the torture of the wheel ;-a fyltem of revenge and retaliation, which no enormities of favage life could juftify or excufe (c). HITHERTO, my narrative has applied chiefly to tranfa6tions in the Northern province; I grieve to relate, that the flames of (c) Two of thefe unhappy men fuffered in this manner under the window of the author's lodgings, and in his prefence, at Cape FranCois, on Thurfday the 28th of September 1791. They were broken on two pieces of timber placed crofswife. One of them expired on receiving the third firoke on his flomach, each of his legs and arms having been firft broken in two places; the firft three blows he bore without a groan. The other had a harder fate. When the executioner, after breakig his legs and arms, lifted up the infirument to give the finifhing firoke on the breaft, and which (by putting the criminal out of his pain) is called It coup de grase, the mob, with the ferocioufnefs of cannibals, called out arretezl (flop) and compelled him to leave his work unfinified. In that condition, the miferable wretch, with his broken limbs doubled up, was put on a cart-wheel, which was placed horizontally, one end of the axle-tree being driven into the earth. He feemed perfealy fenfible, but uttered not a groan. At the end of forty minutes, fome Englifh feamen, who were fpe&ators of the tragedy, firangled him in mercy. As to all the French fpetators (many of them perfons of fafhion, who beheld the fcene from the windows of their upper apartments), it grieves me to fay, that they looked on with the moft perfe& compofure and fangfroid. Some of the ladies, as I was told, even ridiculed, with a great deal of unfeemly mirth, the fympathy maaifefted by the Englifh at the fufferings of the wretched criminals. rebellion

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"ST. DOMING 79 rebellion foon began to break forth alfo in the Weftern divifion. c I A P. Here, however, the infurgents were chiefly men of colour, of VIA whom upwards of two thoufand appeared in arms in, the parifk "of Mirebalais. Beingjoined by about fix hundred of the negro flaves, they began their operations by burning the coffee plantations in the mountains adjacent to the plainr of Cul-de-Sac. Some detachments of the military which were fent againft them from Port au Prince were repulfed;. and the infurgents continued to ravage and burn the country through an extent of thirty miles, pradifing the fame exceffes and ferocious barbarities towards fuch of the whites as fell into their hands, as were difplayed by the rebels in the North,. They had the audacity at length to approach Port au Prince, with intention, as it was believed, to fet it on fire; and fo defencelefs was the flate of that devoted town, that its deftuation feemed inevitable. Many of the mulatto chiefs, however, finding that their attempts to gain over the negro flaves on the fugar plantations, in this part of the country, were not attended with that fuccefs which, they expeted, expreffed an unwillingnefs to proceed to this extremity; declaring that they took up arms not to defolate the colony, but merely to fupport the national decree of the i5th of May, and that they were not averfe to a reconciliation. Thefe fentimentscoming to the knowledge of M. de3umecourt, a planter of eminence, he undertook the office of mediator, and through his welltimed and powerful interpofition,. a truce or convention, called, the concordat, was agreed upon the I tth of September, between the free people of colour, and the white inhabitants of Port a-u Prince, of which the chief provifions were an oblivion of the paft, and an engagement on the part of the whites,, to admit in: fulL

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80 HIS T O.RY OF C H A P. full force the national decree of the I5th of May, fo often mei* 1. tioned;-certainly the oftenfible, though perhaps not the fole 4and original caufe of the rebellion, INSTRUCTED by this example, and foftened, it may be prefumed, by the loyal and temperate conduct of the free mulattoes in the town of Cape Francois, as before related, the general afx791. fembly, by a proclamation of the o2th of September, declared that they would no longer oppofe the operation of the fame decree. They even went further, and announced an intention to grant confiderable indulgences towards fuch free people of colour as were not comprehended in it, meaning thofe who were born of enflaved parents. They voted at the fame time the formation of certain free companies of mulattoes, wherein the men of colour of all defcriptions, poffeffed of certain qualifications, fhould be allowed to ferve as commiffioned officers. THESE conceffions, at an earlier period, would have operated with powerful effect in the falvation of the colony; but they now came too late, and produced only a partial truce, a temporary and fallacious ceffation of miferies. The wounds that had been inflided were yet green and bleeding; and the dark and fullen paffions of difappointed pride, anger, malice, hatred and revenge, were fecretly burning in the gloomy minds of all parties. The flames were fmothered, not extinguifhed; foon to break out again, .with aggravated violence and greater fury than ever. CHAP.

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ST. DO M I N G O, 8 C H A P. VII Of the Motives whic. induced the People of Colour to join the revolted Negroes-Condui of. the Britijh Afociation for ith Abolition of the Slave 7Taat', and of t&h Society in Paris called Les Amis des Noirs-Letter friom A1b' Gregoire to the People of Colour-Repeal of the Decree of the i 5th Ay 1791.-Elfe&'s rf that Meafure-Civil War with the M2L:::..: renewed-Port au Prince c9'.-.by Fire-Cruelties exerci'id by both Parties-Arrival at Cape Francois of the Civil Conmmlj/ioners. SEFOR E I proceed to a renewal of thofe difgufting fcenes c H A P, -_Lof devaftation, flaughter, and ruin, which my duty, as a VI. faithful hiftorian, calls upon me to defcribe (happy if they ferve as an impreffive leffon to other nations !) it feems neceffary to remove fome difficulties which may poffibly have arifen in the mind of the reader, concerning the original and primary caufe of the juntion and co-operation of fo large a number of the negro flaves, in this rebellion, with the men of colour. That the whole body of the latter in St. Domingo had folid ground of comulaint and diffatisfadion, cannot be denied. There is a point at which oppreflion fometimes arrives, when forbearance under it ceafes to be a virtue and I mfould readily have admitted that the acual ftuation and condition of the mulattoes in the French illands would have made refiifance a duty, if it M did

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92 HISTORY OF C H A P. did not appear, from what I have already related, that the re-"VII. drefs of their grievances occupied the very firit deliberations of the firfr general affembly of reprefentatives that ever nmt in St. Domingo. Certainly, then, no julification can be odcred fbr thofe peflilent reformers, who cculd perfuade thefe un.rtunat people to feek that relief by rebellion and maficre, which was offered to th-l by the fipreme power of the country, :' a fportaneous and voluntary concefion ;-the homage of enlightened reafon on the altar of humanity. Concerning the cnfLaved negroes, however, it does not appear that the conducr of the whites towards them was in g: ..:1 reprehenfible. I believe, on the whole, it was as lenient and indul.gent as was confiftent with their own fafety. It was the rmulatto people themifelves who were the hard-hearted tafk-inafters to the negroes. The fame indignities which they received from the whites, they direted without fcruple towards the blacks; exercifing over the latter every fpecies of that oppreflion which they loudly and juilly complained of, when exercifed on themfelves;-and this is a true picure of human nature. By what means, then, it will be afled, were the negroes induced to forget their refentments, and join with thofe who were the conftant objets both of their envy and hatred ? IN order to reply to this queftion, with as much accuracy and precifion as the iubjed will admit, it is neceffary to recur to the proceedings of the two affociations, of which mention was made in the Second Chapter of this Hilory; namely, the Britifh aflfciation for the abolition of the flave trade, which held its meetings in the Old Jewry in London; and the fociety called 6 Lcs

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S T. D 0 M I N G 0. 83 Les Amis des Ncirs in Paris. A thort review of the condutc of C H A P, thefe focieties wi1l icrve not only to lefien the flirprize which Vimay be felt at the revolt of the negroes of St. Domingo, but al-o raife a confiderable degree of afto nii:tnent that the enflaved negroes in the Britiif iflands had not given them the example. I HAve obfervad, that the fociety in London pi.'je/d to have nothing more in view than to obtain an aft of the legiflature tfr prohibiting the further introdudion of African flaves into the Britith colonies. I have faid, that they difclaimed all in" tention of interfering with the government and condition of the negroes already in the plantations; publickly declaring their opinion to be, that a general emancipation of thofe people, in their prefent flate of ignorance and barbarity, inftead of a blefling, would prove to them the fource of misfortune and mifery." But although fuch were their oftenfible declarations as a publick body, the leading members of the fociety, in the fame moment, held a very different language ; and even the fociety itfelf (acing as fuch) purfued a line of conduCt directly and immediately repugnant to their own profeflions. Befides ufing every poffible endeavour to inflame the publick of Great Britain againft the planters, they diftributed at a prodigious expence throughout the colonies, trats and pamphlets without number, the direc tendency of which was to render the white inhabitants odious and contemptible in the eyes of their own flaves, and excite in the latter fuch ideas of their natural rights and equality of condition, as fhould lead them to a general ftruggle for freedom through rebellion and bloodfhed. In many of thofe writings, arguments are exprefsly adduced, in language which canM 2 not

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8 HIISTORY OF C i n\ P. notb e miLinderflocJ, to urge the negroes to rife up and muirder VII. their nmaiers w:rho Lt mercy.-" PReiliance," fay they, is al,,--.. ways juilifiabkwhere f3rce is the fubftitute of right: aor is '" the c: .... of a civil crne "7' i a fjate f laveqy. Th efc fen:inentt are repeated in a thonfand different forms; and in order that theminiht not lor their efeil by abftralrealoning, a reveren;i divine of the church of England, in a pamphlet addreiTed to the chairman or prefident of the fociety, pours forth the moat earneL prayers, in the moft undifguifed expreifons, that the negroes would deftroy all the white people, men, women, and children, in the Weft Indies: Should we "i not, (he exclaims) approve their conduct in their violence ? Should we not crown it with eulogium, if they exterminate their tyrants with fire and fivord Should they even deliberately inflil the misf exyiite tortures on thofe tyrants, would they not be excufable in the moral judgment of thofe who properly va" lue thofe ineftimable bleffings, rational and religious li" berty (a) ?" Befides diftributing pamphlets of this complexion gratis, at the doors of all the churches and places of worfhip in the kingdom, and throughout the colonies, the fociety caufed a medal to be ftruck, containing the figure of a naked negro; loaded with (a) This is a fair extract from a letter addreffed to Granville Sharp, Efq; ch; irman of the fociety in the Old Jewry, by the Reverend Percival Stockdale,. A. M. Of fuch writers the planters may well exclaim, Forgive them, they kn.w not what *i they do !" The fame ejaculation I applied to the learned and pious Samuel Johnfon, who poffeffed a negro fervant, and before whom he frequently gave as a toaft, dfpee6y rebelion of the negraes in J'amaica, andfuccefs t mo thm!" chains,

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S T. D 0 M I N G 0. chains, and in the attitude of imploring mercy; thoufands of C H A P. which alfo they found means to difperfe among the negroes in each VII. of the fugar iflands, for the inftrution, I prefume, of fuch of them as could not read; but, unhappily, this inftance of provident caution was not requifite; for fo many negro domefficks return annually from Europe to the Weft Indies, as conftantly furnifh a fufficient number of living inftrucors; and certain it is (I pronounce it from my own knowledge refpeding Jamaica) that the labours of the fociety on their behalf, as well as many of the moft violent fpeeches in the Britifh parliament, wherein the whole body of planters were painted as a herd of blood-thirfty and remorfelefs tyrants, were explained to the negro flaves, in terms well adapted to their capacities, and fuited, as might have been fuppofed, to their feelings. It will be difficult to fay what other meafures the Old Jewry affociates could have taken to excite a rebellion, except that of furnifling the objeas of their folicitude with fire arms and ammunition. HITHERTO, this fociety had ferved as a model and exemplar to that of Paris; but a difpofition to flop at half meafures conftitutes no part of the French character; and the fociety of Amis des Noirs reforted, without fcruple, to thofe meafures which their fellow labourers in London ftill hefitated to adopt: beginning with the clafs of free mulattoes, becaufe they found many of them in France, who became the willing inftruments of their purpofes; and who undertook to interpret to the negroes in the French colonies the wifhes and good intentions towards them of their friends in the mother country. Thus an opening was made towards conciliation and union between the two

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86 HISTO RY OF CHA P. two claffes. The negroes, apprized that it was only through "VII. the agency of the mulattoes, and the connetions of thofe people in France, they could obtain a regular fupply cf arms and ammunition, forgot or fufpended their ancient a;:nofities; and the men of colour, fenfible that nothing but the co-operation of the enflaved negroes (docile, as they fuppofed them to be, from their ignorance, and irrefiftible from their numbers) could give fuccefs to their caufe, courted them with fuch affIduity as gained over at leaft nine-tenths of all the flaves in the Northern province of St. Domingo. THERE feems however to have been fome apprehenfions entertained by the leading men among the Amis des Noirs, that the decree of the national affembly of the i5th of May, confined as the benefits of it were to the people of colour exclufively, (and of thofe, to fuch only as were born of free parents) might give rife to jealoufies and fufpicions, deftrutive of that unanimity between the different claffes, the maintenance of which was an object of the laft importance. To obviate any mifapprehenfions on this account, as well as to keep the mulattoes firm to their purpofe, the Abbe Gregoire wrote and publifhed his celebrated circular letter ;-a performance which, if the intentions of the writer had been as pure as his expreflions are eloquent, would have refleted luftre on his abilities (b). What effet this diftinguifhed piece of oratory may have had or the rugged and unenlightened minds of favage people, (b) The reader will find a tranflation of this letter at the end of the prefent Chapter. I pretend

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S T. D 0 M I N G 0. 87 I pretend not to afcertain. It is certain, that the Abb GreC H A P. goire was confidered by the negroes in St. Domingo as their Vi great advocate and patron ; a fort of guardian angel or tutelary deity; of the good effets of whofe benevolent interpofition and friendly offices their matiers unjuftly deprived them, and on whofe fupport and affiftance they might confidently rely, in the attempt, through rebellion and murder, to obtain juflice for themfelves. BOTH claffes of people being thus inftruced and p;rcl'.:,., the decree of the i 5th of May was the fignal of revolt, the warhoop of maffacre. From the clamour which it excited amongit all orders of the whites in St. Domingo (the lower clafils cfpecially) the people of colour, as I have fl:ewn, had reafon to apprehend that mifchiefs of an extenfive and alarming nature were meditated againft them. They were thus furnihed with a plaulible, and, had they meant to have ated fblely on the defenfive, a julifiable caufe for reforting to arms; but, unhappily, the firong tide of popular prejudice which prevailed in the mother country againft the planters, and the great majority which voted for the fatal decree in the national affembly, were circumflances that infpired them with fo dangerous a confidence in their own refources, as overpowered all confiderations of prudence, policy, and humanity. Ir muft be confidered, at the fame time, that the enflaved negroes (ignorant and deprefTed as we fuppofe them to be) could not poffibly be unobfervant of thefe combined and concurring circumftances. They beheld the coloured people in open hofti..lity .1

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88 HISTORY OF C H A P. lity againft the whites. They were affured, that the former VII. had the fulleft fupport and encouragement from the fuprener -legiflature of the mother country. They were taught to believe, that themfelves alfo were become the objects of the paternal folicitude of the king and the national affembly, who wifhed to refcue th rom the dominion of their matters, and inveft them with their eftates. It appeared from indifputable evidence, that .al,'rances of this nature were held out to the enflaved negroes ;-affurances which could not but excite their attention, awaken their faculties, and rouze them to action. Whoever flall calmly deliberate on thefe, and the other fadts that have been flated, will find no difficulty in accounting for the dreadful extent of this infurredion ; or in affgning it to its proper caufe, and tracing to the fountain-head thofe rivers of blood which frill continue to flow in this unfortunate and devoted colony (c) (c) In September 1791, when the author was at Cape Fransois, he dined with a large company, on board the frigate la Prudente, commanded by Monf )'oyeni (at prefent a diftinguifhed admiral in the fervice of the new republick, by the name of Fi!!aret) when, in the midft of the entertainment, a loud exclamation from the crew announced that the gunner was returned. This man, who had been miffing im, weeks, was immediately brought forward, and gave the following account cf the caufi of his abfence. He faid that, having gone on fhore, to colle& green meat for the pigs, he was furrounded by the rebel negroes, who were about putting him to death, -hen Jean Francois, the chief, finding that he was an officer in the kind's fervice, ordered that his life fhould be fpared, alledging that the king wnas their friend. They detained him however as a prifoner, and compelled him to load and point their artillery in the attack at M. Gallifet's plantation before-nentioned. On the defeat of the rebels in that engagement, he fortunately made his eicape from them. Some of the fhocking enormities and cruelties inflicted by the rebels on their white prifoners, as related in the preceding pages, were committed in this man's prelence. 13Tr

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ST. D 0 M I N G 0. 89 But it is now time to advert to the proceedings which ocC H A. curred in France, where we left Gregoire, La Fayette, RoberVII. fpierre, and the reft of the fociety of Amis des Noirs, exulting in the triumph they had obtained on the i5th of May; and perhaps waiting, in the ardent hope and expedation, that their obnoxious decree of that date, would produce thofe very evils which acually refulted from it. It was not until the beginning of September that information arrived at Paris concerning the reception which the account of this decree had met with in St. Domingo. The tumults, diforders, and confufions that it produced there, were now reprefented in the ftrongeft colouring, and the lofs of the colony to France was univerfally apprehended. At this time, however, no fufpicion was entertained concerning the enflaved negroes; but a civil war, between the whites and the mulattoes, was believed to be inevitable. The commercial and manufaauring towns,predicting the ruin of their trade and thipping, and the lofs of their capitals from exifting dangers, prefented remonftrances and petitions to the national affembly, urging the neceffity of an immediate repeal of all the decrees by which the rights of the planters were invaded; that of the 15th of May efpecially. The conftituent national affembly was now on the point of diffolution, and perhaps wifhed to leave every thing in peace. At the fame time the tide of popular prejudice, which had hitherto ran with fuch violence againft the colonifts, was beginning to turn. Moft of thofe members whofe opinions in colonial concerns, a few months before, had guided the deliberations of the national affembly, were now either filently difregarded, or treated with outrage; -a ftrong And firiking proof of the lightnefs and verfatility of the French N charater.

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o9 HISTORY OF CHAP. characeer. At length, a motion was made to annul the obVII. noxious decree, and (ftrange to tell!) on the 24th of September -'--' its repeal was acually voted by a large majority !-At this remarkable change of fentiment in the fupreme legiflature, it is neceffiry to paufe, and remind the reader of what was doing at the fame time in St. Domingo; where, as we have feen, on the 1 1th of that very month, the concordat, or truce, took place between the people of colour and the white inhabitants of Port au Prince; and on the 2oth, the colonial affembly of Cape Fran9ois publifled the proclamation mentioned in the latter part of the preceding Chapter. Thus, almoft in the very moment when the juftice and neceflity of the decree were acknowledged, and its faithful obfervance promifed by the colonial affembly, its repeal was pronounced by the national legiflature in the mother country To fuch repugnancy and abfurdity muff every government be driven that attempts to regulate and dired the local concerns of a country three thoufand miles diftant. Of the two meafures that have been mentioned, it is difficult to fay which produced the greateft calamities; the decree of the I5th of May in the firft inftance; or its unexpeaed repeal, at the time and in the manner related! Doubts had already arifen in the minds of the mulattoes of the fincerity and good faith of the white people,with refpeA to t-he concordat. Their fufpicions and apprehenfions had indeed grown to fuch a height, as to induce them to infift on a renewal and confirmation of its provifions; which were accordingly granted them, by a new infirument or treaty of the i th of Otober, and a fupplementary agreement of the 20th of the fame month: but

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ST. D O M I N G O. 91 but no fooner was authentick information received of the proC H A P. ceedings in France, in the repeal of the decree, than all truft VII. and confidence, and every hope of reconciliation and amity between the two claffes, vanifhed for ever. It was not poffible to perfuade the mulattoes that the planters in the colony were innocent, and ignorant of the tranfaftion. They accufed the whites of the moff horrid duplicity, faithlefsnefs and treachery; and publickly declared that one party or the other, themfelves or the whites, muff be utterly deftroyed and exterminated:There was no longer, they faid, an alternative. IN this difpofition, exafperated to frenzy, the coloured people throughout the Weftern and Southern provinces flew to arms. In the Southern province, a body of them became mafters of Port St. Louis; but the inhabitants of Port au Prince, having been reinforced, a fhort time before, by the arrival of fome troops from Europe, were better prepared, and drove the revolters from the city with great flaughter. They took poft in the parifh of Croix des Bouquets; but found means, however, before their retreat, to fet fire to the city, and a dreadful conflagration enfued, in which more than one-third of the buildings were confumed. OPEN war, and war in all its horrors, was now renewed. All the foft workings of humanity-what Shakefpeare calls the compuntious viitings of nature-were now abforbed in the raging and infatiable thirft of revenge, which inflamed each clafs alike. It was no longer a conteft for mere vitory, but a diabolical emulation which party could inflit the moft abominable cruelN 2 ties

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92 HI STORY OF C H A P. ties on the other. The enflaved negroes in the diftri& called VII. Cul de Sac having joined the mulattoes, a bloody engagement took place, in which the negroes, being ranged in front, and ating without any kind of difcipline, left two thoufand of their number dead on the field. Of the mulattoes about fifty were killed, and feveral taken prifoners. The whites claimed the victory; but for want of cavalry were unable to improve it by a purfuit, and contented themfelves with fatiating their revenge on their captives. Every refinement in cruelty that the moil depraved imagination could fuggeft, was pradifed on the perfons of thofe wretched men. One of the mulatto leaders was unhappily among the number: him the vitors placed on an elevated feat in a cart, and fecured him in it by driving large fpiked nails through his feet into the boards. In this condition he was drawn a miferable fpedacle through the city. His bones were afterwards broken, and he was then thrown alive into the flames! THE mulattoes fcorned to be outdone in deeds of vengeance, and atrocities fhameful to humanity. In the neighbourhood of 'feremie a body of them attacked the houfe of M. Sejourne, and fecured the perfons both of him and his wife. This unfortunate woman (my hand trembles while I write !) was far advanced in her pregnancy. The monfters, whofe prifoner fhe was, having firfl murdered her hufband in her prefence, ripped her up alive, and threw the infant to the hogs.-They then (how thall I relate it !) fewed up the head of the murdered hufband in --I !! -Such are thy triumphs, philanthropy! WITH

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S T. D 0 M I N G 0. 93 WITH thefe enormities terminated the dififtrous year 1791. CH A P, Juft before Chriflmas the three civil commifiioners nominated VII. by the national affembly for St. Domingo, arrived at Cape Francois. Much was expefted from their appointment by the friends of peace and good order; but the fequel will fhew that they effei ed very little towards refloring the peace of the country. T'ranfation of the Letter of ABBE GREGOIRE, BiFhop of the Department of Loire and Cher, Deputy of the National Aembly, to the Citizens of Colour in the French "eft Indies, concerning the Decree of the i Sth of May 1791. FRIENDS YOU were MEN;--you are now CITIZENS. Reinflated in the fulnefs of your rights, you will in future participate of the fovereignty of the people. The decree which the national affembly has juft publifhed refpefing you, is not a favour ; for a favour is a privilege: and a privilege to one clafs of people is an injury to all the reft.They are words which will no longer difgrace the laws of the French. IN fecuring to you the exercife of your political rights, we have acquitted ourfelves of a debt:not to have paid it, would have been a crime on our part, and a difgrace to the conffitution. The legiflators of a free nation certainly could not do lefs for you than our ancient defpots have done. IT is now above a century that Lous the XIVth folemnly acknowledged and proclaimed your rights; but of this facred inheritance you have been defrauded by pride and avarice, which have gradually increafed your burtheris, and embittered your exiftence. TI'E

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94 11 I S T O R Y 0 F C H A P. 1 Hi r......of the French empire opened your hearts to hope, VII. whofe cheering influenchas alleviated the weight of your miferis: "<--' miferies of which the people of Europe had no idea. Wvhile the white planters rcfident among us were loud in their complaints againfl miei:fierial tyranny, they took efpecial care to be filent as to their own. Not a hint was '., _.-'led concerning the complaints of the unhappy people of mixed blood ; who, notwithtanding, are their own chldren. It is ":', who, at the dc;ifncc of two thoufand leagues from you, have been. confrai,,ed to protect the:e children againft the negic&, the contempt, the unn'atural cruelty of their fathers S BuT it is in vain that they have endeavoured to fupprefs the juflice of your claims. Your groans, notwithftanding the extent of the ocean which feparates us, have reached the hearts of the European Frenc:men ;-for they have hearts. GoD Almighty comprehends all men in the circle of his mercy. His love makes no diftincion between them, but what arifes from the different degrees of their virtues. Can laws then, which ought to be an emanation of eternal juftice, encourage fo culpable a partiality? Can that government, whofe duty it is to protet alike all the members of the fame great family, be the mother of one branch, and the ftep-mother only of the others ? No, gentlem:en:-you could not efcape the folicitude of the national affembly. In unfolding to the eyes of the univerfe the great charter of nature, your titles were traced. An attempt had indeed been made to expunge them; but happily they are written in characters as indelible as the facred image of the Deity, which is graven on your counterances. ALREADY had the national affembly, in the inftructions which it prepared for the government of the colonies, on the 28th of March 1790, comprized both the whites and people of colour under one common denomination. Your enemies, in afferting the contrary, have publifhed a forgery. It is inconteftibly true, that when I demanded you flould be exprefsly named, a great number of members, among whom were 2 feveral

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S T. DO M INGO feveral planters, eagerly exclaimed, that you were already comprehended C HA P. under the general words contained in thofe inftrutions. M. Barnave VII. himfelf, upon my repeated inftances to him on that head, has at length '-v acknowledged, before the whole affembly, that this was the fa&. It now appears how much reafon I had to apprehend that a falfe conftru&ion would be put upon our decree NEW oppreflions on the part of your mafters, and new miferies on yours, until at length the cup of affliion is filled even to the brim, have but too well juftified my apprehenfions. The letters which I have received from you upon this head, have forced tears from my eyes. Pofterity will learn, with aftonifhment and indignation, that a caufe like yours, the juftice of which is fo evident, was made the fubjea of debate for no lefs than five days fucceffively. Alas when humanity is obliged to ftruggle fo long againft vanity and prejudice, its triumph is dearly obtained IT is a long time that the fociety of Amis des Noirs have employed themfelves in finding out the means to foften your lot, as well as that of the flaves. It is difficult-perhaps impoffible, to do good with entire impunity. The meritorious zeal of this fociety has drawn upon them much obloquy. Defpicable writers have lanced their poifonous thafts at them, and impudent libels have never ceafed to repeat objections and ca-lumnies, which have been a hundred times anfwered and refuted. How often have we -been accufed of being fold to the Englifh, and of being paid by them for fending you inflammatory writings and arms ? You know, my friends, the weaknefs and wickednefs of thefe charges. We have incefiintly recommended to you attachment to your country, refignation and patience, while waiting the return ofjuftice Nothing has been able to cool our zeal, or that of your brethren of mixed blood who are at Paris. M. Raimond, in particular, has devoted himfelf moft heroically to your defence. With what tranfport would you have feen this diftinguifhed citizen, at the bar of the national afemrbly, of which he ought to be a member, laying before it, the affecting pi6ture of your miferies,.

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96 HISTORY OF C H A P. miferies, and ftrenuoufly claiming your rights! If that affembly had VII. facrificed them, it would have tarnifhed its glory. It was its duty to L -decree with juftice, to explain itfelf clearly, and caufe its laws to be executed with firmnefs: it has done fo; and if (which God forbid!) fome event, hidden in the womb of futurity, thould tear our colonies from us, would it not be better to have a los to deplore, than an injuftice to reproach ourfelves with ? CITIZENS raife once more your humiliated countenances, and to the dignity of men, affociate the courage and noblenefs of a free people. The ISth of May, the day in which you recovered your rights, ought to be fcr ever memorable to you and to your children. This epoch will periodically awaken in you fentiments of gratitude towards the Supreme Being; and may your accents afcend to the vault of heaven, towards which your grateful hands will be extended At length you have a country. Hereafter you will fee nothing above you but the law; while the opportunity of concurring in the framing it, will affure to you that indefeafible right of all mankind, the right of obeying yourfelves only. You have a country: and it will no longer be a land of exile, where you meet none but tyrants on the one hand, and companions in miffortune on the other; the former diftributing, and the latter receiving, contempt and outrage. The groans of your afflitions were punifhed as the clamours of rebellion; and fituated between the uplifted poinard, and certain death, thofe unhappy countries were often moiftened with your tears, and fometimes flained with your blood. You have a country: and happinefs will Ihine on the feat of your nativity. You will now enjoy in peace the fruits of the fields which you have cultivated without compulfon. Then will be filled up that interval, which, placing at an immenfe diftance from each other, the children of the fame father, has fuppreffed the voice of nature, and broke the bands of fraternity afunder. Then will the chafte enjoyments of conjugal union take place of thofe vile fallies of debauchery, by which the majefly

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S T. D 0 M I N G .97 jefty of moral fentiment has been infulted. By what ftrange perverfion C H A P. ofreafon can it be deemed difgraceful in a white man to marry a black VII. or mulatto woman, when it is not thought difhonourable in him to be conneC&ed with her in the moft licentious familiarity! THE lefS real worth a man poffeffes, the more he feeks to avail himfelfordthe appearances of virtue. What can be more abfurd than to make the merit of a perfon confift in different fhades of the fkin, or in a complexion more or lefs fallow ? The man who thinks at all muft fometimes blufh at being a man, when he fees his fellow-creatures blinded by fuch ridiculous prejudices ; but as unfortunately pride is one of thofe failings we moft unwillingly part with, the empire of prejudice is the moft difficult to fubvert: man appears to be unable to arrive at truth, until he has exhaufted his ftrength in travelling through the different paths of error. Tins prejudice againft the mulattoes and negroes has however no exiftence in our Eaftern colonies. Nothing can be more affeaing than the eulogium made on the people of colour, by the inhabitants of that part of the world, in the inftruaions given by them, to thofe they have appointed their deputies to the national affembly. The members of the academy of fciences pride themfelves in reckoning a mulatto of the Ifle .of France in the number of their correfpcndents. Among ourfelves, a worthy negro is a fuperior officer of the diftri& of St. Hypolite, in the department of Gard. We do not conceive that a difference of colour can be the foundation of different rights among members of the fame political fociety. It is therefore we find-no fuch defpicable pride among our brave national guards, who offer themfelves to embark for the Weft Indies to infure the execution of our decrees. Perfetly concurring in the laudable fentiments manifefted by the inhabitants of Bourdeaux, they acknowledge with them, that the decree refpe&ing the people of colour, framed under the aufpices of prudence and wifdom, is an homage rendered to reafon and juftice. While the deputies from the colonies have endeavoured to calumniate your intentions, and thofe Qf the mercantile 0 part

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98 HISTORY OF C H A P, part of the nation, the condu& of thofe deputies is perfectly contra. VII. ditory. Ardently foliciting their own admiflion among us at Verfailles --fwearing with us in the Tennis Court not to feparate from us, until the conftitution fhould be eftablifhed, and then declaring, when the decree of the 15th of May was paffed, that they could no longer continue to fit with us! This defertion is a defertion of their principles, anda breach of their folemn oaths. ALL thofe white inhabitants of the colonies who are worthy the name of Frenchmen, have haftened to abjure fuch ridiculous prejudices, and have promifed to regard you in future as brothers and friends. With what delightful fer.fations do we cite the words of the citizens of Jacmel. We fwear to obey, without referve, the decrees of the national affembly refpe&ing our prefent and future conftitution, and even fuch of them as may fubftantially change it!" The citizens of Port au Prince tell the national affembly the fame thing, in different words. Conde" fcend, gentlemen," fay they, to receive the oath which the muni" cipality has taken to you, in the name of the commons of Port au Prince, pun&ually to obey and execute all your decrees, and never to fwerve from them in any refpe& whatfoever." THus has philofophy enlarged its horizon in the new world, and foon will abfurd prejudices have no other fupporters than a few inferior tyrants, who with to perpetuate in America, the reign of that defpotifin which has been abolifhed in France. WHAT would thefe men have faid, if the people of colour had endeavoured to deprive the whites of their political advantages ? With what energy would they not have exclaimed at fuch an oppreffion! Inflamed into madnefs at finding that your rights have been pointed out to you, their irritated pride may perhaps lead them to make every effort to render our decrees ineffe&ual. They will probably endeavour to. raife fuch difturbances, as, by wrefting the colonies from the mother country, will enable them to defraud their creditors of their juft debts. They have inceffantly alarmed us with threats that St. Domingo will be loft,

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ST. D MINGO. 99 loft, ifjuftice be rendered to you. In this affertion we have found noC H A P. thing but falfehood: we pleafe ourfelves in the belief, that our decree VII. will draw the bands ftill clofer which unite you to the mother country. Your patriotifin, your intereft, and your affe&ions, will concur in inducing you to confine your. commercial conne&ions to France only; and the reciprocal tributes of induftry will eftablifh between her and her colonies a conftant interchange of riches and good offices. If you at unfaithfully towards France, you will be the bafeft and moft abandoned of the human race. But no! generous citizens, you will not become traitors to your country: you fhudder at the idea. Rallied, with all other good Frenchmen, around the ftandard of liberty, you will defend our glorious conftitution. The day fhall arrive, when the reprefentatives of the people of colour will crofs the ocean to take their feats with us, and fwear to live and die under our laws. The day fhall arrive among you when the fun will fhine on none but freemen; when the rays of light fhall no longer fall on the fetters of flavery. It is true, the national affembly has not yet raifed the condition of the enflaved negroes to a level with your fituation; becaufe fuddenly granting the rights to thofe who are ignorant of the duties of citizens, might perhaps have been a fatal prefent to them : but forget not, that they, like yourfelves, are born to freedom and perfe& equality. It is in the irrefiftible courfe of things that all nations, whofe liberty has been invaded, ihall recover that precious portion of their indefeafible inheritance! You are accufed of treating your flaves much worfe than the whites: but, alas! fo various have been the detra&ions with which you have been afperfed, that it would be weaknefs in us to credit the charge. If, however, there be any foundation for what has been advanced on this head, fo condu& yourfelves in future as to prove it will be a Ifameful calumny hereafter. YOUR oppreffors have heretofore endeavoured to hide from their flaves the lights of chriftianity, becaufe the religion of mildnefs, equa0 lity,

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Too HISTORY OF CH A P. lity, and liberty, fuits not with fuch blood-thirfly men. May your V I. condua be the reverfe of theirs. Univerfal love is the language of the gofpel;your paftors will make it heard among you. Open your hearts to receive this divine fyftem of morality. We have mitigated your misfortunes, alleviate, on your part, thofe of the unhappy vidims of avarice, who moiften your fields with their. fweat, and often with their tears. Let the exiftence of your flaves be no longer their torment; but by your kind treatment of them, expiate the crimes of Europe I BY. leading them on progreffively to liberty, you will fulfil a duty: you will prepare for yourfelves the moft comfortable refletions: you will do honour to humanity, and infure the profperity of the colonies.. Such will be your condu& towards your brethren, the negroes; but what ought it to be towards your fathers, the whites ? Doubtlefs you will be permitted to fhed tears over the afhes of Ferrand de Baudiere, and the unfortunate Ogi, affaffinated under the forms of law, and dying on the wheel for having wifhed to be free! But may he among you perifh,.who fhall dare to entertain, an idea of revenge againft your perfecutors !I They are already delivered over to the ftings of their own confciences, and covered with eternal infamy. The abhorrence in which they are held by the prefent race of mankind, only precedes the execration of pofterity. Bury then in eternal oblivion every fentiment of hatred, and tafte the delicious pleafure of conferring benefits on your oppreffors. Reprefs even too marked exprefions of your joy, which, in caufing them to refle& on their own injuftice towards. you, will make their remorfe ftill more pungent. STRICTLY obedient to the laws, teach your childrento refpet them. By a careful education, iriftru& them in all the duties of morality; fo fhall you prepare for the fiicceeding generation virtuous citizens, honourable men, enlightened patriots, and defenders of their country How will their hearts be affe&ed when, conducting them to your fhores, you dire& their looks towards France, telling them, be"' yond thofe feas is your parent country; it is from thence we have received

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ST. DO M I N G O. zor received juftice, prote&ion, happinefs, and liberty. There dwell our C H A P. "cc fellow citizens, our brethren, and our friends: to them we have VII. fworn an eternal friendfhip. Heirs of our fentiments, and of our '' affe&ions, may your hearts and your lips repeat our oaths Live to love them; and,. if neceffary, die to defend them !" Signed, GREGO I-RE. Paris 8th June, 1791.CHAP. 'I

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z02 HISTORY OF CHAP. VIII. Reception and Proceedings of the Civil Commizoners, and their Return to France-National Decree of the 4th of April 1792Appointment of a new Governor (Monf. Defparbes) and three other Commjiioners (Santhonax, Polverel, and Ailbaud)-Their Embarkation and Arrival, with a feleSd Body of Troops-Their violent Proceedings-Appointment, by the Executive Council, of M. Galbaud as Chief Governor, in the Room of DefparbesHis Arrival, and Difputes with the Commjiioners-Both Parties proceed to Hoftilities-The revolted Negroes called in to the /Aff/ance of the Commfitoners-A general Mafacre of the White Inhabitants, and Conflagration of the Town of Cape Francois. C H A P. T HE civil commiffioners who were to reftore peace and viII. i fubordination in St. Domingo, and whofe arrival there J^ a7r' was noticed in the laft Chapter, were named Mirbeck, Roome, 1792. and St. Leger. Mirbeck and Roome had formerly been known as advocates in the parliaments of Paris; and St. Leger, who was a native of Ireland, had pradifed many years in France as a furgeon. Although the confufion of the times had elevated thefe men to power, not one of them was diftinguilhed for extraordinary abilities, and their rank in life was not fuch as to command any great degree of confideration from the planters. "+ They

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ST. DOM I N G O 103 They were received however, from refpeft to their appointment, CH A P. with politenefs and fubmiffion, both by the governor and the VIIL inhabitants. Military honours were fhewn them, and they were led in publick proceffion to the cathedral, where the bleffing of the Almighty was devoutly implored. for fuccefs to their miffion. THEIR firf: proceeding, after announcing the new conftitution and form of government for the mother country, as confirmed by the king, was to publifh the decree of the 24th of September 1791, by which the fatal decree of the i5th of May was annulled.. So far all was well: but a few days afterwards they took upon them to proclaim a general amnefty and. pardon to fuch people, of all defcriptions, as fhould lay down their arms, and come in, within a. certain prefcribed time, and take the oaths required by the new conftitution; This meafure loft them the confidence of all the white inhabitants: a general amnefty to the men of colour and revolted flaves, was confidered as a juftification of the moft horrible enormities, and as holding out a dangerous example to fuch of the negroes as preferved their fidelity; and it loft its effe&t on the mulattoes, by being; accompanied with a repeal of their favourite decree. With what contempt and indignity it was received by the latter, the following circumftance will demonftrate. At Petit Goave, themulattoes were mafters, and held in clofe confinement thirtyfour white perfons whom they referved for vengeance. On the publication of this amnefty, they led them to execution: but inftead of putting them to immediate death, they caufed each of them to be broken alive; and in the midft of their torture,$

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104 HIST ORY OF C H A P. tures, read to them, in a ftrain of diabolical mockery, the proclaVIII. mation aloud; affecting to confider it as a pardon for the Scruelties they had juft committed. THR unlimited and indefinite authority which the commiffioners feemed to claim, alarmed the colonial affembly, who defired to be informed of the nature and extent of their powers. To this requeft no fatisfadory anfwer being given, the commiffioners loft ground in the publick opinion daily; and their perfonal condut, as individuals, contributed by no means to acquire them refpet. Mirbeck fpent the greateft part of his time in the pradtice of low debauchery, giving indulgence to his vicious propenfities without reftraint or decency. St. Leger confidered his appointment as an authority to exa6t money, in which he was little fcrupulous, and laid the few mulatto people who remained faithful, under a moft unmerciful contribution. Roome alone conduted himfelf without reproach: he was a well-meaning inoffenfive man, and attempted, though without effe&, to at the part of mediator between the different fations which defolated the country. This praife at leaft was given him-that if he did no good, he did no harm. AFTER a fhort ftay at Cape Francois, the commiffloners vifited other parts of the colony; but finding themfelves every where very lightly regarded, and having no troops to fupport their authority, they returned feparately to France in the months of March and April. TROOPS

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S T. D 0 M I N G O 105 TRooPS however, as I have obferved, had arrived from France C HA P. to the number in the whole of about four thoufand; but, in the VIII. fpirit of the times, they manifefted very little obedience either to the civil commiffioners, or to the governor of the colony; yet they ferved as a check to the revolters, who would otherwife, in all probability, before this time, have become mafters both of Cape Francois and Port au Prince. In the Northern province, the rebel negroes indeed were fuppofed to be confiderably reduced by difeafe and famine. Having deftroyed all the provifion grounds, and devoured the cattle of all kinds on the plain of the Cape, they had now taken poffeflion of the furrounding mountainous diftrias, and were compelled by their chief leader, )ean Franfois, a negro of great fagacity, to plant provifions for their future fubfiftence; a meafure which has kept the flames of rebellion alive to the prefent hour. IN the mean time, the flate of publick affairs in the mother country was tending to a great and ominous change. Ever fince the flight and feizure of their unhappy king, in the month of June 1791, the faaion was hourly increafing in numbers which was foon to lay the kingdom in ruins, and bring the monarch himfelf to the fcaffold. The Jacobin party, headed by a bloodthirfty triumvirate (a), were becoming all-powerful; and the fociety of Anis des Noirs had once more acquired a fatal afcendency in the legiflative body. On the 29th of February, one of 1792. them, named Garan de Coulon, after a long and inflammatory harangue againft the planters in general, propofed the form of a (a) Danton, Robefpierre and Marat. P decree

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;06 4HISTORY OF C Ht A P. decree for abrogating that of the 24th of September, declaring a VIII. general amnefly throughout all the French colonies; and enating, that new colonial affemblies fhould be formed, which fhould tranfmit their fentiments not only on the fubjet of the internal government of the colonies, but alfo on the beit method of f'e5tig the abolition of negro flvery IN TOTO. FRANTICK as the new legiflature (b) had fhewn itfelf olr many occafions fince its firft meeting, a majority could not at this time be found to vote for fo fenfelefs and extravagant a propofition; but in about two months afterwards, this affembly paffed the famous decree of the 4th of April 1792, of which it is neceffary the reader fhould be furni(hed with a copy at large ; and. it is conceived in the words following : THE national affembly acknowledges and declares, that the people of colour and free negroes in the colonies ought to enjoy an equality of political rights with the whites; in confequence of which it decrees as follows: ARTICLE ift. Immediately after the publication of the prefent decree, the inhabitants of each of the French colonies in the Windward and Leeward Iflands fhall proceed to the reeletion of colonial and parochial affemblies, after the mode prefcribed by the decree of the 8th of March 1790, and the inftructions of the national affembly of the 28thz of the fame month. 2d. THE people of colour and free negroes fhall be admitted to vote in all the primary and ele6oral affemblies, and fhall be (b) The former affembly is generally known by the name of the Conftituent Affemnbly. The new one met the ift of O&ober x791, and called itfelf the Firft Lgjlative AffemlWy, eligible

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S T. DOMI NG O. 107 eligible to the legiflature and all places of truff, provided they CH A P. poffefs the qualifications prefcribed by the 4th article of the VIll. aforefaid inftrutions. 3d. THREE civil commiflioners fhall be named for the colony of St. Domingo, and four for the iflands of Martinico, Guadaloupe, St. Lucia, and Tobago, to fee this decree enforced. 4th. THE faid commiffioners fhall be authorized to diffolve the prefent colonial affemblies; to take every meafure neceffary for accelerating the convocation of the primary and eletoral affemblies, and therein to eftablifh union, order, and peace: as well as to determine provifionally (referving the power of appeal to the national affembly) upon every queftion which may .arife concerning the regularity of convocations, the holding of affemblies, the form of eleecions, and the eligibility of citizens. 5th. THEY are alfo authorized to procure every information poffible, in order to difcover the authors of the troubles in St. Domingo, and the continuance thereof, if they ftill continue; to fecure the perfons of the guilty, and to fend them over to France, there to be put in a ftate of accufation, &c. 6th. THE faid civil commiflioners fhall be direaed for this purpofe to tranfmit to the national affembly minutes of their proceedings, and of the evidence they may have colleaed concerning the perfons accufed as aforefaid. 7th. THE national affembly authorizes the civil commifioners to call forth the publick force whenever they may think it neceffary, either for their own protecion, or for the execution of fuch orders as they may iffue by virtue of the preceding articles. 8th. THE executive power is dire&ed to fend a fufficient force to the colonies, to be compofed chiefly of national guards. P 2 9th. THE

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lo8 H I STORY O F C H A P. 9th. THE colonial affemblies, immediately after their formaVIII. tion, fhall fignify, in the name of each colony refpeaively, their fentiments refpecing that conftitution, thofe laws, and the adminiftration of them, which will bell promote the profperity and happinefs of the people; conforming themfelves neverthelefs to thofe general principles by which the colonies and mother country are conneaed together, and by which their refpeaive interefts are beft fecured, agreeably to the decree of the 8th of March 1790, and inftrutions of the 28th of the fame month. ioth. THE colonial affemblies are authorized to fend home delegates for the purpofes mentioned in the preceding article, in numbers proportionate to the population of each colony,, which, proportion fhall be forthwith determined by the national affembly, according to the report which its colonial committee is& direfted to make. IIth. FORMER decrees refpecting the colonies fhall be ii force in every thing not contrary to the prefent decree." IT may be fuppofed that the men who (rejecting all pretenfions to confiftency, and defpifing the leffons of experience) firfl propofed this decree, and finally prevailed in carrying it through the legiflative affembly, had duly confidered of the means for enfuring its execution in the colonies, and were provided with fit inftruments for that purpofe. The new commiffioners no-minated for St. Domingo were Meffrs. Santhonax, Polvercl, and Ailhaud, all of them among the moft violent of the Jacobin faCtion; and it was refolved to furnifh them with fuch a force as (if properly employed) would, it was alledged, not only eftabliih their authority, but put a fpeedy end to all the dilturbances

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ST. DOMI N G O. o19 bances which had fo long affli(ted and defolated the colony. C HA P. Eight thoufand men, feledted with great circumfpedion, from VIII. the national guards, with officers whofe principles were well known to their employers, were accordingly ordered to embark forthwith for St. Domingo. M. Blanchelande, the governorgeneral, was recalled, and a new commiffion of commander in chief given to a Monf. Defparbes. THUS appointed and provided, the civil commiffioners and the new governor took their departure from France in the month of July, probably in much the fame difpofition of mind towards 1792. the colonifts, as was manifefted by the Duke D'Alva and his Spanifh and Italian troops in I568, towards the inhabitants of the Low Countries. Inflamed like them with a fpirit of avarice, fanaticifm, and revenge, they meditated on nothing but on the benefits to arife from feizure and confifcation; on fchemes of mifchief and projeas of vengeance. THEY landed at Cape Francois on the x3th of September, and 77922 finding M. Blanchelande at great variance with the colonial affembly, the commiffioners took the fhorteft courfe poffible to terminate the difpute, by forthwith diffolving the affembly and fending the unfortunate Blanchelande a ftate prifoner to France, where, as to be accufed was to be condemned, he foon afterwards perifmed by the guillotine (c). DISMAY and terror now prevailed throughout the colony. Delegates were fent to the civil commiffioners from all quarters, to (c) 7th April, 1793. demand

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Io HISTORY OF C H A P. demand an expofure and explanation of their views and intentions. VIII. Sufpicions were already gone forth concerning the projet, which "" the commiffioners afterwards avowed, of declaring a general emancipation of the negro flaves; and all parties, as well among the republicans as the royalifts, concurred on this occafion in reprobating the folly and iniquity of the meafure. So general was the clamour on this account, that if a firm and extenfive coalition of interefis among the planters could at this time have been effeaed, it is probable the commiffioners might have found that all the force they had brought with them would have proved inufficient for the purpofes which they meditated. Diffimulation therefore was thought neceffary for the prefent. They declared (and confirmed the declaration with the folemnity of an oath) that they had no wifh or intention to make any change in the fyftem of colonial government concerning the flaves; avowing the fulleft conviaion that the emancipation of thofe people, under exifting circumflances, was impraAicable.-Their views, they faid, extended no farther than to fee the decree of the 4th of April, in favour of the free people of colour, properly enforced; to reduce the flaves in rebellion to obedience, and to fettle the future government and tranquillity of the colony on a folid and permanent foundation. THESE, and fimilar, declarations filenced, though they did not fatisfy, the white inhabitants; who foon perceived, with unavailing indignation, that the commiflioners held fecret communications with the chiefs of the mulattoes in all parts of the colony. By the co-operation of thofe people, the commiffioners foon found their ftrength fufficient to avow themfelves openly the

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S T. D O M I N G O. II the patrons and proteAors of the whole body of the free neC H A P. groes and mulattoes: and they now made no fcruple of feizVIII. ing the perfons and effets of all fuch of the whites as oppofed their projeas, fending great numbers of them in a flate of arreft to Europe, to anfwer before the national affembly to the accufations which they pretended to tranfmit againft them. Among the perfons thus imprifoned and tranfported to France, were comprehended the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and many other officers of the Cape regiment. THE white inhabitants now called aloud for the eledion of a new colonial affembly, and hoped that the neceffity of levying taxes would induce the commiffioners to iffue orders for that purpofe; but inftead of complying with the publick requeft, they fubftituted what was called une commtfion intermediaire, by nominating twelve perfons, fix of whom had been members of the laft affembly, to at as a fort of legiflative council: the other fix were mulattoes. To this motley board, the commiffioners delegated authority to raife money from the inhabitants; referving to themfelves, however, the right of appropriating and expending it, as they alone fhould think proper. IN the meanwhile the new governor (Defparbes) began to manifeft fome figns of diffatisfation and impatience. He complained that he was confidered as a mere cypher in the government, or 'rather as an inftrument in the commiflioners' hands. His complaints were anfwered by the arreft of his perfon, and he foon afterwards followed his predeceffor, M. Blanchelande, flate prifoner to France. 9 FOUR

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112 H I S T O R Y OF C H A P. FOUR members out of the fix whites that compofed a moiety VIII. of the commijion intermediaire, met with fimilar treatment. They ^ -* ventured to offer their opinion on a meafure of finance, in oppofition to that of M. Santhonax. The commiflioners commended their franknefs, and M. Santhonax invited them to a fupper. The invitation was accepted; but at the hour appointed, they found themfelves furrounded by a detachnment of the military, which conveyed them to very forry entertainment in the hold of a fhip, and there left them as ftate prifoners fd). THE commiffioners, in the next place, fell out among them.felves; and Santhonax and Polverel determined to get quit of their aflociate Ailhaud. Prudently judging, however, that the publick degradation of one of their own body would reflea fome degree of ignominy on them all, they perfuaded him to be content with a proportion of the common plunder, and filently quit the country. Ailhaud fubmitted with a good grace to what he could not avoid. By thefe, and other means, above all by the pracice of beflowing largeffes on the troops, and the acquifition of a defperate band of auxiliaries, compofed of fome of the revolted flaves, and vagabonds of all colours and defcriptions, moftly colleted from the jails, Santhonax and Polverel, in the beginning of the year (d) To one of thefe gentlemen I am indebted for more valuable and extenfive information than I have been able to colled through any other channel. In his voyage to Europe, the fhip in which he was confined was (fortunately for him) captured by an Englifh frigate, which brought him to England, where I had the happinefs to render him fome acceptable fervice. 1793,

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ST. D 0 M I NG .3 1793, found themfelves abfolute matters of the colony. The lives C H A P. and properties of all the white inhabitants lay at their mercy, and vIII. the dreadful fcenes which were at that time paffing in the mother country, enabled thefe men to profecute their purpofes, and gratify their vindidive and avaricious paffions, without notice or controul from any fuperior. BUT the tragedy which was aaing in France, was no fooner brought: to its cataftrophe, by the foul murder of their amiable and unoffending fovereign, and war declared againfi Great Britain and Holland, than the perfons who compofed what was called the executive council, thought it neceffary to pay fome little -attention to the fafety of St. Domingo. Not having however leifure or inclination' t enter into a full inveffigation of the complaints received-from thence, they declined to revoke the powers exercifed by the civil commiffioners, and contented themfelves with appointing a new governor, in the room of M. Defparbes. Their choice fell on a Monf. Galbaud, an officer of artillery; and a man of fair chara&er, whom they direaed to embark for his new government without delay, in one of the national frigates, and put the colony into the beft flate of defence againft a foreign enemy. GALBAUD, with his fuite of attendants, landed at Cape Fran17939ois on the 7th of May, to the great joy of the white inhabitants. At that period, the civil commiffioners, with moft of their troops, were in the Weftern province, endeavouring to quell an infurredion there which their tyranny had createds fo that Galbaud was received vith acclamations and fubmiffion by the municipality of the .town of the Cape; to whofe place of meetQ. ing

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"i4HISTORY OF CHAP. ing he repaired with his attendants, took the neceffary oaths, VIII. and entered cn his government without oppofition, He declared, at the fame time, that he was not dependent on the civil commiiioners, and not bound to execute,'at all events, their proclamations. A VERY quick interchange of letters took place between the new governor and the commiffioners.. He defired them to repair immediately to the Cape, that he might communicate the inftruaions he had received from the executive council. They anfwered that he was an entire ftranger to them; that they had feen no decree of the national convention by, which they themnfelves were fuperfeded, and that being vefted with authority to fufpend or appoint a governor, -as: they alone might think proper, he could only be confidered as an agent fubordinate to themfelves :-They added, that they were then, affembling an army to fupprefs a rebellion in the town and neighbourhood of Port au Prince; but that as foon as the bufinefs was at an end, they would repair to the Cape, and examine into the validity of his pretenfions. 1793 ON the Ioth of June the civil commiffioners, having reduced Port au Prince and Jacmel, arrived at the Cape. The ftreets were lined with troops, and they were received by Galbaud with attention and refpe6. A very ferious altercation-however immediately took place between them,highly difadvantageous to the governor. There exifted, it feems., a decree of the national aflembly, enating that no proprietor of an eftate 'in the Weft Indies thould hold the government of a colony wherein his eftate was fituated; and M. Galbaud was poffeffed of a coffee-plantation-in St. Do* mingo.

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ST. DO M I N G. O. tr mingo. When therefore he was. afked why he had not acCHAP. quainted the executive council:with this circumftance, he was VIII. utterly difconcerted and had no reply to make. ON the 13th, the commiffioners ordered M. Galbaud to embark forthwith on board the floop of war La Normande, and return to France. At the fame time they fent inftruaions to Monf, dp la Salle, whom they had left commandant at Port au Prince, to repair to the Cape and receive from them, in the name of the French republick, the command of the colony. *THE feven following days were fpent on both fides in in-. trigues. and. preparations for hoftilities. Galbaud's -brother, a man of fpirit and enterprize, had colleaed from among the inhabitants, the Cape. militia, and the feamnen in the harbout, Sftrong party to fupport the governor's authority. On the 2oth, the two brothers landed at the head of one thoufand two hundred failors, and being joined by a -confiderable body of volunteers, immediately marched in array towards the government houfe,; in which the commiflioners were fationed. The latter were defended by the.people of colour, a body of regulars, and one piece of cannon. The conflia was fierce and bloody. The volunteers manifefted great firmnefs, but the feamen getting poffeflion of a wine cellar, foon became intoxicated and ungovernable; and the column was obliged to retire to the royal arfenal, where they remained.the enfuing night unmolefted. THE next morning many fkirmiflies took place in the ftreets, with various fuccefs, in one. of which Galbaud's brother was taken prifoner by the commiflioners' troops; and in another, the Qj2 feamea

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I6 H I S T ORY OF C H A P. feamen that were fighting on the part of Galbaud made captive "VII. Polverel's fon; and now an extraordinary circumftance occurred. The governor fent a flag propofing to exchange the commiffioner's fon for his brother; but Polverel rejeted the propofal with indignation; declaring in anfwer, that his fon knew his duty, and was prepared to die in the fervice of the republick. BUT a fcene now opens, which, if it does not obliterate, exceeds at leaft, all that has hitherto been related of fadious anarchy, and favage cruelty, in this unfortunate colony. On the firft approach of Galbaud with fo large a body of feamen, the commiffioners difpatched agents to call in to their affiftance the revolted negroes ; offering them an unconditional pardon for paft offences, perfed freedom in future, and the plunder of the city. The rebel generals, Jean Franfois and Biaqfou, rej e6ed their offers; but on the 2 ift, about noon (juft after that Galbaud and moft of his adherents, finding their caufe hopelefs, had retired to the fhips) a negro chief called Macaya, with upwards of three thoufand of the revolted flaves, entered the town, and began an univerfal and indifcriminate flaughter of men, women, and children. The white inhabitants fled from all quarters to the fea-fide, in hopes of finding ihelter with the governor on board the fhips in the harbour; but a body of the mulattoes cut off their retreat, and a horrid butchery enfued, a defcription of which every heart fufceptible of humanity muft be unable to bear. Suffice, it to fay, that the flaughter continued with unremitting fury frdm the 21ft, to the evening of the 23d; when the favages, having murdered all the white inhabitants that fell in their way, fet fire to the buildings; and more than half the city was confumed by x the

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ST. DOM INGO. 1i7 the flames. The commiffioners themfelves, either terrified at CHA P, beholding the lamentable and extenfive mifchief which they had VIIf. occafioned, or afraid to truft their perfons with their rebel allies, fought protection under cover of a fhip of the line. The proclamations which they publifhed from time to time in palliation of their conduct, manifeft a confcioufnefs of guilt which could not be fuppreffed, and form a record of their villanies, for which the day of retribution awaits, bufftill lingers-to overtake them (f) SUCH was the fate of the once flourifhing and beautiful capital of St. Domingo!-a city which, for trade, opulence, and magnificence, was undoubtedly among the firft in the Weft Ih dies,-perhaps in. the new world: and here I ihall clbfe for the prefent, the difgufting detail of confpiracies, rebellions, crimes, cruelties, and conflagrations (a uniformity of horrors !) throigh which the nature of my work has compelled me to travel;rejoicing that I have at laft Efcap'd the Stygian pool, tho' long detain'd In that obfcure ibjourn -MILTON. And have the pleating talk to perform of rendering due homage to the gallant and enterprizing fpirit of my countrymen in their noble-but alas! hitherto unavailing-endeavours to reftore peace, fubordination, and good government on this theatre of anarchy and bloodfhed. Previous to which, however, it will be a relief and (f) When this was written, the author did not know that Santhonax alone furvives. Polverel died in 1794, in ffome part of St. Domingo. Santhonax has lately appeared before the national affembly, and been pronounced guiltlefs! fatisfation

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u8 HISTORY OF "C F A P. fatisfa&ion to the reader to be prefented with a pikure or ftate of VIII. the colony, as it exifted in the days of its profperity;-its culture, population, and produce;-its growing importance andcommercial value. Hitherto,we have contemplated nothing but fcenes of defolation.-We fhall now behold a pleafing contrait in the bleffings of regular government: due fubordination, focial order, extenfive commerce, peaceful induftry, increafing cultivation, fmiling plenty, and general happinefs The conclufions to be drawn from the contemplation of fcenes fo different in their pature are of importance to all mankind. The Account given above of the DeJfruelion of the City of Cape Franfzois, a-'as drawn up with as much Caution as the Cafe jeemed to require, from Information tran/mitted to the Author by Perfons in Jamaica and St. Domingo, fame of whom dijfered in many efential Circumflances from others. He had afterwards an Opportunity ofconverfingperfonally on the Subje3t with a Gentleman of St. Domingo, on whbofe Feracity and Honour he could place thefulleik Dependance, by whom he was fzvoured with the following Notes or Memoranda in Writing, -which he thinks beft to lay before his Readers verbatim. NOTES SUR I'EVENEMENT BU CAP. LE General Galbaud avoit mandi au Cap les commiffaires Santhonax et Polverel, de la maniere la plus imperieufe; les commilfaires fe font d6termines a s'y rendre par terre de S. Marc, d'oi ils fotr

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ST. DOM IN G O. ii9 font partis Ie 8 Juin, accompagnes de 400 mulitres et 2oo blancs, et C H A P. cdmpris leurs coupe tete les dragons d'Orleans. Ils ont fait leur entree VIII. au Cap d'une maniere affez audacieufe pour en impofer. GALBAUD avaitdeja indifpof6 les habitans du Cap. par une addreffe, on proclamation, qui ordonnait une contribution de 450 mille livres, dont la perception a ete faite de la.fadon la plus violente, et qui tenait plus du pillage que d'une contribution. -LE General Galbaud n'avait fait aucune dicpofitions pour fe preferver des refolutions et des ehtreprifes des commiffaires, qui entrerent cependant d'une maniere menacante. A LA premiere entreviie des General Galbaud et des commiffaires, en la maifon de la commifllon (le gouvernement) apres les premiers compliments, ii y eut explication fur les pouvoirs du general; les commiffaires lui opoferent un decret qui deffendait qu'aucun proprietaire dans la colonie pit y commander ni y avoir d'autorit6; et accuferent M. Galbaud d'avoir diffimule au confeil executif qu'il avait des proprietis. PENDANT ce dernele, qui dura pres de deux jours, les agents des commiffaires preparaient les efprits ales laiffer faire, et a ne. point fe meler de la difcution, dans laqualle Santhonax prenait cependant une grande preponderance. GALBAuD, voyant que perfonne. ne s'empreffait a le foutenir, et prevoyant fans doute une chute humiliante, demanda aux commiffaires de s'en retourner en France, pr6f6rant la retraite, a des pouvoirs conteft6s; ce qui lui fut accorde fur le champ, et il s'embarqua le 14. LE 17 iGalbaud' riinit tous les matelots de la rade et ceux des vaiffeaux de guerre, et projette de defcendre a la ville du Cap; il fait fon debarquement le I8, et marche au gouvernement, ofi logeaient les commiffaires, qui infBruits des mouvemens de Galbaud, riinirent les troupes qi leurs etaient devou6es, et particulierement les iiulittes, et les embufquerent derriere les murs du gouvernement, dans routes les ifsiies, fur Ii

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120 H IST O RY. OF C H A P. fur les terraffes, &c. Auffitot que les matelots forent a portee de piftoler, VIII. on fit des d6charges, qui en tuerent et blefferent un grand nombre, nean" moins les mulatres furent ebranlks deux fois; mais le d6fordre dans les matelots determina le General Galbaud a faire fa retraite a 1'arfenal; 1R, il fit une proclamation pour inviter les bons citoyens a fe reiinir a lui, pour chaffer les commiffaires, qui voulaient ufurper le gouvernement. DMs-lors les commiffaires reiinirent aux mulatres tous les n6gres dela ville, qui avaient deja pris parti dans 'a6tion en affaffinant dans la ville; toutes les troupes qui leurs avaient fervis a leur expedition, et les placerent par pelotons a chaque coin des riies, et d&s qu'un blanc voulait fortir de chez lui, ou paraiffait aux fenetres, il etait fufill6. PENDANT ce tems, et dis que les commiffaires eurent appris les mouvemens de Galbaud, ils avaient depech6 des expres aux chefs des brigands, pour les engager a venir a leur fecours, et leurs offraient le pillage de la ville. LE 19 Galbaud capitule a l'arfenal, et fe rend abord: il y en mis en etat d'arreftation, ainfi que 1'Amiral Cambis, et le Contre-Amiral Sercey, qui font d6pouilles de leur commandement. UNE proclamation des commiffaires avait precedamment a cet' evenement, mis a contribution 37 negociants, ou riches particuliers, pour une fomme de 675 mille livres, qui parrait avoir 6t6 exig6e et pay6e fur l'heure. Le 19, au foir, le 20, le 21, les brigands entrent de toutes. parts dans la ville du Cap, ayant a leur tete leurs chefs, et on affure que M. de Graffe s'y eft trouv6 auffi. Le'-pllage, les maffacres, les flammes deviennent effroyables; les hommes, les femnmes les enfans font affaffin6s, maffacres, et 6prouvent toutes les horreurs imaginables. Ils ont eu la barbarie de renfermer et de bruler dans une maifon plus de 300 perfonnes toutes vives. LES malheureux de tout fexe, de tout age, qui cherchaient a fe fauver en gagnant des embarcations, ou a la nage, etaient fufill6s meme dans i'eau. JL

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ST. DOMI N G O IL parrait que dans le maffacre les nigres ont frapes indiftinaement C H A P. tous les parcis, blancs, mulatres, et que les blanes fe font deffendus contre VIII, tous avec un grand acharnement; nianmoins il parrait certain, que la population blanche a &t6 entierement detruite, et qu'il n'a pas refte un feul blanc au Cap; on eftime que, s'il s'eft fauv6 12 a 15oo perfonnes abord, c'eft plus qu'on n'ofe l'efperer. LE convoi eft fortie du Cap le 23 pour 1'Amerique, la majeure.partie ayant tres peu de vivres, tres peu d'eau, et plufieurs fans &tre pr6pare a ce voyage, fans mats ni voilles, & ceux qui ont recu les malheureux qui fe font fauvCs abord, n'y auront trouve aucune fubfiftance. LA ville incendi6e, detruite, fes habitans maffacres, on affur6 qu'il ne refte que le gouvernement, une partie des cafernes, l'arfenal, et les maifons du Petit Carenage ;-l'eglife et les fontaines detruites. LES commiffaires ont refte fpe&ateurs tranquilles pendant le carnage et le maffacre ; dans leur maifon on a vu Santhonax ferrer et preffer dans fes bras les chefs des brigands, les appeller fes fauveurs, et leur temoigner jeur reconnaiffance, LE 23 proclamation des commiffaires, qui invite et appelle tous les bons citoyens k fe reiinir autour d'eux, etde laiffer partir les fcelerats, qui vont aller fubir le jufte chatiment de leurs crimes, le convoi en parti le jour meme, & la ville fumait encore. R CHAP.

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zzi HIST O R Y OF C I A P. JX. Is tuation, Extent, and general Defrription of St. DoWtiZgo-Origin ofjthe French Colony, and 'opographical Defcription of the fJveral Provinces into which the French Pofef/ins were divided -Their Population, and Produce-Shipping and Exports-Compared with the Returns, of famaica. C H A P. T HE ifland of St. Domingo is fituated in the Atlantick IX. j Ocean, about three thoufand five hundred miles from Sth e la n d 's e n d o f E n g la n d ; t h e e a ft e r n p o in t ly i n g in n o r t h l a titude 180 20', and in longitude 68' 40' W. from Greenwich. The ifland extends about one hundred and forty miles in the broadeft part, from north to fouth, and three hundred and ninety from eaft to weft. In a country of fuch magnitude, diverfified with plains of vaft extent, and mountains of prodigious height, is probably to be found every fpecies of foil which nature has affigned to all the tropical parts of the earth. In general, it is fertile in the higheft degree; every where well watered, and. producing almoft every variety of vegetable nature, for ufe and beauty, for food and luxury, which. the lavifh hand of a bountiful Providence has beflowed on the richeft portion of the globe.. In that part which conftituted the French territory, the quantity of unproducive land bears no manner of proportion to the whole i

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ST. DOM I N G O. 123 whole; and the liberality of nature was laudably feconded by the C H A P. induftry of the inhabitants. Until thofe ravages and devaftaIX. tions which I have had the painful talk of recording, deformed and deftroyed, with undiftinguifhing barbarity, both the bounties of nature, and the labours of art, the poffeftions of France in this noble ifland were confidered as the garden of the Weft Indies; and for beautiful fcenery, richnefs of foil, falubrity and variety of climate, might juffly be deemed the Paradie of the New World. OF the territories which remained exclufively in poffeflion of the original conquerors, the Spaniards, my information is very imperfect. I fhall hereafter give the beft account I have been able to collea concerning them.-On the fouthern coaft, more efpecially in the neighbourhood of the ancient city from which the ifland derives its prefent name, the lands are faid to be among the beft, and without doubt a very large proportion of the remainder requires only the hand of the cultivator to become very productive. The interior country contains extenfive favannahs, or plains, many of them occupied only by wild fwine, horfes, and horned cattle; for the Spaniards having exterminated the fimple and unoffending natives, fupplied their place with herds of domeftick animals, which running wild, foon multiplied beyond computation. Thus does the tyranny of man convert the fruitful habitations of his fellow-creatures into a wildernefs for beafts! In the prefent cafe, however, the crime foon brought down its own punifhment;-a punifhment which anmolf revenged the wrongs of the helplefs Americans ;-and who does R 2 not

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xz4. HISTOR Y O F CHAP. n1t with that avarice, ambition, and cruelty may be thus always IX. entangled in their own projects ? THE reader is doubtlefs apprized that I here allude to the eitabhlihment in St. Domingo of that daring and defperate band of adventurers, the Bucaniers;-an affociation conitituted of men of all countries and defcriptions, but of whom it may truly be faid that, if felf-prefervation be a law of natuk, the hoftilities which they maintained for upwards of fifty years againft their oppreffors, were more juflifiable and legitimate in their origin, than all the wars which the pride and ambition of kingdoms and nations have occafioned, from the beginning of the world to the prefent hour. As the cruelty of the Spaniards firit compelled thefe men, from a fenfe of common danger, to unite their ftrength, fo the blind policy of flocking with cattle a country of fuch extent, became their fupport; for the flefh of thofe animals fupplied them with food, and they purchafed arms, ammunition, and clothing with the fkins. OF the rife of thefe people, and the primary caufe of their combining together to make reprifals on the Spaniflh fttlements, a fhort account may be neceffary. I have eliewhere treated the fubjed more at large (a).-They confifted originally of a body of French and Englifh planters, whom, in the year 1629, a Spanith armament had expelled from the ifland of St. Chriftopher, with circumfiances of outrageous barbarity. Driven from thence, by a force which they could not refift, as the only alternative of (a) Hift. of the Britith Colonies, Book ii. C. 2, cfeapinlg

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ST. D 0 M I N G .2 efcaping from flaughter or flavery, they fled in open boats with C H A P. their families, and poffeffed themfelves of the fmall unoccupied IX. ifland of Torfuga, fituated within a few miles of the northern -" coaft of St. Domingo. Here they were joined by a confiderable number of Dutch emigrants from Santa Cruz, whom the avarice and cruelty of the Spaniards had compelled, in like manner, to roam over the ocean for fhelter, after having witneffed the maffacre of many of their number, even to the women and children. Companions in adverfity, their misfortunes probably taught thefe poor exiles mutual forbearance; for, although they were compofed of three different nations, they appear to have lived for fome years in perfea harmony with each other. Their mode of life contributed to produce the fame beneficial effe&t: finding a country of immeafurable extent in their neighbourhood abounding in cattle, their time was chiefly occupied in hunting; an employment which left no leifure for diffenfion, and affordeid them both exercife and food. The plains of St. Domingo were confidered, however, merely as their hunting grounds: Tortuga continued their home, and place of retreat. Here their womer and young people cultivated fmall plantations of tobacco (an herb, of which, in hot and moift climates, the pratice of inhaling the finoke, feems to be pointed out by nature); and as the coaft was rugged, and of difficult approach, they fondly hoped that their obfcurity would protect them from further perfecution.. IF the government of Spain had been actuated at this time by motives of wifdom, it would indeed have left thefe poor people to range over the wildernefs unmolefted. It ought to have known, that the occupation of hunting diverted them from pro".jets

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r:z6 II STORY OF C H-A P. jets of vengeance, and deeds of greater enterprize; but tyranny IX. is without forefight, and the reftlefs and remorfelefs bigotry of the Spanifb nation allowed the fugitives no refpite. An armament was colleaed., and preparations made to effet their utter extermination ; the commanders of which, taking occafion when the.ableft of the men had reforted to the larger ifland in their ofual purfuit, landed a body of foldiers at Tortuga, and making captives of the women and children, the old and infirm, ca-ufed .4em all to be maffacred without mercy. IT does not appear that the miferable people who were thus purfued to deftrudion, like beafts of prey, had hitherto been guilty of any outrages or depredations on the fhips or fubjets of Spain, which called for fuch exemplary vengeance. Neither was it imputed to them as a crime that they had poTfeffed themfelves of Tortuga,:or that they roamed about the defarts of St. Domingo in purfuit of cattle which had-no owners. Their guilt confifted in the circumftance of being born out of the Spanifli territories, and prefuming neverthelefs to venture into any part of the New World; for the arrogant prefumption and extravagant felfifhnefs of this bigotted nation, led them to appropriate all the countries of America to themfelves. They claimed even the fole and exclufive right of failing on any fuch part of the main ocean as, in their judgment, conftituted a portion of the newlydifcovered hemifphere; and ftria orders were itfued to all their commanders, by fea and land, to feize on the fhips and fubjects of all other people that thould be found within the boundaries which they had prefcribed, and to punifh the intruders with 6 flavery

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ST. DOMINGO. 27 flavery or death.-We have feen in what manner thofe orders C H A P. were executed. IX. IT is evident, therefore, that no alternative remained to the occupiers of Tortuga, but to turn on their purfuers, and wage offenfive war on thofe who would allow of no peace with them. If the jufice of their caufe be fill a queftion, let the records of time be confulted; let an appeal be made to that rule of conduct, which (to ufe an eloquent expreffion of Lord Coke) is. written by the finger of God on the heart of man ; and let hifory and reafon determine, whether any inftance of hoftility, in: the annals of mankind, can be defended on better grounds. To fuch" men, in fuch a caufe, no dangers were too formidable, no obftacles too great. Inured by their mode. of life to the viciflitudes of the climate, united among themfelves, and animated by all the motives and paffions which can inflame the human mind' to great exertion, they became the moft formidable antagonifts which the Spaniards had ever encountered, and difplayed fuch. deeds of valour and fuccefsful enterprize, as (all circumfiances. confidered) have never been equalled: before or fince.. FROM a party of thefe adventurers (chieffy natives of Normandy) the French colony in St. Domingo derived its origin. By what means they were induced to feparate from their affociates in danger, to relinquifh the gratification of revengq and avarice,and exchange the tumults of war for the temperate occupations of hufbandry, it is neither within my province nor ability to explain. Many of them, without doubt, were men who had been driven from Europe by indigent circumflances and defperate fortunes.;

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128 H I S T 0 R Y 0 F C H A P. tunes; fome by the cruelty of creditors; and others, perhaps, IX. by the confciouhfefs of their crimes. Captivatcd'by the renown, and allured by the wealth of the Bucaniers, they joined in their expediticns againft the Spaniards from no better motives than thofe of plunder and rapine; and to fuch men nmua be imputed thofe outrages and exceffes which have flamped the proceedings of the whole affociation with infamy (b). But there is a time (b) I conceive, however, that thefe have been wonderfully magnified and exaggerated. The narrative called 7he HiLtory of'the Bucaniers, publifhed towards the latter end of the laft century, which has been quoted by writers of all defcriptins ever fince, as of unquefrionable authority, was originally written in Dutch, by ons John Efquemeling, who confeffes that he had been one of the Bucaniers, and was expelled from their fociety. The reports of fuch a writer ought to have been received with great caution; but there is a ftill fironger circumftance to excite fufpicion; and i is this: The Englifl work is not taken from the Dutch original, but from a S;'.; ,!. tranflation; and to fuppofe that a Spaniard would fpeak favourably of the Bucaniers, is the very excefs of human credulity. Not having the original book to refer to, I cannot pronounce with certainty; but I am of opinion, that many of the tragical ftories concerning the torture of the Spanifh prifoners, and the violation of the women, are interpolations of the Spanifh tranflator. I form this conclufion from the malignity difplayed towards the charater of the famous Sir Henry Morgan. If we may believe the account given of this gallant commander, he was the moft inhuman monfter that ever exifted. Yet this very man (who by the way a6ed under a regular commillion and letters of reprizal from government) after he had quitted the fea, was recommended by the earl of Carlifle to be his fucceffor in the government of Jamaica, and was accordingly appointed lieutenant-governor in the earl's abfence. He afterwards received the honour of knighthood from King Charles II. and paffed the remainder of his life on his plantation in Jamaica. By the kindnefs of a friend in that ifland, I have had an opportunity of perufing fome of Sir Henry Morgan's original private letters; and this I will fay, that they manifeft fuch a fpirit of humanity, juftice, liberality, and piety, as prove that he has either been grofsly traduced, or that he was the greateft hypocrite living; -a chara&er ill-fuited to the frank and fearlefs temper of the man, for

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ST. DOM I N GO. 129 for all things; and the change of life in there men confirms C H A P. the obfervation of an elegant writer, that as there is no foil IX. which will not fhew itfelf grateful to culture, fo there is no difpofition, no charader in mankind, which may not, by dexterous management, be turned to the publick advan" tage (c)." It was a happy circumftance in the infancy of their eftablifhment, that while they were too obfcure for the notice of the government, they had no check given to their induftry by the chill influence of poverty.v, To a fortunate exemption from the hand of power, and the facility with which they were fupplied with the common neceffaries of life, they were indebted for their prefervation and profperity. A mediocrity of condition, and equal freedom, excited the fpirit of emulation among them; but oppreffion would have produced difcouragement, and penury is the parent of floth. OF the progreffive purfuits of there people in extending the footing which they had obtained, until the French government accepted their fubmiffion, acknowledged them as faithful fubjeCs, and availed itfelf of their labours,--and the final ceffion to France of the weftern part of St. Domingo, by the peace of Ryfwick, the reader will find an ample account in the hiffory of this ifland by Pere Charlevoix. It is therefore unneceffary to detail what an author fo well informed in the ancient tranfactions of the colony, has written. All that the Englifh reader will exped from me, is an account of the political and topographical ftate of the colony, its population, produce, and exports at the (c) European Settlements, Vol, II. p. o09. S time

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"I3 III S T 0 RY F C HA P. time my Hillory commences; and thefe particulars will be founld IX. in what remains of the prefent Chapter. "THE poffellions of the French in St. Domingo, as I have elfewhere obferved, were divided into three great departments, called the Northern, the Weftern, and the Southern provinces. The Northern province comprehended a line of fea-coaft extending about forty leagues, from the river Maffacre, to Cape St. Nicholas, and contained (including Tortuga) twenty-five pariihes. Its population, in the beginning of 1790, confifted of 11,996 white inhabitants of all ages, and 164,656 negro flaves. The number of fugar plantations was 288, of which 258 made what is called clayed, or foft white fugar, and 30 mufcovado, or new fugar. It reckoned 2,009 plantations. of coffee, 66 of cotton, 443 of indigo, and 215 fmaller eftablifhments, fuch as provifion-polinks, cacaogroves, tan-pits,. potteries, brick-kilns, &c. OF the towns and harbours in the Northern. province, the: chief were thofe of Cape Frangois, Fort Dauphin, Port Paix, and Cape St. Nicholas. I fhall treat only of the firft and the laft. THE town of Cape Franeois (which in time of war was the feat of the French government) would have ranked among the cities of the fecond clafs, in any part of Europe, for beauty and regularity. It confifted of between eight and nine hundred houfes of ftone and brick, many of them handfome and commodious, befides. hops and warehoufes;, and it contained two magnificent fquares, ornamented each with 6 a publick

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ST. DOMINGO. 131 a publick fountain. The chief publick buildings were 'the C H A P. church; the Jefuits' college (converted after the revolution IX. into a government-houfe, and place of meeting for the colonial and provincial affemblies); a fuperb barrack for troops; a royal arfenal; a prifon; a play-houfe; and two hofpitals. The number of free inhabitants of all colours, was effimated at eight thoufand, exclufive of the king's troops and fea-faring people. The domeffick flaves were laid to be about twelve thoufand. The fituation of the town, however, was not to be commended. It was built at the foot of a very high mountain, called Le Haut du Cap, which abounds indeed with fprings of excellent water, and furnifhed a great fupply of garden vegetables, but it ferved as a fcreen from the land wind, and reverberated the rays of the fun. The town arofe to opulence chiefly from the commodioufnefs of its harbour, and the extreme fertility of the plain adjoining it to the eaft, a diftrit fifty miles in length, and twelve in breadth, appropriated folely to the cultivation of fugar (the plantations of which were divided from each other only by hedges of citrons and limes) and yielding greater returns than perhaps any other fpot of the fame extent in the habitable globe. THE town of Cape St. Nicholas confifts of about 250 houfes, which are chiefly built of American wood. It is fituated at the foot of a high bluff, called the Mole; but having been a free port, it was a place of confiderable trade, and particularly reforted to by the ihips of America. It is chiefly known, however, for the fafety and extent of its harbour, which is juftly called the key of the Windward paffage; and the fortifications S 2 towards

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132 HISTORY OF C H A P. towards the fea are reckoned among the ftrongeft in the Weft IX. Indies. On the fide of the land they are overlooked by the furrounding heights, and hence it is concluded, that although it might be difficult to take the place by an invading armament, it would be till more difficult to retain it afterwards, unlefs poffeffion was obtained alfo of the interior country. THE Weftern province began at Cape St. Nicholas, and ex.. tending along the line of coaft which forms the bight of Leogane, for upwards of one hundred leagues, terminated at Cape Tiburon. It contained fourteen parifhes, and five chief towns, namely, Port au Prince, St. Marc, Leogane, Petit Goave, and Jeremie; befides villages, of which thofe of Gonaives, Arcahaye, and Croix des Bouquets,, are not inconfiderable. The only good harbours in this great extent ofcoaft are thofe of Port au Prince and Gonaives. All the other fhipping-places are open roads,. Ibmetimes much expofed. PORT AU PRINCE (except in time of war, when the Governor General was direted to remove to Cape Frangois) was confidered as the metropolis of the colony. It was deftroyed by a dreadful earthquake on the 3d of June 1770, and had never been completely rebuilt. In 1790 it confifted of about 600 houfes, and contained 2,754 white inhabitants (d). The fituation is low and marfhy, and the climate, in confequehce, very unhealthy. It is furrounded moreover by hills, which command (d) The free people of colour were eftimated at 4,000, and the enflaved negroes at about 8,000ooo: but being comprehended in the general return for the whole diftri&t, they are no where afcertained with precifionb both

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ST. DOMINGO. 133 both the town and the harbour; but both the hills and the CH A P. vallies are abundantly fertile. To the eaft is fituated the noble IX1 plain of Cul de Sac, extending from thirty to forty miles in length by nine in breadth, and it contained one hundred and fifty fugar-plantations, moft of which were capable of being watered in times of drought, by canals admirably contrived and difpofed for that purpofe. The circumjacent mountains were at the fame time clothed with plantations of coffee, which extended quite to the Spanifli fettlements. THE population and flate of agriculture in the Weflern province were as follow: white inhabitants of all ages 12,798; negroes in a ftate offlavery 192,961 ; plantations of clayed fugar 135, of mufcovado 222. Plantations of coffee 894, of cotton .89, of indigo 1952, befides 343 fmaller fettlements. THE Southern province, extending upwards of fxty leagues from Cape Tiburon, along the fouthern coaft of the ifland to L'Ance a Pitre, contained ten parifles, and two chief towns, Aux Cayes and Jacmel; two places of which I hLall hereafter have occafion to fpeak. It poffeffes no fafe harbours, and its roads are dangerous. The thipping that load at Aux Cayes take refuge during the hurricane feafon at La Baye des Flamands. THE population in this department was compofed of 6,037 whites, and 76,812 negro flaves. Its ciftblrifiments confifted of 38 plantations of white fugar, and i o of mufcovado; 214 coffee-plantations, 234 of cotton, 765 of indigo, and I 19 fmnallcr fettlements. THE

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134 H IS T O R Y O F C H A .THE quantity of land in cultivation throughout all the paIX. rilhes was 763,923 carreaux (e), equal to 2,289,480 Englifh -"d acres, of which about two-thirds were fituated in the mountains ; and that the reader may have a ftate of the agriculture at one view, I thall fubjoin a fumnmary of the preceding accounts, from whence it will appear that the French colony contained, the be...i!.., of 1790, 431 plantations of clayed fugar, "362 --of mufcovado. T.otal -793 plantations of fugar, 3,117 ---of coffee, 789 .--of cotton, 3,160 ---of indigo, 54 ---of cacao, or chocolate, 623 fmaller fettlements, chiefly for raifing ,.i .1. yams, and other vegetable food. laking -8,536 eftabliinhments of all kinds throughout the colony. THE population in 1790, on a like iunmiary, appears to have been 30,831 whites of both fexes and all ages (exclufive (e') The carreau of land in St. Domingo is 1oo yards f-uare, of 3F French feet each; the fuperficies 122,500 feet. The Paris foot is divided into twelve inches, and each inch into twelve lines; wherefore, if we fuppofe each line to be divided into 310 parts, the Paris foot will be I44. parts, the London 1350. Thefe proportions were fettled by the Royal Academy of Sciences. The Jamaica acre contains 43,56C Englifh feet fuperficial meafure ; which being multiplied by i,'-,o, and the total divided by 1 ,4o0, gives .S, :-* or o nc-third part of tbi :'French cr:::,u.

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ST. DOMI N GO. 135 of European troops and fea-faring people), and 434,429 negro C H A P. flaves. In this account, however, the domeftick flaves, and IX. negro mechanicks employed in the feveral towns, are not comprehended. They amounted to about 46,000, which made the number of negro ilaves throughout the colony 480,000. OF the free people of colour, no very accurate account wasT obtained. Monf Marbois, the intendant, reported them in 1787 at about 20,000. In 1790, the general opinion fixed, them at 24,000. THE exterior appearance of the colony, as I have obferved irt another place, every where demonftrated great and increafing: profperity.. Cultivation was making rapid advances over the country. The towns abounded in warehoufes, which were filled with the richeft commodities and produtions of Europe, and the harbours were crouded with fhipping. There were freighted, in 1787, 470 fhips, containing 112,253 tons, andna-vigated by 1,220 feamen. Many of them were veffels. of very large burthen; and the following is an accurate account, from, the intendant's reports, of the general exports, on an average of the years 1787, 1788, and 1789; viz. AVER A.E

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136 H I S T 0 RY 0 F CHAP. AVERAGE EXPORTS FROM THE FRENCH PART OF IX. I_._ ST. DOMINGO, BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. Livres. Clayed fugar --lbs. 38,642,214 -41,049,549 Mufcovado --lbs. 86,549,829 -34,619,931 Coffee ---lbs. 71,663,187 -71,663,187 Cotton ---lbs. 6,698,858 -12,397,716 Indigo ---Hhds. 951,607 -8,564,463 Molaffes ---Hhds. 23,061 -2,767,320 An inferior fort of rum, cal-Hhds. 2,60 -3 led taffia -Hhds 2,600312,000 Raw hides ---N 6,500 -5,2000 Tanned ditto ---N 7,900 -118,500 The total value at the ports of fhipping, in livres of St. Domingo, was ---171,544,666 being equal to £. 4,765,129 fterling money of Great Britain. IF this ftatement be compared by the rule of proportion with the exports from Jamaica, the refult will be confiderably in favour of St. Domingo, i. e. it will be found that the planters of Jamaica receive fmaller returns from the labours of their negroes, in proportion to their numbers, than the planters of St. Domingo have received from theirs. For this difference various caufes have been affigned, and advantages allowed, and qualities afcribed to the French planters, which I venture to pronounce, on full enquiry, had no exiftence. The true caufe arofe, undoubtedly, from the fuperior fertility of the foil; and, above all, from the prod;gious benefit which refulted to the French planters from the fyftem § of

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ST. D OMIN G .137 of watering their fugar-lands in dry weather. This is an adC H A P. vantage which nature has denied to the lands in Jamaica, 4Xexcept in a very few places; but has freely beffowed on many parts of St. Domingo; and the planters there availed themfelves of it with the happieft fuccefs (f). (f) Having made diligent enquiry into the average produce of the French fugar-lands while on the fpot, I venture to give the following eftimate, as nearly founded in truth as the fubje& will admit. In the North, the diftrias of Ouanaminthe, Maribaroux, and Quartier Dauphin, generally yielded from fix to feven thoufand pounds weight of mufcovad. fugar for each carreau in canes; the average is -6,5oo Jaquizi ---7,000 Limonade ---9,0oo Quartier Morin -----6,000 Plaine du Nord, Limb", Petite Anfe --5,000 The average of the whole is 6,700 lbs. each carreau.-This part of St. Domingo was not watered. In the Weft-St. Marc, L'Artibonite, and Gonaives, each carreau yielded .--.8,50o Vazes, Arcahaye, Boucaffin --1o,ooo Cul de Sac ---9,000 Leogane -.--6,500 ---34,oo; The average is 8,50o lbs. the carreau.-All thefe diftriets were watered. In the South-the diftrias of Grand-Goave, Aux-Cayes, Plaine du Fond, L'Iflet, &c. which likewife were watered, yielded ---7,500 The general average, on the whole, is 7,500 lbs. from each carreau in canes; to which add 8 A per cent. for the difference between the Englifh and French weights, the total is 8,137 lbs. for every three acres Englifl, or 2,712 lbs. per acre being nearly two-thirds more than the general yielding of all the land in canes throughout Jamaica. T ANB

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138 HI STORY OF C HA P. AND fuch, in the days of its profperity, was the French IX. colony in the ifland of St. Domingo. I have now prefented to my readers both fides of the medal. To GREAT BRITAIN, above all other nations of the earth, the fats which I have related may furnifh an important leffon; and it is fuch a one as. requires no comment! CHAP.

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ST. D 0 1 I N G O. CHAP. X. Emigrations-Overtures to the Britij Government acceptedSituation and Strength of the Republican Party in St. Domingo, and Difpojition of the Inhabitants-Negro Slavery abolihed by the French Commiifioners-Armament allotted for the Invafion of the Country-Surrender of Jeremie and the Mole at Cape St. Nicholas-Unfuccefsful Attempt on Cape Tiburon-Further Proceedings of the Brit/h Army until the Arrival of General FWhyte--Capture of Port au Prince. T HE deftrution of the beautiful city of Cape Frangois, C H A P. and the maffacre of moft of the white inhabitants, were X. the fad events which terminated our hiftorical detail at the clofe of the Eighth Chapter. It was obferved, however, that M. Galbaud and his partizans, among whom were comprehended many refpectable families, had fortunately embarked on the fhips in the harbour, juft before the revolted negroes entered the town. Happy to fly from a country devoted to ruin, they dire6ted their courfe to the united flates of North America; and to the honour of the human charader (debafed as we have beheld it in other fituations) they found there, what great numbers of their unhappy fellow-citizens had found before them, a refuge from the reach of perfecution, and an afylum from the preffure of poverty. T 2 EMIGRATION,

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140 HI:S T 0R Y OF c H A P. EMIGRATIONS from all parts of St. Domingo had indeed X. prevailed to a very great extent, ever fince the revolt of the negroes in the Northern province. Many of the planters had removed with their families to the neighbouring iflands: fome of them had taken refuge in Jamaica; and it was fuppofed that not lefs than ten thoufand had tranfported themfelves, at various times, to different parts of the continent of America. Moft of thefe were perfons of peaceable tempers, who fought only to procure the mere neceffaries of life in fafety and quiet. The principal among the planters, having other obje6ts in view, had repaired to Great Britain. It is a circumftance within my own knowledge, that fo early as the latter end of 1791 (long before the commencement of hofRilities between France and England) many of them had made application to the King's miniflers, requefting that an armament might be fent to take poffeffion of the country for the king of Great Britain, and receive the allegiance of the inhabitants. They afferted (I am afraid with much greater confidence than truth) that all claffes of the people withed to place themfelves under the Englilh dominion, and that, on the firit appearance of a Britith fquadron, the colony would furrender without a ftruggle. To thefe reprefentationo no attention was at that time given; but at length, after the national affembly had thought proper to declare war againft Great Britain, the Englilh miniffry began to liften, with fome degree of complacency, to the overtures which were again made to them, to the fame effet, by the planters of St. Domingo. In the fummer of 1793, a M. Charmilly (one of thofe planters) was furni(hed with difpatches from the fecretary of flate to General Williamfon, the lieutenant-governor and commander in 6 chief

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ST. DO M I N G O. 141 chief of Jamaica, fignifying the king's pleafure (with allowance C HA P. X. of great latitude however to the governor's difcretion) that he fhould accept terms of capitulation from the inhabitants of fuch parts of St. Domingo as folicited the protetion of the Britifh government; and for that purpofe the governor was authorized to detach, from the troops under his command in Jamaica, fuch a force as fhould be thought fufficient to take and retain poffeffion of all the places that might be furrendered, until reinforcements fhould arrive from England. M. Charmilly, having thus delivered the orders and inftrutions with which he was entrufted, fent an agent without delay to Jeremie (a), a fmall port and town in the diftrit of Grand Ance, to which he belonged, to prepare the loyal inhabitants for a vifit from their new allies and proteaors the Englifh. BUT, before we proceed to detail the operations which followed this determination of the Britifh cabinet, it feems neceffary, as well for the fatisfa6tion of the reader, as in juftice to the gallantry and good condua of the officers and men who were afterwards fent to St. Domingo, that fome account fhould be given of the difficulties which were to arife, and the force that was to be encountered in this attempt to annex fo great and valuable a colony to the Britifh dominion. I am well apprized that I am here treading on tender ground; but if it fhall appear, as unhappily it will, that the perfons at whofe inftance and entreaty the projet was adopted, either meant to deceive, or were themfelves grofsly deceived, in the reprefentations which they made to the Englifh government .pn this occafion, it is my province and my (a) It is fituated juft within the Bight of Leogane. T 3 duty

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142 HISTORY OF CHAP. duty to place the failure which has enfued to its proper account. X. .._ The hiftorian who, in fich cafes, from fear, favour, or affection, fuppreffes the communication of facts, is hardly lefs culpable than the facious or venal writer, who facrifices the interefts of truth, and the dignity of hiftory, to the prejudices of party. THE republican commiffioners, as the reader has been informed, had brought with them from France fix thoufand chofen troops; which, added to the national force.already in the colony, and the militia of the country, conflituted a body of fourteen or fifteen thoufand effedive whites; to whom were joined the greateft part of the free negroes and mulattoes, befides a motley but defperate band of all complexions and defcriptions, chiefly flaves which had deferted from their owners, and negroes colleded fom the jails. All thefe, amounting in the whole to about twenty-five thoufand effeaives, were brought into fome degree of order and difcipline; were well armed, and, what is of infinite importance, were, in a confiderable degree, inured to the climate. Being neceffarily difperfed, however, in detachments throughout the different provinces, they were become on that account lefs formidable to an invading enemy. Aware of this circumftance, the commiffioners, on the firft intimation of an attack from the Englifh, reforted to the moft defperate expedient to ftrengthen their party, that imagination can conceive. They declared by proclamation all manner of flavery abolifhed, and pronounced the negro flaves to be from thenceforward a free people, on condition of reforting to their flandard. From this moment it might have been forefeen that the colony was loft to Europe; for though but few of the negroes, in proportion to the whole, joined the commiffioners, many thoufands choofing 3 to

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S T. DOMING O. 4, to continue flaves as they were, and participate in the fortunes of C H A P.their mafters, yet vaft numbers in all parts of the colony (appre. X. henfive probably that this offer of liberty was too great a favour to be permanent) availed themfelves of it to fecure a retreat to the mountains, and poffefs themfelves of the natural faftneffes "which the interior country affords. Succeffive bodies have fince joined them, and it is believed that upwards of 1oo;ooo have eftablifhed themfelves, in thofe receffes, into a fort of favage republick, like that of the black Charaibes of St. Vincent, where they fubfifton the fpontaneousfruits of the earth, and the wild cattle which they procure by hunting; prudently declining offenfive war, and trufting their fafety to the rocky fortreffes which nature has raifed around them, and from which, in my opinion;, it will be no eafy undertaking to diflodge them (b). OF the revolted negroes in the Nbrthern province, many had perifhed of difeafe and famine; but a defperate band, amounting as it was fuppofed to upwards of 40,000, inured to war, and pradifed indevaftation and murder, ftill continued in arms. Thefe (b) The proclamation alluded to, wasifued at Port au Prince the latter end of Auguft, and was figned by Polverel alone, Santhonax being at that time in the Northern province. It begins by declaring, that neither himfelfnor Santhonax are recalled or difgraced. That, in order to encourage the negro flaves to affift in opppfing the meditated invafion of the Englifh, all manner of flavery is abolifhed ; and the negroes are thenceforward to confider. themfelves as free citizens. It thenr expatiates upon the neceffity of labour, and tells the negroes that they muff engage' to work as ufual, from year to year; but that they are at liberty to make choice of their refpeftive mafters. That one third of the crop fhall be appropriated annually to the purchafe of clothing and provifions for their maintenance and that in the oontbh

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J44 HISTORY OF C H A P. Thefe were ready to pour down, as occafion might offer, on all X. nations alike; and, inftead of joining the Englifh on their landJ ing, would rejoice to facrifice both the viAors and the vanquifhed, the invaders and invaded, in one common deftruction. CONCERNING the white proprietors, on whom alone our dependence was placed, a large proportion, as we have feen, perhaps more than one half of the whole, had quitted the country. Of thofe that remained,fome there were, undoubtedly, who fincerely wifhed for the reftoration of order, and the bleffings of regular government; but the greateft part were perfons of a different character: they were men who had nothing to lofe, and every thing to gain, by confufion and anarchy: not a few of them had obtained poffeflion of the effeats and eftates of abfent proprietors. From people of this ftamp, the moft determined oppofition was neceffarily to be expeated; and unfortunately, among thofe of better principle, I am afraid but a very fmall number were cordially attached to the Engliih. The majority feem to have had nothing in view but to obtain by any means the reftoration of their eftates and poffeffions. Many of them, under their ancient government, had belonged to t'he month of September in each year they are at liberty to make a new choice, or to confirm that of the preceding year. Such, to the beft of my remembrance (for I fpeak from memory) are the chief provifions of this celebrated proclamation, which I think extended only to the Weftern and Southern provinces; Santhonax being empowered to make what other regulations he might think proper for the Northern province. The whole appears to have been a matchlefs piece of abfurdity; betraying a lamentable degree of ignorance concerning the manners and difpofitions -f the negrces, and totally impra6icable in itfei; lower

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ST. D MINGO. 145 lower order of noblefe, and being tenacious of titles and hoC H A P. nours, in proportion as their pretenfions to real diftintion were X difputable; they dreaded the introdudtion of a fyftem of laws "and government, which would reduce them to the general level of the community. Thus, as their motives were felfith, and their attachment feeble, their exertions in the common caufe were not likely to be very ftrenuous or efficacious. I do not find that the number of French in arms, who joined us at any one period (I mean of white inhabitants) ever exceeded two thoufand. It were unjuft, however, not to obferve, that among them were fome diftinguifhed individuals, wijofe fidelity was above fufpicion, and whofe fervices were highly important. Such were the Baron de Montalembert, the Vifcount de Fontagnes, Monf. Defources, and perhaps a few vothers (c). FROM this recapitulation it is evident, that the invafion of St. Domingo was an enterprize of greater magnitude and diffi(t) A few men of colour alfo diftinguifhed themfelves in the common caufe; viz. Monfieur Le Point, Lieutenant-Colonel of the St. Marc's legion, who, with about 300 Mulattoes under his command, kept the parifh of L'Arcahaye in corn,plete fubjeion for a confiderable time. 2. Boucquet, Major of the Milice Royale of Verettes, a perfon much attached to the Englifh. 3. Charles Savory, who commanded a very important poft in the plain of Artibonite, upon the river D'Efterre. Great confidence was placed in this man by Colonel Brifbane, and never was it abufed. All thefe men were well educated, and nourifhed deep refentment againft the French planters, on account of the indignities which the -clafs of coloured people had received from them. At Cape Tiburon, three or four hundred blacks were embodied very early, under a black general named lean Kina, who ferved well and faithfully. U culty e'^i * 4^

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146 H ISTORY OF C HA P. culty than the Britifh government feem to have imagined. X. Confidering the extent and natural ftrength of the country,. it may well be doubted, whether all the force which Great. Britain could have fpared, would have been fufficient to reduce it to fubjeaion, and reftore it at the fame time to fuch a degree of order and fubordination, as to make it a colony worth holding. The truth feems to have been, that General Williamfon, to whom, as hath been obferved, the direc&ion and diftribution of the armament was entrufted, and whofe acive zeal in the fervice of his country was eminently confpicuous, was deceived, equally with the King's minifters, by the favourable accounts and exaggerated reprefentations of fanguine and interefted individuals, concerning the difpofition of their countrymen, the white planters remaining in St. Domingo. Inftead of the few hundreds of them which afterwards reforted to the Britifh ftandard, the Governor had reafon to expet the fupport and co-operation of at leaft as many thoufands. In this f1tal confidence, the armament allotted for this important expedition was compofed of only the I3th regiment of foot, feven companies of the 49th, and a detachment of artillery, altogether amounting to about eight hundred and feventy, rank and file, fit for duty. Such was the force that was to annex to the crown of Great Britain, a country nearly equal in extent, and in natural ftrength infinitely fuperior, jto Great Britain itfelf Speedy and effectual reinforcements from England were, however, promifed, as well to replace the troops which were removed from. Jamaica, as to aid the operations in St.. Domingo. IN

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ST. D 0 M I N G 0. 147 IN the meantime, the firft divifion, confifting of fix hundred C H A P. and feventy-feven rank and file, under the command of LieuteX. nant-Colonel Whitelcke, failed from Port Royal the 9th of September, and arrived at Jeremie on the i9th of the fame 1793. month. They were efcorted by Commodore Ford, in the Europa, accompanied by four or five frigates. As the propofitions, or terms of capitulation, had been previoufly adjufted between the people of Jeremie, by their agent Mr. Charmilly, and General Williamfon, it only remained for the Britifh forces to take poffeffion of the town and harbour. Accordingly, the troops difembarked early the next morning; the Britifh colours were hoifted at both the forts, with royal falutes from each, which were anfwered by the Commodore and his fquadron, and the oaths of fidelity and allegiance were taken by the refident inhabitants, with an appearance of great zeal and alacrity. AT the fame time information was received, that the garrifon at the Mole of Cape St. Nicholas, were inclined to furrender that important fortrefs in like manner. As this was a circumftance not to be negleted, the Commodore immediately direted his courfe thither, and, on the 22d, took poffeffion of the fortrefs and harbour, and received the allegiance of the officers and privates. The grenadier company of the I3th regiment, was forthwith difpatched from Jeremie to take the command of the garrifon; which was foon afterwards ftrengthened by the arrival of the fecond divifion of the armament ordered from Jamaica, confifting of five companies of forty men each. U TuH

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148 H I S T ORY F CHAP. THE voluntary furrender of thefe places raifed expedations X. in the people of England, that the whole of the French colony in St. Domingo would fubmit without oppofition; but the advantages hitherto obtained, feem to have been greatly overvalued. The town of Jeremie is a place of no importance.-It contains about one hundred very mean houfes, and the country in the vicinage is not remarkably fertile; producing nothing of any account but coffee. At the Mole of Cape St. Nicholas,. the country is even lefs produaive than in the neighbourhood ofJeremie; but the harbour is one of the fineft in the new world, and the fortifications vie with the firongeft in the Weft Indies : unfortunately, from the elevation of the furrounding heights, the place is not tenable againft a powerful attack by land. The garrifon confifted only of the regiment of Dillon, which was reduced by ficknefs or defertion to about one hundred and fifty men. The town of St. Nicholas adjoining, was in the higheft degree hoftile: moftl of the inhabitants, capable of bearing arms, left the place on the arrival of the Englifh, and joined the republican. army. ZEALOU, 'however, to. promote the glory of the Britith, name, Colonel Whitelocke determined that his little army fhould not continue inactive at Jeremie. It was reprefented to him, that the acquifition of the neighbouring poft of Tiburon would prove of the utmoft importance towards the fecurity of Grand Ance, and a M. Duval pledging himfelf to raife five hundred men to co-operate in its reduaion, an expedition was-undertaken for that purpofe, and Colonel Whitelocke, with moft of the

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S T. D O M I N G .49 the Britiih force from Jeremie, arrived in Tiburon Bay on the C'H A P. 4th of Oaober. x. 1793BUT, on this occafion, as on almoft every other, the Englifl had a melancholy proof how little dependence can be placed on French declarations and affurances. Duval never made his appearance, for he was not able to colled fifty men; the enemy's force was found to be far more formidable than had been reprefented, and the gallantry of our troops proved unavailing againft fuperiority of numbers. They were compelled to retreat, with the lofs of about twenty men killed and wounded. THE defeat and difcouragement fuftained in this attack were the more grievoufly felt, as ficknefs began to prevail to a great extent in the army. The feafon of the year was unfavourable in the higheft degree for military operations in a tropical climate. The rains were inceflant; and the conftant and unufual fatigue, and extraordinary duty to which the.foldiers, from the fmallnefs of their number, were neceffarily fubjec, co-operating with the flate of the weather, produced the moft fatal confequences;. That never-failing attendant on military.expeditions in the Weft Indies, the yellow or peftilential fever, raged with dreadful virulence, and fo many, both of the feamen and foldiers, perifhed daily, that the furvivors were ftricken with aftonifhment and horror at beholding the havock made among their comrades GENERAL WILLIAMSON, with his ufual humanity, exerted himfelf to give them all the relief in his power. Unhappily he had I,

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Igo HISTORY OF C H A P. had no alternative but -either to withdraw the troops altogether x. from St. Domingo, leaving our allies and new fubjeds, the French planters who had fworn allegiance to our government, to the mercy of 'their enemies, or to fend, from an already exhaufted army, a :fmall reinforcement of men, to perifli probably in the fame manner as thofe had done whofe numbers they were fcarcely fufficient to replace. THE latter meafure was adopted: in truth, the circumflances of the cafe admitted of no other. The remainder of the So ?g th reg im e n t, th e 2 0 th a n d th e roy als, am o u n tin g alto g e th er to feven or eight hundred men, were therefore difpatched with all poffible expedition ; and the fafety of Jamaica was at length entrufled to lefs than four hundred regular troops. THE fudden appearance in St. Domingo of a reinforcement, though fmall in itfelf, produced however a confiderable effea among the French planters, by inducing a belief that the Britifh government v as now ferioufly refolved to follow up the blow. In the beginning of December, the parifhes of Jean Rabel, St. Marc, Arcahaye, and Boucaffin furrendered on the fame conditions as had been granted to Jeremie; and their example was foon afterwards followed by the inhabitants of Leogane. All the former parifhes are fituated on the north fide of the Bight: Leogane on the fouth. THE Britifl commanders now'dircded their views once more towards the capture of Tiburon. The defeat which our troops had

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ST. DOMINGO. 5i had fuftained in the late attack of that important poft, ferved C H A P. only to animate them to greater exertions; but a confiderable X. time unavoidably elapfed before the expedition took place; the interval being employed in fecuring the places which had furrendered. On the 21ft, of January, however, the Commodore 1794. touched at Jeremie with the fquadron, and received the troops on board; and the whole arrived off Cape Tiburon on the evening of the 2d of February. THE enemy appeared in confiderable force, and feemed to wait the arrival of the Britifh with great refolution; but a few broadfides from the thips foon cleared the beach. They came forward however again, as the flank companies approached the fhore, and direaed a general difcharge of mufquetry at the boats; but our troops landed and formed in an inftant, routed their line with great flaughter, and immediately took poffeflion of the poft. The gallantry of Major Spencer who commanded, and of the o '-t, Ce-id. officers and men who compofed, the flank companies, was particularly confpicuous. It feems, indeed, to have been a fpirited and well conduded enterprize throughout; and it was happily effe6ted with the lofs of only three of the Englifh killed, and feven wounded. Of the enemy, one hundred and fifty furrendered prifoners of war; and their magazines were found replete with. ammunition. By the poffefion of this poft on the fouth, and that of the, Mole at Cape St. Nicholas on the north-weftern part of the: ifland, the Britifh fquadrcn commanded the. navigation of the 4* S' <-

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t52 HIS TO R Y OF C H A P. the whole of that extenfive bay which forms the Bight of x. Leogane, and the capture of the forts, fhipping, and town of Port au Prince (the metropolis of the French colony) feemed more than probable, on the arrival of a large armament now daily expeaed, with much anxiety, from England. IN the mean while (the reduced tfate and condition of the troops not admitting of great enterprize) the commander in chief conceived an idea of obtaining poffeflion of the town of Port Paix, an important flation to the eaftward of Cape St. Nicholas, by private negociation. The town was commanded by Lavaux, an old general in the French fervice, to whom Colonel Whitelocke addreffed himfelf by letter, which he fent with a flag, and offered five thoufand pounds to be paid to him in perfon, on his delivering up the poft. Colonel Whitelocke feems, however, to have miflaken the character of Lavaux, who was not only a man of diftinguifhed bravery, but of great probity. His anfwer is remarkable: You have endeavoured {faid he) to difhonour me in the eyes of my troops, by fuppofing me fo vile, flagitious, and bafe, as to be capable of betraying my truft for a bribe: this is an affront for which you owe me perfonal fatisfa&ion, and I demand it in the name of honour. Wherefore, previous to any general action, I offer you fingle combat until one of us falls; leaving to you the choice of arms, either on foot or horfeback. Your fituation, as my enemy on the part of your country, did not give you a right to offer me a perfonal infult and as a private 8 perfon,

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ST. DO M I N G O. X53 "1 perfon, I afk fatisfaftion for an injury done me by an indiC H A P. vidual(d)." THIS attempt therefore proving abortive, it was determined (now that the feafon was favourable) in order that the troops might not continue inactive, as well as to facilitate the meditated reducion of Port au Prince, to attack L'Acul, an important fortrefs in the vicinity of Leogane. Accordingly, on the I9th of February, the flank companies, a detachment of the 1794. royal artillery, and of the I3th regiment, with fome colonial troops, having two five half-inch howitzers and two fourpounders, marched from thence under the command of Colonel Whitelocke, at four in the morning. Baron de Montalembert, with about two hundred colonial troops, and a few of the Britifh artillery, were previoufly embarked on tranfports, and ordered to land and attack the fort at an hour appointed. Captain Vincent, with the light infantry of the 4o 40th, and about eighty of the colonial troops, took a mountain ro.d, while Colonel Whitelocke moved forward on the great road, and took poft juft out of cannon (hot, waiting the united attacks of the Baron and Captain Vincent's detachments. The enemy began to cannonade about feven o'clock, and continued (d) Colonel Whitelocke, I fuppofe, reje6led the challenge; but the officer who was fent by him with the letter to Lavaux, had a fervice of danger: for Lavaux, having filently read the letter, compelled him to declare, upon the honour of a foldier, whether he knew the contents of it. The officer, as the fa6t was, anfwered in the negative. The French general thereupon read the letter aloud to the people who furrounded him, and told the Britifh officer, that if he had brought him fuch a propofal knowingly, he would inflantly have caufed him to be executed on a gibbet. X it

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i54 HISTORY OF C H A P. it with intervals till eleven, when Colonel Whitelocke ordered X. -Captain Smith, with the howitzers and cannon, to advance and fire upon the fort, fupported by the light infantry of the royals and 13th regiments, under the command of Major Spencer, in order to give time for the Baron's people to land. Unfortunately, from the mifmanagement of one of the tranfports, the troops under the orders of the Baron de Montalembert could not be landed. Colonel Whitelocke, therefore, finding he had nothing to expect from them, the day being confiderably advanced, now came to the determination of attacking the fort by ftorm and detached Major Spencer, with the grenadiers of the 49th regiment, and light infantry of the I3th, to join Captain Vincent, and approach the fort by the mountain road, while he himfelf marched by the great road for the fame purpofe. At half paft four or five o'clock, the two columns moved forward, and the moment the enemy difcovered the march of Colonel Whitelocke's divifion, they commenced a very heavy fire of cannon and mufquetry. Orders were immediately given for the column to advance and gain the fort, which orders were gallantly and rapidly executed. At this inflant, Lieutenant M'Kerras of the engineers, and Captain Hutchinfon of the royals, were both wounded; but they continued their exertions, notwithflanding, till the fort was in quiet poffefiion of the vidors. Our lofs was not great; but Captain Morfhead (who had before received a fhot in the body, when gallantly mounting the hill) with Lieutenant Tinlin of the 20th grenadiers,. Lieutenant Caulfield of the 62d regiment, and fome privates, were unfortunately blown up from an explofion which took place after the fort was taken; for the officer who commanded, finding he could no longer defend it, placed

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ST. DOM I N GO. 55 placed a quantity of powder and other combuflibles in one C HA P. of the buildings, which was fired by an unfortunate brigand, X. who perifhed in the explofion. Captain Morfhead died the next day, and was interred with military honours, attended by the Britifh garrifon; Lieutenant Caulfield lingered fome time longer, and then followed him to the grave; but Lieutenant Tinlin recovered. THE next enterprize of our gallant little army had a lefs favourable termination. It was directed againft a ftrong poft and fettlement at a place cal'ed Bompard, about fifteen miles from Cape St. Nicholas, where a hardy race of people, chiefly a colony of Germans, had e:1ablifhed themfelves, and lived in unambitious poverty. A detachment of two hundred men, from the different corps, were ordered on this fervice in two divifions, one of which was commanded by Major Spencer, the brave and acive officer already mentioned, the other by Lieutenant-Colonel Markham. Of their proceedings during the attack, and their retreat afterwards, I have not been furnifhed with the particulars. All that is known' to the publick with certainty is, that our troops were repulfed by fuperior numbers, with the lofs of forty men, but without any diminution of the national character. It was allowed, even by the enemy, that they fought bravely. They were defeated, not difmayed, by circumftances probably which they did not forefee, and againft which human prudence could not provide. THIS affliaing lofs was but ill compenfated, by the very diftinguiihed honour which was foon afterwards acquired by the X 2 few

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156 H I S T O R Y O F C H A P. few Britilh troops that had been left in pofleflion of Cape TiX. buron, who were attacked on the I6th of April, by an army of 1794brigands amounting to upwards of two thoufand. The enemy's force was led on by Andrew Rigaud, a man of colour, who commanded at Aux Cayes, and was compofed of revolted negroes, and defperadoes of all defcriptions, rapacious after plunder, and thirfting for blood. This favage horde furrounded the fort about three o'clock in the morning. It was defended with much fpirit until a quarter before nine, when the befieged, quitting the fort, affailed the affailants, and routed the befiegers with great flaughter, one hundred and feventy of their number being left dead on the field ; but when it was difcovered that no lefs than twenty-eight of our gallant foldiers had loft their lives, and that one hundred and nine others were feverely wounded in this bloody conteft, the fhouts of triumph were fuppreffed by gloomy refleaions on the forlorn condition of the army, it being mournfully evident that a few more fuch viaories would annihilate the vitors THE whole of the Britifh force at this time in all parts of St. Domingo did not, I believe, amount to nine hundred effective men, a number by no means fufficient to garrifon the places in our poffeffion; and the rapid diminution which prevailed among them, could not fail to attra&t obfervation among all claffes of the French inhabitants; to difpirit our allies, and encourage our enemies. Such of the planters as had hitherto flood aloof, now began to declare themfelves hoftile; and defertions were frequent from moft of the parithes that had furrendered. At Jean Rabell, a place which, a few months before, had voluntarily I'-

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ST. D OMIN G O. 57 tarily declared for the Britifh government, the garrifbn, confifting C HA P. of two hundred and fifty of our fuppofed allies, rofe on their x. officers, and compelled them to deliver up the poft to Lavaux, the French general, and it was greatly apprehended that, unlefs a very powerful reinforcement fhould fpeedily arrive to ftrengthen the Britifh army, many other places would follow their example. EIGHT months had now elapfed fince the furrender of May 1794. Jeremie, and in all that interval, not a foldier had arrived from Great Britain ; and the want of camp-equipage, provifions, and neceffaries, was grievoufly felt. The army feemed devoted to inevitable deftrution, and difappointment and difmay were ftrongly marked in the countenance of every man. At length, however, on the 19th of May, when expetation was nearly loft in defpair, it was announced that his Majefty's fhips the Belliqueux and the Irrefiftible, with the Fly floop, had caft anchor in the harbour of Cape St. Nicholas, having on board the 22d, 23d, and 41ft regiments of infantry, under the command of Brigadier General Whyte. This event, as may well be imagined, afforded infinite relief and fatisfa6tion to the haraffed and wornout troops on fhore; and their animation on this occafion was heightened by the confident hope and expetation that Port au Prince would be the objet of an immediate attack. It was known that its harbour was crowded with fhips, moft of which were fuppofed to be laden with the richeft produtions of the colony; and although the regiments newly arrived did not exceed fixteen hundred men in the whole (of whom two hundred and fifty were fick and convalefcent) the deficiency of numbers was no longer the fubjet of complaint. Every one anticipated t to

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58 HI I S T O R Y O F c H AP. to himfelf the poffeflon of great wealth from the capture; and X. juftly concluded that his flare of the prize money would augment or diminifh in an inverfe proportion to the number of captors. THE belief that Port au Prince would be the firit obje&t of attack, was well founded; and the road of Arcahaye was fixed on as the place of rendezvous for the men of war and tranfports. Accordingly, General Whyte, having landed his fick at Cape St. Nicholas, and taken one hundred and fifty of the garr;on in their room, proceeded on the 23d to the place appointed, to concert meafures with Commodore Ford, and receive on board fuch of the colonial troops as were to co-operate with the Britifh in this enterprize. On the 3oth the fquadron failed from Arcahaye, and caft anchor off Port au Prince on the evening of the fame day. It was compofed of four fhips of the line, the Europa, the Belliqueux, the Irrefiftible and the Sceptre, three frigates, and four or five fmaller veffels; the whole under the immediate command of Commodore Ford; and the land forces, under the orders of General Whyte, confifted of 1,465 rank and file fit for duty. THE whole force being thus colledted, and the neceffary preparations made, a flag was fent, early the next morning, to demand the furrender of the place; but the officer charged with the difpatch, was informed that no flag would be admitted, and the letter was returned unopened. It was now determined to commence operations by the cannonade of Fort Bizotton, a fortrefs fituated on a commanding eminence, well adapted to guard the approach to the harbour, and defended by five hundred

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ST. DO M I N GO. 9 dred men, eight pieces of heavy cannon, and two mortars. Two C H A P. line of battle fhips were ordered to attack the fea-front, and X. a frigate was ftationed clofe to the fhore, to flank a ravine to the eaftward. From thefe veffels a bri(k and well-direted fire was maintained for feveral hours; but no great impreffion appearing to be made, Major Spencer, with three hundred Britihi, and about five hundred of the colonial troops, was put on fhore in the evening, within a mile of the fort, with orders to commence an attack on the fide of the land. On their arrival at a fmall diftance from the fcene of adion, about eight o'clock at night, a moft tremendous thunder-ftorm arofe, accompanied with a deluge of rain, of which, as it overpowered the found of their approach, the advanced guard, commanded by Captain Daniel, of the 41ft, determined to take advantage. Thefe brave men, fixty only in number, accordingly rufhed forward, and finding a breach in the walls, entered with fixed bayonets, and became inftantly mafters of the fortrefs; the befieged every where throwing down their arms and calling for mercy. So rapid were the movements of this gallant band, and fo unexpected was their fuccefs, that Major Spencer, the commander, had his fears for the fafety of the whole party, of whofe fituation he was unapprized for fome hours. I grieve to add, that Captain Daniel, who fo gallantly led the advanced guard on this occafion, received a fevere wound in the attack,. while his brave aflociate, Captain Wallace, the fecond in command, was moft unfortunately killed on the glacis. THE poffeffion of Fort Bizotton determined the fate of the capital, which was evacuated by the enemy on the 4th of June; and.

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16o H IST RY OF C H A P. and the Britifh commanders were fo fortunate as to preferve, not X. only the town itfelf, but alfo the fhipping in the harbour, from conflagration, although the republican commiffioners had given orders and made preparations for fetting fire to both. The commiffioners themfelves, with many of their adherents, made their efcape to the mountains. THUS was achieved the conqueft of Port au Prince ; an event which has proved not lefs profitable than honourable to fuch of the officers and foldiers by whom it was effeaed, as have lived to enjoy the fruits of their viAory; for there were captured in the harbour, two-and-twenty top-fail veffels, fully laden with fugar, indigo, and coffee, of which thirteen were from three to five hundred tons burthen, and the remaining nine, from one hundred and fifty to three hundred tons; befides feven thoufand tons of fhipping in ballaft; the value of all which, at a moderate computation, could not be far Ihort of £. 400,000 fterling. CHAP.

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ST. D MI N G O. 16 CHAP. XI. Sicknefs among the Troops, and the Caufes thereof.-Reinforcement.-Dreadfj l Mortality.-General Whyte is fucceeded by Brigadier General Horneck.-Leogane taken by the Rebels.Temporary Succefes of Lieutenant-Colonel Brij/ane at Artibonite.-Revolt of the Mfulattoes at St. Marc.-Attack of Fort Bizotton.-Preparations by Rigaud for a fecond Attempt on Tiburon.-The Poft attacked on Chrijimas Day, and carried.Gallant Defence and EJfape of the Garri/on, and melancholy Fate of Lieutenant Bajkerville.-Lieutenant-Colonels Brilbane and Markham killed.-Obfervations and Striaures on the Condu& of the War. F ROM M the fuccefs which attended the Britifh arms in C H A P. X1. the conqueft of Port au Prince, it might have been hoped that we were now to enter on the furvey of brighter profpects than thofe which have hitherto prefented themfelves to our contemplation; but a melancholy reverfe of fortune was foon to await the conquerors ; for, immediately after poffeffion was taken of the town, the fame dreadful fcourge-difeafe, exafperated to contagion, which had been fo fatally prevalent among our troops, in the preceding autumn, renewed its deftructive progrefs; and, on this occafion, it is not difficult to trace the proximate caufes of fo terrible a calamity. The fituation of Y the

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162 HIST RY OF C H A P. the town of Port au Prince has already been noticed. UnXI. healthy in itfelf,'it is furrounded by fortified heights, which command both the lines and the harbour ; and thefe heights are again commanded by others. Here, the enemy, on their retreat from the town, made their fland, in the well-founded confidence of receiving regular fupplies of men, ammunition, and neceffaries from Aux Cayes, a fea-port on the fouthern coaft, diftant only from Port au Prince by a very eafy road, about forty miles (a). No part of St. Domingo poffefies a more ready communication with the French Iflands to windward, or with the flates of America, than the port laft mentioned; and from both thofe fources, reinforcements were conftantly poured into the enemy's camp. On this account the Britifh commanders found it indifpenfibly neceffary to ftrengthen the lines, and raife additional intrenchments and works on that fide of the town / which fronts the mountains. Thus a moft fevere and unufual burthen was impofed on the foldiers. They were compelled, with but little intermiflion, to dig the ground in the day, and to perform military duty in the night; expofed, in the one cafe, to the burning rays of the fun in the other, to the noxious dews and heavy rains of the climate. Such extraordinary and i (a) The harbour of Aux Cayes was guarded by two fmall forts, each of which was furnifhed with only fix pieces of cannon, and a fmaller battery, which mounted only five pieces. The number of white inhabitants belonging to the town were computed at eight hundred; but the people of colour had taken poffeflion of it the latter end of 1792, and Andrew Rigaud, a Mulatto, was made commander in chief and governor-general of the fouth fide of the French part of St. Domingo. His power was abfolute, and his brother, of the fame colour, was appointed next in command. Thefe men were invefted with this authority by the two commiffioners, Polverel and Santhonax. 3 exceffive

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ST. DOMINGO. 163 excefilve labour impofed on men, moft of whom had been C H A P. atually confined fix months on fhip-board, without frefh proviXI. fions or exercife, co-operating with the malignancy of the air, produced its natural confequences. They dropt like the leaves in autumn, until at length the garrifon became fo diminithed and enfeebled, that deficiencies of the guards were oftentimes made up from convalefcents, who were fcarcely able to ftand under their arms (b). IT is true, that a reinforcement came from the Windward Iflands, foon after the furrender of the town;-but, by a mournful fatality, this apparent augmentation of the ftrength of the garrifon, contributed in an eminent degree to the rapid encreafe and aggravation of its miferies. On the 8th of June, eight flank companies belonging to the 22d, 23d, 35th, and 41ft regiments, arrived at Port au Prince, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Lenox, They confifted, on their embarkation, of about feventy men each, but the aggregate number, when landed, was not quite three hundred. The four grenadier companies, in particular, were nearly annihilated. The frigate in which they were conveyed, became a houfe of pefilence. Upwards of one hundred of their number were buried in the deep, in the thort paffage between Guadaloupe and Jamaica, and one hundred and fifty more were left in a dying ftate at Port Royal. The wretched remains of the whole de(b) It was fortunate for the Britifh army, that the French troops fuffered by ficknefs almoft as much as our own: Port au Prince would otherwife have been but a ihort time in our poffeffion. Y 2 tachment

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164 HISTORY OF C H A P. tachment difcovered, on their landing at Port au Prince, that XI. they came-not to participate in the glories ofconquerf, but-to perifh themfelves within the walls of an hofpital! So rapid was the mortality in the Britifh army, after their arrival, that no lefs than forty officers and upwards of fix hundred rank and file met an untimely death, without a conteft with any other enemy than ficknefs, in the bhort fpace of two months after the furrender of the town. GENERAL WHYTE, his health much impaired, and hopelefs, it may be prefumed, of further triumphs, with an army thus reduced and debilitated, now folicited and obtained permiffion to return to Europe. He was fucceeded in the chief command by Brigadier-General Horneck, who arrived from Ja1794. maica about the middle of September; and if the requifite qualifications for fuch a ftation-firmnefs without arrogance, and conciliating manners without weaknefs, could always enfure fuccefs to the poffeffor, General Horneck would have brought good fortune with him. But the difficulties which the former commander would have had to encounter, had he remained in his ftation, devolved with aggravated weight on his fucceffor. The only reinforcement which followed General Horneck, confifted of fifty men from Jamaica. Whatever troops were promifed or expected from Great Britain, none arrived, until the expiration of feven months after General Horneck had taken the command. Inftead, therefore, of attempting new achievements, he was compelled, by irrefiftible neceffity, to aA chiefly Oa, 1794. on the defenfive. The rebel Mulattoes, under Rigaud, even became mafters of Leogane, and fatiated their vengeance by putting

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ST. DOMI N G O. 65 putting to death all fuch of the French planters, our allies, as CHA P. unfortunately fell into their power. xI. ON the other hand, the judicious exertions and rapid fucceffes of Lieutenant-Colonel Briibane on the plain of Artibonite, had been for fome time the fubjea of much applaufe, and had given birth to great expeaation. The French inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of St. Marc, had been all along more heartily difpofed to co-operate with the Englifh, than any of their countrymen. Mr. Brifbane had not above fourfcore Britifh under his command. The reft of his little army was compofed of the remains of Dillon's regiment, the St. Marc's legion, the militia of the neighbouring pariihes, and a body of about three hundred reludtant Spaniards from Verette; the whole not exceeding twelve hundred men in arms. With this force, properly diftributed, he had routed the republican troops and rebel negroes in every quarter; and even brought the negro chiefs to folicit permiffon to capitulate. Eight or ten thoufand of thefe deluded wretches, had atually fubmitted unconditionally, and many returned, of their own accord, to the plantations of their mafters. But thefe promifing ap.pearances were of fhort continuance. While Colonel Brifbane was following up his fucceffes in a diftant part of Artibonite, the men of colour in the town of St.Marc, feduced by the promifes of the French commifijoners, and finding the town itfelf without troops, had violated their promifes of neutrality, and on the 6th of September taken up arms on the part of the republick; putting to death every man that fell in their way, whom they confidered as an enemy to the French commiffioners.

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i66 ISTORY OF C H A P. commifiooners.-The garrifon, confifting of about forty Britifh XI. convalefcents, threw themfelves into a fmall fort on the feahfore, which they gallantly defended for two days, when a frigate came to their relief from the Mole of Cape St. Nicholas.-The triumph of the Mulattoes, however, was tranfient. Colonel Brifbane attacked them on the fide of the land, and recovered the town; making upwards of three hundred of the infurgents prifoners, and driving the reft over the Artibonite river; but the advantages which he had obtained on the plain, were loft in the interim. The negro chiefs no longer folicited to capitulate, but appeared in greater force than ever. Being joined by the fugitive Mulattoes, they foon repaffed the river; 1794. and having, in the beginning of Oatober, obtained poffeffion of two out-poffts (St. Michael and St. Raphael) they had procured plenty of arms and ammunition, and now threatened fo formidable an attack on the town of St. Marc, as to excite the moft ferious apprehenfions for its fafety. Such was the fituation of affairs in the weftern parts of St. Domingo about the period of General Horneck's arrival. The northern province (the Mole of St. Nicholas and the town of Fort Dauphin excepted) was entirely in poffeffion of the rebel negroes; and unhappily, in all other parts of the colony, the weaknefs of the Britifh was fo apparent, as not only to invite attacks from the enemy, but alfo to encourage revolt and confpiracy in the pofts in our poffeffion (c). Rigaud, who commanded (c) Colonel Brifbane had fcarcely driven the Mulattoes from St. Marc, and reftored order and tranquillity in the town, before a dark confpiracy was agitated among

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S T. D OM I NG O. I6 manded in the fouth, now determined to make a bold effort CHAP. for the recovery of Fort Bizotton, in which, if he had fucXI. ceeded, the lofs of the whole of the Britifh army at Port au Prince would have been inevitable. The fort was attacked early in the morning of the 5th of December, by three columns of the enemy, amounting in the whole to about two thoufand men; but they were defeated with great flaughter on their part, and with little lofs on ours. Captain Grant, however, and both his lieutenants, Clunes and Hamilton, were feverely wounded early in the attack; yet they continued their efforts, and nobly fucceeded; and General Williamfon bore teftimony to their good condut and valour. BAFFLED in this attack, Rigaud refolved to make another, and a more formidable attempt, for the recovery of Tiburon. His intentions were known, and his proje6t might have been defeated, if any one Englifh fhip of war could have been fpared to watch his motions off the harbour of Aux Cayes, from whence he conveyed his artillery, ammunition, and provifions. He proceeded, however, without interruption in his among fome of the French inhabitants under the Britifh proteaion to cut him off; but it was happily difcovered and defeated before it broke out into a6tion. This happened the beginning of January 1795; and a ftill more daring and dangerous plot was carried on a month afterwards in Port au Prince, to feize on the garrifon, and put all the Englifh to death. This confpiracy alfo was fortunately difcovered, and twenty of the confpirators being brought to trial before a council of war, compofed of the principal commanders by fea and land (among whom were five French field officers) they were all adjudged to fuffer death, and fifteen of them were accordingly fhot on the i8th of February. Rreparations

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168 HISTORY OF C HA P. preparations for the attack; and his armament failed from Aux XI. Cayes on the 23d of December. His naval force confifted of 179 one brig of fixteen guns, and three fchooners of fourteen guns each, and he commanded a body of near three thoufand men, of all colours and defcriptions. The attack commenced on Chriftmas day. The garrifon, confifting of only four hundred and eighty men, made a vigorous defence for four days, when, having loft upwards of three hundred of their number, and finding the poft no longer tenable, the furvivors, headed by their gallant commander, Lieutenant Bradford, of the 23d regiment, with unexampled bravery fought their way for five miles through the enemy, and got fafe to Irois. Lieutenant Bafkerville was the only officer who, by fome unfortunate circumftance, was unable to join his companions in their retreat; and this high-fpirited young man, with a refolution which, though a Chriftian muft condemn it, a Roman would have approved, to defeat the triumph of his favage enemy, who would probably have made him fuffer a fhameful death, put a period to his own exiftence, as Rigaud entered the fort. WITH this difaftrous occurrence terminated the year 1794 (d, and here I fhall clofe my account of the military tranfations of (d) Major General Williamfon, the latter end of the year, was appointed governor-general and commander in chief of his Majefty's poffeflions in St. Domingo; and was foon afterwards honoured with the order of the Bath-a diflin6ion which he had nobly earned. He arrived at Port au Prince, and took upon him the government, in May 1795. the

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ST. DOMING O. x69 tfe Britifh army in St. Domingo; for, although hoftilities are flill C H A P. continued in this ill-fated country, it is, I think, fufficiently apXI. parent, that all hopes and expectations of ultimate fuccefs are vaniflhed for ever! The hiftoriaawho fhall recount the events of 1795, will have to lament the mournful and untimely deaths of many brave and excellent young men who perifhed in this fruitlefs conteft. Among the foremoft of thefe was LieutenantColonel Thomas Brifbane, of whom honourable mention is made in the foregoing pages, and whofe gallantry and good condu& were not more the fubjea of univerfal admiration, than his untimely fate of univerfal regret. He was killed on a reconnoitring party in February. By his death, his country was deprived, at a moft critical jun6ure, of an able, indefatigable, and intelligent officer, who had gained the affeaions of moft of the various defcriptions of people under his command by his kindnefs, and the confidence of all by his courage (e). The fame fate, a month afterwards, awaited Lieutenant-Colonel Markham, who perifhed in attacking an out-poft of the enemy's forces which were at that time laying fiege to Fort Bizotton. The out-poft was carried; the colours of the enemy, and five pieces of their cannon, were taken, and upwards of fix hundred of their number flain on the fpot; but the victory was dearly obtained by the lofs of fo enterprizing and accomplifhed a leader. Yet it affords fome confolation to reflec, that thefe brave young men, though cut off in the bloom of life, fell in the field of glory, nobly exerting them(e) He was a captain in the 49th regiment, and lieutenant colonel of the colonial corps called the St. Marc's Legion. Z felves

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70 H I STO RY OF CHA P. felves in the caufe of their country, and dying amidft the bleffings XI. and applaufes of their compatriots. Alas, how many of their youthful affociates, in this unhappy war, might have envied them fo glorious an exit! What numbers have perifhed-not in the field of honour-but on the bed of ficknefs I-not amidft the fhouts of vitory-but the groans of deipair !-condemned to linger in the horrors of peftilence; to fall without a conflit, and to die without renown (f)! THESE refletions, and the obfervations which I have made in the preceding pages, on the infufliciency of the means to the (f) The difeafe in which fo many gallant men have perifhed, is commonly known by the name of the yellow fever. Two writers of great ability (Dr. Ruth of Philadelphia, and Dr. Benjamin Mofeley of Pall Mall, London) have treated fully of this dreadful calamity. The picture which the latter has given of an unhappy patient of his in the Weft Indies, a young officer of great merit, in the laft Rage of this difeafe, after four days illnefs, is drawn by the hand of a mafier. I arrived at the lodgings of this much-efteemed young man (fays the do&or) about four hours before his death. When I entered the room, he was vomiting a black muddy cruor, and was bleeding at the nofe. A bloody ichor was oozing from the corners of his eyes, and from his mouth and gums. His face was befmeared with blood, and, with the dulnefs of his eyes, it prefented a moft difireffing contrail to his natural vifage. His abdomen was fwelled, and inflated prodigioufly. His body was all over of a deep yellow, interfperfed with livid fpots. His hands and feet were of a livid hue. Every part of him was cold excepting about his heart. He had a deep Afrong hiccup, but neither delirium nor coma; and was, at my firft feeing himi as I thought, in his perfet fenfes. He looked at the changed appearance of his fkin, and expreffed, though he could not fpeak, by his fad countenance, that he knew life was foon to yield up her citadel, now abandoning the reft of his body. Exhaufted with vomitipg, he at laft was fuffocated with the blood he was endeavouring to bring up, and expired." Mofeley on Tropical Difeafes, 3d edit. p. 459. objets

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ST. DO M I N GO.. 17 objects in view, are not written in the fpirit of accufation againft C H A P. men in authority; nor (if I know myfelf) is there any bias of XI. party zeal on my judgment. I am far from afferting, that the fituation and refources of Great Britain were fuch as to afford a greater body of troops for fervice in St. Domingo, at the proper moment, than the number that was actually fent thither. I prefume not to intrude into the national councils, and am well apprized that exifting alliances and pre-engagements of the ftate, were objects of important confideration to his Majefty's minifters. Neither can I affirm, that the delays and obitrutions, which prevented the arrival at the fcene of adion of fome of the detachments, until the return of the fickly feafon, were avoidable. A thoufand accidents and cafualties continually fubvert and overthrow the beft laid fchemes of human contrivance. We have feen confiderable fleets detained by adverfe winds, in the ports of Great Britain for many fucceffive months, and powerful armaments have been driven back by ftorms and tempefts, after many unavailing attempts to reach the place of their deftination. Thus much I owe to candour; but, at the fame time, I owe it alfo to truth to avow my opinion, that in cafe no greater force could have been fpared for the enterprize againft St. Domingo, the enterprize itfelf ought not to have been undertaken *. The If, from the ill fuccefs which has attended the attack of St. Domingo, a juftification of the original meafure hall be thought neceffary, it ought not to be overlooked, that General Williamfon, amiong other motives, had alfo ifrong reafon to believe, that attempts were meditated by the republican commiffioners on the ifland of Jamaica. He therefore, probably thought, that the moft certain way of preventing the fuccefs of fuch de'igns, was to give the commiffioners fufficient employment at home.-I write this note in juftice to a diftinguidhed officer, than whom no man living has deferved better of his country. f -F, '. /. fI. Z 2 object

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172 H I S T ORY OF C H A P. objea of the Britifh minifters was avowedly to obtain poffeffiow XI. of the whole of the French part of the country. That they placed great dependence on the co-operation of the French inhabitants, and were grofsly deceived by agents from thence, I believe and admit; but they ought furely to have forefeen, that a very formidable oppofition was to be expeded from the partizans and troops of the republican government; and they ought alfo to have known, that no confiderable body of the French planters could be expected to riik their lives and fortunes in the common caufe, but in full confidence of protetion and fupport. In my own judgment, all the force which Great Britain could have fent thither, would not have been fufficient for the complete fubjugation of the colony. It is afferted by competent judges, that not lefs than fix thoufand men were neceffary for the fecure maintenance of Port au Prince alone ; yet I do not believe that the number of Britifn, in all parts of St. Domingo, at any one period, previous to the month of April 1795, exceeded two thoufand two hundred, of whom, except at the capture of Port au Prince, not one half were fit for a&ive fervice; and during the hot and fickly months of Auguff,, September, and October, not one third (g). PERHAPS (g) The following returns are authentick. Return of the provincial troops in the fervice of the Britifh government at St. Domingo, ift January 1795. Rank and file fit for duty. Sick. Total. At Port au Prince --496 -48 -544 Mole St. Nicholas --209 -38 -247 St. Marc ----813 -321 -1134 I18 407 1.925 Returm

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S T. DOMINGO. t7 PERHAPS the moft fatal overfight in the condu6t of the whole CH A P. expedition, was the firange and unaccountable neglet of not XI. fecuring the town and harbour of Aux Cayes, and the little port of Jacmel on the fame part of the coaft, previous to the attack of Port au Prince. With thofe places, on the one fide of the peninfula, and the poft of Acul in our poffeffion on the other, all communication between the Southern and the two other provinces would have been cut off; the navigation from the Windward Iflands to Jamaica would have been fecure, while the poffeffion of the two Capes which form the entrance into the Bight of Leogane (Cape Nicholas and Tiburon) would have protected the homeward trade in its courfe through the Wind, ward Paffage. All this might have been accomplifhed and fecured; and I think it is all that, in found policy, ought to have: been attempted. As to Port au Prince, it would have been forReturn of the Britifh forces in the ifland of St. Domingo, rft January r795, Rank and file effe&ife. Sick. Total. Port au Prince --3 66 -462 -828 Mole St. Nicholas --09 -166 -375 Jeremie ----95 -59 -154 Tiburon -34 -I8 -52 St. Marc --48 -33 -8r 752 -738 -149. The next reinforcement from Europe arrived the latter end of April 1795, and confifted of about fourteen hundred men (the 8xft and 96th regiments): a further reinforcement (the 82d regiment) landed in Auguft following. All thefe corps, the laft efpecially, from its landing at fo unfavourable a feafon,. fuffered prodigioufly. The 82d landed nine hundred and eighty men, of whom fix hundred. and thirty were buried within ten weeks. In one of the companies, three rank and file only were able to do duty, 9 tunate

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1Y74 HISTORY OF C H A F. tunate if the works had been deftroyed, and the town evacuXI. ated immediately after its furrender. THE retention by the enemy of Aux Cayes and Jacmel, not only enabled them to procure reinforcements and fupplies, but alfo moft amply to revenge our attempts on their coafts, by reprifals on our trade. It is known that upwards of thirty privateers, fome of them of confiderable force, have been fitted out from thofe ports, whole rapacity and vigilance fcarce a veffel bound from the Windward Iflands to Jamaica can efcape. The prizes which they made, in a few fhort months, abundantly compenfated for the lofs of their Ihips at Port an Prince (h). AFTER (b) The following is a lift of veffels bound to Jamaica, which were taken and carried into Aux Cayes, between June 1794 and June 1795, moft of them laden with dry goods, provifions, and plantation flores, and many of them of great value. From The Edward ---Wm Mar(hall -i3thJune Briftol. 1 1794) Fame ---Robt Hall --July --L. and Cork. Bellona --Tho* White ----Liverpool. Hope --Wm Swan. Molly ---Peter Mawdfley -5thMar.795, Africa, 3oonegroes. Hodge ---Geo. Brown -19th Ditto, Liverpool. William ---Tho' Calloine -20th Ditto. Bell ----Arch4 Weir -Ditto, Greenock. Buftler -Sewell ----a tranfport. Druid ---Wilfon -14th March, Leith. Martha ---W Reid --31f March, London. Alexander --Benj" Moor -17th April, Glafgow. Lovely Peggy -Peter Murphy. Swallow ---Lachlan Vafs -Ioth May. a Dunmore

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ST. DO M I NGO. 177 C H A P. XII. Ancient State of the Spanijh Colony.-The Town of St. Domingo eftablijhed by Bartholomew Columbus in 1498.-Pillaged by Drake in 1586.-Conjetures and Refleions concerning its prefent Condition, and the State of Agriculture in the interior Country.-Numbers and Charactr of the prefent Inhabitants.-Their Animofity towards the French Planters, and fealoufy of the Engli.).-ConjeAures concerning the future Si-< tuation of the whole Ifland; and fme concluding Refletions. T H E Spanifh colony in Hifpaniola (the name St. DoCH A P. mingo being properly applicable to the chief city only) XII. was the earlieft eftablifhment made by the nations of Europe in the new world; and, unhappily, it is too notorious to be denied, that it was an eftablifhnent founded in rapacity and cemented with blood The fole objed of the firft Spanifh adventurers was to ranfack the bowels of the earth for filver and gold; in which frantick purfuit, they murdered at leaft a million of the peaceful and inoffenfive natives As the mines became exhaufted, a few of the more induftrious entered on the cultivation of cacao, ginger, and fugar; but the poverty of the greater part of the inhabitants, and the difcovery of new mines in Mexico, occafioned a prodigious emigration ;-the experience of paft difappointments not proving fufficiently powerful to cure the rage for acquiring wealth by a fhorter courfe than that of patient induftry. In lets than a' century, therefore, Hifpaniola was nearly deferted, and nothing preferved it as a coAa lony,

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S T. D 0 M I N G 0. 175 AFTER all, though I have afferted nothing which I do not C H A P. believe to be true, I will honeftly admit, that many important XIL fats and circumftances, unknown to me, very probably exifted, an acquaintance with which is indifpenfably neceffary to enable any man to form a correct judgment on the meafures which were purfued on this occafion. To a writer fitting with compofure in his clofet, with a partial difplay of facts before him, it is no difficult tafk to point out faults and miftakes in the condut of publick affairs; and even where miftakes are difcovered, the wifdom of after-knowledge is very cheaply acquired. It is the lot of our nature, that the beft concerted plans of human policy are fubjel to errors which the meaneft obferver will fometimes detet. The hand (fays an eminent writer) that cannot build a hovel, may demolifh a palace." BUT, a new fcene now opens for contemplation and reflection, arifing from intelligence received fince I began my work, that the Spanifh government has formally ceded to the republick of Dunmore --Stephen Conmick 26th May, London. Maria ---Wilkinfn ----Ditto. Minerva ---Robertfon 4th June, Africa, 450 negroes. General Mathew Tho' Douglas 8th Ditto, London. A fchooner, name }Adam Walker -22d Ditto, Glafgow. forgot -Hope ---Hambleton Ditto, Ditto. Caledonia --Hunter -25th Ditto, Leith,lafl from London. Molly --Simpibn -27th Ditto, Glafgow. Refolution --Taunton -29th Ditto, Hull. And feveral veffels belonging to Kingfton, names forgot. France?

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176 H IS T'O R Y OF -C H A:P. France the whole of this great and noble ifland in perpeFt i. XI. fovereignty I So extraordinary a circurnftance will doubtlefs give birth to much fpeculation and enquiry, as well concerning the value and extent of the territory ceded, as the prefent difpofition and general charater of the Spanifh inhabitants. Will they relifh this transfer of their allegiance frorm a monarchical to a republican g rn'" i. .ilt, made, as it confeffedly is, without their previous confent or knowledge; or may reafbnable expectations be encouraged, that they -, fl now cordially co-operate with the Tii:lih, in I'.dt,.-in: the country to the Briti(h dominion ? Will fuch aliiftance effect the re-eftablifhment of fubordination and good government among the vafl body of revolted negroes ? 1Thefe are deep queftions, the invefigation of which will lead to enquiries of cill greater magnitudee for, whether we confider the p..-f...i, by an active and induffrious people, of fo vaft a field for enterprize and nimp',-n-mc:n on the one .1 .i. or the triumph of fuccefeful revolt and favage anarchy on the other, it appears to me that the future fate and profitable exiftence of the Brilifh territories in this part of the world, are involved in the ifue. .On .all thefe, and various collateral fub4e's, I regret that J. do not poffefl the eans of giving much fatisfaction to the reader, Such information, however, as I hlu,colleded on fome of the preceding enquiries, and fuch reflections as occur to me on others, will be found in the enfuing chapter, which concludes my work, CHAP.

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178 HIST ORY OF C H A P. lcny, but the eftablifhment of archiepifcopal government irt eXI. its chief city, St. Domingo, and its being for many years the feat of civil and criminal jurifdiAion, in cafes of appeal, from all the territories of Spain in this part of the world (a). THE fettlement of the French in the weftern part of the ifland, of the origin of which I have already given an account,. though the primary caufe of hereditary and irreconcilable enmity between the two colonies, was however produAive of good even to the Spaniards themfelves.. As the French fettlers increafed in number, and their plantations became enlarged, they wanted oxen for their markets, and horfes for their mills. Thefe, their neighbours were able to fupply without much exertion of labour; and thus an intercourfe was created, which has continued to the prefent day; the Spaniards receiving,. through the French, the manufadures of Europe, in exchange for cattle. The example too, before their eyes, of fuccefsful induftry and growing profperity, was not wholly without its effeat. The cultivation of fugar, which had diminithed nearly to nothing, was revived in different parts of the Spanifh territory, andplantations were eftablifhed of cacao, indigo, ginger, and tobacco. The quantity of fugar exported in the beginning of the prefent century, is faid to have amounted yearly to 15,000 chefts eachf of 7 cwt. THE country itfelf being evidently more mountainous in thecentral and eaftern than in the weftern parts, it is probable, that the Spanifh territory is, on the whole, naturally lefs fer(o) The adminiftration of jufice throughout Spanilh America is at prefent divided into twelve courts of audienc, one only of which is at St. Domingo. tile

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ST. DOMINGO. 179 tile than that of the French; but much the greater portion of C H A P. the ifland remained, until the late treaty, under the Spanifh XII. dominion; and of that, by far the major part continues at this hour an unproduaive wildernefs. On the northern coaft, the line of divifion began at the river Maffacre, and, croffing the country fomewhat irregularly, terminated on the fouthern fide, at a fmall bay called Les Ances a Pitre; leaving about two-thirds of the whole ifland in the poffeflion of Spain. Proceeding eaftward along the fhore from the boundary on the north, the firft place of note is Monte Chrifti, a town which formerly grew to importance by contraband traffick with North America, but is now reduced to a miferable village, the abode of a few fifhermen, and the furrounding country exhibits a melancholy profpea of neglect and fterility. The river St. Jago runs into the fea at this place; on the banks of which, at fome diftance inland, are grafs farms of confiderable extent. From the mouth of this river, for the fpace of fifteen leagues, to Punta Ifabella (the fcite of the firft fettlement eftablifhed by Chriftopher Columbus) the foil, though capable of improvement, exhibits no fign of cultivation. From Ifabella to old Cape FranCois (with the exception of Puerto de Plata) the coaft feems entirely deferted; nor, after paffing the bay of Samana, does a much better profpea offer, until coafting round the eaftern extremity, we reach a vaft extent of level country called Los Llanos, or the Plains; at the weft end of which, on the banks of the river Ozama, ftands the metropolis. THIS city, which was long the moft confiderable in the new world, was founded by Bartholomew Columbus, in the year 1498, and named after a faint of great renown in thofe days, St. A a 2 Dominick..

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i8o HISTO RY OF C H A P. Dominick. There is preferved in Oviedo, a Spanith hiflorian,. XII. who refided here about thirty years after its firft eftabiifhment, an account of its flate and population at that period, which being equally authentick and curious, I fhall prefent to the reader at length. BUT nowe (fays the Hiflorian) to fpeake fumwhat of the; principall and chiefe place of the iflande, whiche is the citie "i of San Domenico: I faye, that as touchynge the buildynges, there is no citie in Spaine, fo muche for fo-muche (no not" ,Barfalona, whiche I have oftentymes feene) that is to bee" preferred before this generallye. For the houfes of San Do' menico are for the mofte parte of ftone, as are thley of Barfalona. The fituation is muche better the that of Bar" jflona, by reafon that the ftreates are much larger and playner, and without comparyfon more directe and ftrayght furth. For beinge buylded nowe in our tyme, befyde the commo" ditie of the place of the foundation, the fireates were alfo" direted with corde compafe and meafure; werein it excelleth al the cities that I have fene. It hath the fea fo nere, that of one fyde there is no more fpace betwen the fea and the "' citie, then the waules. On the other parte, hard by the ifyde and at the foote of the houfes, paffeth the ryver Ozama, whiche is a marveylous porte; wherein laden fhyppes ryfe, very nere to the lande, and in manner under the houfe wyn" dowes. In the myddeft of the citie is the fortreffe and caftle; the port or haven alfo, is fo fayre and commodious to defraight or unlade fhyppes, as the lyke is founde but in fewe places.of the worlde. The chymineis that are in this citie are about fyxe hundreth in number, and fuch houfes as I have fpoken

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ST. DO M I N GO. 181 fpoken of before; of the which fum are fo fayre and large C H A P. that they maye well receave and lodge any lorde or noble XII. manne of Spayne, with his trayne and familie; and efpecially "that which Don Diego Colon, viceroy under your majeftie, "hath in this citie, is fuche that I knowe no man in Spayne that hath the lyke, by a quarter, in goodneffe, confyderynge all the "' commodities of the fame. Lykewyfe the fituation thereof as, Sbeinge above the fayde porte, and altogyther of ftone, and havynge many faire and large roomes, with as goodly. a pro" fpet, of the lande and fea as may be devyfed, feemeth-unto "me fo magnifical and princelyke, that your majeftie may bee.. as well lodged therein as in any of the mofte exquifite build"ed houfes of Spayne. There is alfo a cathedrall churche "buylded of late, where, aswell the byfhop accordyng to his" dygnitie, as alfo the canones, are wel indued. This church is 'well buylded of ftone.and lyme, and of: good woorkeman-. hyppe. There are further-more.three monafteries bearyng "the names of Saynt Dominike, Saynt Frances, .and Saynt "Mary of Mercedes; the whiche are well buylded, although not fo curiouflye as they. of Spayne.There is alfo a very "good hofpitalt for the ayde and fuccour of pore people, whiche was. founded, by Michaell Paffamont, threafurer to your majeftie.: To conclude, this citie fro day to day in"creafeth.in:welth and .good order, as wel for that the fayde "admyrall and viceroy, with the lorde chaunceloure and coun" fayle appoynted there by your majeftie, have theyr conti-. "nuall abydynge here, as alfo that the rycheft men. of the "ilande refort hyther, for thyre mofte commodious habitation and trade of fuch merchaundies as. are eyther brought owt of "Spayne.,

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182 HI STORY OF CH A P. Spayne, or fent thvther from this iland, which nowe fo XII. abundeth in many thynges, that it ferveth Spayne with many commodities, as it were with ufury requityng fuch benefites as it fyrft receaved from thenfe (/b). IT is probable that St. Domingo had now attained the fummit of its profperity. About fixty years afterwards (ift January i 86) it was attacked by Sir Francis Drake; a narrative of whole expedition, by an eye-witnefs, is preferved in Hakluyt's Collection; from which it appears, that it was, even then, a city of great extent and magnificence; and it is fhocking to relate, that, after a month's poffefion, Drake thought himfelfauthorized, by the laws of war, to deftroy it by fire. We fpent the early part of the mornings (fays the hiftorian of the voyage) in fireing the outmoft houfes; but they being built very magnificently of itone, with high loftes, gave us no fmall travell to ruin them. And albeit, for divers dayes together, we ordeined ech morning by day-break, until the heat began at nine of the clocke, that two hundred mariners did nought els but labour to fire and burn the faid houfes, whilft the fouldiers, in a like proportion, tfood forth for their guard; yet did we not, or could not, in this time, confume fo much as one third part of the towne; and fo in the end, wearied with firing, we were contented to accept of five and twenty thoufand ducats, of five fhillings and fixpence the peece, for the ranfome of the re&f of the towne (c)." OF (b) From a tranflation by Richard Eden, printed, London 1555, in black letter. (c) The following anecdote, related by the fame author, is too firiking to be overlooked. I thall quote his own words: During the ftay of the Engliih army in

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S'T. DOMING O. 183 OF the prefent condition of this ancient city,. the number C HA P. of its inhabitants, and the commerce which they fupport, I XII. can obtain no account on which I can depend. That it hath been long in its decline, I have no doubt; but that it is wholly depopulated, and in ruins, as Raynal afferts, I do not believe. The cathedral and other publick buildings are ftill in being, and were lately the refidence of a. confiderable body of clergy and lawyers. The city continued alfo, while under the Spanifh government, the diocefe of an archbifhop, to whom,. it is faid, the bifhops of St.. Jago in Cuba, Venezuela in New Spain, and St, John's in Porto Rico, were fuffragans. Thefe circumftances, added to the fecurity, commodioufnefs, and extent of the port or harbour, containing throughout not lefs than in the city, it chanced that the general'fent on a meffage to the Spanifh governor, a negro boy with a flag of whiter fignifying truce, as is the Spanyards ordinarie manner to do there, when they approch to fpeak to us ; which boy unhappily was firft'met withall by fome of thofe who had been belonging as officers for the king in the Spanith galley, which, with the towne, was lately fallen into our hands, who,. without all order or reafon, and contrary to that good ufage wherewith wee had intertained their meffengers,. furioufly firooke the poor boy thorow the body, with which wound the boy returned to the general, and, after he had declared the manner of this wrongfull crueltie, died forthwith in his prefence; wherewith the generall being greatly paffion'd, commanded-the provofl martiall to caufe a couple of friers,. then prifoners, to be.carried to the fame place where the boy was firoken, and there prefently to be hanged ; difpatching, at the fame inftant, another poor prifoner, with the reafon wherefore this execution was done, and with this further meffage, that untill the. party who' had thus murdered the general's meffenger, were delivered into our hands to receive condigne punifhment,. there thould no day paffe wherein there fhould not two prifoners be hanged, until they were all confumed which were. in.our hands. Whereupon the day following,.hee that had been captaine of the king's galley, brought the offender to the towne's end, offering to deliver him into our hands; but it was thought to be a more honourable revenge to make them there, in our fight, to performe the execution themfelves, which was done accordingly." three

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184 -THISTORY OF CH A P. -three -fathoms of water, and protefted by a bar over which the XII. largeft veffels :may pafs with fafety, have hitherto faved St. Do"mingo from entire decay, and may pofiibly continue: toi fve it. 'With this very defeaive information the reader muff be con.tent. As little feems to be known concerning the ftate of .agriculture in the Spanifh poffeffions in this. ifland, as of their capital and commerce. A few planters are faid to cultivate.ca*cao, tobacco, and fugar, for their own expenditure; and, perhaps fome fmall quantities of each are ftill exported for confump'tion in Spain. The chief article' of exportation, however, continues to be, what it always has been fince the mines were abandoned, the hides of horned cattle; which have multiplied to ifuch a degree, that the proprietors are faid to reckon them by thoufands; and vaft numbers (as I believe I have elfewhere obferved) are annually flaughtered folely for the fkins --. IT feems therefore extremely probable, that the cultivation of the earth is almoft entirely negleted throughout the whole of the Spanifh dominion in this ifland; and that fome of the fineft trafts of land in the world, once the paradife of a fimple and innocent people, are now abandoned.to the beafts of the field, and the vultures which hover round them (d). OF this defcription, probably, is the country already mentioned, called Los Llanos, which ftretches eaftward t It is faid that a Company was formed at Barcelona in 1757, with exclufive privileges, for the re-efiablifhment of agriculture and commerce in the Spanifh part ot St. Domingp: I know not with what fuccefs. (d) The Gallinazo, or American vulture, a very ravenous and filthy bird that :feeds on carrion. Thefe birds abound in St. Domingo, and devour the carcaffes of the cattle as foon as the fkins are firipped off by the hunters. from

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S T. D MING O. i85 from the capital upwards of fourfcore Britifh miles in length, C H A P, by twenty or twenty-five in width ; and which, aboundXII. ing in rivers throughout, may be fuppofed adapted for the growth of every tropical prodution in the greateft perfection: It feems capable alfo of-being artificially flooded in dry weather. NEXT to Los Llanos in magnitude, but fuperior, it is believed, in native fertility, is the noble valley to the north, called Vega Real; through the middle of which flows the river Tuna, for the fpace of fifty miles, and difembogues in Samana bay to the eaft. Perhaps it were no exaggeration to fay, that this and the former diftrids are alone capable of producing more fugar, and other valuable commodities, than all the Britifh Weft Indies put together. THESE plains, however, though in contiguity the largeft, are not the only parts of the country on which nature has beftowed extraordinary fertility. Glades abundantly rich, eafy of accefs, and obvious to cultivation, are every where found even in the bofom of the mountains; while the mountains themfelves contribute to fertilize the vallies which they encircle. IN beholding the gifts of a bountiful Creator, thus lying ufelefs and unimproved, and remembering at what an expence of human blood, and by what inexpiable guilt the Spanilh nation obtained the poffeffion of thefe countries from the rightful pof. feffors, it is fcarce poffible to abftain from very gloomy and B b defponding

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i<6 HISTORY OF C H A P. defponding refletions, or to fupprefs the exclamation, Low irSXI fcrutable are the ways of Divine Providence THers fcanty and unintereffing is the belt account I have to give of the territory itfelf; nor is my information much more perfet concerning the number and condition of the people by whom it is at prefent inhabited. The earlieft detachments from Old Spain were undoubtedly numerous. Herrera, an accurate and well-informed hiftorian, reckons that there were, at one period, no lefs than i4,000 Caftillians in Hifpaniola. Such was the renown of its riches, that men of all ranks and conditions reforted thither, in the fond expectation of fharing in the golden harveft. Its mines, indeed, were very produtive. Robertfon relates, that they continued for many years to yield a revenue of 460,000 pefos (e). In contrafting this fat, with an anecdote which I have elfewhere-f recorded, that the inhabitants, at the time of Drake's invafion, were fo wretchedly poor, as to be compelled to ufe, in barter among themfelves, pieces of leather as a fubftitute for money, we are furnifhAd with a ftriking proof, that the true way to acquire riches, is not by digging into the bowels, but by improving the furface, of the earth. Not having any manufacures, nor the productions of agriculture, to offer in exchange for the neceffaries and conveniencies of life, all their gold had foon found its way to Europe; and when the mines became exhaufted, their (t) Upwards of £. Ioo,ooo fterling. + Hiftory of the Britifh Weft Indies, vol. i. penury

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S T. D 0 M I N G 0. d7 penury was extreme; and floth, depopulation, and degeneracy, C H A P. were its neceffary confequences (f). XII. THE introdution into this ifland of negroes from Africa, of which I have elfewhere traced the origin and caufe (g), took place at an early period. This refource did not, however, greatly contribute to augment the population of the colony; for fuch of the whites as removed to the continent, in fearch of richer mines and better fortune, commonly took their negroes with them; and the fmall pox, a few years afterwards, deftroyed prodigious numbers of others. In 1717, the whole number of inhabitants under the Spanifh dominion, of all ages and conditions, enflaved and free, were no more than 18,410, and fince that time, I conceive, they have rather diminifhed than increafed. Of pure whites (in contradiftintion to the people of mixed blood) the number is undoubtedly very inconfiderable; perhaps not 3,000 in the whole. (f) The grofs ignorance of confidering gold and filvewr as real initead of attifd'al wealth, and the folly of neglecting agriculture for the fake of exploring mines, have been well expofed by Abbe Raynal; who compares the condtiu of the Spaniards in this refpe&, to that of the dog in the fable, dropping the piece of meat which he had in his mouth, to catch at the fiadow of it in the water. (g) Hift. of the Britih Weft Indies, Book iv. c. 2. A curious circurmance was, however, omitted. When the Portuguefe firft began the traffick in negroes, application was made to the Pope to fan6tify the trade by a bull, which his Holinefs iffued accordingly. In confequence of this permiffion and authority, a very coniiderable flave-market was eftablifhed at Lifbon, infomuch, that about the year 1539, from 10 to 12,000 negroes were fold there annually. Bb 2 THI

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iS8 HISTORY OF C H A P. THE hereditary and unextinguifhable animofity between the kII. Spanifh and French planters has already been noticed. It is pro" ~ bable, however, that the knowledge of this circumftance created greater reliance on the co-operation of the Spaniards with the Britifh army thanwas juftified by fubfequent events. At the earneft and repeated folicitations of Lieutenant Colonel Brifbane, in 1794, orders were indeed tranfmitted from the city of St. Domingo to the Commandant at Verettes, Don Francifco de Villa Neuva, to join the Englifh with the militia of that part of the country; the Britifh garrifon at St. Marc undertaking to fupply them with provifions and ammunition: but thefe orders were ill obeyed. Not more than three hundred men were brought into the field, and even thofe were far from being hearty in the common caufe. The French loyalifts appeared in greater numbers in the neighbourhood of St. Marc than in any other diftrit ; and the Spaniards detefted the French colonifts of all defcriptions. It was evident, at the fame time, that they were almoft equally jealous of the Englifl; betraying manifeft fymptbis of difcontent 'and envy, at beholding them in poffeffion of St. Marc, and the fertile plains in its vicinage. They proceeded, however, and took the town and harbour of Gonaive; but their fubfequent conduct manifefted the bafeft treachery, or the rankeft cowardice. The town. was no.fooner attacked by a fmall detachment from the revolted negroes, than the Spaniards fuffered themfelves to be driven out of it, in the moft unaccountable manner; leaving the French inhabitants to the fury of the favages, who maffacred the whole number (as their 2 comrades

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S T. D OMINGO. 189 comrades had done at Fort Dauphin) and then reduced the C H A P. town itfelf to afhes (h). X1I. ON the whole, there is reafon to fiuppofe that a great proportion of the prefent Spanifh proprietors in St. Domingo are a debafed and degenerate race; a motley mixture from European, Indian, and African anceftry; and the obfervation which has been nade in another place (i), concerning the Spanifh inhabitants of Jamaica, at the conqueft of that iland in 1655, will (h) In the northern province of the French colony, the inhabitants of Fort Dauphin, a town fituated on the Spanifh borders, having no afllftance from the Englifh, and being apprehenfive of an attack from the rebel negroes, applied for protecion, and delivered up the town, to the Spanifh government. The Spanifh commandant, on accepting the conditions required, which were chiefly for perfonal fafety, iflued a proclamation, importing, that fuch of the French planters as would feek refuge there, fhould find fecurity. Seduced by this proclamation, a confiderable number repaired thither; when, on Monday the 7th of July 1794, Jean Fran fis, the negro general, and leader of the revolt in ;79I, entered the town with fome thoufands of armed negroes. He met not the fialleft refiftance, either at the advanced pofts, or at the barriers occupied by the S.a',nmi troops; the inhabitants keeping their houfes, in the hope of being protected by the comma-ndant. In an inflant, every part of the city refounded with the cry of Long live the king of Spain Kill all the French ; but offer ; violence to the Spaniards;" and a general mafiacre of the French commenced, in which no lefs than 771 of them, without diftinrion of fex or age, were murdered on the fpot: the Spanifli foldiers flanding by, fpec&ators of the tragedy. It is thought, however, that if the Spani.rds had openly interpofed, they would have fhared the fate of the French. It is faid that Mont-Calvos, comniander of the Spanifh troops, moved by compaflion towards fome French gentlemen of his acquaintance, admitted them into the ranks, dreffing them in the Spanifh uniform for their fecurity ; others were fecretly conveyed to the fort, and fent off in the night to Monte Chrifti, where they got on board an American veffel belonging to Salem. (i) Hiftory of the Britifh Weft Indies, vol. i. equally

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190 HISTORY OF C H A P. equally apply to thefe. They are neither polifhed by focial inXII. tercourfe, nor improved by education; but pafs their days in Sgloomy languor, enfeebled by floth, and depreffed by poverty. From fuch men, therefore, great as their antipathy is to the French nation, and however averfe they may be to a change of laws and government, I am afraid that no cordial co-operation with the Britifh can ever he expeaed. The beft families among them, rather than fubmit to the French dominion, will probably remove to Cuba, or feek out new habitations among their countrymen on the neighbouring continent; while thofe which remain will neceffarily fink into the general mafs of coloured people, French and Englifh ; a clafs that, I think, in procefs of time, will become mailers of the towns and cultivated parts of the ifland on the fea-coaft; leaving the interior country to the revolted negroes. Such, probably, will be the fate of this once beautiful and princely colony; and it grieves me to fay, that the prefent exertions of Great Britain on this blood-flained theatre, can anfwer no other end than to haften the cataftrophe I MIGHT here expatiate on the wonderful difpenfations of Divine Providence, in raifing up the enflaved Africans to avenge the wrongs of the injured aborigines : I might alfo indulge the fond but fallacious idea, that as the negroes of St. Domingdo have been eye-witneffes to the benefits of civilized life among the whites;-have feen in what manner, and to what extent, focial order, peaceful induftry, and fubmifflion to laws, contribute to individual and general profperity (advantages which were denied to them in their native country ;) fome fuperior

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ST. DOMINGO. 191 rior fpirits may hereafter rife up among them, by whofe enC HAP. couragement and example they may be taught, in due time, to XI. difcard the ferocious and fordid manners and purfuits of favage life; tq corre6t their vices, and be led progreflively on to civilization and gentlenefs, to the knowledge of truth, and the pradice -of virtue. This piture is fo pleafing to the imagination, that every humane and refleaing mind muft wifh it may be realized; but I am afraid it is the mere creation of the fancy--" the fabrick of a vifion !" Experience has demonftrated, that a wild and lawlefs freedom affords no means of improvement, either mental or moral. The Charaibes of St. Vincent, and the Marooni negroes of Jamaica, were originally enflaved Africans; and what they now are, the freed negroes of St. Domingo will hereafter be; favages in the midft of focietywithout peace, fecurity, agriculture, or property; ignorant of the duties of life, and unacquainted with all the foft and endearing relations which render it defirable; averfe to labour, though frequently perithing of want; fufpicious of each other, and towards the reft of mankind revengeful and faithlefs, remorfelefs and bloody-minded; pretending to be free, while groaning beneath the capricious defpotifm of their chiefs, and feeling all the miferies of fervitude, without the benefits of fubordination IF what I have thus-not haftily, but-deliberately prediaed, concerning the fate of this unfortunate country, fhall be verified by the event, all other refletions muft yield to the preffing confideration how beft to obviate and defeat the influence which fo dreadful an example of fuccefsful revolt and triumphant ^*'i~

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r92 HISTORY OF C H A P. phant amarchy may have in our own iflands. This is a fubiea XII. which will foon force itfelf on the moft ferious attention of Government; and I am of opinion, that nothing lefs than the co-operation of the Britifh parliament with the colonial legiflatures can meet its emergency. On the other hand, if it be admitted that the objea is infinitely too important, and the means and refources of France much too powerful and abundant, to fuffer a doubt to remain concerning the ultimate accomplifhment of her views, in feizing on the whole of this extenfive country: if we can fuppofe that (convince at length, by painful experience, of the monftrous folly of fuddenly emancipating barbarous men, and placing them at once in all the complicated relations of civil fociety) the will finally fucceed in reducing the vaft body of fugitive negroes to obedience; and in eflablifhing fecurity, fubordination, and order, under a conftitution of government fuited to the actual condition of the various claffes of the inhabitants:-if fuch fhall be her good fortune, it will not require the endowment of prophecy to foretel the refult. The middling, and who are commonly the moft induftrious, clafs of Planters, throughout every ifland in the Weft Indies, allured-by the cheapnefs of the land and the fuperior fertility of the foil, will affuredly feek out fettlements inSt. Domingo; and a Weft Indian empire will fix itfelf in this noble ifland, to which, in a few thort years, all the tropical poffefiions of Europe will be found fubordinate and tributary. Placed in the centre of Britifh and Spanifh America, and fituated to windward of thofe territories of either nation which are moft valu,able, while the commerce of both nmuft exift only by its good pleafure, all the riches of Mexico will be wholly at its difpofal. Then

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ST. DOMI N G O. 193 Then will the humbled Spaniard lament, when it is too late, C H A P. the thoughtlefs and improvident furrender he has made, and XII. Great Britain find leifure to reflea5 how deeply the is herfelf concerned in the confequences of it. The dilemma is awful, and the final iffue known only to that omnifcient Power, in whofe hand is the-fate of empires But whatever the iffue may be,in, all the varieties of fortune,-in all events and circumftances, whether profperous or adverfe,-it infinitely concerns both the people of Great Britain, and the inhabitants of the Britifh colonies,-I cannot repeat it too often,-to derive admonition from the ftory before us. To Great Britain I would intiipate, that if, difregarding the prefent example, encouragement iflall continue to be given to the peftilent dotrines of thofe hot-brained fanaticks, and deteftable incendiaries, who, under the vile pretence of philanthropy and zeal for the interefts of fuffering humanity, preach up rebellion and murder to the contented and orderly negroes in our own territories, what elfe can be expeaed, but that the fame dreadful fcenes of carnage and defolation, which we have contemplated in St. Jomingo, will be renewed among our countrymen and relations, in the Britifh Weft Indies ? May God Almighty, of his infinite mercy, avert the evil! To the refident Planters I addrefs myfelf with ftill greater folicitude ; and, if it were in my power, would exhort .them, ".with more than mortal voice," to rife above the foggy atmofphere of local prejudices, and, by a generous furrender of temporary advantages, do that which the Parliament of Great Britain, in the pride and plenitude of imperial S dominion, cannot effe&, and otight not to attempt. I call on them, with the fincerity and the affection of a brother, of themC e. felves

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194 HISTORY OF ST. DOMINGO.. CHA P. felves to reftr-a n, m-i t, andfinal abolifh the further introducXIL tion of -oave d r.: r--m Ai rc. --not indeed by meafures of futd>-n v;ci;: and in juce, .-egarding the many weighty and Co:_picaten irtets v;hch '.re involved in the iffue; but by means (:,;7: t: coh zo -d gradual in their operation, will be jrc :d c : thc:r efe5t. The Colonial Legiflatures, by :Ir :i iuaticn iina iocai knowledge, are alone competent to this great and gc-: :1.tfjk :i rhis example of St Domingo,. and the didates of" eli-p -ci: tin li the handwriting againft, the wall, warn them no longer to delay it!' Towards the poor negroes over whom the ftatutes cf Great Britain, the accidents of fortune, and the laws of inheritance,.have invefted them with Spower, their generalcondua for the laft-twenty years: (.ith-. itanding the foul calumnies with which they have been loaded) may court enquiry and bid defiance to cenfure. A perfeverance in the'fgmre 'benevolent fyftem, progreffively leadingithe objets of it to civilization and mental improvement, preparatory to greater indulgence, is all that humanity, can require; for it is all that. prudence can didate.. Thus will the Planters prepare a fhield of defence againft their enemies, and fecure to themfelves. that ferenity and elevation, of mind, which arife from an approving confcieace; producing affuratce in hope, and.confolation in.adverfity. Their perfecutors and flanderers in the meantime will be. difregarded or forgotten; for calumny, though a great is a temporary evil, but truth and juftice will prove triumphant and, eternal! a • i

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ISTABLEAU ri' .;. -: T A B LE 'A U Du Coimrce et des Finances de la parte Frangoife de ST. DOMINGUE r -I ^ af S* o/.

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t" The firft Four of the following..T AS.were drawn up by order of the Legiflative Affembly of FRANCE, which met the ift of OCober 1791, and feem to have been famied hi the vlew if afcertaining the aatual ftate of the Colony, and its Commerce, immediately before the breaking out S6the rebellidn'f the Negros s tin e A'onth bf Auguft of that Year. Thl totals will be found to differ, in fome of the particulars, from the ifatement which has been given in the preceding pages. The difference arifes partly from the atual clqge of circumftances, in the courfe of two years which intervened between the periods when each Ilatement was made up, and partly )I .am-afraid, from errors and omifions of my dwn.

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[ 97 J No. I. Etat Gneral des Cultures et des Manufa&ures de la Partie Frangoife de S' Domingue. 1791. Sucreries. CHEFS LIBVE ." ou * ARTIBS PRs oAv PaOS as, d :*S. -§ ** Sou... ;. ..Le .Cap.edepndancsr .. ... I -2 --1 '-LeI.2 1 21,613, La petite Ance et la plaine du Nord --43 7 37 5 2 34 2 11,2Z S L' L'aeu niooade4 tSe Suzanne -52 4 17 63 6 -I I i9,876 Le p --Morin et la Grande Riviere -35 2 5 2 I 5 7 -18,55 Le Dondon et Marmelade --216 -32 2 7,376 i .... ..... *IA.:aimb't fIoftRMlargot ... 27z 5 I 7 -i 2 .2 15,978, Partie Plaifance et le Borgne ----324 2 4-3 5 I.,OI Nd. -'Le'Ptaauphhn -.? ti 71 2 o -4 .3 8 Iooo4. N Le Fort Dauphin Ouana'ninthe et Valliere 25 2 151 -2 -4 -3 9,987 SLe Terrier rouge et e trou ,,6.I 375 4 .5,.76' Le Port de Paix 5 Le Port de Paix le petit St Louis --6 ortean Rabel et le gros or. -.6 2 2.8 9 69 -4.8 26 4 29540 Le Mole --Le Mole et Bombarde --1 -3 1 5 ---3,183. t i. .... .. •; Port au-Prince etla Croixdei-'loiets r.6 7 15 22 29 2 42,848,' Me i -'5 Ip3l 62 24 4S 12 3 5 15 42,548, Por nce L'Acabye: -.36 6L z24. '4 14 -23 5 18,5539 Mirebalais 27 19 322 -Ilo,9o0 Liogane --LUogane -27 39, 58 I8 78 --.5 14 i 489& Partie de PI St Marc -' St Marc, la petite Rivi*re -.. Ol S Mar Les Verettes et les Gonaives --2z 2 98 315 1,1840 I 71 67,6 SLe peti-Goave,:le grand Goave,,etle fonds Le petit Goave -des Negres -.16 52 25 31 -I. 9 -,8,829 SL'Anfe a Veau et le petit trou -. 6 1 iI 7 s185 7 1 9 2. 13,229. SJ6r6mia --,mieet le Cap Dame Marie -3 105 446 25 14 -2774. Partie es Cayes. -Les Cayes et Torbeck --.24 86 69 76 175 -18 2 32 8 30,937' du JLe Cap Tiburon Le Cap Tiburon et les Coteaux -1 24 12 169 --4 7 1 8,5 Sud. St Louis -Louis, Cavaillon et Aquin -9 23 9 28 157 -8 2 18 i 18,78" .Jacmel -Jacmel, les Cayes, et B-ynel .-t 5 129 -3 7 1 21,15 Total 5i Paroiffes ---3412810 5 3,9 73. 451,00.1

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rg TABLEAU du COMMERCE, &c. .'' Ttat des Denrdes de St. Domingue exportees en France depuis le i"' Janvier 1791 au 31 Dec" inclufivement.." *Sicr.-"Cuirs. i k t" T Cafe" Coton. Indigo. Sirop. Tafia. D&partemens. Blir. 1i t. -n en Poll. Tandiis. Livres. Livres. Livres. Livres. -LivresBanettei. C6tes. Boucauts. Barique. Partie du Nord. Le Cap 2. -43,864,55z 1',57,489 9,36,38 -195,o99 z,oo6 6,975 1o,6r 4 Le Fort Baaphin -8,609,z58 1,69,9oo 2,3 z;,61t 1,200 2,005 1,134 -i6o 2,731 te Port de Pai -473,800 8z4,oo 1;829,754 38,75 2 6,472 20 -27Z a7 Le Mule -----2,500 165,68o0 9456 9,236 6,294 31 84 6 Partie de-l'Oieft. ---. Le Port an Prin -7,792,219 53,648,923 14,584.023 1,370,021 176,918 I,6ox 752 8,350 36 Liogane --1,492,983 7,688,537 1,786,484 154,084 12,520 112 -95 45 Saint Marc -3,244,673 6,993,966 5,521,37 3,oo8,163 357,530 --73 49 Le Petit Goave --28,866 855,237 1,395,690 84,865 320 --2o6 6 j1r9mie --9,804 476,445 453,33 189,94 ,075 100oo Partie du Sud. Les Cayes --375,627 18,984425 1,843,403 720,770 105,456 67 -6,938 56 Le Cap Tiburon 63,150 278,500 30S,740 34,325 1954 --99 St Louis -.o 2,000 9,6oo 9o07o6 42497 2,064 Jacmel --48,266 67,910 4,357,270 613,019 7,309 i Total -70o,zz7,708 93,177,512 68,151,180 6,86,126 930,016 5,186 7,887 29,502 303 Valeur

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de ST. DOMING U E. g No.. II continued. Valeur commune desExportations et des Droits pergus dans la Colnie fir toutes les. Denries. Du lr Janvier 1791 au, 31'X dw a-mime-ann6e. Indication de Qkotitc Iftimation en Vendut la nature en aifon dc prix en des Denries. nature. Commun. Wetr -Droits France. Commune. pergus. Sucre Blanc on terr6: 70,227,708 Livres -i -I! 67,670,781. 2,528,197 65,142,5884 SBrut ---9gi77,1z Linre$ --6 49.941,567 1,677,1.95 4A,264,37-. Cafe ---63,i5a,18o Livres --6 5t,890o748 1,226,720 5o;664,0o8 Coton ---6,286,!26 Livres -a 2 -17,572,252 785,766 16,786,486. Indigo -.-93,016 .Livres -a 7 Jo 10.875,120 465,008 o10410,11 Cacao ----15o.ooo Livres -a -16 2o,ooo -o0,00o Sirop -.--29,52 Boucauts -a 66 .+947,132 z22,275 1,72,8 Tafia .-303 Bariques a 71-zi,8i6 1,8zx 9,99,; iuirs Tann6s --7,887 Ctes. -a 84 -78,870 10.377 6849,. Cuirs en pil ---5,l6 Banettes -: 1 -93,348 "7807 85541 Caret (tortoife hell) --5,o00 Livres -i to0 -50 -0,000Gayac, Acajot, et Campche ,Soo,ooo L.res -a Eftimis 40o,00 -40,000 Total de.la Valear commune de toutesl k Denries ----2o,30,634 6,94,166 93,357746; SO fervation efentidlle. "louteleslesommes dont il eft queftion dans ce tabieau font Argent-des Ceo 1nics. Le change y eft A. 33.et la Livre'Tousnoiscompt6e pour une livre dix fous., S_ le Exemple. Le Mnontant des Reportations s'leve Argent des Colonies i4a fomnme de ---2 301,634 Riduite Argent de -eace-a. ----13,534,423 Difference fur cet At:Icle de --66,767,11 z2m Exemplei. La totalit& des denr&,s exportess,.et vendues en France-.montant enfemble a la flamm de ---193,377,468. Reduite.en L.vres Tourout a -. -a,,3l Difference lir cc Aticle de -.6 ,..£.56 On obtiendra le mine i6itat article par article aynat-l'ttention deriuir. Ie tiers.fur chaqae fomme, a.

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200. T A B LE A U du C GMMERCE, &c. No. III. Apperqu des Richeffes territoriales des habitations en grande Culture de la S Partie Frangoife de St. Domingue. Eflimation Evaluation des Capitaux. particuliere Totalite "i de chaque E de la Indication de la Nature des Capitaux. Nonibre. Objet en En Terres, En N6gres Valeur raifon du Btimens, et etammauxemGinerale. Sprix moyen. Plantations. ploy6s ahiexploitation. S. en Blanc ---451 a -230,000 103,730,000 -103,730,000 Sucreres en Brut --4 -80,ooo, 61,380,000 -61,380,000 Cafeteries --. -- -2,So -.o20,000 56,o20,ooo-56,200,000 Cofonneries 705 -30,000 21,150,000 -21,150,000 Indigoteries ----3,97 -30,000 92,910,0oo 92,910,000 Guil2iveries ---173 5,000 865,000 -865,000 Cacaotieres .-. --69 -4,o000 275,000 -275,000 Tapneries ----e3 16,oco 480,000 -480,000 Fours a Chaux, Briqueies et Poteries -374 -15,000 5,510,000 -5,51000 Negres anciens et nonveaux, grands et petits -455,000 a -2,500 I,137,500,0oo 1,137,500,000 Chevaux et Mulets --j 6,ooo --400 6,400,0 6,400,000 Rites a comes .-12,oo000 --120 1,440,coo 1,440,000 Total des Richeffes employees a la Culture .-342,500,000 1,145,340,000 1,487,840,000 Va '.,. -* : ., .Wt sb ; :

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de ST. DOMINGUE. 201 No. IV. RECETTES ET DEPENSES, &c. R E C E T E S. DESIGNATION DES OBJETS. Sommes. Caiffe de la Marine. 1. Reftant en Caiffe au 31 Dncembre 1790 ----.935,160 2. Droits perqus fur les Denrees exporties de la Colonie en France pendant 1'aine6 1789 -6,924,166 A diduire les appointemens des Receveurs de 6,889,966 l'Otroi et frais de Bureaux --34,200 3. Impofition pour la capitation des Efclaves -581,035 A deduire les remifes et modirations en faveur des Contribuables, cy -25,286 555,749 10,838,348 4. Droits de 2 f pour C. fur les loyers des maifons --376,443 5. Requ de divers Dibiteurs au Roi ----229,403 6. Loyers des Halles et maifons au profit de Sa Majet --302453 7. Objets vendus dans les magazins des divers Dipartements -139,324 8. Requ de divers pourjourn6es employees a l'H6pital --13,295 9. Rembourfemens des avances faites a divers --149,930 10. D6p6t a charge de rembourfemens --465,82 Ix. Montant des Lettres de change tiries fur les Triforiers et Munitionnaires G6neraux ---1,053,100 Caiffe Generale. 1. Reftant en Caiffe au 31 D6cembre 1790 --159,886 2. R6qu de divers Comptables en exercife et a valoir fur les debits pendant les annees 1787, 1788, et 1789 -178,756 3. Rdvenu de la ferme du bac du Cap, -.87,500 4. Revenu de la ferme des Poftes ---161,847 5. R6qu des anciens Comptables, Fermiers, &c. --150,716 1,171,290 6. Rembourfement d'un Pr&t fait a la Caifre Municipale -30,000 7. Rembourfement de celui fait a la Caiffe de la Marine --49,042 8. Loyer de la Salle de Spedtacle au Port au Prince -2,000 9. Rembourfemens par divers Receveurs des Droits domaniaux -30,400 Io. Rcqu des Curateurs aux Succeflions vacantes --321,43 D d DESIGNATION

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w2 TABLEAU du COMMERCE, &c. No. IV. continued. DESIGNATION DES OBJETS. Sommes. Caiffe des Libertes. i. Reftant en Caiffe au 31 Decembre 1790 ---51 642 2, II a et6 verf6 dans cette Caiffe pour 1'affranchiffement de 297 Efclaves pendant I'ann6e 1790 ----547,892 654906 3. Rembourfemens de divers D6biteurs a cette Caiffe --33,830 4. A compte fur le produit de la vente de divers Comeffibles -21,542 Caiffe des Droits Domaniaux. x. Montant des Amandes ---143,010 2. N6gres 6paves vendus au profit du Rol --52,634 3. Succeffions a titre d'Aubaines, Bitardifes, &c. --318,444 780,3a0 4. Confifcations ----5343 5. Droits de 2 pour C'. fur le montant des ventes judiciaires 114,869 J Caiffe de 1'Entrep6t. x. Droit d'un pour C'. impof6 fur les marchandifes qui font importies et exporties par le Commerce &tranger --112,397 2. Droit de 31i Tournois par quintal fur Ie boeuf fal6 introduit dans la Colonie par le Commerce 6tranger --42,378 459,078 3. Droits additionels impof6s par arr&t du Confeil de l'ann6e 1786 et 1787 ----304,303 Caiffe des Confignations. r. Reftant en Caifle au 31 D6cembre 790 ---82,503 0 2. Confign6 par divers; dans la caiffe du Treforier principal des 845 Colonies pendant le cours de l'ann6e 1789, pour la furet6 de 18 68 Efclaves embarquis pour France ---102,000 Invalides et fonds d'Armemens. x. Recettes faites pendant I'annee 1790 au profit des Invalides de la 7 Marine -----153,62 2. Montant des gages acquis aux equipages dont les bitimens ont 584,592 &6 defarmes dans la Colonie pendant les 9 derniers mois de 1789, et pendant 1'annee 1790 --430,972 Total de la Recette --14,673,014 I1,673,014 DEPENSES.

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de ST. DOMINGUE. 20o3 No. IV. continued. D E P E N S E S. DESIGNATION DES OBJETS. Sommes. Caiffe de la Marine. I. Traitemens et Appointemens des Officiers de 1'Etat Major gEneral, et particuliers des Places ---580,0001' 2. Officiers de 1'Adminiftration --670,000 3. Confeils et Jurifdifions -----00ooo 4. Officiers de Sant ------183,547 5. Appointemens et Soldes des Troupes ---I,206,co3 6. Subfiftences et Fournitures relatives aux Troupes --293,656 7. Journ6es d'H6pital ---606,478 8. Fortifications et entretiens des BAtimens publics --917,560 9. Achits des materiaux n6ceffaires a la conftru6tion des Edifices publics ----851,193 Io. Entretiens des B.timens de Mer fur 'ifle de la Gonave -90,(35 9,448,168 i .Aux Entrepreneurs des H6pitaux ---196,000 12. A divers pour fournitures de Riz et de Bifcuit --120,000 13. Depenfes pour les chemins decommunication --586,102 14. A divers Entrepreneurs de maconnerie, charpente, &c. -235,c61 15. Frais de voyages et avaries de mer. --142,064 16. Rembourfemens 1 la Caiffe g6n6rale des Invalides --511,520 17. A divers pour loyers des maifons, magafins, &c. --233,679 18. D6penfe faite par les vaiffeaux de S. M. en Station dans la Colonie ----1,204,650 19. Frais de tranfports, journies d'Ouvriers, &. ---119,720 CaifTe Generale. I. Traitemer.s et gages affignes fur cette Caiffe ---202,775 2. A divers Entrepreneurs des Canaux, Fontaines, &c. --229,403 3. Pay6 aux Heritiers et Cr6anciers des Succeffions vacantes -192,794 1,131,656 4. Pay6 a la decharge de la Caiffe des Biens domaniaux -397,109 5. Indemnites et gratifications a divers ---109,575 J Caiffe des Liberte's. "-. Penfions aux Peres et Meres de o1 A 12 enfans -71,765 2. Depenfe pour l'achevement des remblais du quay du Roi -72,731 3. Travaux r6latifs au cheo:in de Jacmel 86,621 4. Jardin du Roi au Port au Prince et Plantes d'Afie --50,912 5. Travaux faits au Cap ----70,464 651,354 6. Entretiens et conftructions des Fontaines publiques --i xo,896 7. Abrevoirs et Lavoirs publics --65,058 8A divers pour tranfports des comeftibles --90,951 9. Dons et gratifications affignes fur cette Caiffe -40,956 Ddz

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204 TABLEAU du COMMERCE, &c. No. IV. continued. DESIGNATION DES OBJETS. Somme*. Caiffe des Droits domaniaux. r. Traitemens et gages des employ6s, rembourfemens des amandes, taxations de Temoins, et frais de voyages --482,550 2. R6clamation des Epaves vendus au profit du Roi .46,52 3. Frais de juftice applicables au produit des Succeflons vacantes -00o,848 702,380 4. Pay6 aux d6nonciateurs, fur le produit des confifcations pour fait de Commerce interlope --12,461 Caiffe de 1'Entrep6t. r. Traitemens des Direteurs, Receveurs et Employes des Bureaux -112,397 2. Rembourfemens i divers pour les marchandifes r6-exportees -2,028 3. Verf6 dans la Caiffe de la Marine a titre de Dp6t --344,653 459,070 Caiffe des Confignations. I. Rembourfemens a divers confignataires pour le retour dans la Colonie de 53 Efclaves embarqu6s pour la France --79,500 81,00 z. Frais r1latifs i cette comptabilit ----,500 Invalides et Fonds d'Armemens. 1. Montant des remifes a faire a la Caiffe Generale des Invalides 153,620 2. Remifes faites dans les differents Ports pour les gages acquis aux 584,592 6quipages pour les D6farmemens ---430,972 Montant des Fonds non confommes au 31 Decembre 1791. Par la Caiffe de la Marine ---1,493,674 Par la Caiffe G6nerale ----39634 614886 Par la Caiffe des Liberts -----3,659 1 4, Par la Caiife des Droits domaniaux --77,919 Somme pareille i la Recette ----i4 4,6734 1467304 Ril6vi

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de ST. DOMINGU E. 205 No. IV. continued. Relve Genaral des Dettes aftives et paffives de St. Domingue au 31 Xbr 1791. Dettes afives en faveur des diverfes Caiffest. Montant Recouvremens faits Sommev de la dues Indication de la nature des Cr6ances. Crdance en en ds Creance en en on publique. 1789. 1790. 1791. 1. Sommes dues a la Caiffe de la Marine par promeffes, obligations, &c. ----6,576,838 633,221 229,403 5,714,214. 2. Sommes dues par divers Contribuables --2,514,465 483,701 376,143 1,654,62t 3. Avances faites par la Colonie en faveur des Troupes et des Efcadres alliees ---3,385,917 3,182,804 203,113. 4. Debits de comptes ou arrerages des Fermes -1,471,511 546,433 o03,618 821,460 5. Sommes dues par divers particuliers --978,299 o10,579 73,999 802,721 Total de la Cr6ance publicue de la Colonie -14,927,030 4,947,738 783,163 9,196,129, Dettes paffives a la charge de diverfes Caiffes. Montant Payements fairs Sommes, dela a Indication de la nature des Dettes. Dette n en payer publique. 1789. 1790. en 1791. 1. II eft du i 1'Entrepreneur des Travaux du Roi dans la Partie du Nord ---3,141265 1,446,814 334,45x 1,360o,ooo 2. 11 eftdu a divers Fourniffeurs, Entrepreneurs, Pro. pri6taires et autres, tant pour Soldes d'entreprifes, que pour avances par eux faites dans la partie de l'Oueff ----, 140,530 1,070,072 70,458 3. Il eft du i-divers Entrepreneurs, Fourniffeurs, &c. dans laPartie du Sud ----543,220 533,889 7,395 1,936 4. II eft du aux Etats Majors des divers Bitimens du Roi -------117,401 88,341 29,060 Total.de laDette publique de la Colonie -4,942,416 3,139,116 44,364 1,361,936

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[ i06 ] ADDITIONAL TABLES, containing Information not comprehended in the preceding; colleted by the Author when at Cape Frangois. No. V. TRADE of the French Part of ST. DOMINGO with Old France. IMPORTS for the Year 1788. Amount in Hifpaniola Quantity. Nature of Goods. Currency. Liv. 186,759 Barrels of Flour, --12,271,247 1,366 Quintals of Bifcuit, --38,684 3,309 Ditto --Cheefe, --217,450 2,044 Ditto --Wax Candles, -602,010 27,154 Ditto --Soap, --1,589,985 16,896 Ditto --Tallow Candles, -1,479,510 20,762 Ditto -Oil, --1,973,750 1,359 Ditto --Tallow, --55,770 121,587 Calks of Wine, --13,610,960 7,020 Cafes of D, --584,770 5,732 Calks of Beer, --328,175 6,174 Hampers of Beer, --57,380 10,375 Cafes of Cordials, --340,070 6,937 Ankers of Brandy, --140,238 2,284 Ditto of Vinegar, --23,784 19,457 Bafkets of Anifeed Liquor, -254,398 5,999 Quintals of Vegetables, -322,130 14,6 3 Cafes of preferved Fruit, -320,477 2,486 Quintals of Cod Fifh, --85,607 1,308 Ditto --Salt Filh, --26,7co 17,219 Ditto --Butter, --1,650,150 24,26I Ditto --Salt Beef, -998,300 14,732 Ditto --Salt Pork, -1,101,395 4,351 Ditto --Ditto, --376,560 1,627 Ditto --Hams, --177,340 Dry Goods, viz. Linens, Woollens, Silks, Cottons, and Manufa&ures of all kinds, --39,oo8,6co Sundry other Articles, valued at -8,685,600 Amount of all the Goods imported 86,414,040 Thefe

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ADDITIONAL TABLES. aoy No. V, continued. Thefe Importationg were made in 580 Veffels, meafuring together 189,679 Tons, or by Average 325 -Tons each Veffelviz. 224 from Bourdeaux. 3 from Harfleur. 129 from Nantes. 2 from Cherbourg, 90 from Marfeilles. 2 from Croific. 80 from Havre de Grace. i from Dieppe. 19 from Dunkirk. I from Rouen. x from St. Malo. i from Granville. io from Bayonne. i from Cette. 5 from La Rochelle. I from Rhedon. Add to the 580 Veffels from France, 98 from the Coaft of Africa, and the French Part of Hifpaniola will be found to have employed 678 Veffels belonging to France in the year 1788. No. VI. Foreign TRADE in 1788 (exclufive of'the Spanifhl.) Imported by Foreigners (Spaniards excepted) to the Amount of ----6,821,707 Livres, Exported by the fame ---4,409,922 Difference --3 2,411,785 N. B. This Trade employed 763 fmall Veffels, meafuring 55,745 Tons. The Average is 73 Tons each. Veffels from North America (American built) are comprehended in it; but there were alfo employed in the North American Trade 45 French Veffels, meafuring 3,475 Tons (the Average 77 Tons each), which exported to North America Colonial Products, Value -525,571 Livres. And imported in return Goods to the Amount of 465,081 Difference ---60,490 Spaniflh

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2oS8-212 ADDITIONAL TABLES. No. VI. contidued. Spanilh TRADE in 1788. 2-9 Spanifh Veffels, meafuring 15,417 Tons, or 59 Tons each, imported to the Amount of (chiefly Bullion) -9,717,113 And exported Negro Slaves, and Goods, chiefly European Manufa6tures, to the Amount of -5,587,515 Difference ---4,129,598 N. B. This is exclufive of the inland Trade with the Spaniards, of which there is no Account. No. VIL AFRICAN TRADE. NEGROES imported into the French Part of HISPANIOLA, in 1788. Porta of Men. Women. Boys. Girls. Amount. Num. of Importation. Veffels. Port au Prince 4,732 2,256 764 541 8,293 24 St. Marc --1,665 645 230 60 2,600 8 LUogane --1,652 798 469 327 3,246 9 Jeremie -88 75 23 i8 204 i Cayes --1,624 872 1,245 849 4,590 19 Cape Francois 5,913 2,394 1,514 752 10,573 37 15,674 7,040 4,245 2,547 29,506 98 In 1787, 30,839 Negroes were imported into the French Part of St. Domingo. The 29,506 Negroes imported in 1788, were fold for 61,936,190 Livres (Hifpaniola Currency) which on an average is 2,099 liv. 2s. each, being about f. 6o. fterling. ADDITIONAL

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"213 ADDITIONAL NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. CHAP. I. p. II. T HIS applies equally to all the European Colonies in America, CHAP. I. and accordingly the a5ual condition of the Negroes in all p. I. thofe colonies, to whatever nation they belong, is, I believe, nearly the fame, &c. THIS is meant, however, rather as a general obfervation, than a precife and accurate ftatement applicable to all cafes. Habit alone has fo great an influence in national manners, as on fome occafions to counteract the plaineft ditates offelf-intereft. The Dutch, for inftance, are, as I have heard, habitually a cruel and unfeeling people. The flate of flavery, therefore, in Surinam, differs probably, in many refpe&s, from the fame condition of life both in the Britifh and Spanifh Weft Indies. Among the Spaniards the fuperftitious obfervances of the Romifh Church co-operate with the flothful difpofition of the white inhabitants, to produce a great relaxation of difcipline. On the other hand, the Dutch difregard all religious feftivals, and abhor idlenefs. Thefe cafes, however, are the oppofite extremes. E e CHAP.

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"214 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. .CHAP. II. p. 16. p. 16. i;he Society in France called Amis des Noirs, was, I elieve, originaly formed on the model of a fimilar 4Af ciation in London, &c. SINCE the foregoing fheets were printed, I have met with a work publifhed this prefent year (1796) at Paris, entitled, Reflexions fur la Colonie de St. Domingue ; the following paffage from which is given, as a ftriking illuftration of the foregoing obfervation: fpeaking of the difcuffions which arofe in the Britifh Parliament about the year 1789, concerning the Slave Trade, the author continues thus: Les iddes Anglaifes furent un brandon lance au milieu de matieres combuftibles, et elles furent accueillies en France avec autant de fureur qu'on en mettait precedemment a adopter fes ridicules et la forme de fes vetemens. Toute raifon de convenance et d'intert national fut foulee aux pieds; on fe precipita dans le piege groffier tendu a l'ignorance et a la prefomption, et l'on ne parut plus anim6 que par la crainte d'etre precede par fes rivaux dans ce nouveau champ de gloire. Soit que les imaginations malades ou fortement ebranlees, fe repaiffent plus volontiers de chimeres que de realite, foit que des agens fecrets fuffent charges de donner une direaion a l'amour violent de la nouveaute, les cceurs refterent fecs & infenfibles au fpetacle de la mifere dont les yeux etoient journellement frappes, pour ne s'occuper exclufivement que de maux

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AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 21s maux imaginaires ou eloignes, et fur lefquels on n'avoit que des CHAP. IL idees vagues. Tous les maux de l'humanitd furent l'ouvrage p. 6. des intrigans, de ces hommes mille fois plus funefies a 1R foci&6 que les brigands le plus feroces, &c. Refexions fur la Colonie de St. Domingue, tom. i. p. 72. CHAP. III. p. 31. CHAP. I. p. 3.. All that can be urged in extenuation, feems to be that the circumflances of the cafe were novel, and the Members of the Colonial Afembly unexperienced in the bujinefs of legjilation, &c. A MOST able and elaborate defence of the Colonial Affembly was drawn up by one of its Members (Mr. de Pons) and publiihed at Paris in November 1790, wherein (as far as general rules will admit) the relation in which the Colony flood to the Mother Country, and the rights that diftinfly appertained to each party, confidently with that due fubordination which was due from the child to the parent, was clearly, and (with one or two exceptions) I think very accurately defined. I fhall prefent the reader with an extra& from this performance, not only as illuftrating the cafe of St. Domingo, but as furhifhing fome hints which the government and colonies of Great Britain may not find unworthy attention, if unhappily difputes fhall hereafter arife between them, concerning the extents ofjurifdiction on the one hand, and the obligation to obedience on the other. Un

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' # ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. IT. Un principe d'ou font eman's tous les travaux de 1'Aflemble p. 3'. de la Colonie, fut g6n4ralement adopte par tous fes Membres,. .c'eft que les Colonies ne doivent intereffer la Metropole, qu'en proportion des avantages qu'elles lui procurent. Cette corfi.ddration dut acquerir, dans l'efprit de tous les Colons, un cara&ftre de legalite a tous les moyens qui pouvoient affurer la profp6rite de la Colonie, & augmenter fes rapports avec la merepatrie. II auroit ete fans doute a fouhaiter, & il le feroit bien iplus encore, qu'une m&me Loi put convenir a tous les climats, a toute efpice de moeurs, a toutes les populations; mais malheureufement les hommes ne font pas les memes par-tout; telle Loi qui convient dans un endroit, feroit nuifible dans un autre. L'Affemblee geinrale envifagea done la Conftitution de Saint-Domingue fous trois rapports, toujours diriges d'apres fon int&r't de refter unie a la MItropole, & d'apres la revolution de I'empire. z*. Comme faifant partie integrante de 1'empire FranCois. 2z. Comme obligee de concourir par fes produaions a la profperite de 1'Etat. 3*. Comme affujettie par la diffemblance de fon climat, de fes mccurs & de fa population, a des befoins particuliers & differens de ceux de la Metropole. 4DIViSION-

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AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 21z CHAP. III. DIvisioN Ds LA CONSTITUTION DE SAINT-DOMINGUE. p. 31. ----/ CES divers rapports firent divifer la Conflitution convenable a Saint-Domingue, En Loix generales; "En Loix communes, Et en Loix particulieres. Loix GENERALES. LES Loix gendrales de 'empire, celles qui intereffent tous les Francois, dans quelque coin de la terre qu'ils foient places, furent confiderees comme obligatoires pour les Colonies, fans aucun examen, fans aucune reftrition. Ces Loix font: la forme du Gouvernment, le fort de la Couronne, la rCconnoifance du Monarque, les Declarations de guerre, les Traites de paix, 1'organifation gednrale de la" Police & de la Juftice, &c. &c. L'interet des Colonies fe trouvant a' cet egard confondu avec celui de toute la Nation, 1'Affemblee Nationale a feule. le droit de decreter ces Loix. Loix COMMUNES. LES Loix communes font celles qui ont rapport aux rdlations de la .Mtropole avec les Colonies; c'eft un contrat par lequel la France s'oblige de proteger &. difendre les Colonies contre les puiffances etrangeres, de l'ambition defquelles ells, deviendroient 1'objet. Cette protection ne devant ni ne pouvant etre F f gratuite,

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ai8 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. III. gratuite, les Colonies doivent en dedommager I'Etat par le& p. 31. avantages du Commerce. Dela, le regime prohibitif dans les fers duquel la deftinde les a condamnes a reffer toujours; & quel que foit le degre de liberte dont jouiffe la Nation, les Colonies feront toujours efclaves du Commerce. C'eft une pofition politique abfolument inherente a leur pofition phyfique, elles n'en laiffent pas 'chapper le moindre murmue ; elles favent bien que leur qualite de Francois ne leur donne pas de droit fur les deniers de l'Etat; elles confentent done a nc rcedvoir que de la France tous les objets de confommation que fes Manufactures & fon fol peuvent fournir; elles foufcrivent encore .I'obligation de n'envoyer leurs denrees qu'en France. Ce qu'elles demandent, ce qu'on ne peut leur refufer, c'eft qu'en confacrant ces conventions fondamentales, les abus que le regime prohibitif entraine apres lui foient detruits. LoIx PARTICULIERES OU REGIME INTERIEUR. LES Loix particulieres font celles qui n'intereffent que les Colonies. De grands motifs ont porte la Colonie de SaintDomingue a s'en referver la formation: '. il eft bien reconnu que les Loix de Saint-Domingue ne peuvent etre faites ailleurs que dans fon fein; 'cette verite fondamentale a echappe a fon ennemi le plus cruel. M. la Luzerne, dans fon memoire prefente a l'Affemblee Nationale, le 27 Oaobre 1789, (N. 2.) difoit que les Colonies n'ont jamais pu etre regies par les memes Loix que le Royaume, & qu'il a fallu toujours conferer le pouvoir a deux Adminiftrateurs de faire les Loix locales, parce qu'il 4. eft

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AND ILLUStR AT AJdNS. 9ig eft unb infinite de convenances qu'on ne peut connotte: que fur CAP. fii, les lieutr. P 3r. Ce que 1'Affemblee generale s'eft refervee n'eft done que la portion du pouvoir lgifatif qui refidoit, contre Ic droit des hommes, dans les mains de'deux fatrapes, que la Colonie n'intereffe que par les richeffes qu'ils enretirent pendant leur triennat. 2. I eft contraird atix principes conflitutionnels, que celui qui fait ]a Loi n'y foit point affujetti. Tous les hommes ont le droit de concourir a la formation de la Loi a laquelle ils font affujettis; mais nul ne peut concourir a la formation de celle qui ne 1'affujettit pas. Ce principe, feul egide de la liberte individuelle, feul garant de la bierifaifance de la Loi, n'a pas permis aux Colons de SaintDomingue de douter que 1'Affemblee Nationale, difpenfatrice des bienfaits regendrateurs, n'approuviat cette' difpofition qui affure la profperiti de Saint-D6minrgue.-. En effet, il ne peut pas en etre des Loix locales des Se&tions eloignees' e 1'Empire, comme des Loix qui n'intdreffent que la France. La Loi decrette pour le Royaume eft la memeliour tous lies Cantons. L'univerfalite des Ddputis de I'Affemblee Nati6nile eft intereffee a en examiner forupuleufement tous les rapports, a en confiderer tous les avantages & tous les-inconveniens. De forte q(ue I'intre&t que tous ont a ce que la Loi, du vice de laF f quelle

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0o r ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. II. quelle is feroient eux-m mes les vitimes, ne foit que le fiukt P31. d'une longue meditation, & de reflexions longuement & foigneufement difcuties, en affure la fageffe. Les Loix particulieres de Saint-Domingue n'affujettiffant que les habitans qui y refident ou qui y ont leurs fortunes, n'intereffent dans 1'Affemblke Nationale que les douze Deput&s des Colonies. 3. Une des conditions effentielles, a la bont& de Ia Loi, eft que celui qui la fait, connoiffe parfaitement les rapports qui doivent la conftituer. Or, nul ne peut connoltre les particularitis locales que celui qui eft fur les iieux, parce que ces memes particularitis changent & varient; & il faut que la Loi foit faite, d'apres ces changemens, d'apres ces variations. 4'. II eft bien conflant que les liens de la Socidet font les pouvoirs etablis pour en faire executer les conditions. Le bonheur de toute conftitution depend abfolument d'une ation egale dans ces differens pouvoirs;: c'eft cette igalitC feial qui en maintient r'dquilibre.. 11 faut nceffairement qu'il exifle aSaint-Dominque un pouvoir executif; car le malheur des Societes veut que la raifon n'aille jamais en politique qu'a c6te de la force. Si ce pouvoir n'eft balance par aucun autre, il finira par tout envahir, & par fubftituer 1'oppreffion aux bienfaits de la regeneration a laquelle la revolution aduelle donne a tous les Francois le droit de pretendre. II ne peut done etre contenu dans fes bornes que par une

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AND ILLUSTRATIONS. :21 :;ne maffe proportionnee de pouvoir legiflatif, dont il ait I reCHAP. Iir. douter la furveillance. p. 3'. 5'. LES principes de 1'Affemblee Nationale s'oppofent a ce qu'elle decrete la Conftitution particuliere de Saint-Domingue. Celle de la France a pour bafe la liberte, l'dgalite ; celle de Saint-Domingue repofe malheureufement fur la fervitude, & une diftin&ion de clafles, d'oiu depend la confervation de cette fuperbe Colonie.. Tous les raifonnemens poffibles echoueront. contre cette verite. Ces differentes obfervations, bien analyfees dans 1'Affemblee generale, la raffurerent fur la crainte qu'elle avoit de ne point fe trouver d'accord avec les principes de 1'Affemblee Nationale, & de preter a la calomnie le pretexte d'inculper fes intentions. Les differens Membres de 1'Affemblee gen&rate etoient bien 1ioignes de prevoir que l'heureufe revolution, qui a porte la joie & 1'enthoufiafme dans les cceurs de tous les. Frangois, finiroit par porter a Saint-Domingue le deuil & la difolation. Qu'importe a la France, quelque foit notre regime domeftique, pourvu qu'il tende a augmenter les produaions de la Colonie ? pourvu que nous. foyons affujettis aux Loix ginerales de I'Empire ? pourvu que nous refpeaions les rapports commerciaux ? pourvu que nous regardions la fujetion de ne traiter qu'avec la France, comme un jufte dedommagement de la proteAion & des fecours qu'elle nous accorde ? pourvu que nous executions les Decrets. de l'Affemble Nationale, en tout ce qui n'eft point contraire aux localites. II

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223, ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. rn. II importe a la France que nous foyons heureux, que nous P. 31.confommions les denrees & les marchandifes qu'elle pent nous fournir, & que nous lui envoyions en echange beaucoup de fucre, de caf6, d'indigo, de coton, de cacao, &c. Enfin, il lui importe que la Conflitution de Saint-Domingue foit telle, qu'elle uniffe pour jamais cette Colonie .la Mei'ropole, & qu'elle concoure, par fes richeffes, a la profperite de l'Etat. D'apres ces reflexions, fimples & vraies, I'Affemblee generale de Saint-Domingue pofa fes bafes conftitutionnelles dans fon Decret du 28 Mai (N. 3.) CHAP.IV. CH A P. IV. p. 49. p. 49. ~' SSupprefed it certanly was, and the miferable Oge hurried to inmmediate execution, as if to prevent the further communication and full difclofure of fo weighty afecret. THIS is a very remarkable fat, and leads to moft ferious reflections concerning the conduct of the French loyalifts in St. Domingo; I fhall therefore prefent the reader with Ogd's dying declaration at length, as copied verbatim from the public records, when the difclofure was made nine months afterwards to the Colonial Affembly. TESTAMENT

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AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 223 / CHAP. IV. TESTAMENT DE MORT D'OGE. p. 49. L--<-i ExTRAIT des minutes du Confeil Superieurdu Cap, I'an mil fept cent quatre-vingt-onze et le neuf mars, nous AntoineEtienne Ruotte, confeiller du rol, doyen au Confeil Superieur du Cap, et Marie-Frangois Pourchereffe de Vertieres, auffi confeiller du roi au Confeil Superieur du Cap, commiffaires nommes par la. cour, a 'effet de faire executer l'arret de laditecour,du 5 duprefent mois, portant condamnation de mort contre le nomme Jacques Oge, dit Jacquot, quarteron libre; lequel, etant en la chambre criminelle, et apres le6ture faite dudit arret, en ce qui le concerne, a dit et declare, pour la decharge de fa confcience, ferment praelablement par lui prete, la main levee devant nous, de dire verite' Que dans le commencement du mois de fevrier dernier, fi les rivieres n'avoient pas e'te debordees, il devoit fe faire un attroupement de gens de couleur, qui devoient entrainer avec eux les ateliers, et devoient venir fondre fur la ville du Cap en nombre tres-confiderable; qu'ils etoient meme dedj reunis au nombre de onze mille hommes; que le debordement des rivieres eft le feul obitacle qui les a empeches de fe reunir; cette quantite d'hommes de couleur etant compofde de ceux du Mirebalais, de 1'Artibonite, du Limbe, d'Ouanaminthe, de la Grande-Riviere, et generalement de toute la Colonie. Qu'a cette epoque, il etait forti du Cap cent hommes de couleur pour fe joindre a cette troupe. Que 1'accuf6 eft affure que les auteurs de cette revolte font les Declains, negres libres de la Grande-Riviere, accuf6s aW

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g+ ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. IV. au procs; Dumas, n. .; Yvon, n. 1.; Bitozin, m.1. efpagnol; p. 49. Pierre Godard et Jean-Baptifte, fon frere, n. 1. de la GrandeRiviere; Legrand Mazeau et Touffaint Mazeau, n. 1.; Pierre Mauzi, m. 1.; Ginga Lapaire, Charles Lamadieu, les Sabourins, Jean Pierre Goudy, Jofeph Lucas, mulatres libres; Maurice, n. 1.; tous accufes au proces. Que les grands moteurs, au bas de la c6te, font les nommes Daguin, accufd au proces; Rebel, demeurant au Mirebalais; Pinchinat, accufe au proces; Labaftille, egalement accufe an proces; et que l'accufe, ici prefent, croit devoir nous declarer &tre un des plus ardens partifans de la rdvolte, qui a mu en grande partie celle qui a eclate dans les environs de Saint-Marc, et qui cherche a en exciter une nouvelle; qu'il y a dans ce moment plufieurs gens de couleur, dans diffirens quartiers, bien rifolus a tenir a leurs projets, malgre que ceux qui tremperoient dans la r'volte perdroient la vie; que l'accufd, ici prdfent, ne peut pas fe reffouvenir du nom de tous; mais qu'il fe rappelle que le fils de Laplace, q. 1.; dont lui accufe a vu la fceur dans les prifons, a quitte le Limbe pour aller faire des recrues dans le quartier d'Ouanaminthe; et que ces recrues et ces foulevemens de gens de couleur font foutenus ici par la prefence des nommes Fleury et 1'Hirondelle Viard, deputes des gens de couleur aupres de l'affemblee nationale; que lui accufe, ici prefent, ignore fi les deputes fe tiennent chez eux; qu'il croit que le nomme Fleury fe tient au Mirebalais, et le nomme 1'Hirondelle Viard dans le quartier de la Grande-Riviere. Que

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AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 25 Que lui accufd, ici prdfent, declare que I'infurre(ion des re-' CHAP. IV. volts exifte dans les fouterrains qui fe trouvent entre la Crete P. 49. a Marcan et le Canton du Giromon, paroiffe de la GrandeRiviere; qu'en confequence, fi lui accufe pouvoit etre conduit fur les lieux, il fe feroit fort de prendre les chefs des rvoltds; que l'agitation dans laquelle il fe trouve, relativement 'a fa polition atuelle, ne lui permet pas de nous donner des details plus circonflancies; qu'il nous les donnera par la fuite, lorfqu'il fera un peu plus tranquil; qu'il lui vient en ce moment a l'efprit que le nomme Caftaing, mulatre libre de cette dependance; ne fe trouve compris en aucune maniere dans I'affaire a6tuelle; mais que lui accufi, nous affure que fi fon frere Oge ett fuivi l'impulfion dudit Caftaing, il fe feroit porte a de bien plus grandes extremites; qui eft tout ce qu'il nous a dit pouvoir nous declarer dans ce moment, dont lui avons donne ade, qu'il a figne avec nous et le greffier. Signe a la minute J. OGE', RUOTTE, POURCHERESSE DE VERTIERES, et LANDAIS, greffier. EXTRAIT des minutes du greffe du Confeil Sup6rieur du Cap, I'an mil fept cent quatre-vingt-onze, le dix mars, trois heures de relevee, en la chambre criminelle, nous Antoine-Etienne Ruotte, confeiller du roi, doyen du Confeil Supdrieur du Cap, et Marie-Fran9ois-Jofeph de Vertieres; auffi confeiller du roi audit Confeil Superieur du Cap, commiffaires nommes par la cour, fuivant arret de ce jour, rendu fur les conclufions du procureur general du roi de ladite cour, a l'effet de proceder au recolement de la declaration faite par le nomme Jacques Oge, q.l.; G g lequel,

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246 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. IV. lequel, apres ferment par lui fait, la main levee devant nous de p. 49. dire la vrite, et apres lui avoir fait lecture, par le greffier, de la declaration du jour d'hier, I'avons interpelle de nous declarer fi ladite declaration contient verite, s'il veut n'y rien ajouter, n'y diminuer, et s'il y perfifte. A repondu que ladite declaration du jour d'hier contient verite, qu'il y perfie, et qu'il y ajoute que les deux Didiera freres, dont l'un plus grand que 1'autre, mulutres ou quarterons libres, ne les ayant vu que cette fois; Jean-Pierre Gerard, m. 1. du Cap, et Caton, m. 1. auffi du Cap, font employes a gagner les ateliers de la Grande-Riviere, qu'ils font enfemble de jour, et que de nuit ils font difperfes. Ajoute encore que lors de fa confrontation avec Jacques Lucas, il a ete dit par ce dernier, que lui accufe, ici prefent, ravoit menace de le faire pendre; a quoi, lui accufe, a repondu audit Jacques Lucas, qu'il devoit favoir pourquoi que ledit Jacques Lucas n'ayant pas infifte, lui accufe n'a pas declare le motif de cette menace, pour ne pas perdre ledit Jacques Lucas; qu'il nous declare les chofes cormme elles fe font paffies; que ledit Lucas lui ayant dit qu'il avoit fouleve les ateliers de M. Bonamy et de divers autres habitans de la Grande-Riviere, pour aller igorger 1'armee chez M. Cardineau; qu'au premier coup de core, il e'oit fir que ces ateliers s'attrouperoient et fe joindroient a la troupe des gens de couleur; alors lui accuf4, tenant aux blancs, fut revolte de cette barbarie, et dit au nomme Jacques Lucas, que l'auteur d'un pareil projet meritoit d'etre pendu; qu'il eet a 1'initant a faire rentrer les negres qu'il avoit appolf dans

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AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 227 dans differens coins avec des comes; que lai accufe, ici prefent, CHAiN IV. nous declare qu'il a donne audit Lucas trois pomponelles de tafia, p. 49. trois bouteilles de vin et du pain; qu'il ignoroit I'ufage que ledit Lucas en faifoit; que la troifirnie fois que ledit Lucas en vint chercher; lui accuf, ici prefent, lui ayant demandd ce qu'il faifoit de ces boiffons et vivres; ledit Lucas repondit-que c'etoit pour les negres qu'il avoit difperfe de c6te et d'autre; que ce qui prouve que ledit Lucas avoit le projet de foulever les negres efclaves contre les blancs, et de faire egorger ces derniers par les premiers; c'eft la propofition qu'il fit a Vincent Ogi, frbre de lui accufe, de venir fur l'habitation de lui Jacques Lucas, pour etre plus a port&e de fe joindre aux negres qu'il avoit debauchd; que fi lui accufd n'a pas r6vele ces faits a fa confrontation avec ledit Jacques Lucas, c'eft qu'il s'eft apperqu qu'ils n'etoient pas connus, et qu'il n'a pas voulu le perdre; qu'il a du moinsla fatisfadion d'avoir d'tourne ce crime horrible et cannibale; qu'il s'etoit referv6 de redvler en juffice; lors de fon eCargiffement; que ce meme Lucas eft celui qui a voulu couper la tte a deux blancs prifonniers, et notamment au fieur Belifle, pour lui avoir enleve une femme; que Pierre Roubert ota le fabre desmains de Jacques Lucas, et appella Vincent Oge, frre de lii accuf6, ici prefent, qui fit des remontrances audit Lucas; que cependant "ces prifoaniers ont declares en juftice que c'etoit liii accufe qii avoit eu ce deffein; que meme a la confrontation ils le lui ont foutenu mais 4ue le fait s'etant paffl de nuit, lefdits prifonniers ont pris, lui accufe, pour ledit Lucas, tandis que lui accufe n*a ceiff de les combler d'honn&tetes ; qu'a la confrontation, lui accufe a cru qu'il etoit fuffifant de dire que ce n'etoit pas lui, et d'affirmer qu'il n'avoit jamais connu cette femmne; tmis qu'aujourd'G g 2 hi

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228 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP.. hui il fe croyoit oblige, pour la decharge de fa confcience, de p. 49. nous rendre les faits tels qu'ils font, et d'infifter a jurer qu'il ne -l'a jamais connue. Ajoute 1'accufe que le nomme Fleury et Periffe; Ie premier, 'un des ddputes des gens de couleur pres de 'affembl'e nationale, font arrives en cette Colonie par un batiment Bordelais avec le nomme 1'Hirondelle Viard; que le capitaine a mis les deux premiers a Acquin, chez un nomme Dupont, homme de -couleur; et le nomme 1'Hirondelle Viard, egalement depute des gens de couleur, au Cap. Ajoute encor.e 'accufd, qu'il nous avoit ddclare, le jour d'hier, que le nomme Laplace, dont le pere eft ici dans les prifons, faifant des recrues a.Ouanaminthe, eft du noimbre de ceux qui ont marche du Limbe contre le Cap; que pour eloigner les foupcons, il eft alle au Port-Margot, oi il s'ekf tenu cache plufieurs jours, feignant d'avoir une fluxion; que ledit Laplace pere a dit, a lui accufi, qu'il 'toit far que fon voifin, qui eft un blanc,,ne depofera pas contre lui, malgrd qau'il fache toutes fes ddmarches; qu'il etoit affure que le nomme Girardeau, detenu en prifon, ne declareroit rien, parce qu'il etoit trop fon ami pour le decouvrir; qu'enfuite, s'il le denoncoit, i. feroit force d'en denoncer beaucoup d'autres, tant du Limbe qu.:i des.autres quartiers. Obferve I'accufd que lorfqu'il nous a parle des moyens errployes par Jacques Lucas pour foulever les negres efclaves, il a omis de nous dire que Pierre Maury avait envoye une trentaine d'efclaves chez Lucas; que lui accufe, avec l'agriment d'Oge le .jeune, fon frbre, les renvoya, ce qui occafionna une plainte gendrale, les gens de couleur difant que c'etoit du renfort; que lui accuf6

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AND I LUSTRIT IlON S. 29 accufi eut m&.e a cette occafion unerixe avec le plus grand CHAP. IV. lies Didiers, avec lequel il manqua de> fe battre au pifolet, pour 9 49' .VQuloif lui foutenir qu'6tant libre et cherchant & atrei.affimiil auix"blncs, ii n'toit pas fait pour 8tre affimild aux negres efclaves; que d'ailleurs foulevant les efclaves,: c'itoit ddtruire les propriteis des blancs, et qu'en les dUtruifant,, ils dtruifoient les leurs propres; que depuis que lui accufi etoit dans les prifons, il a vu un petit billet ecrit par ledit Pierre Maury a. Jean-Franqois, Teffier, par lequel il. lui marque _qu'il continue a ramaffer, et que le negre nomme Coquin, -la dame veuve Caftaing andee, armd d'une paire de piftolet garni en argent et d'une manchette que ledit Maury lui a donrt, .veille a tout ce qui fe paffe, et rend compte tous les foirs -audit Maury; qui eft tout ce que l'accued, ici prefent, nous d&clare, err nous coujurant d'tre perfiades que, s'il -ui etoit poffible d"obtenir mifiricorde, il s'expoferoit volontiers a tons les dangers pour faire arr8ter les chefs, de ces revolts; et quedanstoutes les circonftances, ii prouvera fon zaie:et f(op refpe pour les blancs. LECTURE a. lui faite de fa declaration, dans laquelle i perfife pour contenir verite, lui en:'donnons ate, -qu'il a figne aveg nous et le greffier. Signd a Ia minute J. OGE', RUOTTE, POUCHERESSES DE VERTIERES, et LANDAIS, greffier. Pour expedition collationee, figne LANDAIS, greffier. A coPY of the preceding document, the exiftence of which I had often heard of, but very much doubted, was tranfmitted to

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23o ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP.IV. to me from St. Domingo in the month of July 1795, inclofed P'-49. in a iletter from.a gentleman of that ifland, whofe attachment to the Britifh cannot be fufpeded, and whofe means of information were equal to any: This Letter is too remarkable to be omitted, and I hope, as I conceal his name, that the writer will pardon its publication: It here follows. Je vous envoye ci joint, le teftament de Jaques Oge execute au Cap Ie 9 Mars 1791. Voici mes reflexions fur les dates et les faits: I*. Jaques Og4 depofe le projet connu depuis long tems par les Briffotins dont il etoit un des Agents. II nomme les chefs des Mulatres, qui dans toutes les parties de la Colonie devoient xeicuter un plan digne des Supp6ts de l'enfer. 2"' I1 depofe que l'abondance des pluies et les crues des rivieres avoient empeche 1'execution du projet au mois de fvvrier. 3. I1 declare que fi on veut lui accorder mifericorde, ii s'expofera aux dangers de faire arreter les chefs. Oge et execute, avec vingt de fes complices, le 9 Mars 1791. Son teftament eft garde fecret jufqu'a la fin de 1791 (apres l'incendie generale de la partie du Nord) qu'un arrete de l'Affemblee Coloniale oblige imperieufement le Greffier du Confeil du Cap a en d'livrer des copies. Que conclure ? Helas, que les coupables font auffi nombreux qu' atroces et cruels! 3 "'". Coupables :

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AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 231 i". Coupables: Les hommes de couleur nommes par la ddCHAP. IV. pofition d'Oge. P. 49. 2. (et an moins autant s'ils ne font plus) Le Confeil du Cap, qui a ofe faire executer Ogd, et qui a garde le fecret fur fes depofitions fi interreffantes. 3. Le Geinral Blanchelande et tous les chefs 'militaires qui non pas fait arr&ter fur le champ toutes les perfonnes de Couleur nommes par Oge et ne les ont confrontes avec leur accufateur. Mais non: on a precipite l'execution du malheureux Og6; on a gard6 un fecret dont la publiciti fauvoit la Colonie. On a laiff6 libres tous les chefs des revolt's; on les a liff6 pour fuivre leurs projets deftru&ifs. Si les Chefs militaires, le confeil, les magiftrats civils, avoient fait arreter au mois de Mars 1791, les mulatres Pinchinat, Caftaing, Viard, et tous les autres, ils n'auroient pas pu confomer leur crime le 25 Aout fuivant. Les Regimens de Normandie et d'Artois qui venoient d' arriver de France, etoient affes forts pour arrter tous es gens de couleur coupables, et s'ils ne 1'avoient pas ete, et que ce fut le motif, qui eut empichi Blanchelande d'agir, pourquoi Blanchelande envoya til, au mpis de Mai 1791, des troupes de lignes que lui envoyoit de la Martinique, M. de Behague? La firie de tous ces faits prouve 6videment la coalition des contre revolutionaires avec les MulAtres, dont ils ont etela dupe, et la vidime apres l'arrivee des Commiffaires Polverel et Santhonax. CHAP.

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232 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. V. p. ,§6. p .CHAP. V. p. 56. Mauduit larted back, &c.-while not a fingle hand was lifted tp in his defence. In this laft particular I was mifinformed, and rejoice that I have an opportunity of correting my miftake. The following detail of that bloody tranfadion has been tranfmitted to me from St. Domingo fince the firft theets were printed: Les grenadiers du regiment de Mauduit, et d'autres voix parties de la foule, demandent que le Colonel faffe reparation a la garde nationale. On exige qu'il faffe des excufes pour l'infulte qu'il lui a fait. II prononce les excufes qu'on lui demande; fes grenadiers ne font points fatisfaits, ils veulent qu'il les faffe a genoux. Une rumeur terrible fe fait entendre: ce fut alors que plufieurs citoyens, meme de ceux que Mauduit avoit le plus vexe' fendent la foule, et cherchent a le fouftraire au mouvement qui fe preparoit. On a vu dans ce moment le brave Beaufolel, apris avoir ite atteint d'un coup de feu a l'affaire du 29 au 30 Juillet, en defendant le comite (fee page 34) recevoir un coup de sabre en protegeant les jours de Mauduit. On peut rendre juftice auffi a deux officiers de Mauduit: Galefeau et Germain n'ayant pas abandonne leur Colonel jufqu'au dernier moment; mais l'indignation des foldats etoit a fon comble, ct il n'etoit plus temps. MAUDUIT preffi par fes grenadiers, de s'agenouiller pour" demander pardon a la garde nationale, et refufant conftamment de

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AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 233 de s'y foumettre, regut un coup de sabre a la figure, qui le CHAP. V. terraffa; un autre grenadier lui coupa a l'inftant la t&te, qui fut P* 6. portee au bout d'une bayonnette. Alors le reffentiment des foldats et des matelots livres a eux memes, n'eut plus de bornes: ils fe tranfporterent chez Mauduit, oh ils trainerent fon corps, tout y fut brifi, rompu, meubles &c. on ddcarela mmne la maifon, &c. &c, C H A P. VI. p. 77. CHAP. VI. P. 77. It was computed that, within two months after the revolt began, upwards of 2,000 white perfons had been mafacred, &c. IN the month of O&ober 179t the Colonial Affembly of St. Domingo fent two Commiffioners (Mefs. Raboteau and Lemoine) to negociate a loan of money in the Ifland of Jamaica, on the fecurity of their internal taxes and port duties. As an Ad of Affembly was neceffary to give effea to the meafure, it was propofed in the houle, by the author of this work, to adva4ce on this occafion £. Ioo,ooo of the publick money, but the motion was over-ruled by a majority. The houfe however ordered the Receiver General to advance the French Commiffio6ers S.0,000o Sterling on the fecurity of bills drawn by the Colonial Government on the treafury of France; but this offer was declined by the Colonial Affembly. In the courfe of this bufinefs the French Commiflioners were examined at the bar, and from the exaniination of one of thofe gentlemen I have.ieleted fome H h of

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234 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. VI. of the particulars given in the text. It is a curious and impor"P. 77. tant document; and conceiving that fome of my readers will not be difpleafed to have an opportunity of perufing the whole, I have fubjoined it, as follows: ON the 16th of OAober laft (179 1) when I left Cape FranCois, 182 fugar plantations, and 950 coffee, cotton, and indigo fettlements had been plundered and deftroyed, and the buildings thereof burnt down ; one hundred thoufand flaves, as far as can be computed, were in rebellion,, and the men of Colour in a ftate of infurreAion in every part of the Colony except round the Cape. All the whites that fell into their hands were indifcriminately murdered, and about 1,200 families reduced to fuch a dreadful ftate of mifery, that they were forced to receive their clothing and fufiftance either from public or private charity. "*The lofs in this year's crop was effimated at 66,000,000 St. Domingo livres, which are nearly equal to k. 2,650,000 of the currency of Jamaica. The value of the capital could not then be afcertained, but it muff amount to an immenfe fim, confidering the lofs of ftock, flaves, and buildings. Since I left the town of the Cape, the rebellion has extended idelf to the eaftern parts of the plain, and 246 coffee fettleflements and a few fugar plantations have been deltroyed; this will add about £. 300,000 t*f Jamaica currency to the lofs of this year's crop.. Nearly L. I,g9Ccooo lekrling, £. 21 oaoo Rerlipg. 2 1 The

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AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 235 f The laft accounts I have received from St. Domingo inform CHAP. VL f*ti at detachments of regulars and militia have fucceeded in p. 77. fuir fing and difperfing feveral negro encampments, in confequence of which a few gangs of flaves have returned to their mafters' efates; but thefe advantages have occafioned extreme fatigue to our troops, though they have not been able to reduce even the fixth part of the rebels. "" The quarters of Doudon and Grande Riviere are occupied by fuch a number of rebels, that without a larger body of troops than we are poffeffed of, we cannot attempt to attack them with any hope of fuccefs. "1 We are reduced to remain fhut up as it were within the town of the Cape, and it is with great difficulty that we can man the line of pofts which are neceffary to prevent the rebels from attacking the weftern and fouthern parts of the ifland. Notwithfanding the activity of our troops, a body of the rebels found means to pafs thofe polls, in order to fpread their ravages in the mountains of L'artibonite, called Les Cahos; the inha. bitants whereof have, united their forces to repulfe and flop them, but after killing a few, the reft efcaped into the woods, and there is reafon to apprehend that the rebellion may foon extend itfelf to that part of the ifland, which would in a few days become a prey to a general conflagration. "-' At this junture we received a copy of the decree of the national affembly of the 24th of September laft, whereby our rights are acknowledged; but we fear too late. We have only H h 2 a copy

PAGE 265

236 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. VI. a copy of the decree, it has not been received officiali tno Pe 77. troops are yet arrived to enforce the execution of it; and `0a dectee may, in our critical circumftances, add to our calamities, inafmuch as the free people of colour, knowing the enormity of their crimes, declare that they will fooner perifh than fubmit to this laft decree ; they are again forming a camp in the pari(h of La Croix des Bouquets, near Port au Prince, and every hour J dread to hear of their having commenced hoftilities againft the white inhabitants; if fo, our ruin is inevitable. "* If this ftould unfortunately be the cafe, your Ifland, Gentlemen, would of courfe be expofed to fimilar deftrution, as the fuccefs of our flaves would induce your own to rebel againft you. Negroes have not fufficient refolution to encounter the whites in the field of battle; but no men bear with greater fortitude hunger, pain, and fatigue, when once their imagination is heated, and their refolution fettled; we have amongft us men, who, pretending to be philanthropifts, have preached freedom even to our flaves; thefe men are conne6ted with men of weight and fortune in Old France, by whom they are greatly encouraged, and who are alfo conne6ed with the philanthropifts in Great Britain,from whofe conduff, indeed, the fJrfJ example was taken; and I moft fincerely pray, that this ifland may not be expofed to the fame evils as have refulted amongft us from fuch an enormous mifinterpretation and mifapplication of philanthropical principles. The

PAGE 266

AND ILLUSTRATIONS .37 :a The means left us for our defence are but few and feeble, CHAP. VL aA#t is indeed furprifing that we have been able to refift our P77eneltS6 for fo long a time; we owe much to the power of opinion, and to the fuperiority the negroes have been accuftomed to yield to the whites. The forces we have to defend every part of the colony, confifts of about ooo men of the regiments of Artois and Normandy; 700 of the regiment of the Cape, including the fick, who are in great number; 1200oo ftipendikry troops, paid by ourfelves; and 6000-or 7000 militia, which have been without the leaft difcipline or order ever fince our fatal political divifions. Our maritime force confifts in one thip of 74 guns, two frigates, and two floops of war. "(* It is with fuch feeble means that we are to face the free people of colour, and the flaves in rebellion. We have applied for relief to our neighbours and allies, the Spaniards; but it has been refufed by the Spanifh government, with inhumanity and infult; private men among them, and fome of the commanding officers on the lines between us and them, appear to havefeconded the rebels, by fupplying them with ammunition, and by delivering into their hands fome of the wretched inhabitants, who had fed to them for refuge. Our publick treafury is not only free of debt, but there is even money due to it, yet it is abfolutely empty; it being impoffible at prefent to collect the taxes, or otherwife to provide for the vaft expence occafioned by the war, and the neceffity of giving relief to unfortunate families in want. The

PAGE 267

238 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. VI. The flate of our monthly expences is nearly as follows:. .7oo3000 regular troops, at 3 livres a-day, is 9000 '" livres a-day, equal per month to --270,6b' 4000 men, women, and children at public allowance, at 2 livres a-day, is per month --240,000 Expences of officers, clothing, arms, ammunition, &c. ---410,000 Total Livres -920,000 of St. Domingo currency, or about £.34,166 Jamaica currency per month, without including feveral other extraordinary expences, fuch as that of adminiftration, rewards, maritime expeditions, &c. "< Were we deprived of the neceffary funds to pay our troops, and to fupply them with provifions, they foon would join the mulattoes, and we thould be ruined without any refource. The forces which are expected from Europe would arrive too late; and they could then only revenge, and not defend us. RABOTEAU." CHAP. CHAP. VII. p. 85. VII. p. 85. bTe fociety. of Amis des Noirs reforted witbout fcruple to thofe meaSl -Jures which their fellow labourers in London Jfill bhtated to adopt. JE repeterai eternellement que c'eft a vous, zilateurs de philantropie! qu' appartient 'honneur de ces bouleverfements: "* .24,500 faerling. c'eft

PAGE 268

AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 239 e'eif a vous feuls que I'on doit le dperiffement des reffources C H A P. nationales. Si vous n'aviez pas fappe jufqu'aux fondemens la VII. plus brilliante colonie de l'univers, &c. &c. P. 85. Reflexions fur la Colonie de St.. Domingue, tom. 2. p. 66. CHA P. X. p. 142. CHAP. X. They declared by proclamation all manner of flavery aboli/hed, P* '42. &c.-This proceeding was ratified in February, followed by the National Convention in a. Decree, of which follows a Copy. DECRET de la Convention Nationale, du 16 Jour de Plu5 Feb. vi6fe; an fecond de la Republique Franraife, une et indivi1794. fible. LA Convention Nationale d&clare que l'efclavage des Negres dans toutes les Colonies eft aboli; en confiquence elle decrete que tous le hommes, fans diftin6tion de couleur, domicilies dans les Colonies, font citoyens Franqais, et jouiront.de tous les droits affuris par la conftitution. ELLE renvoie au comitd de falut public, pour lui faire if-ceffament. un, rapport fur les mefures a prendrepour affurer Vexecution du prefent decret. VifW par les infpeteurs. Signe Auger, Cordier, S. E.Monnel. Collationn&

PAGE 269

240 ADDITIONAL NOTES C HA P. Collationne a l'original, par nous prefident et fecretaires de X. la Convention Nationale, a Paris le 22 Germinal, an fecond P. 142. de la Rdpublique Frangaife une et indivifible. Signe', Amar, Pre/ident. A. M. Baudot. Monnot. Ch. Pottier, et Peyffard, Secretaires. As moft of the French iflands fell into poffeffion of the Englifh loon after that this extraordinary decree was promulgated, the only place where it was attempted to be enforced, was in the fouthern province of St. Domingo, and the mode of enforcing it, as I have heard, was as fingular as the decree itfelf. The negroes of the feveral plantations were called together, .and informed that they were all a free people, and at liberty to quit the fervice of their mafters whenever they thought proper. -They were told however, at the fame time, that as the Republick wanted foldiers, and the ftate allowed no man to be idle, fuch of them as left their mafters, would be compelled to enlift in one or other of the black regiments then forming. At firft many of the negroes accepted the alternative, and enlifted accordingly; but the reports they foon gave of the rigid difcipline and hard fare to which they were fubjet, operated in a furprifing manner on the reft, in keeping them more than ufually quiet and induftrious; and they requefted that no change might be made in their condition. C H A P.

PAGE 270

AND OBSERVATIONS. 241 CHAP. X. CHAP. X. p. 143. P143Of the revolted negroes in the Northern province, many had perijhed of djfeafe and famine, &c. FROM the vaft number of negroes that had fallen in battle, and the flill greater number that perifhed from the caufes above mentioned, it was computed in the year 1793 that this clafs of people at that period had fuftained a diminution of more than one hundred thoufand. (Reflexions fur la Colonie, &c. tom. 2. p. 217.) Since that time the mortality has been ftill more rapid, and, including the lofs of whites, by ficknefs and emigration, I do not believe that St. Domingo at this junAure (June 1796) contains more than two fifths of the whole number of inhabitants (white and black) which it poffeffed in the beginning of 1791.-According to this calculation upwards of 300,000 human beings have miferably perifhed in this devoted country within the laft fix years! CHAP. X. p. 147. CHAP. X. p. 147. The propofitions, or terms of capitulation, had been previoujly adjuifed between the people of Yeremie, by their Agent, Mr. Charmilly, amd General Williamfon, &c. As I conceive that thefe articles were drawn up in England, and adjufted with the King's minifters previous to Mr. CharI i milly's

PAGE 271

242 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. X. milly's return from thence, I fhall prefent them to the reader. P. 147* The paffages which I have printed in italick are remarkable. TERMS OF CAPITULATION propofd by theInhabitants of La Grande Anfe (i'cluding the Qyarter at yeremiej reprefented by Monf de Charmilly, pof fed of full powers by a Commnifion from the Council of Public Safety of the aforefaid Place, dated the 18th of Augufl 1793, and preJented to his Excellency Major General Williamfon, his Majefly's Lieutenant Governor of jamaica, fir his Acceptance. Article I. That the proprietors of St. Domingo, deprived of all recourfe to their lawful Sovereign to deliver them from the tyranny under which they now groan, implore the proteaion of his Britannick Majefty, and take the oath of fidelity and allegiance to him; and fupplicate him to take their colony under his proteAion, and to treat them as good and faithfulfubjets till a general peace; at which period they thall be finally fubje6ted to the terms then agreed upon between his Britannick Majefty, the Government of France, and the Allied Powers, with refpect to the Sovereignty of St. Domingo.-Anfwer. Granted. Art. II. That till order and tranquillity are reflored at St. Domingo, the Governor appointed by his Britannick Majefty fhall have full power to regulate and direa whatever meafures of Safety and Police he (hall judge proper -Anf. Granted. Art. III. That no one ihall be molefted on account of any anterior difturbances, except thofe who are legally accufed, in fome

PAGE 272

AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 243 fome Court of Juftice, of having committed murder, or of CHAP. X. having deftroyed property by fire, or of having infligated others p. '47. to commit thofe crimes.-Anf. Granted. ., Art. IV. That the Mulattoes fhall have all the privileges enjoyed by that clafs of inhabitants in the Britifh iflands.Anf. Granted. Art. V. That if, at the conclufion of the war, the colony remains under the Sovereignty of his Britannick Majefty, and order is eftablifhed therein; in fuch cafe, the laws refpefting property and all civil rights, which were in force in the faid colony before the Revolution in France, jhall be preferved: neverthelefs, until a Colonial Affembly can be formed, his Britannick Majefty fhall have the right of determining provifionally upon any meafures which the general good and the tranquillity of the colony may require; but that no Affembly fhall be called till order is eftablifhed in every part of the colony; and, till that period, his Britannick Majefty's Governor fhall be affifted in all the details of Adminiftration and Police by a Committee of Six Perfons, which he fhall have the power of choofing from among the proprietors of the three Provinces of which the colony confifts.Anf. Granted. Art. VI. That, in confequence of the devaftations which have taken place in the colony by infurreaions, fire, and pillage, the Governor appointed by his Majefty, on taking poflTffion of the colony, to fatisfy the demand of the Inhabitants in this refpet, Jall be authorized to grant, for the payment of debts, a fpenion of ten years, which fall be computed from the date ofthefurrender; and i 2 the

PAGE 273

a44 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. X. thefufpenfion of all intereft upon the fame Jhall begin from the period P. 147. of the fi of Auguft 1791, and terminate at the expiration of the ten years above mentioned granted for the payment ofdebts; but all fums due to minors by their guardians, or to abfent planters by thofe who have the management of their property, or from one planter to another, for the transfer of property, are not to be included in the above fufpenfion.-Anf. Granted. Art. VII. That the duties of importation and exportation upon all European commodities ahall be the fame as in the Englifh colonies.-Anf. Granted. In confequence, the tariff fhall be made public and affixed, that every one may be acquainted therewith. Art. VIII. That the manufaturers of white fugars (hall preferve the right of exporting their clayed fugars, fubject to fuch regulations as it may be neceffary to make with refpea to them.-Anf. Granted. In confequence, the duties upon white fugars fhall be the fame as were taken in the colony of St. Domingo in 1789. Art. IX. That the Catholic Religion mhall be preferved and maintained, but that no other mode of Evangelic worfhip fhall be excluded.-Anf. Granted. On condition that fuch priefts as have taken the Oath prefcribed by the perfons exercifing the powers of Government in France thall be fent away, and replaced by others. Art. X. The local taxes deftined to acquit the expences of garrifons, and of the Adminiftration of the colony ahall be affeffed in the fame manner as in 1789, except the alleviations 3 and

PAGE 274

AND OBSERVATIONS.. 45 and remittances which (hall he granted to the inhabitants whole C!P-. ,X. property has fuffered by fire, till their poffeffions are repaired. P. '47. An account fhall be kept by the colony of all the fums advanced on the part of Great Britain for fupplying the deficiency of the faid taxes; which deficiency, as well as all the public expences of the Colony (except thofe of his Majefty's naval forces, deftined for its protetion), fhall always be defrayed by the faid colony.-Anf. Granted. Art. XI. His Britannic Majefty's Governor of St. Domingo. fhall apply to the Spanifh Government,. to obtain reftitution of the negroes and cattle fold upo nthe Spanifh territory by the revolted flaves.-Anf. Granted.. Art. XII. The importation, in American bottoms, of provifions, cattle, grain, and wood. of every kind. from the United States of America, fhall be allowed at St.. Domingo.-Anf.. Granted. On condition that the American (hips,, which fhall, be employed in this trade, fhall have only one deck;: and this importation (hall be allowed only as long as it fhall appear neceflary for the re-eftablifhment: or fubfiftence of the Colony, or until meafures have been. taken for putting it in this refpect upon the fame footing as other Engli(h Colonies; and, an exat: account fhall be kept of the faid veffels, with the defcription. of their cargoes, and fhall be tranfmitted every three months to the Right Honourable the Lords Commiffioners of his Majefty's Treafury, as well as to one of the principal Secretaries of State ;. and on no account whatever (hall any of the faid veffelsbe allowed to take in return any prodution of the Colony,, except; molaffes and.rum.. Art. XIIL,

PAGE 275

246 ADDITIONAL NOTES CHAP. X. Art. XIII. No part of the aforefaid conditions fhallbe confidered p. 147. as a reflridlion to the power of the Parliament of Great Britain, to regulate and determine the Political Government of the Colony.Anf. Granted. CHAP. XI. CHAP. Xl. p. 169. p. j69. LV The jlme fite awaited Lieutenant Colonel Markham, &c.I CANNOT deny myfelf the melancholy fatisfaction of preferving in this work the following honourable tribute to the memory of this amiable officer, which was given out in general orders after his death, by the Commander in Chief. Head Q.arters, 28 March 1795. Brigadier General Horneck begs the officers, non-commiffioned officers, and privates of the detachment, which, on the 26th Infl. proceeded under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Markham, on a party of obfervation, to receive his very fincere thanks for their gallant behaviour, at the attack of the enemy's advanced poft ; taking their colours and cannon, and deftroying their ftores. At the fame time he cannot fufficiently exprefs his feelings on the late affliaing lofs, that has been fuftained in Lieutenant Colonel Markham; who, equally excellent and meritorious as an officer and a man, lived univerfally refpeted and beloved, and died

PAGE 276

AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 247 died leaving a bright example of military, focial, and private CHAP. XI. virtue. p. 1g9. The Brigadier General likewife requefts Captains Martin and Wilkinfon, of the Royal Navy, to receive his acknowledgments and thanks, for the important affiftance they have afforded; not only on this occafion alone, but on every other, wherein his Majefly's feryice has required their co-operation. He alfo begs Captain Martin to do him the favour, to impart the like acknowledgments to the officers of the Royal Navy, and to the refpe&ive fhips companies under his command, for the zeal and. good condua they have fhewn whenever employed.

PAGE 277

J.4lll


An historical survey of the French colony in the island of St. Domingo comprehending a short account of its ancient gove...
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 Material Information
Title: An historical survey of the French colony in the island of St. Domingo comprehending a short account of its ancient government, political state, population, productions, and exports
Physical Description: 3 p.l., xxiii, 1, 247 p. : fold. map. ; 29 x 22 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Edwards, Bryan, 1743-1800
Publisher: Printed for J. Stockdale
Place of Publication: London
Publication Date: 1797
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Subjects / Keywords: History -- Haiti -- Revolution, 1791-1804   ( lcsh )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
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Full Text







AN

HISTORICAL SURVEY

OF THE

FRENCH COLONT

IN THE

ISLAND OF ST. DOMINGO:

COMPREHENDING

A SHORT ACCOUNT OF ITS ANCIENT GOVERNMENT,
POLITICAL STATE, POPULATION,
PRODUCTIONS; AND EXPORTS;

A NARRATIVE OF THE CALAMITIES WHICH HAVE DESOLATED
THE COUNTRY EVER SINCE THE YEAR 1789,

WITH SOME REFLECTIONS ON THEIR CAUSES AND
PROBABLE CONSEkUENCES;

AND
A DETAIL OF THE MILITARY TRANSACTIONS
OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN THAT ISLAND TO THE END OF 1794.




BY BRYAN EDWARDS, ESQ. M.P. F.R.S. &c.
AUTHOR OF THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH COLONIES IN THE WEST INDIES.




LONDON:
PRINTED FOR JOHN STOCKDALE, PICCADILLY.

1797.




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CO N T E NT S.





CHAP. I.
POLITICAL State of SAINr DOMINGO, previous ta
the Tear 1789 Page i

CHAP. II.
From the Revolution of 1789, to the Meeting of the FirfJ General
Colonial Afembly 4

CHAP. III.
Proceedings of the General Colonial A/femby until its final Dijo-
lution, and Embarkation of the Members for France, Auguft
1790 25

CHAP. IV.
Rebellion and Defeat of Oge, a free Man of Colour 39

CHAP. V.
Proceedings in France-Mafacre of Colonel Mauduit in St. Do-
mingo-andfatal Decree of the National Afembly of the 1 5tb
May 1791 5I

Az CHAP.




ssN.









C O N TE N T S.

CHA P. VI.
Confetuences in St. Domingo of the Decree of the Igth of Ma)y-
Rebellion of the Negroes in the Northern Province, and Enor-
mities committed by them-Revolt of the Mulattoes at Mirebalais
-Concordat or Truce between the Inhabitants of Port au Prince
and the Men of Colour of the i Ith of September-Proclamation
by the National Afembly of the 2oth of September 63

CHAP. VII.
Of the Motives which induced the People of Colour tojoin the re-
volted Negroes-Conduct of the Briti/j Af Jciation for the
Abolition of the Slave Trade, and of the Society in Paris called
Les Amis des Noirs-Letter from Abbe' Gregoire to the People
of. Colour-Repeal of the Decree of the 5th May 1791-
ff'eis of that Meajkre-Civil War with the Mulattoes re-
newed-Port au Prince deflroyed by Fire-Cruelties exercised
by both Parties-Arrival at Cape Franfois of the Civil Com-
injioners 8 x

CHA P. VIII.
Reception and Proceedings of the Civil Commixioners, and their
Return to France-National Decree of the 4th f April 1792
-Appointment of a new Governor (Monf Dfparbes) and
three other Commi/ioners (Santhonax, Polverel, and Ailhaud)
-Their Embarkation and Arrival, with a feled Body of
f'roops-Their violent Proceedings-Appointment, by the Exe-
cutive









C N T E N T S.

tutive Council, of M. Galbaud as Chief Governor, in the Room
of Defparbes-His Arrival, and Difputes with the Commif.
Jioners-Both Parties proceed to Hotlilities-The revolted Ne-
groes called in to the Ajjifance of the Commifioners-A general
Mafjacre of the White Inhabitants, and Conflagration of the
Town of Cape Franfois 10

CHAP. IX.
Situation, Extent, and general Defcription of St. Domingo-Origin
of the French Colony, and Topographical Defcription of thefi-
veral Provinces into which the French Pojfejions were divided
-Their Population, and Produce-Shipping and Exports-
Compared with the Returns of Jamaica 122

CHAP. X.
Emigrations-Overtures to the Britijh Government accepted-
Situation and Strength of the Republican Party in St. Domingo,
and Difpofition of the Inhabitants-Negro Slavery abolihed by
the French Commifioners-Armament allotted for the Invafon
of the Country-Surrender of Jeremie and the Mole at Cape
St. Nicholas-Unfuccefsful Attempt on Cape Tiburon-Further
Proceedings of the BritiJh Army until the Arrival of General
Whyte-Capture of Port au Prince 139

CHAP. XI.
Sicknefs among the Troops, and the Cauifes thereof-Reinforcement
-Dreadfdl Mortality-General Whyte is succeeded by Brigadier
General









C ON T E N T S.

General Horneck-Leogane taken by the Rebels-Temporary
Succefes of Lieutenant-Colonel Brifbane at Artibonite-Revolt
of the Mulattoes at St. Marc-Attack of Fort Bizotton-Pre-
parations by Rigaud for a second Attempt on Tiburon-The Poft
attacked on ChrEibmas Day, and carried-Gallant Defence and
Efcape of the Garrifon, and melancholy Fate of Lieutenant
Bajkerville-Lieutenant-Colonels Bribane and Markham killed
-Obfervations and Strictures on the Conduct of the War 161

CHA P. XII.

Ancient State of the Spanifh Colony--Te Towi'n of St. Domingo
ejfablijhed by Bartholomew Columbus in i498-Pillaged by
Drake in i586-Conjeltures and Reftelions concerning its
present Condition, and the State of Agriculture in the interior
Country-Numbers and Charater of the present Inhabitants-
Their Animofity towards the French Planters, and Jealoufy of
the Engli/h-Conjeatures concerning the future Situation of the
whole IfJand; and fome concluding Refec7ions 177

Tableau du Commerce et de Finances de la Partie Francoie de St.
Domingue 195

Additional Tables 206

Additional Notes and Ilu/flrations 213













P R E F A C E.





SOON after I had published the Hiflory of the
Britifh Colonies in the Weft Indies, I conceived
the defign of compiling a general account of the
settlements made by all the nations of Europe in
that part of the New Hemifphere, but more parti-
cularly the French, whofe poffeflions were undoubt-
edly the moft valuable and productive of the whole
Archipelago. This idea fuggefted itself to my
mind, on furveying the materials I had collected with
regard to their principal colony in St. Domingo;
not doubting, as the fortune of war had placed
under the Britifh dominion all or moft of the other
French iflands, that I should eafily procure fuch
particulars of the condition, population, and culture
of each, as would enable me to complete my design,
with credit to myfelf, and fatisfadion to the Publick,
I am forry to observe, that in this expectation I
b have










PREFACE.

have hitherto found myfelf disappointed. The pre-
fent publication therefore, is confined wholly to
St. Domingo; concerning which, having pcrfonally
vifited that unhappy country foon after the revolt
of the negroes in 1791, and formed connexions
there, which have fupplied me with regular com-
munications ever fince, I poflefs a mals of evidence,
and important documents. My motives for going
thither, are of little confequence to the Publick; but
the circumstances which occasioned the voyage, the
reception I met with, and the situation in which
I found the wretched Inhabitants, cannot fail of
being interesting to the reader; and I flatter myfelf
that a fhort account of thofe particulars, while it
confers fome degree of authenticity on my labours,
will not be thought an improper Introdution to
my book.

IN the month of September 1791, when I was at
Spanifh Town in Jamaica, two French Gentlemen
were introduced to me, who were juft arrived from
St. Domingo, with information that the negro flaves
belonging to the French part of that island, to the
number, as was believed, of ioo,ooo and upwards,
had









PREFACE.
had revolted, and were fpreading death and defo-
lation over the whole of the northern province.
They reported that the governor-general, confiderng
the situation of the colony as a common caufe among
the white inhabitants of all nations in the Weft Indies,
had dispatched commiffioners to the neighboring
iflands, as well as to the States of North America,
to request immediate affiftance of troops, arms,
ammunition, and provisions; and that themselves
were deputed on the fame errand to the Government
at Jamaica: I was accordingly defired to present
them to the Earl of Effingham, the commander in
chief. Although the difpatches with which thefe
gentlemen were furnished, were certainly a very fuf-
ficient introduaion to his lordfhip, I did not he-
fitate to comply with their request; and it is fcarce-
ly neceffary to obferve, that the liberal and enlarged
mind which animated every part of Lord Effing-
ham's condua, needed no folicitation, in a cafe of
beneficence and humanity. Superior to national
prejudice, he felt, as a man and a chriftian ought to
feel, for the calamities of fellow men; and he faw,
in its full extent, the danger to which every island
in the Weft Indies would be expofed from fuch an
b 2 example,









iv PRE FAC E.

example, if the triumph of favage anarchy over all
order and government should be complete. He
therefore, without hesitation, aflured the com-
rniiTioners that they might depend on receiving from
the government of Jamaica, every aflftance and
fuccour which it was in his power to give. Troops
he could not offer, for ihe had them not; but he
faid he would furnilh arms, ammunition, and pro-
vificns, and he promised to confit with the diftin-
guified Cfficer commanding in the naval depart-
ment, concerning the propriety of fending up one
or more of his Majefty's hips; the commiflioners
having fuggefted that the appearance in their har-
bours of a few veffels of war might ferve to intimi-
date the infurgents, and keep them at a distance,
while the neceffary defences and intrenchments were
making, to preserve the city of Cape Francois from
an attack.

ADMIRAL AFFLECK (as from his known worth,
and general c :r ier might have been expected) very
cheerfully co-operated on this occasion with Lord
Efin'gham; and immediately iffued orders to the
caUkali, of the Blonde and Daphne frigates to pro-
ceed,









PREFACE .
ceed, in company with a floop of war, forthwith to
Cape Francois. The Centurion was foon afterwards
ordered to Port au Prince. The Blonde being com-
manded by my amiable and lamented friend Cap-
tain William Affleck, who kindly undertook to con-
vey the French commiffioners back to St. Domingo,
I was eafily persuaded to accompany them thither;:
and fome other gentlemen. of Jamaica joined the party..

WE arrived in the harbour of Cape Franqois in:
the evening of the 26th of September, and the firfi
obje& which arrested our attention as we approach-
ed, was a dreadful fcene of devastation by fire. The
noble plain adjoining the Cape was covered with
afhes, and the surrounding hills, as far as the
eye could reach, every where presented to us
ruins till smoking, and houses and plantations ac
that moment in flames. It was a fight more ter-
rible than the mind of any man, unaccufomed to-
fuch a fcene, can eafily conceive.-The inhabitants
of the town being affembled on the beach, direAed
all their attention towards us, and we landed amidft
a crowd of fpecdators who, with uplifted' hands and
dreaming eyes, gave welcome to their deliverers (for
fuch they considered us) and acclamations of vivent
!es Anglois refounded from every quarter.
JL- fl ..









vi RPREFA CE.

THE governor of St. Domingo, at that time, wvas
the unfortunate General Blanchelande; a marecla!
de camp in the French service, who has fince pe-
rifhed on the fcaffold. He did us the honour to re-
ceive us on the quay. A committee of the colo-
nial affembly, accompanied by the governor's only
fon, an amiable and accomplished youth *, had be-
fore attended us on board the Blonde, and we were
immediately conduded to the place of their meet-
ing. The fcene was striking and folemn. The
hall was fplendidly illuminated, and all the mem-
bers appeared in mourning. Chairs were placed for
us within the bar, and the Governor having taken
his feat on the right hand of the Prefident, the lat-
ter addreffed us in an eloquent and affeaing oration,
of which the following is as literal a translation as
the idiom of the two languages will admit:


WE were not mistaken, Gentlemen,
when we placed our confidence in your
generofity; but we could hardly enter-
tain the hope, that, besides fending us
This young gentleman likewise perished by the guiilotir.e under the tyanny
of Robtrfpierre. He was maf1acred at Paris, on the 20th July 1794, in the
twentieth year of his age.
1 fuccoCUrs,










PREFAC E. vi

fuccours, you would come in perfon to
give us consolation. You have quitted,
without relu&ance, the peaceful enjoy-
ment of happinefs at home, to come and
participate in the misfortunes of strangers,
and blend your tears with our's. Scenes of
mifery (the contemplation of which, to
thofe who are unaccustomed to misfor-
tune, is commonly difgufting) have not
fuppreffed your feelings. You have been
willing to ascertain the full extent of our
difreffes, and to pour into our wounds
the falutary balm of your fenfibility and
compaffion.

THE pi&ure which has been drawn
of our calamities, you will find has fallen
fhort of the reality. l hat verdure with
which our fields were lately arrayed, is no
longer vifible; difcoloured by the flames,
and laid wafe by the devaftations of war,
our coafts exhibit no profped but that of
defolation. The emblems which we wear
on our perfons, are the tokens of our
grief for the lofs of our brethren, who
were










yi PR E FA CF.

were furprifed, and crully affaffinated,
by the revolters.

IT is by the glare of the conflagra-
tions that every way furround us, that we
now deliberate; we are compelled to fit
armed and watchful through the night,
to keep the enemy from our fanduary.
For a long time paft our bofoms have
been depreffed by forrow; they experience
this day, for the firft time, the fweet
emotions of pleasure, in beholding you
amongft us.

GENEROUS iflanders! humanity has
operated powerfully on your hearts;-you
:have yielded to the firft emotion of your
generofity, in the hopes of snatching us
from death; for it is already too late to
fave us from mifery. What a contract
between your conduA, and that of other
nations! We will avail ourselves of your
benevolence; but the days you preserve
to us, will not be sufficient to manifeft
our









PREFACE.

our gratitude: our children hall keep it
in remembrance.

REGENERATED France, unapprized
that fuch calamities might befal us, has
taken no measures to prote& us against their
effects: with what admiration will the
learn, that, without your afliftance, we
should no longer exift as a dependency to
any nation.

THE Commiffioners deputed by us
to the island of Jamaica, have informed
us of your exertions to ferve us.-Receive
the affurance of our attachment and fen-
fibility.

"< THE Governor-general of this island,
whofe sentiments perfedly accord with
our own, participates equally in the joy we
feel at your presence, and in our gratitude
for the affifance you have brought us."

AT this juncture, the French colonifts in St. Do-
mingo, however they might have been divided in
c political









x PREFACE E.
political fentiments on former occasions, seemed to
be softened, by the fenfe of common fuffering, into
perfect unanimity. All descriptions of perfons
joined in one general outcry against the National
Affembly, to whofe proceedings were imputed all
their difafters. This opinion was indeed fo widely
diffeminated, and fo deeply rooted,, as to create a
very ftrong difpofition in all claffes of the whites, to
renounce their allegiance to the mother country.
The black cockade was universally fubftituted in
place of the tri-coloured one, and very earneft wishes
were avowed in all companies, without fcruple or
reftraint, that the Britifh administration would fend
an armament to conquer the island, or rather to re-
ceive its voluntary surrender from the inhabitants.
What they wished might happen,, they persuaded
themfel.ves to believe was aAually in contempla-
tion; and this idea foon became fo prevalent, as.
to place the author of this work in an awk-
ward situation. The sanguine difpofition obfervable
in the French. character, has been noticed by all:
who have vifited them; but in this cafe their cre-
dulity grew to a height that was extravagant and:
even ridiculous. By the kindnefs of the Earl' of
Effingham,










PR E F A C E

Effingham, I was favoured with a letter of intro-
duaion to the Governor-general; and my reception,
both by M. Blanchelande and the colonial affembly,
was fuch as not only to excite the public attention,
but alfo to induce a very general belief that no com-
mon motive had brought me thither. The fug-
geftions of individuals to this purpose, became per-
plexing and troublesome. Affurances on my part,
that I had no views beyond the gratification of cu-
riofity, had no other effe& than to call forth com-
mendations on my prudence. It was fettled, that I
was an agent of the Englifh miniftry, fent purpofely
to found the inclinations of the Colonifts towards the
government of Great Britain, preparatory to an inva-
fion of the country by a Britifh armament; and
their wishes and inclinations co-operating with this
idea, gave rife to many firange applications which
were made to me; fome of them of fo ludicrous a
nature, as no powers of face could easily withftand.

THIS circumftance is not recorded from the vain
ambition of fhewing my own importance. The
reader of the following pages will discover its appli-
cation; and, perhaps, it may induce him to make fone
c 2 allowance










ii P R E F A C E.

allowance for that confident expectation of fure and
fpeedy fuccefs, which afterwards led to attempts, by
the Britifi arms, against this ill-fated country, with
means that muft otherwise have been thought at the
time,-as in the fequel they have unhappily proved,
-altogether inadequate to the object i: view.

THE ravages of the rebellion, during the time
that I remained at Cape Francois, extended in all di-
reAions. The whole of the plain of the Cape, with
the exception of one plantation which adjoined the
town, was in ruins; as were likewise the Parifh of
Limonade, and moft of the settlements in the moun-
tains adjacent. The Parifh of Limbe was every where
on fire; and before my departure, the rebels had
obtained poffeflion of the bay and forts at 1'Acul, as
well as the difrids of Fort Dauphin, Dondon, and
La Grande Riviere.

DESTRUCTION every where marked their progress,
and refiftance seemed to be considered by the whites
not only as unavailing in the prefent conjuncture,
but as hopelefs in future. To fill up the measure
of










P R E F A C E. xii

of their calamities, their Spanifh neighbours in the
fame island, with a fpirit of bigotry and hatred
which is, I believe, without an example in the
world, refused to lend any affitance towards fup-
prefling a revolt, in the iffue of which common rea-
fon should have informed them, that their own pre-
fervation was implicated equally with that of the
French. They were even accused not only of fupply-
ing the rebels with arms and provisions; but alfo of
delivering up to them to be murdered, many un-
happy French planters who had fled for refuge to the
Spanifh territories, and receiving money from the
rebels as the price of their blood. Of thefe latter
charges, however, no proof was, I believe, ever pro-
duced; and, for the honour of human nature, I
am unwilling to believe that they are true.

To myfelf, the cafe appeared altogether defperate
from the beginning; and many of the moft refpe&-
able and beft informed perfons in Cape Francois
(fome of them in high stations) afrured me, in con-
fidence, that they concurred in this opinion. The
merchants and importers of European manufacures,
apprehending every hour the deftrucion of the town,
UI^f ~










xiv P R E F A C E.

as much from incendiaries within, as from tihe rebels
without, offered their goods for ready moncvy at half
the ufual prices; and applications were made to Cap-
tain Affleck, by perfons of all descriptions, for per-
miffion to embark in the Blonde for Jamaica. The
interpofition of the colonial government obliged him
to rejeA their felicitations; but means were con-
trived to fend on board confignments of money to a
great amount; and I know that other conveyances
were found, by which effects to a considerable value
were exported both to Jamaica, and the fates of
North America.

UNDER thefe circumflances, it very naturally oc-
curred to me to dired my enquiries towards the fate
of the colony previous to the revolt, and colled
authentic information on the fpot, concerning the
primary caufe, and fubfequent progrefs, of the widely
extended ruin before me. Strongly impreffed with
the gloomy idea, that the only memorial of this once
"flourifhing colony would foon be found in the re-
cords of history, I was defirous that my own coun-
try and fellow-colonifts, in lamenting its catastrophe,
might at the fame time profit by fo terrible an
example.









PREFACE. xv

example. My means of information were too va-
luable to be negleded, and 1 determined to avail
myfelf of them. The Governor-general furnished
me with copies of all the papers and details of
office that I folicited, with a politenefs that aug-
mented the favour. The fate of this unhappy
gentleman, two years afterwards, gave me infinite
concern. Like his royal after, he was unfortu-
nately called to a station to which his abilities
were not competent'; and in times when perhaps no
abilities would have availed him.

THE'Prefident -of the colonial affembly, at the
time of my arrival, was M. de Caducih, who fome
time afterwards took up his residence, and held an
important office,. in Jamaica. He was a man of very
diftinguifhed talents, and withal firongly and fina-
cerely attached to the Britifh government,, of which,
if it were proper, I could furnifh unqueftionable
proof*. This gentleman drew up, at my request,
a ihort account of the origin and progress of the re-

He afterwards accompanied General Williamfon back to St. Domingo,, and'
was killed (or, as I have heard, barely murdered), in a duel at.Port au Prince, by one-
of his countrymen.
billion;,









xvi P R E F A C E.
billion ; and after my return to England, favoured
me with his corrcfpondence. Many important facts,
which are given in this work, are given n his au-
thority.

To M. Delaire, a merchant of confederation
in the town of the Cape, who has fince remov-
ed, I believe, to the fate of South Carolina, I was
indebted for a similar narrative, drawn up by himself
in the Englifh language, of which he is a very com-
petent master. It is brief, but much to the purpose;
displays an intimate knowledge of the concerns of
the colony, and traces, with great acutenefs, its dif-
afters to their force.

BUT the friend from whofe superior knowledge I
have derived my chief information in all refpe&s, is
the gentleman alluded to in the marginal note to
p. 112 of the following fheets; and I fincerely re-
gret, that ill-fortune has fo purfued him as to render
it improper in this work to exprefs to him, by name,
the obligations I owe to his kindnefs. After a nar-
row efcape from the vengeance of thofe mercilefs
-men, Santhonax and Polverel, he was induced to re-
turn










P R E F ACE. C

turn to St. Domingo, to look after his property ; and,
I grieve to fay, that he is again fallen into the hands of
his enemies. He found means, however, previous to
his present confinement, to convey to me many valua-
-ble papers; and, among others, a copy of that moft
curious and important document, the dying depofi-
tion or teftament of Oge, mentioned in the fourth
chapter, and printed at large among the additional
notes and illufirations at the end of my work. Of
this paper (the communication of which, in proper
time, would have prevented the dreadful fcenes that
followed) although I had frequently heard, I had
long doubted the exiflence. Its fuppreflion by the
perfons to whom it was delivered by the wretched
fufferer, appeared to be an aA of fuch monftrous and
unexampled wickednefs, that, until I faw the paper
itself, I could not credit the charge. Whether M.
Blanchelande was a party concerned in this atrocious
proceeding, as my friend afferts, I know not. If he
was guilty, he has juftly paid the forfeit of his
crime; and although, believing him innocent, I
mourned over his untimely fate, I fcruple not to
avow my opinion, that if he had poffeffed a thoufand
lives, the lofs of them all had not been a sufficient
d atonement,










xviii P R E F A C E

atonement, in fo enormous a cafe, to violated juf-
tice !

SucH were the motives that induced me to under-
take this Hiftorical Survey of the French part of St.
Domingo, and fuch are the authorities from whence
I have derived my information concerning thofe ca-
lamitous events which have brought it to ruin. Yet
I will frankly confefs, that, if I have any credit with
the public as an author, I am not fure this work will
add to my reputation. Every writer muft rife or
fink, in fome degree, with the nature of his fubjet;
and on this occasion, the piaure which I hall exhi-
bit, has nothing in it to delight the fancy, or to glad-
den the heart. The profpeds before us are all dark
and difmal. Here is-no room for tracing the beau-
ties of unfullied nature. Thofe groves of perennial
verdure; thofe magnificent and romantic land-
fcapes, which, in tropical regions, every where in-
vite the eye, and oftentimes detain it, until wonder
is exalted to devotion, muft now give place to the
miferies of war, and the horrors of peftilence; to
fcenes of anarchy, defolation, and carnage. We
have to contemplate the human mind in its utmoft
x deformity :









P R E F A C xix

deformity : to behold favage man, let loofe from re-
firaint, exercifing cruelties, of which the bare recital
makes the heart recoil, and committing crimes which
are hitherto unheard of in history; teeming

---- all monfirous, all prodigious things,
Abominable, unutterable, and worfe
Than fables yet have feign'd, or fear conceived!
MIL TON.

ALL therefore that I can hope and expe& is, that
my narrative, if it cannot delight, may at leaft in-
JlruE. On the fober and confederate, on thofe
who are open to conviction, this affemblage of
horrors will have its effe&. It will expofe the
lamentable ignorance of fome, and the monstrous
wickednefs of others, among the reformers of the
present day, who, urging onwards fchemes of per-
fe&ion, and projects of amendment in the condition
of human life, faster than nature allows, are lighting
up a confuming fire between the different claffes of
mankind, which nothing but human blood can ex-
tinguifh. To tell fuch men that great and beneficial
_modifications in the eftablifhed orders of society, can
only be effeted by a progreffive improvement in the
d situation









xx. PREFACE.

ftuation of the lower ranks of the people, is to preach
to the winds. In their hands reformation, with
a fcythe more dcftru&ive than that of time, mows
down every thing, and plants nothing. Moderation
and caution they consider as rank cowardice. Force
and violence are the ready, and, in their opinion, the
only proper application for the cure of early and
habitual prejudice. Their practice, like that of
other mountebanks, is bold and compendious; their
motto is, cure or kilL

THESE refleions neceffarily arife from the circum-
ftance which is incontrovertibly proved in the follow-
ing pages, namely, that the rebellion of the negroes in
St. Domingo, and the infurre&ion of the mulattoes,
to whom Oge was fent as ambaffador, had one and
the fame origin. It was not the strong and irre-
fiftible impulfe of human nature, groaning under
oppreffion, that excited either of thofe claffes to
plunge their daggers into the bofoms of unoffending
women and helplefs infants. They were driven into
thofe 'xceffes -relutantly driven-by the vile
machinations of men calling themselves philofophers
(the profelytes and imitators in France, of the. Old
SJewry









PRE P A C B. xxi

Jewry affociates in London) whofe pretences to phi-
lanthropy were as grofs a mockery of human reason,
as their conduA was an outrage on all the feelings
of our nature,, and. the ties which hold society toge-
ther!

IT is indeed true, that negro-rebellions have here-
tofore arifen in this and other iflands of the Weft In-
dies, to which no fuch exciting caufes contributed :-
but it is equally certain, that thofe rebellions always
originated among the newly-imported negroes only;
many of whom had probably lived in a fate of free-
dom in Africa, and had been fraudulently, or for-
cibly, fold: into flavery by their chiefs. That cafes
of this kind do sometimes occur in theflave trade,.I
dare not dispute, and I admit that revolt and infur-
re&ion are their natural consequences.

BUT, in St. Domingo, a very considerable part of
the infurgents were-not Africans, but-Creoles,,or
natives. Some of the leaders were favoured domef-
ticks among the white inhabitants, born and brought
up in their families. A few of them had even re-
ceived. thofe advantages, the perverfion of which,.
tinder,









xxii P R E F A C E.

under their philosophical preceptors, served only to
render them pre-eminent in mifchief; for having
been taught to read, they were led to imbibe, and
enabled to promulgate, thofe principles and dotrines
which led, and always will lead, to the fubverfion
of all government and order.

LET me not be understood, however, as affirming
that nothing is to be attributed on this occafion to the
flave-trade. I fcorn to have recourfe to concealment
or falfhood. Unquestionably, the vaft annual im-
portations of enflaved Africans into St. Domingo, for
many years previous to 1791, had created a black
population in the French part of that island, which
was, beyond all meafure, disproportionate to the
white ;- the relative numbers of the two claffes being
as fixteen to one. Of this circumfance the leaders
of the rebels could not be unobfervant, and they
doubtlefs derived encouragement and confidence
from it. Here too, I admit, is a warning and an
admonition to ourselves. The inference has not
efcaped me:-it constitutes my parting words with
the reader, and I hope they are not urged in
vain.
HAVING










PREF A CE. xxiii

HAVING thus pointed out the motives which in-
duced me to write the following narrative; the
forces from whence my materials are derived, and
the purposes which I hope will be answered by the
publication; nothing farther remains but to fubmit
the work itfelf to the judgment of my readers,
which I do with a refpetful folicitude.

LONDON,.
December, 1796.
























ERRATA.
Page 3, line 4, for its, read the.
4, note (a) for ordonateur, read ordonnateur.
5, line 16, for 52, readfifty-one.
10, line 8, from the bottom: dele the words enflavedNegroes, and place them
in the margin. The paffage, as it now ftands, is wholly unintelligible,
Ir, line i, for attending this, read attending it.
13, laft line but one: read the chief aim.
20, line 2, for in the metropolis, read of the metropolis.
24, line 4, for in exclusion, read to the exclusion.
49, laft line; for Machiavilian, read Machiavelian.
86, line i, for apprized, read believing.
109, line 2, for eight, readfix.
-- line 9, after governor, infert accompanied by a fleet of thirty tra/fports.
132, line o1, for fourteen, readfixteen.
135, line 5, from the bottom: after the wordfreighted, infert for Europe.
152, line i, inflead of the whole of that extensive bay, read the windward
pajjage, and the whole of that extensive bay.










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A SHORT


H I S T O R Y

OF THE

FRENCH Colony in ST. DOMINGO, &c.




CHAP. I.

Political State of ST. DOMINGO previous to the Tear 1I789.

T H E inhabitants of the French part of St. Domingo, C H A P.
as of all the Weft Indian Iflands, were composed of 1.
three great claffes: ift, pure whites. 2d, people of
colour, and blacks of free condition. 3d, negroes in a fate of Inhabitants.
flavery. The reader is apprifed that the clafs which, by a
strange abufe of language, is called people of colour, originates
from an intermixture of the whites and the blacks. The
genuine offspring of a pure white with a negro is called a
mulatto; but there are various cats, produced by fubfe-
quent connections, fome of which draw near to the whites,
until all vifible diftinction between them is loft; whilft others
fall retrograde to the blacks. All thefe were known in St.
Domingo by the term fang-mel'es, or gens de couleur, (in com-
B mon










2 HISTORY OF

C H A P. mon parlance they are colledively called mulattoes) and it mulf
I. be attributed, I prefume, to the greater difcountenance which
L the married fate receives from the national manners, that in
all the French iflands thefe people abound in far greater pro-
portion to the whites than in thofe of Great Britain. In
Jamaica, the whites out-number the people of colour as three
to one. In St. Domingo, the whites were estimated at 30,000,
the nmulattoes at 24,000, of whom 4,700 were men capable of
bearing arms, and accordingly, as a diftint people, actuated by
an efprit de corps, they were very formidable. Of the policy
which it was thought neceffary in St. Domingo to maintain
towards this unfortunate race, I hall prefently treat; but it
feems proper, in the firft place, to give fome account of the
fubordination in which, before the revolution of 1789, the
parent country thought fit to hold the colony at large.

THE government was exercised by a Governor General, and
an officer called Intendant, both of whom were nominated by
the crown, on the recommendation of the minister of the marine,
and generally considered as eftablifhed in their refpe6tive offices
for three years. Their powers, in fome cafes, were administered
jointly; in others, they poffeffed separate and distinct authority,
which each of them exercifed without the concurrence or par-
ticipation of the other.

IN their joint adminifiration their powers were unlimited.
comprehending every part of colonial government, and extend-
ing even to detail, in the minuteft branches of finance and
police. They enacted the laws, nominated to all vacant offices,
and









ST. DOMINGO. 3

and diffributed the crown lands as they thought proper. They C H A P.
refpedively presided at the fame time in each of the fupreme I.
councils, or courts of justice in the dernier report; and as
vacancies happened in thofe courts, by the death or removal of its
members, they filled up the vacant places. Against the abufe
of powers, thus extravagant and unbounded, the people had no
certain proteaion. Fortunately, it was rare that the governor
and intendant agreed in opinion on the exercise of their joint
authority, which therefore became neceffarily relaxed; and the
inhabitants derived forne degree of security from the disputes
and diffenfions of the contending parties. In all fuch cafes,
however, the greatest weight of authority fell to the fhare.
of the governor. He was, in truth, an absolute prince,
whofe will, generally speaking, conflituted law. He was
authorized to imprifon any person in the colony, for caufes of
which he alone was the judge; and having at the fame time
the fupreme command of both the naval and military force, he
had the means of exercising this power whenever he thought
proper. On the other hand, no arreft, by any other authority,
was valid without the governor's approbation. Thus he had
power to flop the courfe of justice, and to hold the courts
of civil and criminal jurifdiaion in a flavifh dependance on
himfelf.

THE peculiar province of the intendant was that of regulat-
ing the public revenues, or adminiffering the finances of the
colony. The collecors and receivers of all duties and taxes
were fubjet to his infpetion and control. He paffed or
rejeaed their accounts, and made them fuch allowances as he
B 2 alone











4 HISTORY OF

CHAP. alone thought proper. The application of all the public
I. monies refuted entirely with the intendant; a province which
created fuch temptation to himself as no virtue could refift, and
furnished fuch means of corruption, as overcame all opposition
from others (a).

FOR the better administration of justice, and the eafier col-
lection of the revenues, the colony was divided into three
provinces; which were diftinguifhed, from their relative situation,
by the names of the Northern, the Weftern and Southern. In
each of thefe provinces refided a deputy governor, or commander
en second, and in each were eftablifhed fubordinate courts of
juifice, both civil and criminal; from whofe determination
appeals were allowed to the superior councils, of which there
were two; one at Cape Franfois for the Northern province,
the other at Port au Prince for the Weftern and Southern.
They were composed of the governor-general, the intendant,
the deputy governors, the king's lieutenants (b), a president,

(a) The taxes and duties were laid and modified, as occasion required, by a
court composed of the governor genera], the intendant, the presidents of the
provincial councils, the attorney general, the commiflioner of the navy (ordonateur)
and the federal commandants of the militia. This court was dignified by the
title of the Colonial Afembly, although the colonifts had not a single delegate in it.
(b) Thefe king's lieutenants were military officers refiding in the several towns,
commonly with the rank of colonel. There were alfo in each town majors and
aides-major. All there officers were wholly independent of the civil power, and
owned no superior but the governor-general, who could difmifs them at pleasure.
It may be proper to observe too that the counfellors held their feats by a very un-
certain tenure. One, of the governors (the Prince de Rohan) fent the whole
number fate prifoners to France. They were feized on their feats ofjuiice, and
put on board a fhip in irons, and in that condition conveyed to Paris, and fhut up
for a long time in the Baftile, without trial or hearing,
and










ST. DOMINGO. 5

and twelve counfellors, four aefezurs, or affiftant judges, to- C H A P.
gether with the attorney general and register. In thefe councils, I1
or courts of fupreme jurifdition, as in the parliaments of France,
the king's edits, and thofe of the governor and intendant, were
regiffered. Seven members conftituted a quorum for the hear-
ing of appeal caufes; but a hint from the governor-general was
always sufficient to render much investigation unneceffary: and
it is affected (with what truth I pretend not to determine) that,
besides their flavifh dependance on the executive power, the
members of thefe courts were notorioufly and fhamefully open
to corruption and bribery. An appeal however lay to the king,
in the laft report; and candour compels me to obferve that,
on fuch appeals, fubftantial justice was generally obtained (cj.

THE number of the king's troops on the colonial eftablifh-
ment was commonly from 2 to 3,000 men; and each of the
52 parishes into which the colony was divided raised one or
more companies of white militia, a company of mulattoes, and
a company of free blacks. The officers, both of the regular
troops and the militia, were commiflioned provifionally by the
governor-general, fubjea to the king's approbation; but the
militia received no pay of any kind.

FROM this recapitulation, it is evident that the peace and
happinefs of the people of St. Domingo depended very much on

(c) In the year 1787 there two superior councils were consolidated into one,
which held its meetings at Port au Prince, this city being the feat of government in
time of peace. In the event of a war, the governor-general removed to Cape
Francois. The true, though not the oftenfible, reason for this junction of the
council boards, was an idea that a single board would be found more tradable in the
registry of ediAs and ordinances than two separate jurifdidions.
the:










6 HISTORY OF

CHAP. the personal qualities and native difpofition of the governor-
L general, who was always feleted from the army. At the fame
time it muft be honestly admitted, that the liberality and mild-
nefs, which of late years have dignified and softened the mili-
tary characer among all the nations of Europe, had a powerful
influence in the administration of the government in the French
colonies. It muff be allowed alfo, that the manifeft importance
to which, as mankind become diverted of ancient prejudices-,
the commercial part of the community, even among the French,
has imperceptibly rifen, injured to the wealthy and opulent
planters a degree of refpef from perfons in power, which, in
former times, attached only to noble birth and powerful con-
necions; while the lower orders among the whites derived
the fame advantage from that unconquerable diftintion which
nature herfelf has legibly drawn between the white and black
inhabitants; and from their vifible importance, in a country
where, from the difproportion of the whites to the blacks, the
common safety of the former clafs depends altogether on their
united exertions.

To contend, as fome philofophers have idly contended, that
no natural fuperiority can juftly belong to any one race of peo-
ple over another, to Europeans over Africans, merely from a
difference of colour, is to wafte words to no purpose, and to
combat with air. Among the inhabitants of every ifland in the
Weft Indies, it is the colour, with fome few exceptions, that
diftinguifhes freedom from flavery: fo long therefore as free-
dom hall be enjoyed exclusively by one race of people, and
flavery be the condition of another, contempt and degradation
x will










ST. D 0 M I N GO. 7

will attach to the colour by which that condition is generally C HAP.
recognized, and follow it, in fome degree, through all its varieties I
and affinities. We may trace a similar prejudice among the
moft liberal and enlightened nations of Europe. Although no-
thing furely ought to reflect greater luftre on any man than the
circumstance of his having rifen by induftry and virtue above:
the disadvantages of mean birth and indigent parentage, there
are, neverthelefs, but few perfons in the world who delight to
be reminded of this species of merit. There is a confcioufnefs
of something difgraceful in the recollection; and it fees there-
fore reasonable to conclude, that if nature had made the fame
diftindion in this cafe as in the other, and ftamped, by an inde-
lible mark, the condition and parentage on the forehead, the
fame, or nearly the fame, effea would have refulted from it, as
results from the difference of colour in the Weft Indies. I.
mean however only to account for in fome degree, not to de-
fend, the condua of the whites of St. Domingo towards the
coloured people; whofe condition was in truth much worfe
than that of the fame clafs in the Britifh colonies, and not to
be jufified on any principle of example or reason.

IN many refpeas their situation was even more degrading and Free Mua-
wretched than that of the enflaved negroes in any part of the lattoes.
Weft Indies; all of whom have masters" that are interested in
their prefervation, and many of whom find in- thofe mafters
powerful friends and vigilant protectors. Although released
from the dominion of individuals, yet. the free men of colour in
all the French iflands were Rill considered as the property of
the public, and as public property they were obnoxious to
the.










S HISTORY OF

C HA AP. the caprice and tyranny of all thofe whom the accident of birth
I. had placed above them. By the colonial governments they
were treated as flaves in the ftriteft fenfe; compelled, on at-
taining the age of manhood, to ferve three years in a military
eftablifhment called the mare'chauteie (e), and on the expiration
of that term they were fubjea, great part of the year, to the
burthen of the corvees;-a species of labour allotted for the repair
of the highways, of which the hardships were infupportable.
They were compelled moreover to ferve in the militia of the
province or quarter to which they belonged, without pay or al-
lowance of any kind, and in the horfe or foot, at the pleasure
of the commanding officer; and obliged alfo to fupply them-
felves, at their own expence, with arms, ammunition, and accou-
trements. Their days of mufter were frequent, and the rigour
with which the King's lieutenants, majors, and aides-major, en-
forced their authority on thofe occasions over thefe people, had
degenerated into the bafeft tyranny.

THEY were forbidden to hold any public office, truff, or
employment, however insignificant; they were not even allowed
to exercise any of thofe profeffions, to which fome fort of liberal
education is fuppofed to be neceffary. All the naval and mili-
tary departments, all degrees in law, phyfick, and divinity, were
appropriated exclufively by the whites. A mulatto could not

(e) It confifted of certain companies of infantry, which were chiefly employed
as rangers in clearing the woods of maron or runaway flaves. This efta-
bliihment was afterwards very prudently diffolved, and the companies difbanded;
it appearing that the mulattoes acquired, by communication with each other, a fenfe
of common interest and of common strength, which was beginning to render them
formidable to their employers.
be










ST. D 0 M I N 0.

be a prieft, nor a lawyer, nor a physician, nor a furgeon, nor C HAP.
an apothecary, nor a fchoolmafter. Neither did the diftin&ion I
of colour terminate, as in the Britifh Weft Indies, with the third
generation. There was no law, nor cuftom, that allowed the
privileges of a white perfon to any defcendant from an African,
however remote the origin. The taint in the blood was incur-
able, and fpread to the latest pofterity. Hence no white man,
who had the fmalleft pretenfions to character, would ever think
of marriage with a negro or mulatto woman: fuch a ftep
would immediately have terminated in his difgrace and ruin.

UNDER the preffure of there accumulated grievances, hope
itfelf, too frequently the only folace of the wretched, was de-
nied to thefe unfortunate people; for the courts of criminal
jurifdiaion, adopting the popular prejudices against them, gave
effect and permanency to the fyftem. A man of colour being
prosecutor (a circumstance in truth which feldom occurred)
muff have made out a strong cafe indeed, if at any time he ob-
tained the conviction of a white perfon. On the other hand,
the whites never failed to procure prompt and fpeedy justice
against the mulattoes. To mark more strongly the diftintion
between the two claffes, the law d jred- that if a free man of
colour prefumed to ftrike a white perfon of whatever condition,
his right hand should be cut off; while a white man, for a
similar affault on a free mulatto, was difmiffed on the payment
of an insignificant fine.

IN extenuation of this horrible detail, it may be faid with
truth that the manners of the white inhabitants softened, in
C fome










io HISTORY OF

C H A P. fome meafure, the feverity of their laws : thus, in the cafe Iafl
L mentioned, the universal abhorrence which would have attended
an enforcement of the penalty, made the law a dead letter. It
was the fame with the Roman law of the Twelve Tables, by which
a father was allowed to inflia the punishment of death on his
own child:-manners, not law, prevented the exertion of a
power fo unnatural and odious.

BUT the circumstance which contributed moft to afford the
coloured people of St. Domingo protection, was the privilege
they poffeffed of acquiring and holding property to any amount,
Several of them were the owners of considerable estates; and fo
prevalent was the influence of money throughout the colony, that
many of the great officers in the administration of government
fcrupled not fecretly to become their penfioners. Such of the
coloured people therefore as had happily the means of gratifying
the venality of their fuperiors, were fecure enough in their per-
fons; although the fame circumitance made them more pointedly
the objeAs of hatred and envy to the lower orders of the
whites.

THE next @Aa w.meay.e g g, and lowest, clafs of people in the
French iflands were the negroes in a fate of flavery; of whom, in
the year 1789, St. Domingo contained no lefs than 480,000. It
was in favour of this clafs that Louis XIV. in the year 1685, pub-
lifhed the celebrated edit, or code of regulations, which is well
known to the world under the title of the Code Noir; and it muft
be allowed, that many of its provisions breathe a spirit of tender-
nefs and philanthropy which refleas honour on the memory of its
6 author










ST. D 0 MI N G O. n

author;-but there is this misfortune attending this, and muft at- C H A P.
tend all other fyftems of the fame nature, that moft of its regu- I
nations are inapplicable to the condition and situation of the
colonies in America. In countries where flavery is eflablifhed,
the leading principle on which government is supported, isfear;
or a fenfe of that absolute coercive neceffity, which, leaving no
choice of action, fuperfedes all queffion of right. It is in vain
to deny that fuch adually is, and neceffarily muff be, the cafe in
all countries where flavery is allowed. Every endeavour there.
fore to extend positive rights to men in this fate, as between one
clafs of people and the other, is an attempt to reconcile inherent
contradictions, and to blend principles together which admit not
of combination. The great and, I am afraid, the only certain
and permanent security of the enflaved negroes, is the strong cir-
cumftance that the interest of the master is blended with, and in
truth, altogether depends on, the prefervation, and even on the
health, strength, and activity, of the flave. This applies equally
to all the European colonies in America; and accordingly the
actual condition of the negroes in all thofe colonies, to whatever
nation they belong, is I believe nearly the fame. Of that con-
dition I have given an account in another place (f): I have there-
fore only to obferve in this, that in all the French iflands the ge-
neral treatment of the flaves is neither much better nor much
worfe, as far as I could obferve, than in thofe of Great Britain.
If any difference there is, I think that they are better clothed
.among the French, and allowed more animal food among the
English. The prevalent notion that the French planters treat

(f) Hift. Civil and Commercial of the Britifh Colonies.
C 2 their










12 HISTORY OF

C HA P. their negroes with greater humanity and tendernefs than the
I. Britifh, I know to be groundlefs; yet no candid person, who has
had an opportunity of feeing the negroes in the French iflands,
and of contracting their condition with that of the peafantry in
many parts of Europe, will think them, by any means, the moft
wretched of mankind.

ON the whole, if human life, in its bell late, is a combi-
nation of happinefs and misery, and we are to consider that con-
dition of political fociety as relatively good, in which, notwith-
tfanding many disadvantages, the lower claffes are eafily supplied
with the means of healthy fubfiftence; and a general air of
cheerful contentednefs animates all ranks of people,-where we
behold opulent towns, plentiful markets, extensive commerce,
and increasing cultivation-it muft be pronounced that the go-
vernment of the French part of St. Domingo (to whatever
latent caufes it might be owing) was not altogether fo prafti-
cally bad, as fome of the circumflances that have been fated
might give room to imagine. With all the abufes arifing from
the licentioufnefs of power, the corruption of manners, and the
fyftem of flavery, the fcale evidently preponderated on the fa-
vourable fide; and, in fpite of political evils and private griev-
ances, the figns ofpublick profperity were every where vifible.

SUCH were the condition and situation of the French colony ia
St. Domingo in the year 1788-an eventful period; for the feeds
of liberty which, ever fince the war between Great Britain and
her tranfatlantick poffeffions, had taken root in the kingdom of
France, now began to spring up with a rank luxuriancy in all
parts









S T. D 0 M IN G 0. 13

parts of her extensive dominions; and a thousand circumflances C H A P.
demonfirated that great and important changes and convulfions I
were impending. The neceffity of a fober and well-digefted
arrangement for correcting inveterate abuses, both in the mother
country and the colonies, was indeed apparent; but, unhappily, a
spirit of fubverfion and innovation, founded on vifionary fyftems
inapplicable to real life, had taken poffeflion of the public mind.
Its effects in St. Domingo are written in colours too lasting to be
obliterated; for the pride of power, the rage of reformation, the
contentions of party, and the conflict of opposing interests and
pafflons, produced a tempeft that fwept every thing before it.

To trace thofe effects to their proper caufes, to develop the
atrocious purposes of pretended philanthropy, political fanati-
cifm, and disappointed ambition; and to defcribe the vaft and
lamentable ruin which they occasioned, thereby to furnifh a
profitable leffon to other nations, is the aim of the following
pages.













CHAP.









14 H I S T O R Y 0 F




C H A P. II.



From the Revolution of 1789, to the ;'Le.:.'1 of the Firzj G.v:nce.-
C: ,h'il! .,fembly.



CHA P. "\N the 27th of December 1788, the court of France came
II. to the memorable determination to fummon the States
General of the kingdom; and refolved that the representation of
the tiers etat (or commons) should be equal to the fum of the
representation of the other two orders.

THIS measure, as might have been forefeen, proved the bafis of
the great national revolution that followed; and it operated with
immediate and decisive effect in all the French colonies. The go-
vernor of the French part of St. Domingo at that period was
Monf. Duchilleau, a man who was fuppofed fecretly to favour
the popular pretensions. He was allowed therefore to coi-tinue
unmolefted in the feat of government; but the fceptre dropped
from his hand; for when he.attempted to prevent the parochial
and provincial meetings, which were every where summoned, from
affembling, his proclamations were treated with indignity and
contempt: the meetings were held in fpite of the governor, and
resolutions paffed declaratory of the right of the colonifts to fend
deputies to the States General. Deputies were accordingly
eleaed










ST. D 0 M IN G O. G0

elected for that purpose, to the number of eighteen (fix for each C H A P.
province) who forthwith, without any authority either from the II
French ministry or the colonial government, embarked for
France, as the legal representatives of a great and integral part of
the French empire.

THEY arrived at Verfailles the latter end of June, about a 1789,
month after the States General had declared themselves the na-
tional affembly. But neither the minister nor the national
aflembly were difpofed to admit the full extent of their claims.
The number of eighteen deputies from one colony was thought
exceffive; and it was with fome difficulty that fix of them only
were admitted to verify their powers, and feat themselves among
the national representatives.

THERE prevailed at this time throughout the cities of France,
a very ftrong and marked prejudice against the inhabitants of the
Sugar Iflands, on account of the flavery of their negroes. It was
not indeed fuppofed, nor even pretended, that the condition of
thefe people was worfe at this junAure than in any former period:
the contrary was known to be the truth. But declamations in
support of personal freedom, and inveaives against defpotifin of
all kinds, had been the favourite topicks of many eminent French
writers for a series of years : and the public indignation was now
artfully raised against the planters of the Weft Indies, as one of
the means of exciting commotions and infurrelions in different
parts of the French dominions. This fpirit of hostility againft
the inhabitants of the French colonies, was induftrioufly fomented
and aggravated by the measures of a society, who called them-
felves










16 HISTORY OF

C H A P. felves Amis des Noirs (Friends of the Blacks); and it mult be ac-
knowledge, that the splendid appearance, and thought!efs ex-
travagance, of many of the French planters resident in the mother
country, contributed by no means to divert the malice of their
adverfaries, or to often the prejudices of the public towards
them.

The fociety in France called Amis des Noirs, was I believe
originally formed on the model of a similar affociation in London;
but the views and purposes of the two bodies had taken a dif-
ferent direction. The society in London prqfifed to have no-
thing more in view than to obtain an act of the legislature for
prohibiting the further introduction of African flaves into the
Britifh colonies. They difclaimed all intention of interfering
with the government and condition of the negroes already in the
plantations; publicly declaring their opinion to be, that a gene-
ral emancipation of thofe people, in their present late of igno-
rance and barbarity, instead of a blefling, would prove to them a
force of misfortune and mifery. On the other hand, the fo-
ciety of Amis des Noirs, having secretly in view to fubvert the
ancient defpotifm of the French government, loudly clamoured
for a general and immediate abolition, not only of the flave
trade, but alfo of the flavery which it supported. Proceeding
on abftraC reasoning, rather than on the actual condition of hu-
man nature, they diflinguifhed not between civilized and unci-
vilized life, and considered that it ill became them to claim
freedom for themselves, and withhold it at the fame time from
ie negroes; it is to be lamented that a principle fo plauiible in
appearance,










S T. D 0 MI N G O. 7

appearance, should, in its application to this cafe, be vifionary C H A P.
and impracicable. II.

AT this juncture, a considerable body of the mulattoes from
St. Domingo and the other French iflands, were resident in the
French capital. Some of thefe were young people fent thither for
education: others were men of considerable property, and many
of them, without doubt, persons of intelligence and amiable
manners. With thefe people the society of Amis des Noirs formed
an intimate connection; pointed out to them the wretchednefs of
their condition ; filled the nation with remonftrances and ap-
peals on their behalf; and poured out fuch inveaives against the
white planters, as bore away reason and moderation in the torrent.
Unhappily, there was too much to offer on the part of the mu-
lattoes. Their personal appearance too, excited pity, and, co-
operating with the temper of the times, and the credulity of the
French nation, raised fuch an indignant fpirit in all ranks of
people against the white colonifts, as threatened their total an-
nihilation and ruin.

IN this difpofition of the people of France towards the inha-
bitants of their colonies in the Weft Indies, the national affem-
bly, on the o2th day of Auguft, voted the celebrated declaration 1789,
of rights; and thus, by a revolution unparalleled in history, was
a mighty fabric (apparently eflablifhed by every thing that was
fecure and unaffailable) overturned in a moment. Happy had it
been for the general interests of the human race, if, when, the
French had gone thus far, they had proceeded no farther!
Happy for themselves, if they had then known-what painful ex-
D perience










i8 HI STOR Y OF

CH A P. perience has fince taught them-that the worft of all govern
II. ments is preferable to the miferies of anarchy !

PERHAPS a diligent observer might have discovered, even in
the firft proceedings of this celebrated affembly, the latent feeds
of that violence, injustice, and confusion which have lince pro-
duced fuch a harveft of crimes and calamities. Many ot the
doarines contained in the declaration of rights feem to have
been introduced for no other purpose than to awaken a mif-
chievous fpirit of contention and cavil, and to deilroy all fub-
ordination in the lower ranks of the people. Such, for instance,
was the position, that all men are born, and continue, free and
equal as to their rights;" according to which, there ought to-
be no diftindions in society, nor (if the poffeffion of property
is a right) can any man have a right to pofiefs or acquire
any thing to the exclusion of others; a position not only falfe,
but pernicious, and unfit for every condition of civilized life.
To promulgate fuch leffons in the colonies, as the declared fenfe
of the fupreme government, was to fubvert the whole fyftem of
their eflablifhments. Accordingly, a general ferment prevailed
among the French inhabitants of St. Domingo, from one end of
the colony to the other. All that had paffed in the mother
country concerning the colonifts,-the prejudices of the me-
tropolis towards them,-the efforts of the society of Amis des
Noirs to emancipate the negroes,-and the conduct of the mu-
lattoes,-had been represented to them through the medium
of party, and perhaps with a thoufand circumstances of exagge-
ration and infult, long before the declaration of rights was re-
c-ived in the colony; and this measure crowned the whole.
.6 They










ST. DOING 19

They maintained that it was calculated to convert their peaceful C H A P.
and contented negroes into implacable enemies, and render the II.
whole country a theatre of commotion and bloodfhed.

IN the meanwhile, the French government, apprehenfive that
disorders of a very alarming nature might arife in the colonies
from the proceedings in France, had iffued orders to the gover- Sept. 1789
nor general of St. Domingo, to convoke the inhabitants, for the
purpose of forming a legislative affembly for interior regulation.
Thefe orders, however, being unaccountably delayed, the people
had anticipated the measure. The inhabitants of the Northern
diftriA had already constituted a provincial affembly, which met
at Cape Francois, and their example was followed in November
in the Weftern and Southern provinces; the Weftern affembly met
at Port au Prince, the Southern at Aux Cayes. Parochial com-
mittees were, at the fame time, every where eftablifhed, for the
fake of a more immediate communication between the people
and their representatives.

A RECITAL of the conduct and proceedings of thefe pro-
vincial affemblies, would lead me too much into detail. They
differed greatly on many important questions; but all of them
concurred in opinion concerning the neceffity of a full and
fpeedy colonial representation ; and they unanimously voted, that
if inftrutions from the king for calling fuch an affembly should
not be received within three months thenceforward, the colony
should take on itself to adopt and enforce the meafure;-their
immediate safety and preservation being, they faid, an obligation
paramount to all others.
D 2 DURING










20 H I STO RY OF

C II A P. DURING this period of anxiety and alarm, the mulattoes were
H- not inacive. InflruCted by their brethren in the metropolis in
the nature and extent of their rights, and apprized of the fa-
vourable difpofition of the French nation towards them, they
became, throughout the colony, actuated by a fpirit of turbulence
and edition; and difregarding all considerations of prudence,
with regard to time and feafons, determined to claim, without
delay, the full benefit of all the privileges enjoyed by the whites.
Accordingly large bodies of them appeared in arms in different
parts of the country;. but acting without sufficient concert, or
due preparation,, they were eafily overpowered. It is faid, that
the temper of the provincial affemblies at this j.uncure,-how
much forever inflamed agahinf the initigators and abettors of
there people in the mother country,--was not averfe to mo-
deration and conceffion towards the mulattoes themselves.
Thus, when the party which had taken arms at facmel was
defeated, and their chiefs imprisoned, the affembly of the Weft
interpofed with effect in favour of the whole number; and at
Artibonite, where the revolt was much more extensive and
alarming, a free and unconditional pardon was alfo chearfully
granted on the fubmiffion of the infurgents.

AGAINST fuch of the whites as had taken any part in thefe
diflurbances, in favour of the people of colour, the rage of the
populace knew no limits. Monf. Dubois, deputy procureur
general, had not only declared himself an advocate for the mu-
lattoes, but, with a degree of imprudence which indicated in--
fanity, fought occasions to declaim publicly against the flavery
Wf









S T. D 0 M I N G 0.

of the negroes. The Northern affembly arrested his person, C H A P.
and very probably intended to proceed to greater extremities; I.
but the governor interpofed in his behalf, obtained his release,
and fent him from the country.

MON s. Ferrand de Beaudierre, a magistrate at Petit Goave,
was not fo fortunate. This gentleman was unhappily ena-
moured of a woman of colour, to whom, as ihe poffeffed a
valuable plantation, he had offered marriage. Apprehenfive
that by this flep he might be displaced from the magiftracy,
and being a man of a warm imagination, with little judgment,
he undertook to combat the prejudices of the whites against the
whole clafs. He drew up, in the name and behalf of the mu-
latto people, a memorial to the parochial committee, wherein,
among other things, they were made to claim, in exprefs words,
the full benefit of the national declaration of rights. Nothing could
be more ill-timed or injudicious than this proceeding: it was evi-
dent, that fuch a claim led to consequences of which the mu-
lattoes themselves (who certainly at this juncture had no wifh
to enfranchife the flaves) were not apprized. This memorial
therefore was considered as a fummons to the negroes for a ge-
neral revolt. The parochial committee feized the author, and
committed him to prison; but the mob took himn from thence
by force, and in fpite of the magiftrates and municipality, who
exerted themselves to ftop their fury, put him to death.

THE king's order for convoking a general colonial affembly
was received in St. Domingo early in the month of January January
1790. It appointed the town of Leogane, in the Weltern pro- 1790-
vince,










22 HIST RY OF

CH A P. vince, for the place of meeting; and inftru&ions accompanied
I. the order, concerning the mode of eleAing the members. Thefe
inf'rutions, however, being considered by the provincial affem-
blies as inapplicable to the circuminances of the colony, were
difapproved; and another plan, better fuited, as they conceived,
to the wealth, territory, and population of the inhabitants, was
adopted. They resolved alfo to hold the affembly at the town
of St. Marc inftead of Leogane, and the 25th of March was
fixed for the time of its meeting. It was afterwards prorogued
to the I6th of April.

IN the meanwhile intelligence was received in France of
the temper of St. Domingo towards the mother country. The
inhabitants were very generally represented as manifefting a dif-
pofition either to renounce their dependency, or to throw them-
felves under the proteaion of a foreign power; and the planters
,of Martinico were faid to be equally difcontented and difaffeted,
The trading and manufacturing towns took the alarm; and pe-
,titions and remonffrances were presented from various quarters,
imploring the national affembly to adopt measures for compofing
the minds of the colonists, and preserving to the French empire
its moft valuable dependencies.

ON the 8th of March 1790, the national affembly entered
into the consideration of the fubject, with a ferioufnefs and fo-
lemnity fuited to its importance; and, after full difcuffion, a
very large majority voted, That it never was the intention of
"* the affembly to comprehend the interior government of the co-
lonies in the constitution which they had framed for the mother
country,







i










ST. D 0 M I N G O. 23

,t country, or to fubjed them to laws which were incompatible C H A P.
with their local eftablifhments; they therefore authorife the in- II
habitantss of each colony to fignify to the national affembly their
fentin'ents and wifles concerning that plan of interior legifla-
tion and commercial arrangement, which would be moft con-
ducive to their prosperity." It was required, however, that the
plan to be offered should be conformable to the principles which
had connected the colonies with the metropolis, and be calcu-
lated for the prefervation of their reciprocal interefts.-To this
decree was annexed a declaration, That the national affembly
would not caufe any innovation to be made, direly or indi-
reftly, in any fyftem of commerce in which the colonies were
already concerned."

NOTHING could equal the clamour which this decree occa-
fioned among the people of colour resident in the mother
country, and the philanthropic society of Amis des Noirs. The
declaration concerning commerce was interpreted into a tacit
fanction for the continuance of the flave trade; and it was even
contended, that the national affembly, by leaving the adjustment
of the colonial conflitutions to the colonifts themselves, had dif-
charged them from their allegiance. It was faid that they were
no longer fubjea to the French empire, but members of an in-
dependent fate.

NEVERTHELESS, if the circumstances of the times, and the
difpofition of the French colonists at this juncture, be taken into
the account, candour muft acknowledge that it was a decree
not only juftifiable on the motives of prudence and policy, but
was









24 HISTORY OF

c H A P. was founded alfo on the strong bafis of moral neceffity. The
II. arguments that were urged against it feem to imply that the be-
S" nefi ts of the French revolution were intended only for the people
refiding in the realm, in exclusion of their fellow fubjets in the
plantations. After that great event, to fuppofe that the inha-
bitants of thofe colonies (with the fuccefsful example too of
the Englifh Americans recent in their memories) would have
submitted to be governed and direaed in their local concerns by
a legislature at the distance of 3,000 miles from them, is to ma-
nifeft a very lender acquaintance with human nature. How
little inclined the colonial affembly was to fuch fubmiffion, their
proceedings, from the firft day of their meeting, to their final
diffolution, will demonftrate.-Of thofe proceedings I fall enc
deavour to furnish a brief account in the next Chapter.

















C H A P.









ST. DOMINGO. t



CHA P. III.


Proceedings of the General Colonial Afuembly until its final Di olu-
tion, and Embarkation of the Members for France, Auguft 1790.



T HE General Affembly of St. Domingo met on the i6th H A P.
of April, at the town of St. Marc. It was composed of III.
213 members, of whom the city of Cape Franfois eleded .
twenty-four, Port au Prince fixteen, and Aux Cayes eight. Moil
of the other parishes returned two representatives each; and it
is allowed that, on the whole, the colony was fairly, fully, and
moft refpetably represented. The provincial affemblies, how-
ever, continued in the exercise of their functions as before, or ap-
pointed committees to at during their intermiffion.

THE feeflon was opened by a difcourfe from the president,
wherein, after recounting various abufes in the constitution and
administration of the former colonial government, he pointed.
out fome of the many great objets that seemed to require im-
mediate attention: among others, he recommended the cafe of
the mulattoes, and a melioration of the flave laws. The affem-
bly concurred in sentiment with the orator ; and one of their firft
measures was to relieve the people of colour from the hardships
to which they were fubjet under the military jurifdition. It
]E was









16 HISTORY OF

C HA P, was decreed, that in future no greater duty should be required of
III. them in the militia than from the whites; and the harth au-
"" thority, in particular, which the king's lieutenants, majors, and
aides-major, commanding in the towns, exercised over thofe
people, was declared oppreffive and illegal. Thefe ats of in-
dulgence were certainly meant as the earnest of greater favours,
and an opening to conciliation and conceffion towards the whole
clafs of the coloured people.

THE general affembly proceeded, in the next place, to rec6ify
fome grofs abuses which had long prevailed in the courts of judi-
cature, confining themselves however to fuch only as called for
immediate redrefs, their attention being chiefly direded to the
great and interesting object of preparing the plan for a new con-
flitution, or fyftem of colonial government; a bufinefs which
1790. employed their deliberations until the 28th of May.

M. PEYNIER was now governor general, from whom the
partizans and adherents of the ancient defpotifm secretly derived
encouragement and support. The whole body of tax-gatherers,
and officers under the fiscal administration, were of this number.
Thefe therefore began to recover from the panick into which fo
great and fudden a revolution had thrown them, and to rally their
united strength. Nothing could be more opposite to their
wifhes, than the fuccefs of the general affembly in the eftablifh-
ment of order and good government throughout the colony.
Nor were thefe the only men who beheld the proceedings of
this body with an evil eye. All the perfons belonging to the
courts of civil and criminal jurifdidion (and their numbers were
x considerable)










S T. D OM II N G 0. 27

considerable) who were interested in the maintenance of thofe C H A P.
abufes which the affembly had correced, were filled with indig- I.
nation and envy. To thefe were added moft of the men who
held military :ommiffions under the king's authority. Habi-
tuated to the exercise of command, they indignantly beheld the
fubverfion of all that accustomed obedience and fubordination
which they had been taught to consider as effential to the support
of government, and offered themselves the willing instruments
of the governor general in fubverting the new fyftem.

SUCH were the perfons that opposed themselves to the new
order of things in the colony, when the Chevalier Mauduit, co-
lonel of the regiment of Port au Prince, arrived at St. Domingo.
He had not come directly from France, but circuitoufly by way
of Italy; and at Turin had taken leave of the Count d'Artois,
to whofe fortunes he was strongly attached. He was a man of
talents ; bra tivve, andenterprizing ; zealous for his party,
and full of projects for a counter-revolution. By his dexterity
and addrefs, he foon acquired an afcendancy over the feeble and
narrow genius of Peynier, and governed the colony in his name.
His penetration eafily made him difcover that, in order effec-
tually to difturb the new settlement, it was absolutely neceffary to
prevent a coalition of interests between the colonial affembly,
and the free people of colour. He therefore proclaimed himself
Sthe patron and protector of the mulattoes, and courted them on
all occasions, with fuch affiduity and fuccefs, as gained over the
whole body.

E 2 IT










28 II S T 0 R Y OF

C H A P. I-r feems however extremely probable that the peace of ths
"IIl country would have been preferred, notwithstanding the machi-
nations of Peynier and Mauduit, if the planters, true to their own
caufe, had remained united among themselves. But, unfortu-
nitely, the provincial affembly of the North was induced,
through mifreprefentation or envy, to counterad, by all polfible
means, the proceedings of the general affembly at St. Marc.
Thus, difcord and diffention every where prevailed; and ap-
pearances seemed to indicate an approaching civil war, even
before the plan for the new conflitution was published. This
was contained in the famous decree of the general colonial
affembly of the 28th of May; a decree, which having been the
fubjeC of much animadverfion, and made the oftenfible motive,
on the part of the executive power, for commencing hostilities,
it is proper to fate it at large.

May I790. IT confiited of ten fundamental positions, which are preceded
by an introduaory difcourfe or preamble (as ufual in the French
decrees) wherein, among other considerations, it is fated, as an
acknowledged principle in the French conflitution, that the right
in the crown to confirm the ats of the legislature, is a preroga,
tive, inherent and incommunicabl/e: of courfe that it cannot be
delegated to a colonial governor, whofe authority is precarious
and fubordinate. The articles are then fubjoined, in the order
and words following:

i. The legislative authority, in every thing which relates to
the internal concerns of the colony (regime interieur), is veiled.
in










ST. DOMI N GO. 9

in the affembly of its representatives, which hall be called the C H A P,
General Afemby of the French Part of St. Domingo. I
2. No a&f of the legislative body, in what relates to the in-
ternal concerns of the colony, hall be considered as a law defi-
nitive, unlefs it be made by the representatives of the French
part of St. Domingo, freely and legally chofen, and confirmed
by the king.
3. In cafes of urgent neceflity, a legislative decree of the ge-
neral affembly, in what relates to the internal concerns of the
colony, hall be considered as a law provional. In all fuch cafes
the decree hill be notified forthwith to the governor general,
who, within ten days after fuch notification, hall caufe it to be
published and enforced, or transmit to the general affembly his
observations thereon.
4. The neceffity of the cafe on which the execution of fuch
provisional decree is to depend, hall be a separate question, and
be carried in the affirmative by a majority of two-thirds of tha
general afiembly; the names and numbers being taken down.
(Pr -is par I'appel nominal.)
5. If the governor g neral hall fend down his observations on
any fuch decree, the fame hall be entered in the journals of the
general aflembly, who hall then proceed to revife the decree, and
consider the obfervations thereon in three federal fittings.. The
votes for confirming or annulling the decree hall be given in
the words Yes. or No, and a minute of the proceedings hall be
signed by the members present, in which hall be enumerated the
votes on each fide of the question; and if there appears a ma-
jority of two-thirds for confirming the decree,, it (hall be imme-
diately enforced by the governor general,
6. As,










33 H I 8 T 0 R Y O F
CH A P. 6. As every law ought to be founded on, the content of thofe
III who are to be bound by it, the French part of St. Domingo fall
be allowed to propose regulations concerning commercial ar-
rangements, and the fyftem of mutual connection rapportss com-
merciaux, et autres rapports communs), and the decrees which the
national aflembly fall make in all fuch cafes fall not be en-
forced in the coli:y, until the general ,,- fall have, confented
thereto.
7. Inaffes of prefling necefity, the importation of articles for
the support of the inhabitants (hall not be considered as any
breach in the fyftem of commercial regulations between St.
Domingo and France; provided that thl decrees to be made in
fuch cafes by the general affembly hall be submitted to the re-
vifion of the governor general, under the fame conditions and
modifications as are prescribed in articles 3 and 5.
8. Provided alfo, that every legislative ac of the general affem-
bly, executed provifionally, in cafes of urgent neceffity, hall be
tranfmitted forthwith for the royal fanction. And if the king hall
refuse his confent to any fuch act, its execution hall be fufpended,
as foon as the king's refufal hall be legally notified to the gene-
ral affembly.
9. A new general affembly fall be chofen every two years,
and none of the members who have ferved in the former af-
fembly hall be eligible in the new one.
10. The general affembly decree that the preceding articles,
as forming part of the constitution of the French colony in St.
Domingo, fall be immediately tranfinitted to France for the ac-
ceptance of the national affembly, and the king. They hall
likewise









ST. D MI N G 0 3

likewife be transmitted to all the parishes and difftrits of the co- C H A P.
lony, and be notified to the governor general." IIL

THAT a decree of fuch comprehenfivenefs and magnitude
should have excited very general difquifition in the colony, and
have produced mifreprefentation and clamour, even among men
of very opposite sentiments and tempers, is no way furprifing.
It muft be allowed, that fome of the articles are irreconcilable
to every juft principle of colonial fubordination. '1M refusing
to allow a negative voice to the representative of the king, is
repugnant to all the notions which an Englifhman is taught to
entertain of a monarchical government, however limited: and
the declaration that no decree of the national affembly con-
cerning the colony, in cafes of exterior regulation, should be in
force until confirmed by the colonial affembly, was fuch an ex-
travagant affumption of imperial authority, in a fubordinate part
of the French empire, as I believe is without a precedent.

ALL that can be urged in extenuation, feems to be that the cir-
cumftances of the cafe were novel, and the members of the colo-
nial affembly unexperienced in the bufinefs of legislation. That
they had any serious intention of declaring the colony an indepen-
dent fate, in imitation of the Englifh American provinces, it is
impoffible to believe. Neverthelefs, the decree was no fooner
promulgated, than this notion was induftrioufly propagated by
their enemies from one end of the colony to the other; and when
this report failed to gain belief, it was pretended that the colony
was fold to the Englith, and that the members of the general
affembly









2 -H I S T 0 R Y O F

-C H A P. affembly had received and divided among themselves 40 millions
Ill. oflivres as the purchase money.

IF recent events had not demonstrated the extreme credulity
and jealous temper of the French character, it would be difficult
to believe that charges, thus wild and unfupported, could have
made an impreffion on the minds of any considerable number
of the people. So great however was the effect produced by
them, as po occafion fome of the Weftern parishes to recal their
deputies; while the inhabitants of Cape Fran9ois took measures
flill more decifive: they renounced obedience to the general
affembly, and presented a memorial to the governor, requefling
him to diffolve it forthwith, declaring that they considered the
colony as loft, unlefs he proceeded with the utmoft vigour
and promptitude in depriving that body of all manner of au-
thority.

M. PEYNIER received this addrefs with fecret fatisfadt:on.
It seemed indeed to be the policy of both parties to reject all
thoughts of compromise by negotiation; and there occurred at
this juncture a circumftance which would probably have ren-
dered all negotiation abortive, had it been attempted. In the
harbour of Port au Prince lay a fhip of the line, called the Leo-
pard, commanded by M. Galifoniere. This officer, co-ope-
rating in the views of Peynier and Mauduit, made a fimptuous
entertainment for the partizans of thofe gentlemen, and by this,
or fome other parts of his condua, gave offence to his sailors.
Whether thefe men had felt the influence of corruption (as
aflerted by one party) or were actuated folely by one of thofe
unaccountable











ST. D 0M I N G O. 33

unaccountable freaks to which feamen are particularly fubjec, C H A P,
the fat certainly is, that they withdrew their obedience from III.
their proper officer, and declared themselves to be in the inte-
refts of the colonial affembly Their conduct became at length
fo turbulent and feditious, as to induce M. Galifoniere to quit
the fhip, whereupon the crew gave the command to one of the
lieutenants. The affembly, perceiving the advantages to be
derived from this event, immediately transmitted a vote of thanks 27th July,
to the feamen for their patriotic conduct, and required them, I790'
in the name of the law and the king, to detain the fhip in the
road, and await their further orders. The sailors, gratified
with this acknowledgement, promised obedience, and affixed
the vote of thanks on the main-maft of the fhip. Some par-
tizans of the affembly, about the fame time, took poffeffion of
a powder magazine at Leogane.

A CIVIL war seemed now to be inevitable. Two days after
the vote of thanks had been transmitted from St. Marc's to the
crew of the Leopard, M. Peynier iffued a proclamation to dif-
folve the general affembly. He charged the members with en-
tertaining projeCts of independency, and affected that they had
treacheroufly poffeffed themselves of one of the king's fhips by
corrupting the crew. He pronounced the members and all
their adherents traitors to their country, and enemies to the na-
tion and the king: declaring that it was his intention to employ
all the force he could colleCt to defeat their projects, and bring
them to condign punishment; and he called on all officers,
civil and military, for their co- operation and support.

F His











34 HISTORY OF

CH A P. His firit proceedings were direAed against the committee of
III. the VWeftern provincial affembly.--This body held its meetings
Sat Port au Prince, and in the exercise of its fubordinate functions,
during the intermiiion of that affembly, had manifefted fuch
zealous attachment to the general affembly at St. Marc, as ex-
pofed its members to the resentment of the governor and his
party. It was determined therefore, at a council held the fame
day, to arreft their perfons the following night, and M. Mau-
duit undertook to conduct the enterprise. Having been in-
formed that this committee held consultations at midnight, he
feleAted about one hundred of his soldiers, and formed a fcheme
to feize the members at their place of meeting. On arriving
however at the houfe, he found it proteaed by four hundred of
the national guards (g). A fkirmith enfued; but the circum-
flances attending it are fo varioufly related, that no precise ac-
count can be given of the particulars; nor is it afcertained
which party gave the firft fire. Nothing further is certainly
known, than that two men were killed on the part of the af-.
fembly,-that federal were wounded on both fides, and that
M. Mauduit returned without effeAing any purpose but that of
feizing, and bearing away in triumph, the national colours ;-a
circumstance which afterwards (as will be feen in the fequel)
coil him his life.

THE general affembly, on receiving intelligence of this attack,
and of the formidable preparations that were making for di-

(g) The troops in St. Domingo, called the National Guards, were originally
nothing more than the colonial militia. They were new organized in 1789, on
the model of the national guards in the mother -country, and bore the fame colours,
and alrumed the fame name.
x reading










S T. DO M I N G O. 35

reeling hostilities against themselves, summoned the people, C H A P.
from all parts of the colony, to haften properly armed to pro- III.
te& their representatives; and moft of the inhabitants of the
neighboring parishes obeyed the fummons. The fhip Leopard
was brought from Port au Prince to St. Marc's for the fame pur-
pofe. On the other hand, the Northern provincial affembly
joined the party of the governor, and Lent to his affiftance a de-
tachment from the regular troops in that quarter, which was
joined by a body of two hundred 'people of colour. A much
greater force was colle&ed at the fame time in the Weftern pro-
vince by M. Mauduit, and the preparations on both fides threat-
ened an obstinate and bloody confli ; when,. by one of thofe
wonderful eccentricities in the human mind which are feldom
displayed except in times of public commotion, a ftop was put
to the immediate shedding of blood, by the fudden and unex-
peted determination of the general affembly to undertake a
voyage to France, and justify their conduct to the king and
the national affembly in person. Their motives were thought
the more laudable, as all the Weftern and great part of the
Southern provinces gave a decided approbation of their conduct,
and armed in a very fhort time two thoufand men in their de-
fence, which were in full march for Port au Prince. Their
resolution however was fixed, and accordingly, of about one
hundred members, to which the colonial affembly was reduced
by ficknefs and defertion, no lefs than eighty-five (of whom
fixty-four were fathers of families) actually embarked on board
the Leopard, and on the 8th of Auguft took their departure for z790.
Europe:-a proceeding which created as much furprize in the
governor and his party, as admiration and applause among the
F z people










36 HISTORY OF
C H A P. people at large. Perfons of all ranks accompanied the members
IIL to the place of embarkation, pouring forth prayers for their
fuccefs, and shedding tears of fenfibility and affecion for a
conduct which was very generally considered as a noble proof
of felf-denial, and as final an instance of heroick virtue and
chriftian forbearance as any age has exhibited. A momen-
tary calm followed this event:-the parties in arms appeared
mutually difpofed to fubmit their differences to the wisdom
and juftice of the king and the national affembly, and M.
Peynier refused, though with a trembling hand, the reins of
government..

SUcH was the iffue of the firfl attempt to eftablifh a free conr-
ftitution in the French part of St. Domingo, on the fyftem ofa
limited monarchy; and it affords occasion for fome important re-
fletions. That the general colonial affembly, in their decree of
the 28th of May, exceeded the proper boundary of theirconftitu-
tional funcions, has been frankly admitted. This irregularity,.
however, might have been corrected without bloodshed or vio-
lence; but there is this misfortune attending- every deviation
from the rule of right, that, in the conflia of contending
fadions, the exceffes of one party are ever considered as the
fulleft j unification for the outrages of the other. For fome parts
of their condu& an apology may be offered. The meafure of
fecuring to their interests the crew of the Leopard, and the
seizure of the magazine at Leogane, may be vindicated on the plea
of felf-defence. It cannot be doubted that M. Peynier had long
meditated how beft to reftore the ancient defpotick fyftem, and.
4, that,










S T. D 0 M I N G 0. 37

that, jointly with M. Mauduit and. others, he had made prepa- C H A P.
rations for that purpofe. He had written to M. Luzerne, the III
minister in France, that he never intended to suffer the colonial
affembly to meet i and let it be told in this place, in justice to
the French ministry, that the answer which he received con-
tained a tacit difapprobation of his measures; for M. Luzerne
recommended moderate and conciliatory councils. The go-
vernor proceeded notwithstanding in the fame career, and dif-
truftful perhaps of the fidelity of the French soldiers, he made
application (as appeared afterwards) to the governor of the Ha-
vannah for a reinforcement of Spanifh troops from Cuba. It
is evident therefore that he concurred entirely in the plans of
Mauduit for effedtuating a counter-revolution; and hence it is&
reasonable to conclude, that the difcord and diftruft which pre-
vailed among the inhabitants, and above all, the fatal diflen-
tions that alienated the provincial affembly of the North, from.
the general affembly at St. Marc's, were induftrioufly fomented
and encouraged by M. Peynier and his adherents. Concerning
the members of the colonial affembly, their prompt and deci-
five determination to repair to France,. and surrender their
perfons to the supreme government, obviates all impeachment
of their loyalty. Their attachment to the mother-country was
indeed fecured by too many ties of interest and felf-prefervation
to be doubted..

OF their reception by the- national' afiembly, and the pro-
ceedings adopted in confequence of their arrival in Europe, I
fall hereafter have occasion to fpeak.. A paufe. in this place
feems:










38 HISTORY OF
C H A P. fems requifite ;-for I have now to introduce to the reader the
III. mournful history of an unfortunate individual, over whofe fad
fate (however we may condemn his rafh and ill-concerted en-
terprize)

One human tear may drop, and be forgiven V"
























CHAP.











8 T. D MING O. 39




CHAP, IV.


Rebellion and Defeat of Oge', free Man of Colour.



F ROM the firft meeting of the general affembly of St. Do- C H A Pi
mingo, to its diffolution and difperfion, as related in the IV.
Sypreceding chapters, the coloured people resident within the co- ""
lony remained on the whole more peaceable and orderly than
might have been expected. The temperate and lenient difpo-
fition manifefted by the affembly towards them, produced a be-
neficial and decisive effea in the Weftern and Southern pro-
vinces, and although 300 of them from thefe provinces, had been
perfuaded by M. Mauduit to join the force under his command,
they very foon became fenfible of their error, and, instead of
marching towards St. Marc, as Mauduit proposed, they de-
manded and obtained their difmifion, and returned quietly to
their refpe&ive habitations. Such of the mulatto people how-
ever as refided at that junAure in the mother-country, continued
in a far more hoftile difpofition ; and they were encouraged in
their animofity towards the white colonifts by parties of very
different defcriptions. The colonial decree of the 28th of
May, 1790, was no fooner made known in France, than it excited
univerfal clamour. Many perfons who concurred in nothing
elfe, united their voices in reprobating the conduct of the inha-
bitants.











4e HISTORY OF

C H A P. bitants of St. Domingo. The adherents of the ancient go-
IV. vernment were joined on this occasion by the partizans of de-
mocracy and republicanifm. To the latter, the conflitution of
1789 was even more odious than the old tyranny; and there
men, with the deepeft and darkeft defigns, pofieffed all that
union, firmnefs, and perfeverance which were neceffary to their
purposes; and which, as the world has beheld, have fince ren-
dered them irrefiftible. Thefe two facions hoped to obtain
very different ends, by the fame means; and there was another
party who exerted themselves with equal affiduity in promoting
public confusion : thefe were the difcordant clafs of fpecula-
tive reformers, whom it was impoflible to reconcile to the new
government, because every man among them had probably
formed a favourite fyftem in his own imagination which he was
eager to recommend to others. I do not consider the philan-
thropick society, called Amis des Noirs, as another diftina body,
because it appears to me that they were pretty equally divided
between the democratic party, and the clafs laft mentioned.
Strengthened by fuch auxiliaries, it is not furprizing that the
efforts of this society should have operated powerfully on
the minds of thofe who were taught to consider their per-
fonal wrongs as the caufe of the nation, and have driven fome
of them into the wildeft exceffes of fanaticifm and fury.

AMONG fuch of thefe unfortunate people resident in France
as were thus inflamed into madnefs, was a young man under
thirty years of age, named lJames Oge: he was born in St. Do-
mingo, of a mulatto woman who fill poffeffed.a coffee planta-
tion in the Northern province, about thirty miles from Cape
Francois,










ST, D MINGO, 41

Francois, whereon the lived very creditably, and found means C H A P.
out of its profits to educate her fon at Paris, and even to support IV.
him there in fome degree of affluence, after he had obtained the
age of manhood. His reputed father, a white planter of fome
account, had been dead several years,

OGE had been introduced to the meetings of the Anis des
Noirs, under the patronage of Gregoire, Briffot (h), La Fayette,
and Robefpierre (i), the leading members of that society; and
was by them initiated into the popular doctrine of equality, and
the rights of man. Here it was that he firft learnt the miseries
of his condition, the cruel wrongs and contumelies to which he
and all his mulatto brethren were expofed in the Weft Indies,
and the monfirous injustice and abfurdity of that prejudice,
" which, (faid Gregoire) estimating a man's merit by the colour
" of his fkin, has placed at an immenfe distance from each other
" the children of the fame parent i a prejudice which ftifles the
" voice of nature, and breaks the bands of fraternity afunder."

THAT thefe are great evils muft be frankly admitted, and it
would have been fortunate if fuch men as Briffot and Gregoire,
instead of bewailing their existence and magnifying their extent,
had applied their talents in considering of the befl practicable
means of redrefling them.

BUT there perfons had other objeas in view:-their aim, as
I have thewn, was not to reform, but to deftroy; to excite con-

(h) Guillotined 3x O&ober, 1793. (i) Guillotined 28 July, 1794.
G vulflons










42 H HISTORY OF

C H A P. vuli3ons in every part of the French empire; and the ill-fited
IV. Oge became the tcol, and was afterwards the victim, of their
guilty ambition.

HE had been led to believe, that the whole body of coloured
people in the French iflands were prepared to rife up as one man
against their oppreffors; that nothing but a difcreet leader was
wanting,, to fet them into action; and, fondly conceiving that he
pclfffled in his own person all the qualities of an able general, he
determined to proceed to St. Domingo by the firft opportunity.
To cherifh the conceit of his own importance, and animate his
exertions, the society procured him the rank of lieutenant-
colonel in the army of one of the German electors.

As it was found difficult to export a sufficient quantity of arms
and ammunition from France, without attracting the notice of
the government, and awakening fufpicion among the planters re-
fident in the mother country, the society resolved to procure
thofe articles in North America, and it was. recommended to
Oge to make a circuitous voyage for that purpose. Accordingly,
being furnifhed with money and letters of credit, he embarked
for New England in the month of July J790.

BUT, notwithflanding the caution that was obferved in this
instance, the whole project was publicly known at Paris pre-
vious to Og'es embarkation, and notice of the fcheme, and even
a portrait of Oge himfelf, were transmitted to St. Domingo,
long before his arrival in that ifland. He fecretly landed there,
from an American floop, on the 2th of Oaober 1790, and found
means









ST. DOMINGO. 43

means to convey undifcovered the arms and ammunition which C H A P.
he had purchased, to the place which his brother had prepared IV.
for their reception.

THE firft notice which the white inhabitants received of
Oge's arrival, was from himself. He dispatched a letter to the
governor (Peynier) wherein, after reproaching the governor and
his predeceffors with the non-execution of the Code Noir, he de-
mands, in very imperious terms, that the provisions of that cele-
brated statute should be enforced throughout the colony; he
requires that the privileges enjoyed by one clafs of inhabitants
(the whites) should be extended to all perfons without diflinc-
tion; declares himself the proteaor of the mulattoes, and an-
nounces his intention of taking up arms in their behalf, unless
their wrongs should be redreffed.

ABOUT fix weeks had intervened between the landing of
Oge, and the publication of this mandate; in all which time he
and his two brothers had exerted themselves to the utmoft in
fpreading difaffeCtion, and exciting revolt among the mulattoes.
Affurances were held forth, that all the inhabitants of the mo-
ther country were difpofed to affift them in the recovery of their
rights, and it was added, that the king himself was favourably
inclined to their caufe. Promifes were distributed to fome, and
money to others. But, notwithstanding all thefe efforts, and
that the temper of the times was favourable to his views, Og0
was not able to allure to his flandard above 200 followers; and
of thefe, the major part were raw and ignorant youths, unufed
Ga to










44 HISTORY OF

CHAP. to difcipline, and averfe to all manner of fubordination and
IV. order.

HE eftablifhed his camp at a place called Grande Riviere,
about fifteen miles from Cape Frangois, and appointed his two
brothers, together with one Mark Chavane, his lieutenants.
Chavane was fierce, intrepid, adive, and enterprizing; prone to
mifchif, and thirfly for vengeance. Oge himfelf, with all his
enthuialain, was naturally mild and humane: he cautioned his
followers against the shedding innocent blood; but little regard
was paid to his wishes in this refpe&t: the firft white man that
fell in their way they murdered on the fpot: a second, of the
name of Sicard, met the fame fate; and it is related, that their
cruelty towards fuch perfons of their own complexion as refused
to join in the revolt was extreme. A mulatto man of fome pro-
perty being urged to follow them, pointed to his wife and fix
children, affigning the largenefs of his family as a motive for
wiihing to remain quiet. This condua was considered as con-
tumacious, and it is affected, that not only the man himself, but
the whole of his family, were maffacred without mercy.

INTELLIGENCE was no fooner received at the town of Cape
Franqcis of there enormities, than the inhabitants proceeded,
with the utmoft vigour and unanimity, to adopt measures for
fuppreffing the revolt. A body of regular troops, and the Cape
regiment of militia, were forthwith difpatched for that purpose.
They foon invested the camp of the revolters, who made lefs re-
tiftance than might have been expected from men in their defpe-
rate circumfnances. The rout became general; many of them
were









s_










S T. DOMI N G O. 45

were killed, and about fixty made prisoners; the reft difperfed C H A P.
themselves in the mountains. Oge himfelf, one of his brothers, IV.
and Chavane his affociate, took refuge in the Spanifh territories.
Of Ogd's other brother no intelligence was ever afterwards ob-
tained.

AFTER this unfuccefsful attempt of Oge, and his efcape from
justice, the difpofition of the white inhabitants in general to-
wards the mulattoes, was fharpened into great animofity. The
lower claffes in particular, (thofe whom the coloured people call
les petits blancs) breathed nothing but vengeance against them;
and very serious apprehensions were entertained, in all parts of
the colony, of a profcription and maffacre of the whole body.

ALARMED by reports of this kind, and the appearances which
threatened them from all quarters, the mulattoes flew to arms in
many places. They formed camps at Artibonite, Petit Goaves,
Jeremie, and Aux Cayes. But the largest and moft formidable
body affembled near the little town of Verette. The white in-
habitants collected themselves in considerable force in the neigh-
bourhood, and Colonel Mauduit, with a corps of two hundred
men from the regiment of Port au Prince, hafened to their af-
fiftance ; but neither party proceeded to acual hoffility. M.
Mauduit even left his detachment at the port of St. Marc, thirty-
fix miles from Verette, and proceeding fingly and unattended to
the camp of the mulattoes, had a conference with their leaders.
What paffed on that occafion was never publicly divulged. It
is certain, that the mulattoes retired to their habitations in con-
fequence of it; but the filence and fecrecy of M. Mauduit, and
his










46 HISTORY OF

C H A P. his influence over them, gave occafion to very unfavourable
IV. fufpicions, by no means tending to conciliate the different claffes
of the inhabitants to each other. He was charged with having
traiteroufly persuaded them not to defift from their purpofe, but
only to postpone their vengeance to a more favourable oppor-
tunity; afluring them, with the utmoft folemnity and apparent
sincerity, that the king himself, and all the friends of the an-
cient government, were secretly attached to their caufe, and
would avow and support it whenever they could do it with ad-
vantage; and that the time was not far distant, &c. He is faid
to have purfued the fame line of condu& at Jeremie, Aux Cayes,
and all the places which he vifited. Every where he held fecret
consultations with the chiefs of the mulattoes, and thofe people
every where immediately difperfed. At Aux Cayes, a fkirmiih
had happened before his arrival there, in which about fifty per-
fons on both fides had loft their lives, and preparations were
making to renew hostilities. The perfuafions of M. Mauduit
effe6ted a truce; but Rigaud, the leader of the mulattoes in that
quarter, openly declared that it was a transient and deceitful
calm, and that no peace would be permanent, until one clafs of
people had exterminated the other.

IN November 1790, M. Peynier refigned the government to
the lieutenant-general, and embarked for Europe;-a circum-
flance which proved highly pleading to the major part of the
planters:-and the firft measure of M. Blanchelande (k), the new
commander in chief, was considered as the earneft of a decisive

(k) Guillotined at Paris, 1793.
and









ST. D 0 MIN G O. 47

and vigorous administration. He made a peremptory demand CHAP.
of Oge and his affociates from the Spaniards; and the manner in Iv.
which it was enforced, induced an immediate compliance there- --.
with. The wretched Oge, and his companions in mifery, were
delivered over, the latter end of December, to a detachment of 1790.
French troops, and fafely lodged in the jail of Cape Francois,
with the prisoners formerly taken; and a commifiion was foon
afterwards ilTued to bring them to trial.

THEIR examinations were long and frequent; and in the be-
ginning of March 1791, sentence was pronounced. Twenty of
Ogd's deluded followers, among them his own brother, were con-
demned to be hanged. To Oge himfelf, and his lieutenant
Chavane, a more terrible punishment was allotted:-they were
adjudged to be broken alive, and left to perifh in that dreadful
situation, on the wheel:-a sentence, on which it is impoffible
to reflect but with mingled emotions of thame, sympathy, indig-
nation, and horror !

THE bold and hardened Chavane met his fate with unusual
firmnnefs, and suffered not a groan to efcape him during the extre-
mity of his torture: but the fortitude of Og defeated him alto-
gether. When sentence was pronounced, he implored mercy
with many tears, and an abje6t fpirit. He promised to make
great discoveries if his life was fpared, declaring that he had an
important fecret to communicate. A refpite of twenty-four hours
was accordingly granted; but it was not made known to the pub-
lick, at that time, that he divulged any thing of importance. His
fecret, if any he had, was believed to have died with him.
IT









4 HISTO RY OF

C H A P. IT was discovered, however, about nine months afterwards,
IV. that this moft unfortunate young man had not only made a full
h confeffion of the facs that I have related, but alfo difclofed
the dreadful plot in agitation, and the miferies at that moment
impending over the colony. His laft folemn declarations and
dying confeflon, fworn to and signed by himself the day before his
execution, were actually produced wherein he details at large
the measures which the coloured people had fallen upon to excite
the negro flaves to rife into rebellion. He points out the chiefs
by name, and relates that, notwithstanding his own defeat,- a ge-
neral revolt would actually have taken place in the month of
February preceding, if an extraordinary flood of rain, and confe-
quent inundation from the rivers, had not prevented it. He
declares that the ringleaders fill maintained the fame atrocious
projea, and held their meetings in certain subterranean paffages,
or caves, in the parith of La Grande Riviere, to which he offers,
if his life might be fpared, to conduct a body of troops, fo that
the confpirators might be fecured.

THE perfons before whom this confeffion and narrative were
made, were the commiffioners appointed for the purpose of
taking Oge's examination, by the superior council of the Northern
province, of which body they were alfo members (l). Whe-
ther this court (all the members of which were devotedly at-
tached to the ancient fyftem) determined of itself to fupprefs
evidence offuch great concern to the colony, or was directed on

(1) Their names were Antoine Etienne Ruotte, and Francois Jofeph de Ver-
tierres.
this











S T. DOM I N G O. 49

this occasion by the superior officers in the administration of the C H A P.
government, has never been clearly made known. Suppreffed it Iv.
certainly was, and the miserable Oge hurried to immediate exe-
cution; as if to prevent the further communication, and full dif-
clofure of fo weighty a fecret!

CHRISTIAN charity might lead us to filppofe that the com-
miffioners by whom Ogd's examination was taken, difregarded
and negleaed (rather than fuppreffed) his information; con-
fidering it merely as the shallow artifice of a miserable man to
obtain a mitigation of the dreadful puniflment which awaited
him, and utterly unworthy of credit. It does not appear, how-
ever, that the commiffioners made this excufe for themselves;
and the caution, circumfpetion, and fecrecy which marked their
conduct, leave no room for fuch a fuppofition. The planters at
large fcrupled not to declare, that the royalifts in the colony,
and the philanthropic and republican party in the mother
country, were equally criminal; and themselves made vicims to
the blind purposes, and unwarrantable pafiions, of two desperate
and malignant factions.

OF men who openly and avowedly aimed at the fubverfion
of all good order and fubordination, we may eafily credit the
worfi; but it will be difficult to point out any principle of ra-
tional policy by which the royalifts could have been influenced
to concur in the ruin of fo noble and beautiful a part of the
French empire. Their conduct therefore remains wholly in-
explicable, or we muft admit they were guided by a fpirit of
Machiavilian policy-a principle of refined cunning, which al-
H w ays
46











50 H HISTORY OF
C H A P. ways defeats its own purpose. They muff have encouraged the
IV. vain and fallacious idea that fcenes of bloodshed, devastation, and
ruin, in different parts of the French dominions, would induce
the great body of the people to look back with regret to their
former government, and lead them by degrees to co-operate in
the fcheme of effeding a counter-revolution; regarding the
evils of anarchy, as lefs tolerable than the dead repofe of defpo-
tifin. If fuch were their motives, we can only afcribe them to
that infatuation with which Providence (as wife men have ob-
ferved, and history evinces) blinds a people devoted to defrundivm.





















CHA i P
4










ST. DOM I N G S



CHAP. V.


Proceedings in France-Maqfacre of Colonel Mauduit in St. Do.
mingo-andfatal Decree of the National ./lembly of the I 5th
May 1791.


N detailing the tragical ftory of the miserable Oge, I have C HA P.
chofen to continue my narrative unbroken: but it is now V.
time to call the reader homewards, and direa his attention
to the measures adopted by the national affembly, in confequence
of advices received from all parts of St. Domingo, concerning
the proceedings of the colonial affembly which met at St.
'Marc's.

THE eighty-five members, whofe embarkation for France has
already been noticed, arrived at Breft on the i 3th of September
1790. They were received on landing by all ranks of people, and
even by men in authority, with congratulation and fhouts of ap-
plaufe. The fame honours were fhewn to them as would have
been paid to the national affembly. Their expenses were de-
frayed, and fums of money raised for their future occasions by a
voluntary and very general fubfcription; but thefe teftimonies
of refpea and kindnefs served only to encreafe the difappoint-
ment which they foon afterwards experienced in the capital;
H 2 where










S2 HISTORY O-F

C H A P. where a very different reception awaited them. They had the
V. mortification to discover that their enemies had been beforehand.
with them. Deputies were already arrived from the provincial
affembly of the North, who, joining with the agents of Peynier
and Mauduit, had fo effet-ually prevailed with M. Barnave (a),
the president of the committee for the colonies, that they found
their caufe prejudged, and their conduSt condemned, without a
hearing. The national affembly had iffued a peremptory order,
on the 21 c of September, direcing them to attend at Paris, and
wait there for further direaions. Their prompt obedience to
this order procured them no favour. They were allowed a single
audience only, and then indignantly difiniffed from the bar.
They folicited a second, and an opportunity of being confronted.
with their adverfaries:. the national affembly refused their re-
quell,. and directed the colonial committee to haften its report
concerning their conduA. On the i th of Otober, this re-
port was presented by M. Barnave. It comprehended a detail
of all the proceedings of the colonial affembly, from its firft
meeting at St. Marc's,. and cenfured their general conduct in
terms of great afperity; representing it as flowing from motives
of difaffection towards the mother country, and an impatience of
fubordination to constitutional authority and good government.
The report concluded by recommending, that all the pre-
tended decrees and ats of the faid colonial affembly, should be
revered, and pronounced utterly null and of no effecA; that
the laid affembly flould be declared diffolved, and its mem-
bers rendered ineligible and incapable of being delegated in

(a) Guillotined December r, 1793,
"1 future










ST. DO M I N G O. 53

":future to the colonial affembly of St. Domingo; that teftli- C H A P.
monies of approbation shouldd be transmitted to the Northern v.
provincial affembly, to Colonel, Mauduit and the regiment of
Port au Prince, for refifting the proceedings at St Marc's; that
the king should be requested to give orders for the forming a new
colonial affembly on the principles of the national decree of
"the 8th of March 1790, and inftrutions of the 28th of the
fame month; finally, that the ci-devant members, then in
"France, should continue in a fate of arrest, until the national
affembly might find time to fignify its further pleasure concern-
ing them." A decree to this effea was accordingly voted on the
12th of Otober,.by a very large majority; and the king was re-
quefled, at the fame time, to fend out an augmentation of force,
both naval and military, for the better supporting the regal au,
thority in St. Domingo..

IT is not eafy to describe the furprize and indignation which
the news of this decree excited in St. Domingo, except among
the partizans of the former government. By them it was re-
garded as the firft ftep towards the revival of the ancient fyftem;
by moft other perfons it was considered as a dereliction by the
national affembly of all principle; and the-orders for elecing a
new colonial affembly were fo little regarded, that many of the
parishes positively refused to choofe other deputies until the
fate of their former members, at that time in France, should be
decided; declaring, that they fill considered thofe perfons as the
legal representatives of the colony. One immediate and appa-
rent effeCt of this decree was, to heighten and inflame the po-
pular resentment against Mauduit and his regiment. The
reader has already been made acquainted with fome particulars
concerning










54 H. I T0 ORY .OF

C H A concering this ori-ce ; and to what has been faid of his ge-
S n';-'il character, and his intemperate zeal for the re-eftablifh-
mn.ent of the. regal authority in its fullcft extent, it may be added,
that he was the more dangerous, because he was generous in his
difpolition, and even profufe in his bounty towards his soldiers.
In return, the attachment of his regiment towards his person
:p-eared to exceed the ufual limits of obedience and duty (b).

THi marlacre of this man by thofe very troops, a fort time
after the notification of the aforefaid decree, afbrds to striking an
instance of that cruel and ungovernable difpofition, equally im-
petuous and inconftant, which prevailed, and I am afraid fill
continues to prevail, amongft the lower claiTes of the people
throughout all the French dominions, that I conceive a brief re-
cital of the circumstances attending his murder will not be
thought an unneceffary digre-iion.

I .AVE, in a former place (c), given fibne account of the pro-
ceedingsof M. Peynier, the late governor, against certain perfons
who composed what was called the committee of the Weffern
provincial affembly, and of the attempt by M. Mauduit to feize
by force the individuals who composed that committee. This
h .p-.!, on the 29th of July, i790o and I observed that the
circumstance of M. Mauduit's i..-ri W.Io off the colours from a
detachment of the national v'-.- on that occasion, ultimately
t 'cr .i'.d in his defruction.
(b) After his example they had rtje5ted the national cockade, and wore a white
father iM their hats, the fymbol, or avowed final, of the royal party.
(c) Chai. iii. p. 34.
I THE











ST. D 0 M I N G .55

,THE cafe was, that not only the detachment from whom their C H A P.
enfign was taken, but the whole of the national guards through- V.
out the colony, considered this aa as the moft outrageous and
unpardonable infuit that could poffibly be offered to a body of
men, who had fworn fidelity to the new conflitution; and no-
thing but the dread of the superior discipline of the veterans
composing the Port au Prince regiment (which Mauduit com-
manded) prevented them from exercifing exemplary vengeance
on the author of.their difgrace. This regiment therefore, being
implicated in the .crime of their commanding officer, was re-
garded by the other troops with hatred and deteftation.

ON the 3d of March 1791, the frigates Le Fougueux and Le
Boree arrived from France, with two battalions of the regiments
of Artois and Normandy; and when it is known that thefe
troops had been vifited by the crew of the Leopard, it will not
appear furprizing that, on their landing at Port au Prince, they
should have manifested the fame hostile difpofition towards
Mauduit's regiment, as was fhewn by the national guards.
They refuted all manner of communication or intercourse with
them, and even declined to enter into any of their places of
report. They considered, or affected to consider them, as ene-
mies to the colony, and traitors to their country. This con-
duc in the new-comers towards the ill-fated regiment foon
made a wonderful impreflion on the minds of both' officers and
privates of the regiment itself; and mutual reproach and accu-
fation spread through the whole corps. The white feather was
indignantly torn from their hats, and dark and fallen looks to-
wards











56 I 1S T 0 R Y 0 F
C H A P. wards their once-loved commander, indicated not only that he
V. had loft their confidence, but alfo that he was the object of me-
ditated mischief. Mauduit foon perceived the full extent of his
danger, and fearing to involve the governor (M. Blanchelande)
and his family, in the ruin which awaited himself, with great ge-
nerofity advifed them to make the beft of their way to Cape
Francois, while they could do it with safety; and Blanchelande,
for which he was afterwards much cenfured, followed this ad-
vice. Mauduit then harangued his grenadiers, to whom he had
always flewn great kindnefs, and told them that he was willing,
for the fake of peace, to restore to the national troops the colours
which he had formerly taken from them; and even to carry
them, with his own hands, at the head of his regiment, and de-
pofit them in the church in which they had been usually lodged;
but he added, that he depended on their affecion and duty to
protect him from personal infult, while making this ample apo-
logy. The faithlefs grenadiers declared that they would pro-
teat him with their lives.

THE next day the ceremony took place, and Mauduit restored
the colours as he had promised, before a vaft croud of fpetators.
At that moment, one of his own soldiers cried aloud, that he mzy2
Ti pardon of the natizona troops on his knees; and the whole
regiment applauded the proposal. Mauduit started back with
indignation, and offered his bofom to their words :-it was
pierced with a hundred wounds, all of them inflicted by his own
men, while not a single hand was lifted up in his defence. The
fpeaators -ood motionlefs, either through hatred to the man,
or -urprize at the treachery and cowardice of the soldiers. Such
indeed











S T. DOM I N GO. 57

indeed was the bafenefs of thefe wretches, that no modern lan- C H A P.
:guage can describe, but in terms which would not be endured, "
the horrible enormities that were practifed on the dead body
of their wretched commander. It was reserved for the present
day to behold, for the firft time, a civilized nation exceeding in
'feats of cruelty and revenge the favages of North America. I
grieve to add, that I have many dreadful inflances yet to recite
in confirmation of this remark (c).

WHILE thefe shameful enormities were paffing in St. Do-
mingo, the fociety of Amis des Noirs in the mother country
:were but too fuccefsfully employed in devising projects which
gave birth to deeds of ftill greater horror, and produced fcenes
that transformed the moft beautiful colony in the world into a
field of defolation and carnage.

AL THOUG H it muft have occurred to every unprejudiced mind,
from the circumstances that have been related concerning the

(c) The following anecdote, though shocking to humanity, I have thought
too extraordinary to omit. It was communicated to me by a French gen-
tleman who was at St. Domingo at the time, and knew the faa; but decency
has induced me to veil it in a learned language. MAUDUITO vix mortuo, unus de
militibus, dum cadaver calldum, et cruore adhuc fuente madidum, in -pavimentum ec..
clefie epicopalis jacuit, ficam dflringens, genitalia coram populo abfcidit, et membra
truncataa in c/lam components, adfeninam nobilem, quam amicam Mauduito fatuit, ut
legatum de mortuo attulit. It may afford 'the reader fome confolation to find that
the murder of their commanding officer by his own regiment, excited in all the
other troops no other fentiments than thofe of indignation against his murderers.
They were compelled to lay down their arms, and were fent prif9nePs to France;
",but I fear they efcaped the punishment due to their crimes.
I behaviour










5S HISTORY OF

C H A P. behaviour of the mulattoes resident in the colony, that the ge-
V. neral body of thofe people were by no means averfe to conci-
liation with the whites, yet it was found impoffible to perfuade
their pretended friends in Europe to leave the affairs of St. Do-
mingo to their natural courfe. Barnave alone (hitherto the moft
formidable opponent of the prejudices and pretenfions of the co-
lonifts) avowed his conviction that any further interference of
the mother country in the question between the whites and the
coloured people, would be productive of fatal consequences.
Such an opinion was entitled to greater refpea, as coming from
a man who, as president of the colonial committee, muff be fup-
pofed to have acquired an intimate knowledge of the fubjet;
but he was heard without conviction. There are enthufiafts in
politicks as well as in religion, and it commonly happens with
fanaticks in each, that the recantation of a few of their number
ferves only to strengthen the errors, and animate the purposes of
the reft. It was now refolved by Gregoire, La Fayette, Briffot,
and fome other peftilent reformers, to call in the supreme le-
giflative authority of the French government to give effed to
their projeds; and that the reader may clearly understand the
nature and complexion of the mifchief that was meditated, and
of thofe measures to which the ruin of the French part of St.
Domingo is immediately to be attributed, it is neceffary, in the
firft place, to recal his attention to the national decree of the
8th of March 1790, of which an account was given in the fe-
cond chapter.,

By that decree, as the reader muff have remembered,.the na-
tional affembly, among other things, difclaimed all right of in-
terference






-










ST. D 0 M I NG O. s

" terference in the local and interior concerns of the colonies; and C H AP.
it cannot be doubted, that if this declaration had been faithfully V.
interpreted and aded upon, it would have contributed, in a very
eminent degree, to the restoration of peace and tranquillity in St.
Domingo, To render it therefore of as little effe& as poffible,
and to add fuel to the fire which perhaps would otherwise have
become extinguished, it had been infidioufly proposed in the na-
tional affembly, within a few days after the decree of the 8th of
March had paffed, to tranfmit with it to the governor of St. Do-
mingo, a code, or chapter, of inftruaions for its due and pun&ual
observance and execution. Accordingly, on the 28th of the fame
month, inflrutions which were faid to be calculated for that
purpose, were presented and decreed. They confifted of eighteen
articles, and contained, among other things, a dire&ion that
" every person of the age of twenty-five and upwards, poffeiTng
" property, or having refided two years in the colony, and paid
" taxes,. should be permitted to vote in the formation of the co-
"lonial affembly." ,

THE friends of the colonifts having at that time feats in the
national affembly, oppofed the measure chiefly on the ground of
its repugnancy to the decree of the 8th; it being evidently, they
urged, an interference in the local arrangements and interior re-
gulations of the colonial government. It does not appear (not-
withftanding what has fince been affected to the contrary) that
they entertained an idea that the mulatto people were directly
or indirectly concerned. The framers and supporters of the mea-
fure pretended that it went only to the modification of the
privilege of voting in the parochial meetings, which it was well
I 2 known










60 HIST ORY' OF

C H A P. known, under the old government had been conftituted of white-
v. perfons only. The coloured people had in no inflance attended.
thofe meetings, nor fet up a claim, or even expreffed a defire, to
take any part in the bufinefs tranfaded threat. But thefe in-
ftrudtions were no fooner adopted by the national, affembly, and.
converted into. a decree, than its framers and supporters threw.
off the mafk, and the mulattoes resident in the mother country,
as well as the society of Amis des Noirs, failed not to apprize their
friends and agents in St. Domingo, that the people of colour,
not being excepted, were virtually comprized ,in it. Thefe,
however, not thinking themselves sufficiently powerful to en-;
force the claim, or, perhaps, doubting the real meaning of the,
decree, fent deputies to France to demand an explanation of it
from the national affembly.

IN the beginning ofMay 1791, the consideration of this fub-
jet was brought forward by the Abbe..Gregoire, and the claim
of the free mulattoes to the full benefit of the inftruaions of the
28th of March 1790, and to all the rights and privileges enjoyed
by the white inhabitants, citizens of the French colonies, was
ifpported with all that warmth and eloquence for which he was
diftinguifhed. Unfortunately, at this ju.n&tire the news of the
miferable death of Og arrived at Paris, and raised a storm of.
indignation in the minds of all ranks of people, which, the
planters resident in France were unable to refift Nothing was
heard in all companies but declamations against their oppreffion
and cruelty. To support and animate the popular.outcry against
them, a tragedy or 'pantomine, formed on the ftory of.Oge, was
represented on the public theatres. ,By thefe, and other means,
the










St.T; D" O' M I'N G 0. 6

tl* planters were become fo generally odious, that for a time C HAP.'
they dared not to appear in the streets of Paris. Thefe were the; V.
arts by which Gregoire, Condorcet, La Fayette, Briffit, and "-"'
Roberfpierre difpofed the public mind to clamour for a new and
explanatory decree, in which the rights of the coloured people:
should be placed beyond all future doubts and dispute. The friends
and advocates of the planters were overpowered and confounded.
In vain did they predict the utter deft uction of the colonies if
fuch a proposal should pafs into a law. Perifh the colonies,"
faid Roberfpierre, rather than facrifice one iota of our prin-
" ciples." The majority reiterated, the fentiment, and the fa-,
mous decree of the 15th of May 1791 was pronounced amidft:
the acclamation and applause of the. multitude..

BY this decree it was declared and enacted, that the people of
colour resident in the French colonies, born of free parents, were
entitled to, as of right, and fhould.be allowed the enjoyment of,
all the privileges of French-citizens, and, among others, to thofe
of having votes in the. choice of representatives, and of being
eligible to feats both in .the parochial and colonial ajfmblies." Thus
did the national affembly fweep away in a.xnmment, all the laws,,
ufages, prejudices,-and opinions-concerning thefe; people, which
had exifted in the French colonies from their eadieft settlement,
and.,tear up by the roots the, firft principle of a free conftitution _
-a principle founded on the cleareft .dictates of reafon and.
justice, and exprefsly confirmed to the inhabitants of the French
Weft Indies by the national decree ,ofthe.8th of March 1790;
I mean, the fole and exclusive right ofpaffing laws for their local.
andinterior regulation and government. The colonial committee,.
of:











62 H I S T OR Y O F

C H A P. of which M. Barnave was president, failed not to apprize the
*v. national affembly of the fatal consequences of this meafure, and
immediately fufpended the exercise of its fundions. At the
fame time, the deputies from the colonies fignified their purpose
to decline any further attendance. The only effea produced by
thefe measures however, on the national affembly, was an order
that the three civil commiffioners, who had been appointed in
February preceding for regulating the affairs of the colonies on
the fpot, should immediately repair thither, and fee the national
decrees duly enforced. The confequences in St. Domingo will
be related in the following chapter (d).

(d) It has been confidently afferted, that La Fayette, in order to secure a majority
on this queffion, introduced into the national affembly no lefs than eighty perfons
who were not members, but who fat and voted as fuch. This man had formerly been
poffeffed of a plantation at Cayenne, with feventy negro flaves thereon, which he had
fold, without any fcruple or ftipulation concerning the situation of the negroes, the
latter end of 1789, and from that time enrolled himself among the friends of the
blacks. The mere Englifh reader, who may be personally unacquainted with the
Weft Indies, will probably consider the clamour which was raised on this occasion
by the French planters as equally illiberal and unjuff. The planters in the Britifh
Weft Indies will perhaps bring the cafe home to themselves; and I have no hefita-
:tion in saying, that, fuppofing the Englifh parliament should pats a law declaring,
-for instance, the free mulattoes of Jamaica to be eligible into the affembly of that
ifland, fuch a measure would prove there, as it proved in St. Domingo, the decla-
ration of civil war. On mere abftraa reasoning this may appear ftrange and unjuf-
tifiable; but we muft take mankind as we find them, and few inflances occur in
which the prejudices of habit, education, and opinion have been correded by force.







CHAP.










ST. DOM I N G O. 63



CHAP. VI.



Confequences in St. Domingo of the Decree of the 5th of May-
Rebellion of the Negroes in the Northern Province, and Enor-
mities committed by them-Revolt of the Mulattoes at Mirebalais
-Concordat or Truce between the Inhabitants of Port au Prince
and the Men of Colour of the I th of September-Proclamation
by the National Aftmbly of the zotb of September.


I A M now to enter on the retrofpea of scenes, the horrors C H A P,
of which imagination cannot adequately conceive nor pen VI.
defcribe. The disputes and contents between different claffes of
French citizens, and the violence of malignant faAions to-
wards each other, no longer claim attention. Such a pidure of
human mifery ;-fuch a fcene of woe, prefents itfelf, as no other
country, no former age -has exhibited. Upwards of one hun-
dred thoufand favage people, habituated to the barbarities, of
Africa, avail themselves of the filence and obscurity of the night,.
and fall on the peaceful and unfufpicious planters, like fo many
famifhed tygers thirfting for human blood, Revolt, conflagra-
tion and maffacre, every where mark.their progrefs; and death,
in all its horrors, or cruelties and outrages, compared to which.
immediate death is mercy, await alike the old and the young,
the matron, the virgin, and the helplefs infant. No. condition,
age,










I4 tI : STORY OF

C HA P. age, or fex is fpared. All the shocking and fhameful enor-
VI. mities, with which the fierce and unbridled paffions of favage
man have ever condu&ed a -war, prevail uncontrouled. The
rage of fire confuses what the fword is unable to deftroy, and,
in a-few difinal hours, the moft fertile and beautiful plains in the
.world are converted into one vaft field of carnage;--a wilder-
nefs of defolation!

TITERE is indeed too much reafon to believe, that thefe niife-
ries would have occurred in St. Domingo, in a great degree,
even if the proceedings of the National Affembly, as related in
the latter part of -the preceding chapter, had been more tem-
perate, and if the decree of the I5th of May had never paffed
into a law. The declarations of the dying Oge fufficiently
point out the mifchief that was meditated, long before that ob-
noxious decree was promulgated. But it may be affirmed,
with truth and certainty, that this fatal meafure gave life and
aaivity to the poifon. It was the brand by which the flames
were lighted, and the combuftibles that were prepared fet into
action. Intelligence having been received of it at Cape Fran-
2791. cois on the 3oth of June, no words can describe the rage and
indignation which immediately fpread throughout the colony;
and in no place did the inhabitants breathe greater resentment than
in the town of the Cape, which had hitherto been foremoft in pro-
feffions of attachment to the mother country, and in promoting
the fpirit of difunion and opposition in the colonial affembly.
They now unanimously determined to rejea the civick oaths
although great preparations had been made for a general fede-
sation on the 14th of July. The news of this decree seemed to
unite










ST. DOING O. 63

unite the moft difcordant interests. In the firif transports of C H A P.
indignation it was proposed to feize all the fhips, and confiscate VI.
the effeas of the French merchants then in the harbour. An
embargo was adually laid, and a motion was even made in the
provincial affembly to pull down the national colours, and hoift
the Britith standard in their room. The national cockade was
every where trodden under foot, and the governor-general, who
continued a forrowful and filent fpeAator of there exceffes,
found his authority, as representative of the parent country, to-
gether with every idea of colonial fubordination in the people,
annihilated in a moment.

THE fears and apprehensions which the governor felt on this
occafion have been well described by that officer himself, in a
memorial which he afterwards published concerning his admi-
niftration. Acquainted (he obferves) with the genius and
" temper of the white colonifts, by a residence of even years in
" the Windward Iflands, and well informed of the grounds and
" motives of their prejudices and opinions concerning the peo-
* ple of colour, I immediately forefaw the disturbances and
" dangers which the news of this ill-advifed measure would in-
" evitably produce; and not having it in my power to fupprefs
"' the communication of it, I loft no time in apprizing the
king's ministers of the general difcontent and violent fermen-
station which it excited in the colony. To my own obferva-
tions, I added thofe of many refpetable, fober, and difpaf-
fionate men, whom I thought it my duty to confult in fo
critical a conjun&ure.; and I concluded my letter by expref-
"* fing my fears that this decree would prove the death-warrant
K "of










66 HISTORY OF

C H A P. of many thousands of the inhabitants. The event has momn.-
VI. fully verified my predictions !"

ON the recommendation of the provincial affembly of the
Northern department, the federal parishes throughout the co-
lony now proceeded, without further hesitation, to the election
of deputies for a new general colonial affembly. Thefe de-
puties, to the number of one hundred and feventy-fix, met at
Leogane, and on the 9th of Auguft declared themselves the
general afembly of the French part of St. Domingo. They tranf-
a&ed however but little bufinefs, but manifefted great unani-
mity and temper in their proceedings, and resolved to hold
their meetings at Cape Fran9ois, whither they adjourned for
that purpofe, appointing the 25th of the fame month for open-
ing the feffion.

IN the mean-while, fo great was the agitation of the public
mind, M. Blanchelande found it neceffary not only to tranf-
mit to the provincial affembly of the North, a copy of the
letter which he mentions to have written to the king's ministers,
but alfo to accompany it with a folemn affurance, pledging him-
felf to fufpend the execution of the obnoxious decree, whenever it
Should come out to him properly authenticated; a measure which
too plainly demonstrated that his authority in the colony was at
an end.

JUSTLY alarmed at all thefe proceedings, fo hostile towards
them, and probably apprehenfive of a general profcription, the
mulattoes throughout the colony began to colled in different
"- places










ST. DOING O. 57

places in armed bodies; and the whites, by a mournful fatality, C H A P.
suffered them to affemble without molestation. In truth, every VI.
man's thoughts were direaed towards the meeting of the new
colonial affembly, from whofe deliberations and proceedings the
extinction of party, and the full and immediate redrefs of all
existing grievances, were confidently expeaed. M. Blanche-
lande himself declares, that he cherished the fame flattering and
fallacious hopes. After a long fucceffion of violent forms,
" I fondly expected (he writes) the return of a calm and ferene
" morning. The temperate and conciliating condu& of the
" new affembly, during their fhort fitting at Leogane, the cha-
" raters of moft of the individual members, and the neceffity,
" fo apparent to all, of mutual conceffion and unanimity on this
" great occasion, led me to think that the colony would at
" length fee the termination of its miferies; when, alas, the
formm was ready to burft, which has fince involved us in one
" common deftrudion 1"

IT was on the morning of the 23d ofAuguft, juft before day, z791.
that a general alarm and conflernation spread throughout the
town of the Cape, from a report that all the negro flaves in the
several neighboring parifhes had revolted, and were at that
moment carrying death and defolation over the adjoining large
and beautiful plain to the North-eaft. The governor, and moft
of the military officers on duty, affembled together; but the re-
ports were fo confused and contradictory, as to gain but little
credit; when, as day-light began to break, the fudden and fuc.
ceffive arrival, with ghaftly countenances, of perfons who had
with difficulty efcaped the maffacre, and flown to the town
K for