Published by the Florida Anthropological Society
Volume 67 Number 4 December 2014
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THE FLORIDA I1oPOo
Volume 67 Number 4 0
December 2014 N'/YCE 19'i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
FROM THE EDITORS 157
DISTRIBUTION OF CONTACT AND EARLY MISSION PERIOD SITES IN THE MOCAMA PROVINCE 159
ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS OF THREATENED STRATIFIED SITES IN HORSESHOE COVE, NORTHERN GULF COAST, FLORIDA 179
Paulette S. McFadden
2014 FIELD SCHOOL SUMMARIES 197
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY: A REAL TREASURE OF FLORIDA ARCHAEOLOGY 207
ABOUT THE AUTHORS 215
Published by the
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.
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Donations are being accepted from individuals, corporations, and foundations.
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FROM THE EDITORS
Welcome to another issue of The Florida Anthropologist. the time to submit them for publication in the journal. These In this issue, you will find included two articles, summaries summaries are a great way to share with the FAS readership of some of the Florida-based archaeological field schools the exciting field school research that is being completed that were completed in 2014, and an updated version of the throughout the State. previously published document "FAS: A Real Treasure of Finally, this issue closes with an updated version of the
Florida Archaeology," initially featured in the March 2002 document "FAS: A Real Treasure of Florida Archaeology." issue of the journal. This document initially was printed in the March 2002 issue
The first article of this issue is by Keith Ashley and of the journal and provided a complete synthesis of important is focused on the early contact and Mission periods of historical information about FAS from its founding in 1947 up the Mocama region, situated in northeastern Florida and to that year. A complete summary of the FAS annual meeting southeastern Georgia. Specifically, with this article Ashley locations and dates, those who have served as president of provides us with a needed and comprehensive overview of FAS and as journal editors, and individuals who have been Mocama archaeological site distribution. Ashley eloquently honored with the FAS's most prestigious awards including frames this overview with a detailed synthesis of information the Lazaraus and Bullen Memorial awards were included. derived from documentary sources about Mocama community, Other data featured in the document included a summary of missionization, and social geography, and a consideration of The Florida Anthropologist Fund contributions as well as a some of the possible fruitful avenues of research in the realm listing of FAS chapters both past and present and their dates of Mocama archaeology going forward. Ashley's thorough of affiliation. Here, we have reprinted this information and and detailed work here arguably will be an important starting updated it to make it current through 2014. We also added a point for any future Mocama research. summary of the Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Award recipients;
The second article featured in this issue is written by this award in 2002 was relatively new and was not included Paulette McFadden. With this article, McFadden summaries in the initial printing. Like the initial publication of this her survey and test excavation results from sites located at information, the update here was the result of contributions Horseshoe Cove, situated in the Big Bend Region along from various individuals; we would like to thank George Luer
Florida's Northern Gulf Coast. The research she presents and FAS treasurer Joanne Talley for providing their assistance here, conducted as part of the larger Lower Suwannee and information as we completed the updates. We hope you
Archaeological Survey (LSAS) project of the University enjoy perusing this synthesis of information on FAS, and the of Florida's Laboratory of Southeastern Archaeology, is other great items featured in this issue. focused on discerning how environmental change, particularly
fluctuations in sea level, impacted the relationship humans Jeffrey P. Du Vernay had with the surrounding landscape in this region through Julie Rogers Saccente time. McFadden's research adds some interesting new data
and insight into to the pre-Columbian history of the Big Bend
region of Florida.
For the final journal issue of every year, it has become
customary for the journal editors to make a call for summaries
about the archaeological field schools completed in Florida
during the year. For 2014, four field school summaries were
received and proudly showcase some of the exciting Floridabased archaeological research in which students had the
opportunity to participate. They include field school projects
completed through the University of North Florida at the
Grand Shell Ring site in Duval County, the University of
Florida at multiple sites located in Levy County and Florida's
Big Bend region, and two from the University of West Florida
at the Mission San Joseph de Escambe site and multiple sites
located within Santa Rosa and Jackson Counties of the Florida
Panhandle. We thank the authors of these summaries for taking
VOL. 67(4) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST DECEMBER 2014
DISTRIBUTION OF CONTACT AND EARLY MISSION PERIOD SITES IN THE
Research Coordinator, Sociology & Anthropology, University of North Florida, 1 UNF Drive, Jacksonville, FL 32224-2659 E-mail: kashley@unf edu
The first documented encounter between the Mocama- Scholarly attention is shifting away from unidirectional
speaking Timucua and Europeans occurred on May 1, 1562 models ofculture contact and colonial period culture change that when the French Huguenot Jean Ribault stepped out of the involved dominant donors (Europeans) and passive recipients shallow estuarine waters of Atlantic coastal Florida to greet (Natives) in which archaeology merely serves as a measure a large party of native men, women, and children. Within a of Native assimilation (see Cusick 1998; Worth 2006). These century and a half, indigenous populations would be erased are being replaced by perspectives that privilege the internal from the landscape of extreme northeastern Florida and social process of how individual Native groups reacted to and southeastern Georgia. At present, the popular image of the actively altered their traditions and identities as much as they Mocamal derives more from European parchment than Florida do the varying strategies and goals of the colonizer throughout archaeology. But times are changing and the archaeological North America (see various articles in Scheiber and Mitchell correlates of the sixteenth and seventeenth century Mocama 2010). Native responses to European expansionist policies and are coming into better focus (Ashley 2009, 2013). While imperialist strategies across the Americas were not uniform and limited excavations have taken place at the Mocama missions predictable. To the contrary, the varied and dynamic reactions of San Juan del Puerto and San Pedro de Mocama (e.g., Ashley to colonization and missionization were inextricably linked to and Gorman 2011; Dickinson and Wayne 1984; Gorman 2008; diverse precolumbian cultural traditions and histories. Jones 1967; Milanich 1971; Rock 2006; Russo et al. 1993), The mission system provided the backdrop for the little has been reported on Contact and Mission-era sites colonial entanglement between Florida Indians and the distributed throughout the broader Mocama province, despite Spanish during the late sixteenth through early eighteenth documentary references to the social geography of the region. centuries. Mission research in Florida has a long history dating My intent here is to provide background on Contact and early back to the interdisciplinary work of Mark Boyd, Hale Smith, Mission period settlement structure among the Mocama and and John Griffin (1951), but the study really came into its own shed light on the underreported distribution of archaeological in the years leading up to the Columbus Quincentennial (e.g., sites throughout the Atlantic coastal region of extreme see various chapters in McEwan 1993; Thomas 1990). Over northern Florida and southern Georgia. I bring this important the past three decades excellent archival and archaeological information to light to show that Mocama archaeology has the studies of La Florida missions have taken place and more potential to address a number of broader issues. anthropological questions have been asked about mission
communities and their occupants (e.g., Deagan and Thomas
Brief Comment on Contact Period Archaeology 2013; Hann 1996; McEwan 2001; Milanich 1999; Saunders
2000a; Worth 1 998a, 1 998b). In addition, bioarchaeological,
It has been more than 20 years since the quincentenary faunal, and paleoethnobotanical studies have examined issues celebration of Columbus's momentous voyage that brought of diet, health and status (e.g., Larsen et al. 2001; Reitz et al. inhabitants of the old world in contact with a new one. The 2010; Ruhl12003; Stojanowski 2005, 2013), and several recent past two decades have witnessed a swell of archaeological edited volumes have placed the mission system in a broader and historical research dealing with the nature and long- comparative pan-American perspective (e.g., Johnson and term consequences of first encounters between Europeans Melville 2013; Panich and Schneider 2014). and historically-named indigenous populations (e.g., Deagan To understand the intersections of local and global 1998; Lightfoot 1995, 2005; McEwan 2001; Milanich 1996; histories and how these colonial encounters played out across Scheiber and Mitchell 2010; Silliman 2005; Worth 1 998a, time and space requires us to engage in long-term historical 1 998b). As a result, we currently have a well-stocked collection studies that span the gulf between prehistory and history of case studies that show now more than ever that all contact (Lightfoot 1995; Scheiber and Mitchell 2010; Silliman 2005; situations are complex and specifically conditioned by social Worth 2006). As Kent Lightfoot (1995:207) points out, "[w] and historical processes unique to those involved. These local ithout a solid grounding in prehistory, it may be impossible circumstances of culture contact and colonial entanglement to determine the timing, magnitude, and sources of changes form the foundation for the collective and ongoing endeavor involved [in instances of European contact], and to evaluate to decolonize the archaeology of European contact and whether significant cultural transformations were really taking colonization. place." Moreover, emphasis must be placed on the real lived
VOL. 67(4) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST DECEMBER 2014
160 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
experiences of those involved, both colonized and colonizers. Bry engravings as images of Timucua life has been questioned My research is guided by this emphasis on long-term historical in recent years, most importantly based on their remarkable trajectories, similarity to the Hans Staden and Jean de Leary sketches of the
sixteenth-century Tupinamba of Brazil (Feest 1988; Milanich
Contact-era Mocama 2005; Sturtevant 1992). As available archaeological evidence
shows (see below), the Mocama appear to have lived in more
When the Spanish conquistador Hernando de Soto moved dispersed settlements without any form of fortification.
his entrada north through the middle of northern peninsular Other late sixteenth century colonial documents reference Florida in 1539, he encountered Timucua speakers. When Timucuan villages of varying sizes, but none mention a the Frenchman Jean Ribault waded ashore along the Atlantic protective wall or palisade around the houses (Hann 1996:88). coast near Jacksonville in 1562, he too met with Timucua- According to the testimony of a French mutineer of the 1564speakers. When Pedro Menendez dropped anchor and 65 La Caroline colony along the St. Johns River, "there are
stepped ashore in what is today St. Augustine, he also was three or four Indian places, which were settled of 7, 8, 10, greeted by Timucua speakers. Europeans would soon find and 12 houses, covered with palm, at a half-league, and two out that Timucua-speakers were spread across a vast portion or three leagues" from the fort (AGI 1565 in Lyon 1982). In of northern peninsular Florida and southern Georgia, an area 1565, a Spanish chronicler states that the village of Saturiwa of approximately 19,000 square miles (Milanich 2004:219). at the river mouth had "twenty-five large dwellings, in each Across this diverse landscape of coastal estuaries, inland rivers, of which live eight or nine Indian men with their women and lakes, swamps, flatwoods, and upland forests, the Timucua children, for all kin dwell together" (Barrientos 1965). were organized into village communities. The various groups The best description of a contact (1562) domestic residence of Timucua speakers were not united or formally integrated is provided by Jean Ribault (1964:84) who describes one he as a single polity. Instead they were divided regionally into encountered 3 leagues up the St. Marys River as "fyttely made small-scale chiefdoms enmeshed in intertribal relations as and close of woode, sett upright and covered with reed, the allies and enemies (Hann 1996; Milanich 1996; Worth 1998a). most parte of them after the fashion of a pavilion." Other early
The word Timucua is used by modem scholars as a accounts seem to corroborate the presence of circular houses
blanket term for all Contact-era Native groups of northern with thatched roofs (Bennett 1968; LeChallaux in Swanton peninsular Florida and southern Georgia who shared a common 1922:352), although archaeological evidence at the suspected language known through colonial records as Timucua. Based Mocama village of Sarabay suggests that some buildings in on the early seventeenth-century writings of Friar Francisco the early seventeenth century might have been constructed Pareja, who was stationed at the Mocama mission of San with wall trenches (as discussed later).
Juan del Puerto near present-day Jacksonville, we learn that The chief's residence or public building was described by nine mutually intelligible dialects of Timucua were spoken Ribault (1964:84) as "long and broode [broad], with settelles (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:1-2). Subsequent research round abowte made of reedes, tremly couched together, which suggests that at least 11 Timucuan dialects existed (Granberry serve them bothe for beddes and seates; they be of height two 1993:6-7; Hann 1996:4). Mocama, which translates to "the fote from the ground, sett upon great round pillers painted sea or ocean" (Granberry 1993:148), was the maritime dialect with redd, yellowe and blewe, well and [trimly] published." spoken by the allied late sixteenth century chiefdoms of However, this description is at odds with those of other Saturiwa and Tacatacurn along the northeastern Florida and council houses, which are noted as circular. The French southeastern Georgia coasts, respectively. It differed from the Huguenot Laudonniere reported in 1564 that upon the arrival saltwater (agua salada) dialect spoken by Seloy and other of his men at an unnamed village near Fort Caroline they were coastal Timucua in the St. Augustine area and farther south. taken to the chief's dwelling "from which about fifty Indians The maritime dialect was the standard form utilized by Fray emerged" to greet them (Bennett 1975:63; Lawson 1992:54), Pareja in all of his writings (Hann 1996:6). implying a building of some size. The "big public building"
The Mocama were village dwellers. The popular image or council house appears to have been the center of political of a Timucua village comes to us courtesy of the Flemish decision making and daily discourse as they assembled there engraver Theodor de Bry, who in 1591 published an illustrated every morning, according to Laudonniere (Bennett 1975:14; book purportedly based on the Jacque LeMoyne watercolors. Lawson 1992:10). LeMoyne was the official cartographer and painter of the Other features of Mocama communities that can be
French La Caroline Colony among the Mocama in 1564-65. culled from the ethnohistorical literature include a granary
In the de Bry engraving entitled "A Fortified Village" Timucua or storehouses, a ball pole and plaza area, and other vaguely (and specifically Mocama) towns are depicted as consisting of described or alluded to buildings. Chiefs appear to have been closely-packed houses encircled by a timber stockade. Other afforded burial in sand mounds, although there is no mention than the caption associated with this artwork, no other mention of where other villagers may have been interred. Charnel of a protective wall or palisade surrounding Timucua villages facilities for the processing of the dead appear to have existed, is found in any existing colonial document (Hann 1996:88). and, in some parts of the Timucua territory, persisted into the It is significant to note that none of the original LeMoyne Mission period (Hann 1996:106; Milanich 1996:128-129). It sketches exists today2. Moreover, the authenticity of the de is unclear where a burial mound or charnel building may have
ASHLEY DISTRIBUTION OF CONTACT AND EARLY MISSION PERIOD SITES IN THE MOCAMA PROVINCE 161
been located in relationship to the village, but recent research 1965:38; Geiger 1937:54-55). The imposition of missions in suggests that certain individuals along with elaborate grave these Mocama villages without incident intimates that indeed goods including European items may have been interred in the once combative Mocama had become more tolerant of the pre-existing (Woodland) burial mounds (Rolland and Ashley Spaniards. Unfortunately, colonial documents relating to this 2011). Perhaps this was a symbolic act on the part of chiefs and critical period (1568-1587) in Mocama history are lacking elites to appropriate the past and cement their ties to ancestors at this time. Figure 1 depicts the Mocama region along with and the other world, while also reinforcing their claims to the missions and barrier islands mentioned in this article. land and its resources. As part of the colonization process, each Spanish
Although the Mocama practiced low residential mobility mission embedded itself within the local native landscape, (i.e., year-round site occupations), villagers temporarily left which typically consisted of a capital and allied villages. their residential hubs at certain times of the year to procure A mission was not established in a strict sense, but rather nearby resources as they became seasonally available or a small compound was emplaced within the center of an abundant. Thus, their annual subsistence cycle involved existing Native village with a large resident population, often a flexible and mixed subsistence strategy of foraging and a precolumbian chiefdom's main village (Worth 1998a:42). farming that likely varied depending on yearly local climatic conditions.
Missionization among the Mocama:
Doctrinas and Vsitas
The mission system was a frontier 5 km
enterprise established in La Florida to incorporate the indigenous population Al aaRive
into Spain's growing imperial empire through the formation of mission villages, where they would be taught the Catholic religion and introduced to aspects of Hispanic culture under the guidance of missionaries and the protection of the colonial government (Gannon 1965; McEwan 2001; Milanich 1999, 2004). But J L,
Spanish motives included much more than religious conversion, there were major economic objectives as well. The mission system further provided the La Florida SatillaRv
colony with agricultural produce and laborers for construction and maintenance ,.,.I
projects. Mission friars permitted certain Native cultural practices provided they i
were not contrary to Christian tenets, rendering life beneath the mission bell a unique combination of indigenous MaRi
and Spanish elements adapted to local circumstances (Milanich 1999:130-156, 2004).
Franciscan friars, who first arrived i
in La Florida in 1573, began to have success in religious conversion among the Mocama.3 In 1587 twelve new missionaries arrived in St. Augustine... and promptly were dispatched to build missions in several widely scattered Native villages along the Atlantic coast, including San Juan del Puerto on Fort St. JohnasRiver George Island (Florida) and San Pedro de Mocama (Cumberland Island, Georgia) within the Mocama Province4 (Gannon Figure 1. Mocama Province, including mission locations.
162 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
In mission period parlance, a village with a mission church Mocama settlements on Cumberland Island were threatened and resident friar was deemed a doctrina (Geiger 1937:28). by rebels whose attack was thwarted by the "warlike" nature Although particular layouts varied throughout La Florida, the of the island's inhabitants as well as the sight of a Spanish ship religious compound at doctrinas included a Spanish-fashioned (Francis and Kole 2011:73-80; Geiger 1937:94). The Mocama church, a convento where the mission's sole friar lived, and on the island were temporarily relocated to San Juan del Puerto possibly a detached kitchen (cocina) and small garden plot, and points farther south for protection but apparently returned all of which was surrounded by a larger Native community the next spring to farm. A new church was constructed at San marked by the presence of native-style houses and a large Pedro by 1603 and its size was said to rival that of the church round council house (Gannon 1965:39; Saunders 1990; in St. Augustine; it was also reported that burials were placed
Worth 1998a:42). A cross also was raised in nearby villages beneath the church floor (Hann 1996:162). Ore specifically termed visitas, and a church or open chapel might be built to mentions San Pedro along with a second mission named accommodate the mission friar who visited the settlement as "Puturiba on the northern end of the island where Father part of his ministering circuit (see Ashley 2013 for a more Chozas was stationed" (Geiger 1937:98; see Francis and thorough discussion on Mocama visitas). Kole 2011:77-78). The names of two additional settlements
Unfortunately, as was the case with contact settlements, (Ayacamale, Bejessi) are briefly referenced in accounts of Spanish documents are not forthcoming on the layout of early this era-and it is likely that others existed on the island-but mission villages in the Mocama province. The best description none is mentioned in later documents (Hann 1996:160). presently available on Native settlements of the Atlantic The most insightful, yet incomplete, references on the
coastal is a brief, general depiction penned in 1602 by Alonso social geography of the Mocama province are the 1602 letters de las Alas (in Worth 1998a:85) who states: of Frays Francisco Pareja and Baltasar Lopez, who reported
on the state of affairs at San Juan and San Pedro, respectively.
...[Atlantic coastal communities have] very few At San Pedro, Lopez (1602) indicated that the "village and
inhabitants, the largest of them up to thirty or forty houses, island of San Pedro" included 300 Christian Indians, with and some more and others less, with a council house where an additional 384 individuals found among seven associated they gather to drink a drink they call cagina and tobacco, villages. Conspicuously absent from his letter is any mention and the caciques command them and order the rest in what of the mission or settlement of Puturiba. With respect to they have to do, because they have their houses in the visitas, he reported that the villages of Santa Maria de la Sena woods, and next to them their fields of corn and beans and (112 Christians) and Santo Domingo (180 Christians) both squash that they sow and reap, and the hunting of deer and had churches and were located on the island of Napoyca, rabbits that they do... interpreted today as Amelia Island (Deagan 1978:102; Hann
1990:452; Milanich 1999:115). Other visitas appear to have
Because this description indicates farming communities been located on the mainland across from Cumberland and we can assume he is referring to either the Mocama or Guale Amelia islands, as Lopez (1602) noted: Indians, although a generalization of both is likely. Taken as
a rough guide this passage suggests that early seventeenth- San Antonio with its church has thirty Christians and
century Mocama mission visita communities maintained a along side of it is Chica Faya la Madalena, which has forty
dispersed settlement arrangement tied to a council house and Christians and some recent arrivals...In the village ofPitano church. ten Christians and other recent arrivals... In Utichiene three
Christians and the rest from this village desire to become
Social Geography of the Mocama Mission Province so. In Ycapalano two houses with nine Christians. And all
these little hamlets are a league and half a league from the
Sustained missionization efforts among the Mocama one where there is a church and all these settlements that
began with the founding of the missions of San Juan del Puerto are mentioned here assemble at the principal church of San and San Pedro de Mocama in 1587. San Juan del Puerto was Pedro for Easter and Holy Week and the principal feasts to
placed among the Saturiwa at or near the village of Alimacani hear mass and sermons... on Fort George Island, Florida, and the mission was described
as ornate with a bell tower (Geiger 1937:43; Hann 1996:53). Rather than providing settlement-specific census
Perhaps a reason for establishing San Juan at the village of information, Pareja (1602) merely stated that San Juan and Alimacani rather than Saturiwa was that more Mocama its nine satellite villages had a population of 500 Christian
villages (and people) were located on the north side of the St. Indians. He also gave the general distance each visita was Johns River, making ministering easier for a lone friar. San from the doctrina of San Juan, indicating that the closest was Pedro de Mocama was built to the north, at the community of Sarabay at one-quarter league and the farthest was Moloa at Tacatacurn on southern Cumberland Island, Georgia (Gannon five leagues (Table 1). From these visitas, the cacica of San 1965:3 8; Geiger 1937:55). Little information is available on Mateo and the caciques of Vera crnz, San Pablo, and Chiricaca the first decade of mission life in these villages, were among the 488 people confirmed at San Juan by the
A 1616 account by Fray Luis Geronimo Or6 indicates bishop of Cuba in 1606 (Hann 1996:164). A mandador (iniha
that, during the outbreak of the 1597 Guale Rebellion, or second in command) from Moloa was apparently greeted
ASHLEY DISTRIBUTION OF CONTACT AND EARLY MISSION PERIOD SITES IN THE MOCAMA PROVINCE 163
Table 1. List of 1602 Mocama settlements.
San Juan del Puerto
Friar Pareja's List Distance from San Juan Soldiers' testimony
Vera Cruz 12 league Vera Cruz
San Antonio de Aratobo 2'2 leagues San Antonio de Aratobo
Niojo (Molo)1 5 leagues
Potaya 4 leagues
San Mateo2 2 leagues
San Pablo2 1 leagues
Hicacharico 1 league
Chinisca 12 leagues Chinisca
Carabay 14 league
San Pedro de Mocama
Friar Lopez's List Soldiers' testimony
Santa Maria de Sena Santa Maria de Sena
San Antonio San Antonio
Chicafayo la Madalena Chicafayo la Madalena
Moloa el manco4
1. Rendered Niojo by Worth (1998:58) and Moloa by Hann (1996:158).
2. Also appears on soldiers' testimony as a satellite settlement under the jurisdiction of Nombre de Dios.
3. Hann (1996:159) suggests an association with Santo Domingo (Santo Domingo de Napuyca).
4. Possible error here and perhaps should be associated with San Juan, as Pareja indicates.
by the governor during his visitation in 1604. Combining the that Santo Domingo de Napoyca had a priest some time 1602 census information it appears that approximately 1100 prior to 1604, but this has yet to be verified. The visitas of Christianized Mocama were ministered to by the two friars. Santa Maria de la Sena and Moloa, which both received lay
Table 1 provides a listing of the visitas mentioned in the brothers in 1605, apparently became doctrinas for a short time 1602 friars' letters along with information available in soldiers' (Geiger 1937:186; Or6 1936:108). A 1610 document reported testimonies taken in the same year. Discrepancies between the Fray Bermejo as "guardian of the convent at San Francisco two lists might reflect different perspectives between friars Moloa" (Geiger 1937:234), but little else is known about this and soldiers on jurisdictional affiliation (Hann 1996:158-159; alleged mission. Around this time or shortly after, Santa Maria Worth 1998a:58). According to the military men, settlements ascended to the status of doctrina, eventually becoming one between San Pedro and the St. Johns River, including the of the "four primary mission towns in the Mocama province" Mission San Juan, were considered part of the San Pedro (Worth 1995:10). Besides San Juan and San Pedro, the fourth district, whereas those south of the St. Johns River such as San Mocama mission was San Buenaventura de Guadalquini (ca. Mateo and San Pablo were placed under the jurisdiction of 1605-1684), located at the southern tip of St. Simons Island Nombre de Dios in St. Augustine5. The soldiers' interpretation (see Hann 1996:175-177; Worth 1995:195-196). This mission, might be more in line with how Spanish governmental officials situated along the extreme northern border of the Mocama viewed jurisdictional boundaries. Alternatively, this may province, lies outside the geographical scope of this paper. merely reflect a lack of understanding of settlement affiliation By 1602, with the Mocama mission population reeling on the soldiers' part. from disease and perhaps outmigration to some degree, it
A few other missions apparently existed in the Mocama appears that small numbers of immigrant Timucua-speakers province, although direct documentary references for some from Ibihica and other hinterland locales might have been are terse and at times ambiguous. Lanning (1935:45) implies lured to the Mocama region to inhabit either visitas or the
164 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
missions themselves (Lopez 1602; Pareja 1602). As the pottery, preserved corn, Spanish artifacts or combinations
number of indigenous inhabitants continued to plummet, a of these might indicate the presence of a Contact or early concerted effort was made, perhaps intensified following a Mission period community. Continuity in the location of brief rebellion in 1627 involving the caciques of San Juan and Mocama mission visitas (post-A.D. 1587) and earlier contact Vera Cruz, to draw the once-dispersed scattering of Mocama villages (ca. 1560s) is expected based on the Spanish practice communities into the missions of San Juan, San Pedro, and of establishing visitas at pre-existing Native villages. Tables 2 Santa Maria (Hann 1996:191; Worth 1997:11). San Pedro and 3 present ceramic information on selected sites that have
was abandoned around 1655 with its inhabitants and the yielded San Pedro pottery in Georgia and Florida, respectively. principal cacique of Mocama moving to Santa Maria, which In the balance of this paper I review the currently known
was eventually relocated to San Juan in 1665. In the 1680s distribution of San Pedro sites in southeastern Georgia and San Buenaventura moved to within a half league of San Juan northeastern Florida and offer some general observations and was renamed Santa Cruz. After a decade this transplanted about potential mission-related sites, equating them whenever mission community combined with San Juan del Puerto, possible with historically referenced communities (Figures 4
which itself was destroyed in 1702 (Worth 1995). and 5). Though I focus on visitas, these sites likely also were
the location of Contact-era villages. Before proceeding, the
Archaeology of the Mocama Province reader must bear in mind that this study suffers from a few
noteworthy biases. First, survey coverage within the Mocama
With this review behind us, the question now arises: How region is spotty and many areas have yet to be adequately might we discern the archaeological location of early Mocama sampled. Another concern involves the identification of San villages, visitas, and other mission-related settlements? In the Pedro pottery, which as a formal pottery type is relatively past such attempts were hindered-or if undertaken, were led recent (1997) and is only now working its way into the astray-by a lack of consensus as to what native pottery types archaeological literature. In the past (and to some extent today) marked the Contact-early Mission period Mocama. A litany it often was treated generically as grog or sherd tempered and of suspected candidates included St. Johns, Wilmington, overlooked as mere background noise on multicomponent Savannah, St. Marys, an unnamed sherd-tempered ware, sites or typed erroneously as Wilmington in Georgia and
as well as various combinations thereof (e.g., Ashley and Colorinda in Florida. When ceramic assemblage data allow, Rolland 1997, 2002; Deagan 1978; Goggin 1952; Larson some of these will be treated as San Pedro rather than their
1958; Milanich 1971; Walker 1985a). Recent research now original ceramic type definition. Tables 2 and 3 present the clearly points to the grog (or sherd) tempered San Pedro series frequencies of San Pedro and San Marcos pottery from sites as the sixteenth-century ceramic correlate of the Mocama. in southeastern Georgia and northeastern Florida, respectively. This is the same "sherd tempered" ware collected by Milanich
(1971, 1972) from shell middens on southern Cumberland Cumberland Island, Georgia
Ceramic studies suggest that most vessels in Mocama There appears little doubt that the Dungeness Wharf site
assemblages are grog tempered, although the range includes (9CM 14) holds the remains of at least a portion of the Mission some sand tempered wares (Ashley 2001, 2009; Ashley and San Pedro de Mocama (see Figure 4). Archaeological work at Rolland 1997). The San Pedro pottery series6, dated to ca. the site over the past four decades has been limited to surface A.D. 1450-1625, consists mostly of plain, obliterated, cob collections of eroded shell middens and small-scale shovel marked, and check stamped varieties, but cordmarked, textile testing and unit excavation (Ehrenhard 1976, 1981; Milanich impressed, and complicated stamped types also occur (Figure 1971; Rock 2005, 2006, 2009). Early archaeological studies 2). Some time between A.D. 1600 and 1625, Mocama mission by the National Park Service (NPS) suffer from problematic Indians ceased (or greatly reduced) making San Pedro pottery ceramic analysis, in that all plain and decorated sherd-tempered in favor of San Marcos (alternatively called Altamaha) (Figure wares from Cumberland Island were typed as Woodland 3), which became the signature ware throughout all Mocama, period Wilmington, although the author apparently accepts Guale, and Yamasee coastal settlements north of St. Augustine Milanich's contention that the site's "Timucuan inhabitants (Ashley 2009; Deagan and Thomas 2009a; Hann 1996:86; made a sherd tempered pottery" (Ehrenhard 1981:12-13).
Saunders 2000a; Worth 1997:13-14). The reason for the pan- Rock (2005, 2006, 2009) has confidently identified San Pedro Atlantic coastal adoption of San Marcos pottery by these as the dominant pottery type at Dungeness Wharf site. As differing ethnic groups is unclear, but it might have related to revealed in Table 2, it outnumbers San Marcos by a ratio of interaction networks (Worth 2009) or market forces (Ashley more than 4 to 1. 2013; Deagan and Thomas 2009a:2 11; Saunders 2009:109; With regard to site strcture, Dungeness Wharf consists of
Waters 2009:176; Williams 2009:121). a series of individual shell heaps dotted along the southwestern
Next, we should expect to find some European artifacts bluff for a distance of about 650 m. Mission pottery was at Mission-era sites, namely ceramics such as olive jar or recovered from both shell middens and non-shell areas. majolica. Additionally, San Pedro is the earliest pottery in As much as 20 m of bluff has eroded over the last 20 years the region recovered from secure contexts in association (Rock 2006:116), and it is unknown how much of the site has with charred maize remains (Ashley 2009). Thus, San Pedro washed away over the past three centuries. No evidence of
ASHLEY DISTRIBUTION OF CONTACT AND EARLY MISSION PERIOD SITES IN THE MOCAMA PROVINCE 165
Figure 2. San Pedro sherds from northeastern Florida.
Figure 3. San Marcos sherds from northeastern Florida ... .......
~Figure San Mros sherds from northeastern Florida.
166 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
Table 2. Ceramic data from selected San Pedro sites in Georgia. Site No. Site Name San San Total Olive Majolica References
Pedro Marcosa Sherds Jar
9CM14 Dungeness Wharf 2214b 518 4249 94 Milanich 1971; Ehrenhard 1976,
1981; Rock 2005, 2006
9CM I77d Devils Walkingstick 409c 111 1317 8 Walker 1985b
9CM177a Devils Walkingstick 60C 437 Saunders 1985a
9CM177b Devils Walkingstick 243c 1157 DesJean 1985
9CM171a Kings Bay lc 2236 4136 161 28 Walker 1985c
9CM171a Kings Bay 158c 343 2308 15 1 Saunders 1985b
9CM230 Kinlaw 41d 3 104 2 Kirkland 1987
9CM165 Grover Island Beach 22d 6 67 1 Kirkland 1987
9CM148 Whittler 15d 43 Kirkland 1987
9CM24 Shellbine Creek 77d 239 1 Kirkland 1979, 1987
9CM18 Airport 17d 310 Kirkland 1979
a Alternatively referred to as Altamaha
b Includes sherds typed as San Pedro (Rock 2005, 2006), sherd tempered (Ehrenhard 1976, 1981; Milanich 1971), and Wilmington (Ehrenhard 1976, 1981) c Includes sherds typed as protohistoric grog-tempered
d Recently reinterpreted by collector as San Pedro (Kirkland n.d.)
Table 3. Ceramic data from selected San Pedro sites in Florida. Site No. Site Name San San Total Olive Majolica References
Pedro Marcosa Sherds Jar
8NA703 Martin's Island 300 2 1466 Hendryx et al. 2000
8NA9 Old Towne 31b 107 2369 Bullen and Griffin 1952
8NA709 Crane Island 302 856 Dickinson and Wayne 1999
8NA921 Brady Point 425 122 1600 2 Hendryx et al. 2004
8DU631 Armellino 1412 686 2442 18 Ashley 2010
8DU63 Cedar Point West 111c 17 491 3 1 Russo et al. 1993; Shreve 1999; Ashley et
8DU7495 Turner McGill 10d 304 le Ellis 1992, 1995; Russo et al. 1993
8DU7492/93 Ogilve Fireline/Spider 3f 1 48 Russo et al. 1993; SEARCH 2006
8DU7490 Ogilve Pond 11f 105 Russo et al. 1993; SEARCH 2006
8DU17791 Cedar Grove 54g 2 279 1 SEARCH 2006
8DU53 San Juan del Puerto 1117h 6400 12227 212 172 Dickinson and Wayne 1985; Hart and
Fairbanks 1982; McMurray 1973; Russo et
8DU628 Quercus 32 1 486 Ashley et al. 2010
8DU634 JEA Site 1 165i 1562 Lee et al. 1986
8DU669 JEA Site 2 386i 5139 Lee et al. 1986
8DU78 Greenfield Plantation 363 6 1067 1 1 Poplin and Harvey 2000
8DU5544/45 Greenfield Site #8/9 1562 618 10760 1 1 Smith et al. 2000
8DU14 Grant Mound vicinity 63j 6 ~1000 2 Hendryx and Smith 2002; Johnson 1988;
a Alternatively refered to as Altamaha. f Includes sherds typed as grog tempered (Russo et al. 1993) and Colorinda
b Includes sherds typed as sherd-tempered (SEARCH 2006)
c Includes sherds typed as San Pedro (Shreve 1999) and grog tempered g Includes sherds typed as Colorinda (Russo et al. 1993) h Includes sherds typed as cobmarked and sherd tempered (Hart and
d Includes sherds typed as Colorinda (Ellis 1992, 1995), but range of surface Fairbanks 1982; McMurray 1973) and Timucua (Dickinson and Wayne treatments is indicative of San Pedro not Colorinda. 1985).
e Typed as Spanish Hidroceramo-like i Includes sherds typed as cobmarked and grog tempered.
ASHLEY DISTRIBUTION OF CONTACT AND EARLY MISSION PERIOD SITES IN THE MOCAMA PROVINCE 167
communities. Reanalysis of the ceramics
recovered from these sites by NPS over the
years is warranted.
Mainland Georgia (Camden County)
Archaeological sites potentially
representing communities or visits
associated with San Pedro are known for the
mainland coast and inland Camden County.
Directly across from southern Cumberland
aIsland is Kings Bay, where testing of properties associated with the naval facility
has identified at least seven "protohistoric!
Airport historic" archaeological sites containing
Shellbine Creek San Pedro and San Marcos pottery (Walker
1985a:67). These wares were most abundant
at the Devils Walkingstick (9CM 177, Marsh
Grover Island Beach,--. area) and Kings Bay (9CM171a, Artesian
Well area) sites (see Figure 4 and Table
\Kinlaw Crooked River 2), where San Pedro and/or San Marcos
occurred with olive jar in some contexts
A i (Borremans 1985; Saunders 1985b; Walker
1985b;). Community layout is difficult to
Kings Bay, discern because of the multicomponent
Devils Walkingstic k nature of the sites, combined with other
postdepositional disturbances, but it seems
likely that the area once housed one or
St. Mas River more Mission period settlements within the
jurisdiction of San Pedro.
FLORIDA Another occupational component
worthy of mention was in the Bluff area of
Figure 4. Distribution of selected San Pedro sites in Camden County, Georgia. the Kings Bay site, which yielded more than 2000 San Marcos sherds along with olive
the mission compound has been uncovered thus far suggesting jar and majolica fragments but only one possible San Pedro that either it has eroded away or was located away from the sherd (see Table 2). Its artifact composition suggests a midbluff in another area of the site. Rock (2006:116) notes that to-late seventeenth century mission-related community, but excavations at Dungeness Wharf have produced "a much none is known to have existed on the mainland at this time
lower artifact density and relatively fewer colonoware and (Worth 1995). Finally, San Pedro sherds have been recovered Spanish ceramics" compared to other coastal mission sites, nearby at the Cumberland Harbour Shell Midden (9CM249) further suggesting that testing to date mostly has taken place on the northeastern end of the Point Peter peninsula during within the mission's dispersed Native village, recent cultural resource management investigations (Thomas
Few other sites on the island have yielded appreciable Whitley, personal communication 2007).
amounts of San Pedro pottery, perhaps a reflection of limited Additional locational information on San Pedro sites in archaeological investigations by NPS. Exceptions include Camden County has been generated over the past few decades small sites near Dungeness Wharf and NPS sites CAM 14 by Dwight Kirkland (1979, 1987) as a result of surface surveys
(9CM76) and CAM 15 (9CM7), both situated above the of cleared fields and other exposed landforms. Of the five sites
marsh along the west-central part of the island "between recorded by Kirkland, three (Kinlaw, Grover Island Beach, Stafford and Plum Orchard" (Ehrenhard 1981:23, 27). These Black Point) are along or near Crooked River, whereas two sites also yielded notable quantities of San Marcos pottery, (Airport, Shellbine Creek) are in the northern part of the suggesting the presence of a later Mission period component. county closer to the Satilla River (see Figure 4 and Table 2). It has been suggested that the mission of Puturiba is located The Kinlaw, Grover Island Beach, and Shellbine Creek sites at the Brickkiln/Brickhill Bluff site (9CM85) near the island's also have yielded Spanish pottery. The Shellbine Creek site north end (Ehrenhard 1979:55-56). This site, which consists (9CM24) is a large site that consists of "shell refuse mounds of scattered shell heaps, has yielded San Pedro and San [containing San Pedro pottery] dispersed in a matrix of sparse Marcos wares. These three sites all are good candidates for shell midden" (Kirkland 1979:15). This site represents an either Mocama or later Guale- or Yamasee-related mission excellent candidate for a contact village and mission visita.
168 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
The Whittler site (9CM148), along with additional sites Yamasee and Guale communities of the late seventeenth containing what appears to be San Pedro pottery, is currently century7. Crane Island, immediately off the west-central coast under investigation in the Black Point area (Thomas Whitley, of Amelia, contains a site (8NA709) with San Pedro pottery in personal communication 2007). Unfortunately, no information the absence of both San Marcos and Spanish wares (Dickinson currently is available on the distribution of San Pedro sites and Wayne 1999). along the St. Marys River, either the Georgia of Florida side,
owing to the lack of archaeological attention. Although sites Big Talbot Island, Florida identified by Kirkland may represent satellite settlements
affiliated with San Pedro, assigning specific names to them The most thorough distributional data on San Pedro is difficult based on the scant information provided by Fray pottery comes from the southern third of Big Talbot Island, Lopez. which was systematically sampled on a staggered 25 meter
grid (Ashley and Thunen 2000). San Pedro wares were
Amelia Island, Florida spread across five archaeological sites along the western side
of the island, from its southern tip north for a distance of
To date, the largest collection of San Pedro pottery from approximately 2000 m. These ceramics occurred intermittently Amelia Island comes from the Harrison Homestead site over this expansive area with several high ceramic and shell
(8NA4 1), which is the possible location of the late seventeenth density loci, suggesting that the site's Contact/Mission period century Yamasee settlement of Santa Maria (pre-1673-1683) community was widely dispersed. The core area was located and the indisputable relocated Guale mission of Santa Catalina at the Armellino site (8DU63 1) on the leeward side of the (1683-1702). Following earlier sampling efforts by Bullen and island where Mud Creek abuts the island (see Figure 5); a Griffin (1952) and Deagan and Hemmings (1973), the site was strategic location that provides direct watercraft access to the intensively excavated by Rebecca Saunders (1993, 2000a) intracoastal waterway. Testing was conducted at the site by the of the University of Florida. Saunders' (1993) excavations University of North Florida (UNF) in 1998 and 1999 (Ashley revealed a church (Santa Maria de Yamasee) partially 2010).
destroyed by tidal erosion. Only 40 m to the north she also UNF's work at the site centered on the excavation of a uncovered a more complete mission compound including a roughly 8-x-7 m block excavated over two field seasons. Within church, cemetery, convento, kitchen, and other activity areas the upper 30-40 cm of the block was a black earth midden associated with Santa Catalina. What was originally thought to with little shell, partly disturbed by plantation-era plowing. be the Yamasee church of Santa Maria might actually turn out The number of San Pedro (n=1273) sherds nearly doubled to be the church belonging to the Mocama visita/doctrina of the number of San Marcos (n=665) sherds; 18 pieces of olive Santa Maria de la Sena (Saunders 2000b:8-10; Worth 1995:11, jar also were recovered. At the plowzone-subsoil interface, 20, 28, 197). This Mocama village was previously considered a bewildering array of more than 50 features was exposed, to have been located either on northern Amelia Island or the consisting mostly of postholes and refuse pits (Ashley 2010). mainland near the St. Marys River (Hann 1990:453-454). Only San Pedro (and earlier St. Marys) wares were retrieved
John Worth's archival research indicates that late from subsurface features. Small amounts of charred crnwere seventeenth century Yamasee settlements lacked both found in 36 of the block features.
missionaries and churches, so it seems unlikely that the The most notable feature was an arc-shaped stain in the
southern church was Yamasee. The Yamasee community extreme southwestern corner of the block, which appears to be
that moved to Amelia Island prior to 1673 was known to the a shallow wall-trench. Along the inside wall of the suspected Spanish as Santa Maria, probably owing to its placement at building was a San Marcos jar that had been shattered by the former Mocama mission of the same name, abandoned nineteenth-century plowing. Other features within the exposed
in 1665. Appreciable quantities of San Pedro pottery were interior section of the structure produced corn, olive jar, and a present at the Harrison Homestead site along the bluff as well large fragment of hematite (likely utilized for its red pigment). as inland to the east and north onto the adjacent Plantation A cob from one of these features was AMS dated to A.D. Point site (see Table 3). Triple occupation of the site by 1450-1610. On the basis of this radiometric assay and the sequential Mocama, Yamasee, and Guale populations, all of presence of the San Marcos vessel and olive jar found inside whom might have produced San Marcos pottery at one time, the structure a ca. 1600-1610 date is proposed. combined with other historic period land-altering activities, Immediately, north of the structure was an array of has amassed a complex archaeological record. postholes possibly related to another building of some sort.
Both "sherd tempered" and San Marcos pottery have been Partly revealed in the far northwestern corner of the block was recovered from the Old Towne site (8NA9) at the northern an amorphous area of dark soil and charcoal, apparently the end of Amelia Island (Bullen and Griffin 1952; Smith and result of some form of fire. Not enough of the burned areas Bullen 1971). Another nearby site of interest is 8NA4, where were exposed to interpret precisely what had occurred. Hand75 of the 128 sherds surface collected were sherd tempered wrought iron nails, other miscellaneous iron fragments, and (Bullen and Griffin 1952:47-48). It is conceivable that the a brass scabbard tip were recovered from the block, as was Mocama mission of Santo Domingo de Napoyca was located a section of an aboriginal pipe bowl with a human face, very
in this part of the island as were one or more of the relocated similar to those found along the Georgia coast. Twenty meters
ASHLEY DISTRIBUTION OF CONTACT AND EARLY MISSION PERIOD SITES IN THE MOCAMA PROVINCE 169
Mar s I.staid 1). Over a three year period (2009-2011), UNF
excavated more than 500 50-cm square shovel
* od Iownr tests, 65 1-x-2 m units, and 3 one-meter squares
..i n(Ashley et al. 2010; Ashley et al. 2012) A
2 km ..6
:. variable density distribution of San Pedro pottery
was identified as were individual shell heaps peppered over a broad area (see Table 3). The Supper portion ofmost of the site has been heavily Brady Poi' disturbed as a result of decades of plowing during
the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. San Pedro contexts produced limited amounts of Alantic Ocean corn, olive jar, San Marcos pottery, and a brass
111 ii ,saturn bell, all thought to date to the Contact Harrison CNasstea
and early Mission periods. Also identified were a high concentrations of San Marcos pottery (with
Little or no San Pedro wares present), apparently representing scattered households related to S- -tthe later late-seventeenth century Mocama mission of San Buenaventura (Santa Cruz) de Grr Guadalquini (Ashley et al. 2010, 2012).
Testing at the nearby Cedar Point site (8DU81) to the east by UNF has uncovered evidence of what we believe is the core area of nanec annesnothe transplanted Guadalquini mission dated to 1684-1696 (Ashley et al. 2013). This mission Cedar.Poit community, originally located on St. Simons
SIsland (Georgia), was renamed Santa Cruz upon nA S S n relocation, perhaps reflecting a link between
del Puerto this general area and the name Vera or Santa
4Cruz. Abundant San Marcos pottery has been o As River recovered as well as small amounts of olive jar,
..... storage jar, and mid-to-late seventeenth century
i 'iverwood ~majolicas. Exposure of a rectangular, partially daubed structure with large, shell-filled postholes Gr""nt points to the presence of substantial late Mission
s't oe period buildings at the site. The near absence of
San Pedro pottery from 8DU81 suggests spatial w separation between the visita of Vera Cruz and
Figure 5. Distribution of selected San Pedro sites in northeastern Florida. the core part of the relocated mission of Santa Cruz.
northeast of the block was a contemporaneous shell midden. Possible Mission period ceramic assemblages have been
Sampling of this refuse deposit produced San Pedro and collected from a series of sites along the western side of the
San Marcos pottery, olive jar, corn, and a piece of Mexican island north of the Cedar Point West site. About midway up the Red Filmed. Vertebrate fauna included fish, deer, and turtle. island, the adjacent Turner-McGill Middens (8DU7495) and Documentary and archaeological evidence strongly support Holten Middens (8DU7496) are composed of small mounded the contention that this is the location of the Contact period oyster middens (Ellis 1992, 1995; Russo et al. 1993:85), village and visita of Sarabay. some of which have yielded San Pedro pottery (see Table 3).
The former site also yielded a "Spanish Hidroceramo-like" Black Hammock Island, Florida sherd (Ellis 1995). Farther north is a cluster of small sites
along the marshes of Pumpkin Hill Creek that includes the The southern tip of this island has long been the suspected various Ogilvie sites (8DU7490-7493) and the Cedar Grove location of the San Juan visita of Vera Cruz on the basis of site (8DU17791), the latter of which yielded an olive jar sherd archival and cartographic evidence. Archaeological support (Russo et al. 1993:80-84; SEARCH 2006). If Vera Cruz was for this allegation exists in the form of hundreds of San Pedro located at the island's southern end then these sites could sherds from the Cedar Point West site (8DU63) along the potentially relate to mission settlements such as Hicachirico or island's southwestern end (Ashley et al. 2010; Ashley et al. Chinisca, but this is speculation. 2012; Russo et al. 1993:39, 232-233; Shreve 1999: Appendix
170 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
Fort George Island While San Juan del Puerto was a Mocama mission from
beginning to end San Marcos pottery accounts for the bulk of
San Juan del Puerto (8DU53) has received more Mission period Native pottery from the site (Gorman 2008;
archaeological attention than any other Mocama mission, with McMurray 1973). In the absence of documentary evidence sporadic testing conducted since its discovery in the 1950s for the presence of a substantial Guale or Yamasee population (Dickinson 1989; Dickinson and Wayne 1985; Gorman 2008; at San Juan, this would appear to corroborate the emerging Griffin 1960; Hart and Fairbanks 1981; Jones 1967; Russo et proposition that at some point in the early to mid-seventeenth al. 1993). For the most part, however, broad-scale excavations century, Mocama potters began making San Marcos as their within the mission proper have yet to be undertaken. A primary domestic ware (see Table 3). large artifact collection was amassed by Jones (1967) with
the ceramics analyzed by McMurray (1973). Jones (1967) Mainland Florida North of the St. Johns River (Nassau and identified what he presumed was the mission compound as well Duval counties) as a trench-like feature interpreted as a palisade. Subsequent
testing by Dickinson and Wayne (1985) reinterpreted this Archaeological investigations have taken place in a few
area as the mission's Indian village, and they selected another disparate areas on the mainland directly across the intracoastal location to the west as representing the mission compound. waterway from the northeastern Florida barrier islands. Small A soil resistivity survey of this new area resulted in the amounts of San Pedro and San Marcos pottery have been identification of anomalies proposed to reflect the church, recovered from the Quercus (8DU628) and Cameron Hammock convento, and kitchen and suggested that the mission was laid (8DU19676) sites across from Black Hammock Island, but out at angle of 60 degrees from magnetic north (Dickinson only low-intensity shovel testing has been performed to date 1989:404). This interpretation, however, is predicated on a (Ashley et al. 2010). The Martin's Island site (8NA703) is a suspect idealized mission layout and resistance anomalies large multicomponent shell midden with significant San Pedro were not subject to ground truthing. deposits, including a possibly affiliated wall trench structure
Toward this end, Rebecca Gorman (2008) recently has and a human burial (Hendryx et al. 2000:128). Farther inland initiated a new round of site testing. The first field season at the two JEA sites (8DU634, 8DU639) along the north side generated some tentative, yet intriguing, findings. Shovel of the St. Johns River, grog-tempered plain and cob marked testing and limited unit excavations in the area of the soil wares together with abundant sand-tempered cordmarked resistivity investigation, where human bones previously had sherds and preserved corn were recovered in the absence of been found, uncovered additional human burials in grave pits, historic artifacts (Lee et al. 1984). This site recently has been a section of a wall trench, square postmolds, daub fragments, reassessed as containing a transitional St. Marys-San Pedro and hand wrought nails (Gorman 2008). Based on the collective component (Ashley 2009:131-133). distribution of these materials, and guided by the assumption With respect to the current study, the most notable site in that mission burials were interred beneath the church floor, she this area is Brady Point (8NA92 1), which lies on the mainland tentatively interpreted this as the location of the church and west of the Harrison Homestead site (see Figure 5). Mitigation estimated a building size of "at least 36 meters long and l0 excavations at this multicomponent site reported San Pedro meters wide" (Gorman 2008:8). Additional investigations and San Marcos pottery from Locus A, characterized as "a thin are required to gain a better understanding of the suspected sheet midden punctuated by intermittent shell heaps;" Locus building and its relationship to the human burials. B, which included dense shell deposits eroding along the bluff
Although the island was the scene of past land clearing and edge; and Locus C ,described as a thin sheet midden (Hendryx agriculture, small, circular shell mounds are still visible and et al. 2004:71, 91, 148). Testing of some shell mounds testing has demonstrated that some date to the Mission period suggests in situ ceramic transition from St. Marys to San (Gorman 2008; Jones 1967). A recent shovel test survey of Pedro, while others indicate contemporaneity between San the Borderland site (8DU 140) demonstrates that the southern Pedro and San Marcos wares. Other materials from San Pedro limits of San Juan del Puerto continue 300 m south of San contexts included olive jar, Irene series pottery (presumably Juan Creek (Ashley and Gorman 2011). Cobbling together the San Marcos Incised), and carbonized corn fragments. This site varied results of archaeological testing on the island over the is likely a satellite community associated with San Pedro, and past 60 years it is apparent that while the core of the mission perhaps even one of the named communities mentioned by is at site 8DU53, mission households were dispersed over a Fray Lopez. much broader area than originally supposed. Contrary to the
conventional view that portrays Spanish missions as nucleated Southside of St. Johns River (Dural County) settlements, it seems more likely that missions included
a nucleated core area (mission complex) and a resident Current evidence for the most intensive Mission period
community spread over a very broad area--in the case of San settlement on the south bank of the St. Johns River comes Juan, much of the island. Nucleation of the entire mission from the Greenfield peninsula along the western side of settlement might only have occurred once population numbers the intracoastal waterway. San Pedro pottery, in varying decreased to the point that it became necessary. quantities, is distributed across the entire northern tip of the
ASHLEY DISTRIBUTION OF CONTACT AND EARLY MISSION PERIOD SITES IN THE MOCAMA PROVINCE 171
peninsula which includes sites 8DU78 and 8DU5544/45. it does allow a glimpse into the social geography of the early
There San Pedro predominated along with scant amounts of Mission era. I conclude with a few impressionistic comments San Marcos and Spanish olive jar (Johnson 1998; Poplin and based on some recurring aspects of Mocama sites and some Harvey 2000; Smith et al. 2001). Like other sites in the area, topics for future research. small mounded shell middens were sprinkled across a broad Many Mocama sites, including the missions San Juan and
area, and unit testing indicated that many contained San Pedro San Pedro, exhibit individual shell-dominated refuse heaps, 3-7 pottery, sometimes alone and at other times mixed with earlier meters in diameter, peppered over broad areas. Such deposits St. Marys wares. Preserved corn cobs also were removed from have yielded San Pedro pottery, Spanish olive jar, and charred San Pedro contexts. Archival and archaeological data suggest corn fragments, although quantities vary by site, context, and that the visita of San Pablo was located on the Greenfield extent of testing. These same materials also derive from nonpeninsula. In addition, a distinct locus in 8DU5544/45, where shell portions of the same sites. A like patterning of mounded mostly San Marcos pottery has been recovered, is believed to shell middens also characterizes earlier St. Marys (A.D. 1250be associated with the ca. 1700 refuge community of Pilijiriba 1450) sites in the region, and the co-occurrence of St. Marys (Johnson 1998:45-50; Smith et al. 2001:40-41, 60-67; Stull and San Pedro in some middens suggests a developmental 2013). relationship between the two pottery assemblages, though
To the west in the Fulton area, salvage excavations were the exact timing is uncertain (Ashley 2009). In northeastern conducted in the late 1980s at the Riverwoods site (8DU 11831), Florida, we are beginning to identify a transitional assemblage which has been touted as the visita of San Mateo (Holland marked by cordmarked sherds with coarser tempering and 1987). It has been reported that "Timucuan" sherd-tempered wider cord impressions. pottery and San Marcos wares were found along with Spanish How much household shifting, whether within sites or
olive jar and majolica plate fragments (see Table 3). The most between different site types, went on during a given year eye-catching discovery was a purported structure consisting is unclear, but agriculture may have required the regular of a shell-filled wall trench and an interior hearth associated movement of garden plots to accommodate farming on coastal with early Mission period artifacts. Hearth remains included soils. Available evidence suggests that maize agriculture charred maize fragments. A report of findings has yet to be among the Mocama was a late precolumbian additive to the written so details are lacking. Farther west, Mission period coastal subsistence mix, perhaps emerging as late as A.D. pottery and olive jar have been collected from multicomponent 1450-1500 (Ashley 2009:131). Another important research sites in the Mill Cove area in the vicinity of Grant Mound question concerning the mounded shell middens is: are they (8DU14) (Hendryx and Smith 2002; Johnson 1998; NEFAS indicative of seasonally specific procurement and disposal
2000). This marks the westernmost concentration of Mission activities or are they the by byproduct of year round use? period artifacts, although a few San Pedro, San Marcos, and The general impression provided by preliminary survey Irene (San Marcos Incised) sherds have been recovered to and testing data is that Mocama settlements were more the southwest near the Jacksonville University. With these dispersed than the conventional model of a walled village with latter locations in mind, it has been suggested on the basis of tightly clustered houses, as discussed earlier. Archaeological documentary evidence that the village of Moloa might have data on Mocama settlements fall more in line with the been located southwest of San Juan in the general area where previously quoted 1602 description by both Alonso de las the north-south St. Johns River channel bends sharply to the Alas and Fray Lopez of San Pedro (Ashley 2013:161-162). east. That is to say, communities consisted of a varying number
of dispersed households engaged in an array of domestic
Discussion and Conclusion activities such as the exploitation of estuarine resources and
the farming of small garden plots. These households were
The ultimate aim of this exploratory study has been tethered to a community center with chiefly residences and to draw attention to the distribution of Mocama sites a council house that during the Mission period would have
across the landscape and provide a foundation for more housed a chapel of some sort or in cases of missions a suite
comprehensive future research. Accepting San Pedro pottery of structures including at a minimum a church, convento, and as an archaeological correlate of the Contact-early Mission kitchen. period Mocama is essential in gaining a more complete In conclusion, where do we go from here? Clearly, any
understanding of the postcontact era. Because most Mocama future interpretations of Mocama life and changes must sites are part of multicomponent deposits that have only been place greater emphasis on archaeological data. We cannot investigated in a cursory fashion, no clear patterning has continue to allow historical documents to tell the entire story. emerged regarding community layout or site function. These While written sources provide a wealth of vital information types of interpretation must await broad-scale excavations on Timucua lifeways, they cannot be accepted uncritically. and detailed analyses at specific sites. Moreover, the regional Documents are much more complex than a straightforward database is not yet robust enough to determine how various reading would suggest. Patricia Galloway (1995:19), wisely sites articulated with one another and the main Mocama points out that "historical narratives are already preinterpreted
missions and the sequencing of settlement patterning change secondary sources, their translations are tertiary, and analysis and consolidation that characterized the posteontact era, but of such translations to discern their factual content becomes
172 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
something like brain surgery carried out wearing gardening affected Florida Natives for nearly two centuries (Milanich gloves." Historical documents must be used to their fullest 1999, 2004). Efforts should be made to situate Mocama potential, but it is mandatory that future research involve a social history and culture-building in the context of European histiographic critique and employ consistency with regard to contact, colonization, and missionization and view Indians as which ethnohistorical observations are accepted as factual and active agents in the process. Our ultimate concern should be to which are rejected as misrepresentation or fabrication, focus on Natives and newcomers as dynamic and interacting
Ceramics are a fruitful avenue for more in-depth research, communities rather than as static and isolated entities. particularly with regard to how pottery and other material
items relate to or manifest identity and boundary maintenance, Notes
if at all. Throughout the southeastern United States, spatial
concentrations of stylistically similar items of material culture 1. We do not know what the self-identifying term was for have been documented in the archaeological record, strongly the Mocama or the broader Timucua speakers. We have suggesting a degree of correspondence between material superimposed the historically derived name of their
culture patterning and some form of social group identity or language and dialects onto the indigenous landscape. I zone of interaction. While archaeologists typically assume have chosen to refer to the indigenous coastal population
that such patterns reveal ethnic groups, it is possible that the of extreme northeastern Florida and southeastern Georgia patterning reflects social distinctions or interactions at smaller as Mocama to provide more cultural and geographical or larger scales, depending on the particular case at hand specificity. The broader term Timucua drapes a cloth
(Stark 1998; Worth 2009). Thus, a stylistic boundary identified of uniformity over a variety of distinct groups and in the archaeological record may very well mark a legitimate archaeological complexes who shared a broadly similar social boundary of the past, but it "should not automatically be tongue. equated with an ethnic boundary, without further information
on social processes" (Hegmon 1998:273). 2. A small painting on vellum discovered in a castle near
At present, documentary and linguistic information Paris, France in 1901 was once thought to be an original
combined with the spatial occurrence of known pottery LeMoyne watercolor. Now curated at the New York
types at archaeological sites across the landscape suggest Public Library, the vellum painting has been shown not
that a correlation of some kind exists between some historic to be a LeMoyne but rather an early copy of the 1591 Timucua groups and particular archaeological ceramic de Bry engraving, likely dating to the early 1600s (Feest
assemblages. Specifically an association is suggested, with the 1988:36-37; Milanich 2005:29-30). Outina, Potano, and Mocama coinciding with the St. Johns,
Alachua, and San Pedro series, respectively. Strong similarities 3. It is worth mentioning that the Franciscans were not the between San Pedro (Mocama) and Alachua (Potano) ceramic first religious order to proselytize in La Florida; secular
assemblages (in decorative styles and vessel forms) parallels priests attended Menendez's founding of St. Augustine the fact that the two groups spoke the two closest related and within a year Jesuit friars were beckoned to minister
Timucuan dialects, which all may be tied to a common to the Natives. Menendez's goal was to place a Jesuit at
ancestry in southern Georgia (Ashley 2009:133). The Mocama missions and garrison outposts in strategic locations along
also maintain a different ceramic assemblage (in decorative the tidewater frontier of La Florida from south Florida to
styles and vessel forms) from the Guale to the north, and it has Chesapeake Bay. In effect, Spain's goal was to create a been suggested that the two groups were separated by a buffer "pax hispanica" that would integrate a subjugated Native zone situated between the Satilla and Turtle rivers in Georgia population (Hoffman 2002:57). Among the earliest Jesuit (Ashley et al. 2013). Again it is unclear whether ceramic missionaries was Fray Pedro Martinez who on his maiden
assemblages delimit social/sociopolitical boundaries, reveal voyage to La Florida in 1567 got lost, went ashore for interaction patterns between groups, or identify ethnicities, directions, and was allegedly held underwater and polities, or languages/dialects. Mocama archaeology in clubbed to death by Mocama Indians somewhere between
conjunction with historic documents is primed to address such Ft. George and Cumberland islands, becoming the first broader theoretical concerns. Catholic martyr in the Americas (Gannon 1965:32).
Future studies also should move beyond just Sensing failure, beleaguered Jesuits officials formally
identifying Contact and Mission period settlements and start ended missionary efforts in La Florida in 1572 (Gannon systematically exploring their physical layouts. Site specific 1965:34). studies need to incorporate detailed zooarchaeological and
paleoethnobotanical analyses to document continuities and 4. During early Mission times, Mission San Pedro de changes in Native diet throughout the mission period as well Mocama on Cumberland Island was the seat of power as variations across La Florida. Attention should be directed among the maritime Timucua villages (Lopez 1602). at examining the changing social landscape with respect to Spanish officials frequently referred to the region from
how contact villages converted to visitas and how visitas the St. Johns River, Florida north to south St. Simons
eventually consolidated into missions. European arrival Island Georgia as San Pedro or less often Mocamawas not a moment of contact but a protracted process that apparently owing to the primacy of this mission among the
ASHLEY DISTRIBUTION OF CONTACT AND EARLY MISSION PERIOD SITES IN THE MOCAMA PROVINCE 173
coastal Timucua north of St. Augustine (Hann 1996:18; 2009 Straddling the Florida-Georgia State Line: Ceramic Milanich 1996:98; Worth 1995:10). By the second half Chronology of the St. Marys Region (A.D. 1400of the seventeenth century, San Juan del Puerto would 1700). In From Santa Elena to St. Augustine.
assume the mantle of leading mission in the Mocama Indigenous Ceramic Variability (A.D. 1400-1700),
Province. edited by Kathy Deagan and David Hurst Thomas,
pp. 125-140. Anthropological Papers, American
5. Linking these two south-of-the-river settlements to Museum of Natural History, Number 90.
Nombre de Dios may have an earlier Spanish precedence. 2010 Armellino Site: The Mocama Village of Sarabay.
Based on Spanish accounts, Seloy in the St. Augustine Paper presented at the 67th annual meeting of the
area was placed under the domain of Chief Saturiwa, Southeastern Archaeological Conference, Lexington,
whose village was located approximately 30 miles to the Ky.
north along the south side of the St. Johns River. However, 2013 Grafting onto the Native Landscape: The Franciscan Saturiwa's coalition appears to have extended, not to Mission System in Northeastern Florida. In From
the south but to the north among the Mocama-speakers La Florida to La California: The Genesis and
of coastal southern Georgia. In fact, contact-era French Realization of Franciscan Evangelization in the
accounts offer convincing evidence for a strong alliance Spanish Borderlands, pp. 143-163, edited by
among Saturiwa, Tacatacuru, and other coastal Timucua Timothy J. Johnson and Gert Melville. The Academy
straddling the Florida-Georgia border (Bennett 1968; of American Franciscan History, Berkeley, CA.
1975; Lawson 1992). Thus the connection or placement
of Saturiwa (and other Mocama villages along the river's Ashley, Keith, and Rebecca D. Gorman
south side) and Seloy (and Nombre de Dios) within the 2011 The Fort George Island Slough Sites Archaeological same confederation (jurisdiction) might be more of an Survey. Report on file, Division of Historical
imposed Spanish bureaucratic or geographical convention Resources, Tallahassee.
rather than a formal Native alliance.
Ashley, Keith H., and Vicki L. Rolland
6. Presently, San Pedro pottery is only known to occur on 1997 Grog-Tempered Pottery in the Mocama Province.
sites in Duval, Nassau, and St. Johns counties, Florida The Florida Anthropologist 50:51-66.
and Camden County, Georgia. It has not been reported for 2002 St. Marys Cordmarked Pottery (Formerly Savannah Glynn County Georgia, including St. Simons Island. San Fine Cord Marked of Northeastern Florida and
Buenaventura appears to have been located at the southern Southeastern Georgia): A Type Description. The
tip of St. Simons Island near the lighthouse, but this area Florida Anthropologist 55:25-36.
has been severely eroded and built over. San Marcos/
Altamaha pottery not San Pedro has been recovered from Ashley, Keith H., and Robert L. Thunen
this area (see Ashley et al. 2013). 2000 Archaeological Survey of the Southern One-Third of
Big Talbot Island, Florida. Report on file, Division of
7. At one time it was thought that Santa Maria de la Sena Historical Resources, Tallahassee.
was located at the north end of Amelia Island (Hann
1990:453-454). More recent scholarship, however, places Ashley, Keith, Vicki Rolland, and Robert L. Thunen
it at the Harrison Homestead site in the west-central part 2013 Missions San Buenaventura and Santa Crnz de of the island (Worth 1995). Guadalquini: Retreat from the Georgia Coast. In Life
Among the Tides." Recent Archaeology on the Georgia
Acknowledgements Bight, pp. 395-422, edited by Victor Thompson and
David Hurst Thomas. American Museum of Natural
I would like to thank Jeff Mitchem, Becky Saunders, Vicki History Anthropological Papers No. 98.
Rolland, David Hurst Thomas, and anonymous reviewers who provided constructive comments on various drafts of this paper. Ashley, Keith, Robert L. Thunen, and Vicki Rolland Thanks also to Buzz Thunen for Figure 2. I also appreciate 2010 Betz-Tiger Point and Cedar Point Preserve; Survey the help and guidance of the journal's editors, Jeff Du Vernay and Field School, Phase II. Report on file, Division and Julie Rogers Saccente, in getting this manuscript ready of Historical Resources, Tallahassee.
for print. 2012 Field Season 3 (2011) at the Cedar Point West site
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ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS OF THREATENED STRATIFIED SITES IN
HORSESHOE COVE, NORTHERN GULF COAST, FLORIDA
PAULETTE S. MCFADDEN
Laboratory of Southeastern Archaeology, Department ofAnthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611 E-mail. firstname.lastname@example.org
Introduction reported archaeological sites, two of which contain stratified
archaeological deposits that are currently threatened by seaHorseshoe Cove is a large shallow-water embayment level rise and erosion from boat wakes and high-energy storms.
located within the open-water marsh system of the Big Bend Survey and test unit excavations on these islands fulfill the of Florida. This area, designated as the Horseshoe Beach LSAS goals of salvaging threatened archaeological data and Tract (Figure 1), is part of the research area that is the focus adding to the poorly understood pre-Columbian history of of the Lower Suwannee Archaeological Survey (LSAS) that occupation in the Big Bend region of Florida. was initiated in 2009 by the Laboratory of Southeastern In addition to the overall LSAS goals, this area has been
Archaeology (LSA) (Sassaman et al. 2010). A constellation targeted for investigation as part of a research project that of three islands in the northern portion of the cove have seeks to understand how environmental change, specifically
Study Area f
Horseshoe Cove T a!
Fiur 1 tuy ra hoin octin o acheloiclsiesatBtlr san N (D50, ule l n ot
(8D197), Bird Island (8D152), Cotton Island (8DI51), and Garden Patch (8D14).
VoL 67(4) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST DECEMBER 2014
180 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
sea-level change, affected human/landscape relationships Island and Butler Island, and they detail the methods of in the past. The geoarchaeological research included the excavation and analysis for each (McFadden 2014; McFadden collection of marine sediment cores and the excavation of and Palmiotto 2012; McFadden et al. 2014). Results from directly associated stratified sites. Butler Island, a u-shaped analysis of the marine sediment cores (McFadden and Jaeger paleodune remnant, provided a relatively protected area 2015) and sediment samples from archaeological context between the southwesterly reaching arms where transitions (McFadden 2014; McFadden et al. 2014), when applicable, indicative of environmental shifts were preserved in sediment will inform the discussion of the site investigations here. A cores and the data could be directly related to archaeological brief discussion of results of archaeological investigations data from Butler Island NE (8D150) and the nearby site at Bird at the mainland site of Garden Patch (Wallis and McFadden Island (8D152). An additional core was collected from a fresh 2014), which was listed on the National Register of Historic water pond at the mainland site of Garden Patch (8D14). Places in 1991, will also be included.
Bird Island contains stratified archaeological deposits
that span the last 4000 years, with the oldest deposits dating Environmental Setting
to the Late Archaic Period and subsequent occupations
during the Deptford and Weeden Island Periods. The earliest Horseshoe Cove is situated approximately 16 km north deposits on Butler Island date to the Late Deptford/Early of the Suwannee River delta in the Big Bend region of the Swift Creek period, with Weeden Island period deposits also northern Gulf Coast of Florida. The cove is bordered on the present. During the occupational history of these islands, northwest by a peninsula on which the mainland town of the surrounding environment transitioned from terrestrial to Horseshoe Beach is located, to the north and east by extensive marsh, and finally to open marine, and the occupied areas of salt marsh and low-lying forested areas, and to the south Bird and Butler that were once connected to the mainland by Fishbone Creek. Located in the northern portion, the became islands. On the mainland, the village-mound complex horseshoe-shaped Butler Island, along with Bird and Cotton of Garden Patch borders a large salt marsh and tidal creek, islands are the most prominent island cluster in the cove. To and contains stratified archaeological deposits that span the south, numerous other smaller islands and hammocks are the Deptford through Weeden Island periods (Wallis and encompassed by this marshy cove. McFadden 2014). The limestone substrate in this area underlies a relatively
This report provides the results of survey and test unit thin sediment cover. Dissolution and collapse of the limestone excavations at Bird Island (8D152) and Butler Island NE has produced complex karst topography that plays major role (8D150) between 2011 and 2014, along with a brief overview in the morphology of the shoreline. In addition to the karst of survey results for additional reported sites in northern topography of the area, many of the small islands protruding Horseshoe Cove. Table 1 provides a summary of radiocarbon from the shallow waters along the coastline are remnants of dates for both sites. Technical reports are available for Bird relict paleodunes and sand deposits that accumulated around
Table 1. Summary of LSAS Radiocarbon Dates for Bird Island (8DI52) and Butler Island (8DI50).
Lab Sample Site Prov. Material 13C/12C 14C yr BP 2 sigma
Number Ratio Calibrated Age
Beta-3 88846 8DI50 TUl Str II Charred Material -25.3 900 +/- 30 AD 1035-12 15
(9 15-735 BP)
Beta-388845 8D150 TU3N Str V Charred Material -22.9 1070 +/- 30 AD 885-1015
Beta-301594 8DI52 TUl Str JIB Charred Material -25.7 1140 +/- 30 AD 8 10-980
Beta-388844 8D150 TU3N Str VIIB Charred Material -25.1 2060 +7- 30 170 BC -AD 5
Beta-30 1595 8D152 TUl Str IIIB Charred Material -24.5 2180 +/- 30 360-170 BC
(23 10-2120 BP)
Beta-301596 8D152 TUl Str VB Charred Material -26.3 3910 +/- 40 2480-2290 BC
MCFADDEN STRATIFIED SITES IN HORSESHOE COVE 181
the end of the Pleistocene when the climate was cooler and The Norwood type pottery in association with the burial
drier. Compositionally, these inland dunes are accumulations led Granberry to assume that the burials likely dated to the of aeolian (wind-borne) quartz sands that were transported to Orange Period. An uncalibrated radiocarbon date on human nearby floodplains by rivers and streams and later mobilized bone, obtained by him, yielded an age of 4570 100 B.P by unidirectional winds and trapped on the elevated landforms (Stojanowski and Doran 1998:139). This date is problematic by moderate to dense vegetation (Ivester et al. 2001; Ivester because it was not corrected for 12/13C fractionation or local and Leigh 2003; Markewich and Markewich 1994). reservoir effect, but here I used the IntCall3 4.2 database
Oyster beds and larger reefs characterize the offshore (Reimer et al. 2013) to roughly calibrate the date to 3630 areas of Horseshoe Cove. The eastern oyster (Crassostrea to 2942 BC. Despite the Norwood pottery recovered by virginica) thrives in the estuarine environment of the cove Granberry, this date suggests that the burials likely date to the in both subtidal and intertidal zones, and it is not uncommon preceramic Archaic on the northern Gulf Coast of Florida. for oyster reefs to be exposed during periods of low tide Cultural materials continued to erode at the shoreline
since they tend to cluster in depths of less than 3 meters of over the next decade, prompting a multidisciplinary team water. Outcrops of limestone exposed by the scouring of the from Florida State University (FSU) to survey the island and thin sediment veneer during shoreline transgression provide the exposed midden in 1993. Within weeks of the survey, optimal substrate for oyster colonization, particularly in areas and prior to subsequent archaeological work, the "Storm of faster moving nutrient-rich currents (Hine et al. 1988; of the Century" moved through Horseshoe Cove, causing Kilgen and Dugas 1989). substantial damage to Bird Island and destroying a significant
Dixie County-owned Butler Island, the largest of the portion of the midden. In late 1993, FSU archaeologists three-islands, is the remnant of a parabolic paleodune. A returned to excavate into the small portion of remaining thermoluminescence date reported by Wright et al. (2005:626) midden and recovered human remains and associated artifacts placed the formation of Butler Island at 20 4 ka, a date (Stojanowski and Doran 1998). that is consistent with dates reported for other paleodunes In contrast to Granberry's excavation, no pottery was
throughout the southeastern United States (Ivester et al. 2001; recovered from the burials salvaged by FSU archaeologists, Markewich and Markewich 1994). The distinctive U-shape which supports the early radiocarbon date and a preceramic
of the landform and the southwesterly reaching arms of the Archaic age. Analysis of the recovered remains of 36 island are consistent with other similar landforms observed individuals suggests that they were robust people who enjoyed to the south near the mouth of the Suwannee River and at relatively good health and relied on a marine-based diet Cedar Key (Wright et al. 2005). Bird and Cotton islands, both (Stojanowski and Doran 1998). privately owned, are situated at the distal ends of the northern Dasovich (1999) visited Bird Island after the 1993 and southern arms of Butler Island, respectively, storm to investigate the storm's impact on the archaeological
deposits on the southwestern shoreline. He concluded that
Bird Island the scoured midden from the southwestern shoreline, along
with a significant amount of sand from nearby offshore bars,
Of the three islands, Bird Island has received the most had been redeposited at the higher elevations of the island. archaeological attention. It was originally reported by Goggin After placing random hand cores in the upland portion of the in 1954 and designated the site number 8DI52. Because Goggin island near the southwestern shoreline, he reported up to 1.5 (1954) described the site as a small shell midden containing meters of new sand in some areas, topped by a thin layer of pottery sherds, it did not attract much attention until human redeposited midden materials, and no intact archaeological and cultural remains began eroding from the southwestern deposits on this area of the island. shoreline in the 1980s. Erosion on this portion of the island A substantial amount of soapstone was recovered from the began after construction of a channel that interrupted the eroding midden on the southwestern shoreline by the owners longshore currents that transported sediment to the island's of the island and also during excavations by FSU. Dasovich shoreline. In 1985, Hurricane Elena caused additional erosion, (1999) initially reported that 66 kg of soapstone was recovered, exposing the midden and human interments. One of these making this one of the largest reported soapstone assemblages
burials was excavated in 1986 by Julian Granberry, a local in Florida. However, subsequent research revealed that this is archeologist who lived in the mainland town of Horseshoe a typographical error and the correct weight of the soapstone Beach. In his letter dated July 17, 1986, to Mr. Warren Nelms, is 6.6 kg. Yates (2000) analyzed several sherds from the Bird Granberry writes: Island assemblage using inductively coupled plasma mass
spectroscopy (ICP-MS) to identify and compare the signatures
I excavated an Orange Period...burial just below the of rare earth elements (REEs) in an attempt to identify
high-tide line on the south side of Bird Island. It was a possible sources for the soapstone. His results were somewhat flexed burial.. .of an adult male, aged ca. 40-55 yrs., ambiguous, but he found enough similarities to suggest a about 5'6" tall...He was accompanied by what was left of possible match with soapstone sources in Spartanburg, South fragments of Norwood Incised pottery.. .and several flint Carolina (Yates 2000:62). A radiocarbon date obtained by points...clearly buried with the gentleman (Granberry Sassaman and reported by Yates (2000:125) from soot on one
1986). of the sherds yielded an age range of 4143-3722 cal B.P.
182 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
Current Research east, resulting in a 4-meter-long continuous profile from east
to west and a 2-meter-long profile from north to south.
A crew from the LSA conducted systematic shovel testing Three main strata of intact midden deposits dating to the and excavated two 1 x 2 m test units at Bird Island in May, Weeden Island, Deptford, and Late Archaic periods, based on 2011. Shovel testing at 20-m intervals in a transect across diagnostic materials and radiocarbon dates, were identified the highest elevation of the island revealed shell deposits of in the units (Figures 3 and 4). The Late Archaic midden is varying depths, with intact deposits identified at the highest separated from the upper Deptford and later Weeden Island elevation of the island, near a modem house. Two areas were deposits by a culturally sterile sand stratum of variable targeted for additional subsurface testing. Test Unit 1 was thickness. The uppermost Weeden Island midden contained a placed at the highest elevation of the island, where deposits moderate density of oyster shell with lesser densities of other extended to a depth of 110 cm below surface. Test Unit 2 was bivalves and gastropods, faunal remains, lithics, and pottery. placed in an area where soapstone and a Newnan-like biface The upper portion of this stratum yielded modem debris in were recovered in a shovel test from below what appeared to addition to a mix of pottery types diagnostic of different be a buried A-horizon. In March, 2013, an additional 1 x 2 m temporal periods, including Deptford Linear Check Stamped, test unit, Test Unit 3, was excavated near the location of Test Pasco Plain, Swift Creek Complicated Stamped, St. Johns Unit 1 to extend the profile from the previous excavation and Plain, Tucker Ridge Pinched, and Weeden Island Incised. The collect additional data. Figure 2 provides a topographic map intact Weeden Island deposits below the disturbed portion of Bird Island showing the locations of the test units. of the midden contained predominately sand-tempered plain
Test Unit 1 (TU1) and Test Unit 3 (TU3). Because TU3 sherds, but a Pappy's Bayou Punctated sherd and a Carrabelle extended the excavated area of TU 1, these two 1 x 2 m units are Punctated sherd were also recovered from this stratum. An reported as one analytical unit. TUl was placed immediately AMS assay obtained on charred material collected from a bulk to the east of the house and TU3 was placed to the east of, sample at the base of the deposits yielded an age estimate of and aligned with the southeast comer of TU I. The placement 1140 30 B.P. (Beta 301594; charred material; 13C =-25.7%0), of this unit extended the profiles from TU1 to the south and or a two-sigma calibrated date range ofAD 810-980 (see Table 1).
Figure 2. Topographic map of Bird Island (8DI52) showing locations of Test Unit 1, Test Unit 2, and
Test Unit 3. The house, boardwalk, dock, and seawall are shaded.
MCFADDEN STRATIFIED SITES IN HORSESHOE COVE 183
Test Unit 1 Bird Island (8DI52) Weeden Island Midden
Cal AD 810-980
Deptford Midden Cal 360-170 BC
Late Archaic Midden Cal 2480-2290 BC
Figure 3. East profile of Test Unit 1 with stratigraphic designations and radiocarbon
Figure 4. North profile of Test Unit 3, 8DI52.
184 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
An increase in shell density and a change in content 40 B.P. (Beta 301596; charred material, 13C -26.3%o), with marks the transition to the underlying Deptford Period midden a two-sigma calibrated date range of 2480-2290 BC (see Table stratum. This midden contained predominately oyster shell, 1). The estimated date from Granberry predates these deposits with lesser frequencies of other bivalves and gastropods, by at least 500 years, and because the date was not corrected and faunal material. There is an increase in shell tools and for fractionation, the antiquity of the cemetery could be even a decrease in lithics in this stratum. In additional to sand- greater. The date from the soapstone reported by Yates (2000) tempered plain sherds, a Deptford Linear Check Stamped slightly post-dates the initial deposition of midden materials,
sherd and a fiber-tempered sherd were recovered from this suggesting that the soapstone was being important to the island stratum. Charcoal retrieved from a bulk sample at the base of by the individuals who deposited those materials. this stratum yielded an AMS age estimate of 2180 30 B.P. Three features were identified in TU3. Features 1 and
(Beta 301595; charred material; 13C = -24.5%o), or a two-sigma 2 appeared to emanate from near the top of the culturally calibrated date range of 360-170 BC (see Table 1). sterile sand stratum and did not contain materials from the
The culturally sterile sand stratum that underlies the midden above, suggesting they were dug and filled after the Deptford midden was thicker in TU3, allowing for the collection event that deposited the sediments but prior to the deposition of sediment samples at 2.5 cm intervals in a continuous 30 of the Deptford Period midden. Both were pit features that cm column. Analysis of these samples included, percentage contained vertebrate faunal remains and sparse shell. Feature of fine-grained materials (< 63 rim), sediment texture, and 1, identified at 83 cm below surface, was a round pit that microscopy. The identification of microstratigraphy, and a measured 45 x 39 cm in plan and extended to a depth of high frequency of sponge spicules observed in the samples, 108 cm below surface. It contained no artifacts and did not suggests that the sediments in this stratum were transported intersect with the Late Archaic deposits. Feature 2, identified from an aquatic environment and are likely a storm surge or at 82 cm below surface, was also a round pit that measured flood deposit. 50 x 50 cm in plan and extended to a depth of 91 cm below
The lowermost shell bearing stratum contained surface. This feature contained a cluster of Orange Incised
predominately periwinkle (Littorina sp.), but also had a high fiber-tempered pot sherds at the base, where it intruded into density of oyster shell and a marked increase in gastropod the emerging Late Archaic midden stratum and intersected shells and faunal materials. Lithics, all flakes, increased in with Feature 3. Analysis of the contents of Feature 2 suggest frequency and a large adze made on a lightning whelk (Busycon that the fill is a combination of the culturally sterile sediments contrarium) was recovered (Figure 5). With the exception of and materials from the Late Archaic midden that the feature three fiber-tempered sherds and one crumb sherd, this stratum intersects, which could suggest that the Orange Incised pottery yielded no pottery. Charcoal recovered from a basal bulk was displaced from the earlier deposits. Alternatively, the sample in this stratum returned an AMS age estimate of 3910 pottery may be associated with the digging of the pit, which would then suggest that the pit dates to the Late Archaic and
that this area remained unoccupied for some period of time
after the deposition of the sterile sand and before the Deptford
Feature 3 was initially identified at 91 cm below surface
as an area of dense shell that contained predominately oyster
with lesser quantities of scallop. The feature also had a higher
density of crown conch than in the upper midden strata. The
amorphous feature did not emanate from the culturally sterile
sand stratum above, but appeared to emerge from the Late
Archaic deposits below. At its center, the feature contained
15 large unmodified lightning whelk shells that were tightly
~clustered together (Figure 6), suggesting that they had been in ~some type of bag or basket. The whelk shell cluster measured ~38 x 30 cm and extended to a depth of 101 cm below surface.
~The surrounding fill also contained a chert flake, a small biface ~fragment, and three fiber-tempered sherds. Upon further ~excavation, it appears that the shell bearing deposits around the gastropod cluster feature were likely the top of the Late
___________Archaic deposits rather than being part of the feature.
5cm Test Unit 2 (TU2). This 1lx 2 m test unit was located
5 cm approximately 55 meters to the west ofTUl1 at a lower elevation
on the island. It had two distinct macrostrata (Figure 7). The
upper stratum consisted of redeposited sands capped by a
Figure 5. Gastropod Adze recovered from Level I of Test Unit veneer of redeposited midden materials. The lower stratum 1, 8DI52. consists of a buried A horizon and underlying shell-free sand
MCFADDEN STRATIFIED SITES IN HORSESHOE COVE 185
Figure 6. Whelk cluster in Feature 3 in Test Unit 3, 8DI52.
Figure 7. North profile of Test Unit 2, 8D 52.
f w: .... .. .... .... .. .. .. ... ... ... .. .. .
Figure 6. Norhlroluer inFeau3i Test Unit 3, 8D152.
186 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
that contained sparse pottery and lithics, predominately flakes. sterile sand stratum, and one from the disturbed materials at The recovery of Ruskin Dentate and Carrabelle Punctated the surface in TU3. An additional three sherds were recovered sherds from stratigraphically below Deptford Linear Check from the top of the Late Archaic deposits and an additional six Stamped sherds, and the lack of intact midden deposits, sherds from Features 2 and 3 that are associated with the Late suggests that this lower unit has also experienced disturbance Archaic deposits. and reworking. A large area of dense charcoal was identified in Diagnostic types in the Deptford Period midden included this lower stratum, but it is interpreted as a burned stump. The Deptford Linear Check Stamped, Pasco Plain, and Swift Creek stratigraphy revealed in this test unit matches the description Complicated Stamped sherds. Only three St. Johns sherds were by Dasovich (1999) of redeposited sands and midden materials recovered from this stratum, one plain and two unidentifiable and it is likely that this was the area that he targeted when sherds. The Weeden Island Period midden contained a variety investigating the storm's impact on archaeological deposits. of diagnostic sherds, including Pappy's Bayou Punctated, Because of the lack of intact deposits, no radiocarbon dates Tucker Ridge Pinched, Weeden Island Incised, and Carrabelle were obtained from this unit. Punctated. Pasco Plain and St. Johns Plain and Check Stamped
Material Culture. Because the area of TU2 has experienced sherds were also present in this stratum.
significant disturbance and did not contain stratigraphically Lithics for both test units combined totaled 129 artifacts, intact deposits, the material culture recovered during excavation the majority of which were chert flakes and burned limestone. of the unit is not addressed in this discussion. Frequencies of Level A from both units, which contained modern debris identifiable pottery types for TU1 and TU3 combined and TU2 and redeposited midden materials, yielded a modified flake, are provided in Table 2. A more detailed listing of pottery a spokeshave, two biface fragments, and a Hernando type by level is available in McFadden and Palmiotto (2012) and biface. A broken hematite bead (Figure 8) was recovered from McFadden et al. (2014). Three hundred ten sherds were near the base of the Weeden Island midden, a biface fragment
recovered from the two test units combined, 153 of which was retrieved from the Deptford midden, and an additional were crumb sherds, leaving 157 sherds available for analysis. biface fragment was recovered from Feature 3. A total of 55 Sand-tempered plain sherds dominate, constituting 34 percent chert flakes were recovered during excavation, the majority of the assemblage. Diagnostic pottery types recovered from of which came from the Late Archaic stratum. Although not the midden strata are consistent with the radiocarbon dates collected during excavation of TUJ, the bulk of the lithic obtained from each. Both test units combined yielded a total assemblage was burned limestone. Sixty-two pieces (591.6 of 11 fiber-tempered sherds. One was recovered from near g) of burned limestone were recovered from TU3, all of which the base of the Deptford midden in TUl, above the culturally came from anthropogenic deposits.
Table 2. Absolute frequencies of identified pottery for all test units at Bird Island (8DI52) and
Butler Island (8DI50).
Bird Island (8DI52) Butler Island (8DI50)
Type TU1/3 TU2 TU1 TU2 TU3N Total
Fiber-Tempered Plain 8 8
Orange Incised 3 3
DeptfordL.C.S. 5 6 10 1 1 23
Deptford Simple Stamped 6 3 9
St. Johns Check Stamped 1 4 2 7
St. Johns Plain 7 4 11
Pasco Plain 14 2 11 9 3 39
Swift Creek Comp. Stamped 4 7 1 4 16
New River Comp. Stamped 14 14
St. Andrews Comp. Stamped 1 1
Weeden Island Punctated 3 3
Weeden Island Incised 1 1 2
Carrabelle Punctated 1 1
Tucker Ridge Finger Pinched 1 1
Pappy's Bayou Punctated 1 1
Sand Tempered Plain 54 24 62 6 25 171
Sand Tempered Incised 1 5 6
Sand Tempered Punctated 1 1 2
Sand Tempered Dentate 1 1
Sand Tempered Check Stamped 19 3 29 12 20 83
Total 121 43 150 29 59 402
MCFADDEN STRATIFIED SITES I HORSESHOE COVE 187
Site 8D150, originally named the Lolly Creek site by
Goggin in 1954, was described on the site report as a 200 by
300 ft (61 x 91 m) oyster shell midden on an old dune that
extended to a depth of 12 ft in some areas. The midden was
eroding along the shoreline exposing black, consolidated dirt
that contained shells and potsherds. Based on pottery types
observed in the eroding midden, the site was determined to
be Deptford in age. No map of the site location was produced,
but Goggin (1954) describes the site as being on the right bank
at the mouth of Lolly Creek, south of Horseshoe, on the west
side of Horseshoe Cove.
In 1986, as part of the Dixie County Archaeological
Reconnaissance project, Timothy A. Kohler and G. Michael
2 cm Johnson (1986) revisited the site in the company of Julian
Granberry. Based on Goggin's description, they located the
Lolly Creek site and collected Deptford Simple Stamped,
Figure 8. Two views of a hematite bead recovered from Cross Simple Stamped, and Linear Check Stamped sherds
TU3, Bird Island. on the surface, which supported the Deptford classification.
They also recovered Swift Creek Complicated Stamped and
Modified shell artifacts included seven gastropod St. Andrews Complicated Stamped sherds, along with Pasco hammers, seven modified columellae, and a large lightning Plain sherds, prompting them to extend the temporal range of whelk adze. The adze (see Figure 5) was recovered from the site into the Swift Creek period. Lithic artifacts included
the Late Archaic deposits along with four of the gastropod a limestone plummet, a biface, and debitage. The report by hammers, with the remaining three coming from the Deptford Kohler and Johnson (1986) also mentions two structures that midden. With the exception of two from the near-surface were located in the area south of the site. Because a second deposits, all of the modified columellae were recovered site was identified on the southern arm of the island, Kohler from the Deptford midden deposits. Finally, a bone pin was and Johnson recommended that the name be changed to Butler recovered from the Late Archaic midden deposits in TU3. Island NE.
Analysis of faunal remains recovered in bulk samples and
selected excavation levels in TU1 and TU3 indicates that the Current Research majority of the exploited resources came from the surrounding
brackish to marine environment, although the particular In March of 2014, a LSA crew conducted survey and
species targeted and the methods of processing appear to be test unit excavations at Butler Island NE (8D150). The site different. In addition to oyster, sea catfish, toadfish, killifish, was mapped using a total station and two established datums pinfish, and silver perch were common in all three midden (Figure 9). Two main areas of midden were identified by strata. Periwinkle (Littoraria sp.) was heavily exploited during augering and shovel test pit excavation. Locus A is located the Late Archaic, with the Minimum Number of Individuals in the eastern portion of the site. One of the two structures (MNI) of these small littoral snails surpassing the MNI of mentioned by Kiohler and Johnson (1986) is located at the oyster in the Late Archaic midden. Resource procurement highest elevation in this locus and is situated above an area was selective and occupation was multiseasonal. Processing of significant stratified midden deposits. These deposits are of fish differed from later occupations with apparently whole truncated by the eroding shoreline and marsh area to the south fish skeletons being deposited in the midden (McFadden and and east. Shallower intact deposits were located in the western Palmiotto 2012; McFadden et al. 2014). portion of Locus A. Locus B is in the western portion of the
The Deptford assemblage suggests multiseasonal site and has a very shallow, but intact, area of midden. The occupation and an increased emphasis on killifish. Periwinkle second structure is located to the north of the midden in this is rare and it is obviously not a targeted resource during the area. Overall, the site parallels the shoreline for about 70 Deptford period. Periwinkle remains rare in the Weeden Island meters, and from the eroded escarpment, it extends into the midden deposits and oysters appear to have been processed upland unit of the island approximately 10-15 m. Three test in some way to remove incidental species, such as barnacles units were excavated in areas that augering had revealed intact and odostomes. Unlike the earlier occupations, the Weeden midden deposits, two in Locus A and one in Locus B. The Island faunal assemblage suggests primarily warmer weather following is a brief description of the results from each test occupation of the site. unit.
Test Unit 1 (TUl 1. This 1 x 2 m unit was located in Locus
A approximately 10 m to the southwest of the structure (see
Figure 9). It contained two strata of intact midden deposits
188 TmHE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
0 uer 2
Locu A Structure
100-,~gGDatum B Datum A
co u0 Auger 1 i
980- 09 9
O Auger 9
Butler Island (8DI50) 0/
2014 LSA Investigations
950. .l10m. / / /
Figure 9. Topographic map of Butler Island NE (8DI50) showing locations of structures, augers and test pits, and
excavation units. Locus A and B are designated by the circles. Map produced by K. Sassaman.
between the disturbed and redeposited materials near the occupation. This Late Weeden Island/Early Mississippian surface and the underlying culturally sterile natural subsoil date is consistent with dates from elsewhere in the LSAS (Figure 10). The upper midden stratum was a 30-50 cm study area so it is not assumed to be anomalous (K. Sassaman,
thick layer of moderately dense oyster shell that contained personal communication 2014). Below this midden stratum vertebrate fauna, pottery, and lithics, including a Bradford was a 10 cm thick stratum of black fine, highly organic, sand type biface and a chunk of hematite. Pottery consisted of with no shell and reduced frequencies of vertebrate fauna and
mainly Deptford and Swift Creek types, with occasional sparse pottery, predominately crumb sherds. Two features, Weeden Island types near the top of the stratum. An AMS Features 1 and 4, were identified in plan during excavation, assay obtained on charred wood recovered in a bulk sample both of which are interpreted as postholes, suggesting perhaps from this stratum yielded an age estimate of 900 + 30 B.P. a domestic structure. (Beta 388846; charred material; 13C = -25.3%o), with a two Test Unit 2 (TU2). This 1 x 2 meter test unit was placed to sigma calibrated date range of AD 1035 to 1215 (see Table the south of the structure in Locus B and contained a very thin 1). The date appears to be late compared to the majority of upper stratum of midden deposits extending to a maximum the pottery assemblage, however, a cluster of New River depth of only 24 cm below surface. The predominately oyster Complicated Stamped and one Weeden Island Punctated sherd shell midden contained vertebrate fauna, pottery, and lithics. was recovered from this stratum, suggesting a Weeden Island Deptford Linear Check Stamped and Pasco Plain sherds were
MCFADDEN STRATIFIED SITES IN HORSESHOE COVE 189
Figure 10. South profile of Test Unit 1, 8DI50.
recovered from the midden stratum along with a large chert scouring and redeposition of midden from the shoreline, cross core that also appears to have been used as a hammerstone. cut with layers of ashy deposits that were presumably associate The midden deposits appear to be intact; however, the location with activities related to the nearby structure. Modem of the unit near the shoreline escarpment and the shallowness materials, including glass and metal were recovered from of the deposits suggest that the top portion of the midden all of these upper midden strata to a depth of approximately may have been scoured. A Woodland stemmed biface was 65 cm below surface and pottery types were jumbled, with
recovered from the organically stained sand at the contact diagnostically Weeden Island pottery stratigraphically below between the natural subsoil and the midden deposits. Beneath Deptford and Swift Creek types. There was a marked transition the midden stratum, two overlapping pits were identified in to the upper portion of the intact midden at about 65 cm below plan. Feature 3 appears to have been dug first and contained surface, with the sediment matrix containing significantly sparse vertebrate fauna and a moderate density of shell, mostly more organic matter, no modem materials, and expected concentrated near the top of the feature. With the exception stratigraphic relationships among the differing pottery types of one crumb sherd, no artifacts were recovered from the in the remainder of the unit. The intact midden contains three feature. Feature 2 was dug later, intruding into the earlier pit distinct strata. The upper portion, designated as Stratum V, (Feature 3). It contained sparse shell and vertebrate fauna. is a layer of dense crushed shell containing a Weeden Island A concentration of fragmentary charred wood was observed Incised sherd, along with Pasco Plain sherds. An AMS assay in the center of the feature. Artifact content was sparse and on charcoal from a bulk sample yielded and age estimate of included one Pasco Plain sherd, a chert flake, and a small 1070 30 B.P. (Beta 388845; charred material; 13C -22.9%o), chunk of burned limestone. with a two sigma calibrated date range of AD 885-1015 (see
Test Units 3 (TU3) and 3N (TU3N). TU3 was a 1 x 2 Table 1).
meter unit that was placed approximately 5 m to the east of Beneath the crushed shell is a stratum (Stratum VI) of the structure in Locus A, where augering and excavation of a whole oyster shell that decreased in density with depth in shovel test pit revealed deep and stratified midden deposits. the stratum. Vertebrate faunal density was higher than in the Large roots from a nearby cedar tree intruded into the unit, overlying deposits, but there was a decrease in pottery, mainly forcing termination of the excavation at 30 cm below surface. in the frequency of crumb sherds. A bone tool implement that On the northern side of the unit, a smaller 1 x 0.5 m unit was had been shaped and rounded on both ends, possibly a fish opened adjacent to TU3 and designated TU3N. Because it gorge, was also recovered.
was obvious that the excavated materials from TU3 were A very marked transition to black, organic-rich sediments
redeposited, the first level of TU3N was excavated to 35 cm and decreased shell density, mostly whole oyster shell, below surface with a subsequent shift back to 10 cm levels, characterized Stratum VII, the lowermost midden stratum.
TU3N had substantially deeper deposits, with stratified There was an increase in pottery frequency in this stratum, midden to a depth of 139 cm below surface (Figure 11). Field including Deptford Linear Check Stamped and Swift Creek observations identified seven distinct midden strata with Complicated Stamped pottery, and a perforated bone tool varying densities of shell between the upper root mat and (Figure 12) was recovered from the base of the midden. An underlying culturally sterile sandy subsoil. Later laboratory AMS assay obtained on charcoal collected in a bulk sample analysis revealed that the upper four strata were layers of from this stratum returned an age estimate of 2060 30 B.P. redeposited midden materials, likely the result of episodic (Beta 388844; charred material; 13C = -25.1%o), with a two-
190 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
listing of pottery by level is available in the Butler Island technical report (McFadden 2014). A total of 851 sherds was recovered during excavations at Butler Island NE, over half of which were crumb sherds, resulting in 373 sherds available for analysis. The pottery assemblage was consistent across all three of the units, with each having variable frequencies of Deptford, Swift Creek, and Weeden Island types. Nearly half of the assemblage consisted of sand-tempered plainand sand-tempered check stamped sherds. Of the diagnostic types, Pasco Plain sherds were 10 percent of the assemblage, followed by Deptford Linear Check Stamped and Swift Creek Complicated Stamped sherds, each comprising four percent of the assemblage. Other types included Weeden Island and St. Johns sherds. In Test Unit 1, New River Complicated Stamped sherds were a significant contribution to the assemblage in terms of number of sherds; however, the sherds were concentrated in the western half of the unit and appear to be from the same vessel, making that type a minority in the overall assemblage. Although no types that are diagnostic of the later period suggested by the radiocarbon date from this unit, sand-tempered check stamped and plain sherds are ubiquitous well into the Late Weeden Island Period and both of these are present in higher frequencies in the upper portions of all of the test units.
Forty-one lithic artifacts were recovered from all of the test units combined, 58 percent of which were chert flakes. Three chunks of burned limestone were collected from each of the three test units in which intact deposits were encountered. Figure 11. North profile of Test Unit 3N, 8DI50. In addition to flakes and burned limestone, a Bradford type
biface, a biface fragment and a small chunk of hematite was recovered from Test Unit 1. Test Unit 2 yielded a large core! hammerstone and a stemmed biface, and no stone tools were recovered from Test Units 3 and 3N.
Seven modified bones were recovered during excavations, one each from Test Units 1 and 2, two from Test Unit 3, and three from Test Unit 3N. With the exception of two bone tools recovered from the intact midden deposits in Test Unit 3Nall of the modified picsaefamnsof broken bone tools that exhibit shaping and smoothing. A small bone i tool, possibly a fish gorge, was recovered from the intact
~Weeden Island midden deposits. The second bone tool (see Figure 12) recovered from this unit came from the base of the anthropogenic deposits, at 139 cm below surface. The tool is .....made on cortical bone, likely deer. The 1.7 cm wide by 4.7 cm 2cm long tool has a nearly perfectly round perforation of 1.0 cm in
diameter at one end and is broken at the other. The perforation Figure 12. Three views of a perforated bone tool and the outer edges of the bone are beveled from shaping and!
recovered from Test Unit 3N, Butler Island (8DI50). or usewear and a small notch has been carved into one side of
the tool just below the perforation. Examples of similar bone sigma calibrated date range of 170 BC to AD 5 (see Table 1). tools have been found on the Gulf Coast of Texas (Ricklis Below this stratum, there is a thin layer of organically stained and Weinstein 2005), however, the function of this tool is sand that is a result of the leaching of the overlying midden unknown. The perforation and associated notch suggest that deposits into the culturally sterile sands of the underlying this is not a pendant, but rather a tool designed for a specific landform. This stratum contained sparse shell, little vertebrate task, possibly an implement for making and maintaining nets. fauna, and only two crumb sherds. Only one modified shell, a gastropod hammer, was recovered
Material Culture. Frequencies of identifiable pottery from Test Unit 3N, in the upper portion of the intact deposits. types for each unit are provided in Table 2. A more detailed
MCFADDEN STRATIFIED SITES IN HORSESHOE COVE 191
Other Sites the island, and it is assumed that the site reported by Goggin
has been destroyed.
Environmental Change and Human Occupation
An archaeological site located on the southern arm of the
island was reported by Kohler and Johnson (1986) in 1986 and Survey and test unit excavations in Horseshoe Cove designated as Butler Island South (8DI97) (see Figure 1). They found evidence of human occupation as early as 2480 BC described the site as a 40-m wide shell midden that paralleled on Bird Island. The environment inhabited by the Late the shoreline along a 400-m stretch and contained dense Archaic residents was very different from the modern setting. cultural materials. Pottery collected on the surface included Paleoenvironmental reconstruction (Figure 13) based on Deptford series Simple Stamped, Cross Simple Stamped, and marine sediment cores collected in Horseshoe Cove suggest Linear Check Stamped sherds. Pasco Plain pottery was also that Bird Island was still part ofthe mainland at the time ofinitial recovered. No Swift Creek Complicated Stamped sherds were occupation (McFadden and Jaeger 2015) and the shoreline found, and the midden was assigned to the Deptford Period. was likely still kilometers to the west (e.g., Goodbred 1994; Foot survey was not conducted in the area of Butler Island Wright 1995; Wright et al. 2005). A radiocarbon date from South (8D197), and no eroding midden was observed during the base of tidal channel deposits identified in a core collected visual inspection from a boat. It is obvious that this area of from near the southwestern shoreline of Bird Island suggest a the island has experienced significant disturbance, not only fresh/brackish tidal creek flowed past the site by at least 2580 from higher energy storms and boat wakes, but from human BC, and the surrounding low-lying areas had transitioned activities associated with the established camping area on this to fresh/brackish marsh (McFadden and Jaeger 2015). The portion of the island. high ratio of aquatic to terrestrial snails in the Late Archaic
A third possible site on Butler Island was reported midden, cited by McFadden et al. (2014) as evidence of close to the LSA by a local resident during the initial stages of proximity to water, and the absence of truncatella, a niche reconnaissance in the Horseshoe Cove area and was described snail that inhabits shorelines of salt water bodies, supports the as flakes and bifaces eroding from the distal end of the core data that suggest a nearby fresh/brackish tidal creek and northern arm of the island. The lack of pottery in association marsh. The close proximity of the marsh is also supported by with the lithics suggested this may be a site that dates to the the presence of significant numbers of marsh periwinkle in the pre-pottery Archaic, perhaps contemporaneous with early Late Archaic midden. deposits on Bird Island. During the summer of 2013, a group The presence of soapstone in association with the Late of students from the Florida Museum of Natural History Archaic burials on the southwestern shoreline suggests
Lower Suwannee Archaeological Field School conducted a engagement with long-range trade networks and links to source
foot survey along the shoreline at low tide. Numerous chert areas. Petrographic analysis of the assemblage revealed that flakes were observed among the seagrass and no pottery was the sherds represent 18 different types of soapstone and two to found. Later foot survey in the area failed to locate eroding four different lithologies (Roberson 2013). These differences lithic materials, however, the survey was conducted during suggest multiple sources and likely multiple influxes of the high tide. Two shovel test pits were excavated in the upland soapstone over time (McFadden et al. 2014; Roberson 2013). area adjacent to the eroding shoreline, but no archaeological In other areas to the north, the social influence of alliances deposits were located (McFadden 2014). It is assumed that the with the Poverty Point culture stalled the adoption of fiberlithic materials observed along the shoreline are the remnants tempered pottery where soapstone was utilized (Sassaman of a destroyed site. 1993). The presence of fiber-tempered pottery found in the
Late Archaic midden deposits and the lack of Poverty Point
Cotton Is/and type artifacts suggest that engagement with the Poverty Point
culture may have been minimal.
The Cotton Island (8DI5 1) site was recorded by Goggin Determination of site function at the Bird and Butler
in 1954 and described as shell midden with scarce potsherds. Island sites is hampered by the limited sampling, but some In October, 2011, with permission of the owners, foot survey, inferences can be made based on the artifact assemblages and augering, and discretionary shovel testing was conducted on the features encounter in the excavation units. No evidence of island to locate intact archaeological deposits. Unfortunately, architecture was observed during test unit excavation at Bird the 1993 storm eroded a significant portion of the Gulf-facing Island, however, the artifact assemblage suggests activities shoreline of the island. A nearly meter-high escarpment along associated with domestic occupation. The Late Archaic the shoreline appeared to reveal eroding midden materials; midden yielded shell tools, including the large lightning whelk however, upon inspection it was determined that these were adze, and a cache of unmodified lightning whelk shells that scoured midden materials that had been redeposited by the may have been destined to become tools. The only modified storm, creating a veneer of shell and cultural materials along bone found in context was in the Late Archaic stratum and the escarpment that did not extend into the upland unit. Survey there was an increased frequency of flakes as well. failed to identify intact archaeological deposits elsewhere on Analysis of sediment samples from the culturally sterile sand stratum that overlies the Late Archaic deposits suggests
192 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
Cotton IslandCotton Island
FgureshBr 13. Paleoenvironshental reconstructions of northern Horseshoe Cove and dates of occupation of
that at least some portion of the stratum is a storm surge or abandonment from other nearby sites, it is likely that Bird Saft Marsh
/Cal AD 885 to 1215
flood deposit based on preserved microstratigraphy and high Island was not occupied for some period of time either before
frequencies of sponge spicules. Similar characteristics were or after the event that contributed sediments to the culturally observed in storm deposits in Waccasassa Bay after the 1993 sterile sand stratum, and it is not until the Deptford Period "Storm of the Century" (Goodbred and line 1993). Although th e site is reoccupied. Since it is unclear if occupation it is likely that some portion of the underlying Late Archaic resumed at the site immediately after these sediments were
midden was scoured, the nearly two millennium gap in basal deposited, the radiocarbon date of 360-170 BC from the dates between the Late Archaic and Deptford occupations Deptford deposits in TU1 provides only a terminus ante quem overlaps with a period of apparent abandonment of sites on for this event. the northern Gulf Coast of Florida. This hiatus of occupation Soon after the Deptford occupation begins at Bird Island, lasts for a period of about 800 years beginning after 1350 Butler Island NE was occupied for the first time. Radiocarbon BC (Sassaman et al. 2014:149). Given the evidence of dates from inter- to subtidal sands and marine sediments in the
MCFADDEN STRATIFIED SITES Im HORSESHOE COVE 193
cores, and the presence of truncatella in the Bird Island faunal marsh accretion was relatively balanced with sea-level rise assemblage (McFadden et al. 2014), indicates that the shoreline (e.g. Leonard et al. 1995) and shoreline transgression slowed had transgressed and salt marsh had developed around the significantly. By AD 660 to 770, Butler Island was finally cut islands. Bird Island was still likely attached to the mainland off from the mainland as the area to the north and west of to the north, with a large tidal flat to the west and possibly the island transitioned to marsh (McFadden and Jaeger 2015). open water to the east and south. The site on Butler Island Finally, a Weeden Island village was established by AD 715 would have been bordered to the north and west by upland to 890 at Garden Patch and it appears to be contemporaneous terrestrial areas and to east by a large area of salt marsh. Tidal with occupations at Butler and Bird Islands. channel deposits in a core collected to the northeast of the site The setting at the time of initial habitation at Bird Island, indicate that Lolly Creek already flowed past the Butler Island Butler Island, and finally Garden Patch suggests that areas NE site when occupation began (McFadden and Jaeger 2015). protected by marshes but with relatively easy access to marine The Deptford Period environment at the Butler Island NE site resources via tidal creeks were targeted for initial occupation. likely mirrored that of the Late Archaic environment around On Bird Island, the Late Archaic occupation was situated near Bird Island. a tidal creek and bordered to the south by fresh to brackish
Oyster continued to be an important resource during marsh. By the time of the initial Deptford occupation at Butler
the Deptford Period occupations, as were numerous fish Island, and slightly later at Garden Patch, the same conditions
species, including perch, killifish, and sea catfishes; however, existed in those areas. Lolly Creek flowed past each site and periwinkle (which would still be available in the marshy areas extensive marsh had developed to the east. around Butler Island) were no longer a targeted resource. The The deposits on the islands are temporally discrete and the Butler Island faunal remains are awaiting analysis, but field nature ofthe occupations appear to vary based on environmental observations by a zooarchaeologist suggest the assemblage is conditions, with marked differences between the deposits on much the same as that of Bird Island. The Deptford period the islands and the deposits from Garden Patch. There is pottery assemblages at both sites appears contemporaneous limited evidence of Deptford Period domestic occupation at and increases in Pasco Plain and Swift Creek Complicated Bird Island. The identification of two post holes at Butler Stamped sherds at both sites suggest occupation into the Early Island suggest a possible Deptford period domestic structure, Swift Creek period, although dating of the postholes is necessary to support this
As the shoreline continued to retreat and occupation areas inference. In direct contrast, the Deptford deposits at Garden at Bird and Butler Islands became more vulnerable, new areas Patch include evidence of substantial architecture and marked were colonized inland. By AD 25 to 120, Deptford occupation differences in the artifact assemblages, including exotic lithic began along the shore of a fresh water pond at the Garden materials that are absent from the island assemblages (Wallis Patch site (Wallis and McFadden 2014:70), which is located and McFadden 2014). Weeden Island midden deposits on on the mainland approximately 1.5 km to the north. Much Bird and Butler Islands are similar in that they both lack
like the environment during the Late Archaic occupation on evidence of domestic architecture and tools are scarce in these Bird Island and the Deptford occupation at Butler Island, later deposits. The island deposits differ from those of the Garden Patch was situated along the banks of Lolly Creek Weeden Island village area at Garden Patch where domestic and bordered by an extensive low-lying area that was likely areas, evidenced by postholes and pits, are located in areas transitioning to swamp, devoid of shell and there is a substantial increase in pottery
Radiocarbon dates and the presence of diagnostic pottery frequencies (Wallis and McFadden 2014). types suggest a Weeden Island Period occupation at both Bird
and Butler Islands, although that occupation is ephemeral and Conclusions
these sites are presumably linked to the large village mound
complex that had developed by this time at Garden Patch. The surveys and test unit excavations performed on
Studies in nearby Waccasassa Bay (Goodbred 1994; Goodbred Cotton, Butler, and Bird Islands fulfills the LSAS goal of et al. 1998) and the Suwannee Delta (Wright 1995; Wright et salvaging archaeological data from threatened sites. The data al. 2005) found evidence of accelerated rates of sea-level rise are also an important element in ongoing problem-oriented in what Goodbred (1998) calls the 1800 BP event a rapid research centered on the poorly understood pre-Columbian shoreline transgression of 2-4 km within 100 years due to rates history of the northern Gulf Coast of Florida. The stratified of sea-level rise that were an order of magnitude higher than deposits on Bird and Butler Islands are currently threatened by those of the preceding three thousand years (e.g. Goodbred et sea-level rise and erosion from storms. Although the marshes al. 1998; Wright et al. 2005). Occupation at both Bird Island along the northern Gulf Coast of Florida are remarkably and Butler continued even in the face of substantial changes resilient and tend to stay in relative equilibrium with sea-level to the shoreline and marsh mor-phologies, but occupation at rise (e.g., Leonard et al. 1995), current and projected increases Garden Patch intensified substantially with rapid construction in the rates of sea-level rise pose a real threat to the modern of several mounds and significant accumulation of midden system. Unfortunately, archaeological deposits on both islands materials just after AD 200 (Wallis and McFadden 2014). A and on nearby Cotton Island have already been impacted by century later, rates of sea-level rise returned to those prior to the environmental change. Survey on Cotton Island and on the 1800 BP event, ushering in an era of stability once again where northern arm of Butler Island found only redeposited cultural
194 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 67(4)
materials and the sites at both locations have been completely References Cited
destroyed. The "Storm of the Century" caused significant destruction to the Late Archaic cemetery on Bird Island, and Dasovich, Steve J. despite the construction of a seawall and the emplacement 1999 The Effects of Continuous Erosional Processes of fill dirt, fragmented human remains and pottery continue and Storm Damage on Coastal Site Integrity:
to erode into the Gulf of Mexico. The owners of the island Examples from Dixie County, Florida. The Florida
continue to work closely with the LSA to monitor the site. Anthropologist 52:267-274
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paleoenvironmental reconstruction that is specific to the area Goodbred, Steven L. of focus can be integral to understanding the archaeological 1994 Geologic Controls on the Holocene Evolution of an record. The results from the project suggest that areas Open-Marine Marsh System Fronting a Shallowwere targeted for initial occupation based on particular Water Embayment." Waccasassa Bay, West-Central
characteristics; in Horseshoe Cove these are protected areas Florida. Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of
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shifted, and the sites at Bird and Butler Islands were cut off from the mainland, the activities that occurred at these sites Goodbred, Steven L., and Albert C. Hine also shifted. Despite temporal gaps, the same areas on the 1993 Coastal Storm Deposition: Salt-Marsh Responses islands were reoccupied even though new, more protected to a Sever Extratropical Storm, March 1993, Westareas, had been colonized. Perhaps the presence of the Central Florida. Geology 23:679-682.
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I would like to thank Ken Sassaman for recruiting me into 1986 Letter written to Mr. Warren Nelms. Dated July 17, the LSAS project and encouraging me to pursue my interest in 1986.
geoarchaeological research. This project has greatly benefited from his advice and support. Thanks to the incredible field Hine, Albert C., Daniel F. Belknap, Joan G. Hutton, Eric B. crews that conducted survey and excavations at Butler and Osking, and Mark W. Evans Bird Islands: Elyse Anderson, Melissa Ayvaz, Stephanie 1988 Recent Geological History and Modem Sedimentary Boothby, Kristen Hall, Ginessa Mahar, Stephen McFadden, Processes along an Incipient, Low-Energy,
Micah Mones, Cristina Oliveira, Andrea Palmiotto, and Haley Epicontinental Sea Coastline: Northwest Florida.
Singleton. Permission to excavate on Bird Island was provided Journal of Sedimentary Petrology 58:567-579. by the Nelms family. Warren and Patsy Nelms provided wonderful refreshments and meals, as well as plenty of moral Ivester, Andrew H., and David S. Leigh support. A special thanks goes to Elizabeth Wing, who lent her 2003 Riverine Dunes on the Coastal Plain of Georgia, expertise to the collection of faunal materials at Bird Island. USA. Geomorphology 51:289-311. Permission to excavate on Butler Island was given by the Dixie County Board of County Commissioners and was greatly Ivester, Andrew, H., David S. Leigh, and Dorothy I. Godfreyfacilitated by the County Manager, Mike Cassidy. Charles B. Smith Stoer provided luxury accommodations at his wonderful Gulf 2001 Chronology of Inland Eolian Dunes on the Coastal front home that overlooks the study area. Jamie Cona assisted Plain of Georgia, USA. Quaternary Research 55:293with analysis of sediment samples, and Cristina Oliveira, 302
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Florida (in prep.). of Natural History, University of Florida, Gainesville.
Reimer, Paula J., Edouard Bard, Alex Bayliss, J. Warren Beck, Wright, Eric E. Paul G. Blackwell, Christopher Bronk Ramsey, Caitlin E. 1995 Sedimentation andStratigraphyoftheSuwanneeRiver Buck, Hai Cheng, R Lawrence Edwards, Michael Friedrich, Marsh Coastline. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,
Pieter M. Grootes, Thomas P. Guilderson, Haflidi Haflidason, University of South Florida, St. Petersburg.
Irka Hajdas, Christine Hattd, Timothy J. Heaton, Dirk L. Hoffmann, Alan G. Hogg, Konrad A. Hughen, K. Felix Kaiser, Wright, Eric E., Albert C. Hine, Steven L. Goodbred, Jr., and Bernd Kromer, Strt W. Manning, Mu Niu, Ron W. Reimer, Stanley D. Locker David A. Richards, E. Marian Scott, John R. Southon, Richard 2005 The Effect of Sea-Level and Climate Change on the A. Staff, Christian S. M. Turney, Johannes van der Plicht Development of a Mixed Siliciclastic-Carbonate,
2013 IntCall13 and Marinel13 Radiocarbon Age Calibration Deltaic Coastline: Suwannee River, Florida, U.S.A.
Curves 0-50,000 Years cal BP. Radiocarbon Journal of Sedimentary Research 75:621-635.
Yates, Wn. Brian
Ricklis, Robert A., and Richard A. Weinstein 2000 Implications of Late Archaic Exchange Networks
2005 Sea-Level Rise and Fluctuation on the Central Texas in the Southeast as Indicated by Archaeological
Coast: Exploring Cultural and Ecological Correlates Evidence of Prehistoric Soapstone Vessels throughout
in Gulf CoastArchaeology: The Southeastern United Florida. Unpublished M. A. thesis, Department of
States and Mexico, edited by Nancy Marie White, pp. Anthropology, Florida State University, Tallahassee.
2014 Field School Summaries
2014 University of North Florida Field School The ring wall is irregular, ranging from 10 to15 m in width,
and encloses a relatively level area containing little shell that
Keith Ashley (University of North Florida) measures 30 x 35 m. Its height ranges from about 25 cm to
more than 1 m above ground surface. A 2-m high sand burial
The 2014UniversityofNorthFlorida(UNF)archaeological mound sits atop the northwestern part of the shell ring, adding field school took place at the Grand Shell Ring (8DU 1) on Big to the uniqueness of this architectural feature. The shell ring Talbot Island, a barrier island in extreme northeastern Florida. lies on a low bluff that fronts extensive tidal marshes to the Our summer field project was undertaken at the request of Big east. Eight radiocarbon dates from various contexts firmly Talbot Island State Park, who is considering opening the shell anchor its construction and use to A.D. 950-1200. ring to public viewing. Although the proposed project is in the The Grand Shell Ring was first recorded by state early stages of planning, the State Park is seeking assistance in archaeologists in 1973, and the site was placed on the National the potential placement of features associated with a trailhead Register of Historic Places in 1974. Following up on our 1998 parking area, an interpretive trail, and a boardwalk and viewing and 2006 excavations at Grand, the 2014 UNF field school platform located at the shell ring. Our basic goals were to spent 6 weeks sampling the shell ring, its interior, and other generate data on ring construction and function and to provide areas outside the ring. Seventeen UNF students participated in the park with interpretive information and recommendations the project; students ranged from senior anthropology majors for the management and protection of the Grand Shell Ring. who hope to attend graduate school to junior psychology Prior to fieldwork, we submitted a research design and were majors just looking for something fun and interesting to granted a 1 A-32 permit that allowed digging on state lands. do over the summer. A 1 -x- 1 0-m trench was dug into the
The focal point of the summer was the Grand Shell Ring, southeastern section of the ring (Figures 1 and 2) and a 1-x-2-m a one-of-a-kind piece of St. Johns II architecture that consists unit was dug into its northern wall. The results of these units, of a shell ring and sand burial mound complex. Like most combined with our earlier excavations at Grand, indicate that others, the shell ring at Grand is not a perfect circle. Rather the ring's internal stratigraphy is complex and consists of dark it is more oval, with a maximum dimension of 65 x 70 m. gray to black soil with densely consolidated shell, substantial
Figure 1. UNF students excavating Trench B.
VoL. 67(4) THEf FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST DECEMBER 2014
198 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 VOL. 67(4)
Figure.......... 2s s h
thrugh ute ing alUg segented loayerGs and eSh ew lstudeiln stayednhe fldl nadtonltowek.ohl
of stout tagelus, quahog clam, or Atlantic ribbed mussel were excavate two 1 -x-2-m units into St. Johns II shell middens at identified. 8DU80; oyster shell from one unit yielded a twelfth century
An immense quantity of vertebrate faunal material was radiocarbon date, indicating contemporaneity with the ring. A recovered throughout the ring. While the 2014 materials large sub-midden shell feature was revealed and mapped but have not been analyzed, Dr. Rochelle Marrmnan of Florida not excavated due to time constraints. State University has analyzed the 2006 faunal collection. In all it was a very productive summer, in that we dug 59
The site inhabitants relied primarily on estuarine resources, 50-cm2 shovel tests and 14 1 -x-2-m units. Analysis is ongoing, most notably fish and shellfish, but also exploited terrestrial and we hope to have the report completed by May, just in time mammals, reptiles and a variety of birds. Interestingly, two for our 2015 field school. Anyone interested in following what extinct species of bird, great auk and passenger pigeon, were UNF students are up to in the field, feel free to check us out on identified. the UNF Archaeology Lab Facebook page.
Testing in the center of the ring consisted of 4 contiguous
1 -x-2-m units that yielded more than 500 potsherds, several 2014 University of Florida Lower Suwannee Archaeological hundred liters of shell, and nearly 500 grams of animal bone. Field School, Levy County, Florida The latter included elements associated with an immature
deer, with its pelvis displaying alligator teeth marks. Ninety- Ginessa J. Mahar (University of Florida) seven percent of the diagnostic pottery dates to the St. Johns II
period. While no distinct layers of shell midden or subsurface This summer marked the inaugural field season of the features were encountered, the scattering and small dumps Lower Suwannee Archaeological Field School (Figure 3). of shell clearly indicate that this was not a clean plaza, as For the last 12 years the University of Florida's Laboratory of has been interpreted for the interior of Archaic-period shell Southeastern Archaeology (LSA), under the direction of Ken rings. Two units along the eastern and southeastern (exterior) Sassaman, has been conducting archaeological field schools margins of the shell ring also produced small amounts of shell along the St. John's River of northeast Florida. The switch to and pottery. the Gulf Coast was enabled by the ongoing Lower Suwannee
Shovel testing demonstrated a low density spread of St. Archaeological Survey (LSAS), much of which is shaped Johns II refuse radiating out from the shell ring for at least by the research interests of Sassaman's graduate students. 100 m to the north, south, and west. A scattering of shell and A contributing factor to the switch is the erosion of coastal
FIELD SCHOOL SUMMARIES 199
Figure 3. Students and graduate instructors of the 2014 Lower Suwannee Archaeological Fleld
sites, many of which are vulnerable to complete destruction midden. This season we investigated the interior and exterior in coming years. edges of the shell ridge, as well as the apex of the northern
Known widely as the "Nature Coast," Florida's Big aspect of the arcuate structure (Figure 4). These excavations
Bend consists of miles of crenulated coastline comprised of showed that topographic relief in this portion of the site was private, state, and federal landholdings including the Lower enhanced by an underlying relict dune. Dug into the sands of Suwannee and Cedar Keys National Wildlife Refuges. While this dune along the interior edge were large pits with abundant home to underdeveloped scenic views of North Florida's vertebrate fauna, including white-tailed deer and large fish, iconic marshes, the region also houses evidence of thousands as well as appreciable amounts of lithic artifacts and some of years of human occupation. Launched in 2009, the LSAS is unusual items, such as a whole quartz crystal. Postholes in this a joint effort between the LSA and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife location provided evidence for structures whose size and shape Service to document and understand human responses to will require additional testing. A unit at the apex of the north environmental, social, and cultural change in the region. Our ridge likewise revealed the buried dune sand, on which a meter research this summer focused on several locations in Levy of organic midden accumulated, which was then capped by an County, Florida including sites on Seahorse Key, North Key, additional two meters of bedded marine shell (predominately Way Key, Hog Island, and a big little-known site called Shell oyster). The outer edge, as we have seen elsewhere, revealed Mound (8LV42). Although investigations at each site were a stratified deposit of presumably secondary refuse. Pottery guided by particular research questions, the basic goals were throughout all the deposits is dominated by plain limestoneto establish site chronology and document intact stratigraphic and sand-tempered sherds. Seven radiocarbon assays securely sequences. date these assemblages to the fifth through seventh centuries
Considerable work this summer focused on Shell Mound, A.D.
a large, virtually intact, arcuate shell ridge over 8 meters high. Across a narrow channel to the west of Shell Mound Investigations by LSA starting in 2012 have begun to reveal lies Hog Island, the location of a Woodland-period mortuary the sequence of occupation at this complex site. Dating to the facility known as Palmetto Mound. As a part of his dissertation Woodland period but with Late Archaic foundations, the site research on Swift Creek and Weeden Island rituality, Ph.D. was occupied intensively between about A.D. 400-550 by student Mark Donop (UF) approached the burial mound communities of Swift Creek or early Weeden Island affiliation this summer to produce a map and establish the mound's who established a nearby cemetery on Hog Island (see below), chronology. The impetus for such sensitive work comes from Over the ensuing century or two, large quantities of mostly Donop's attempt to situate a massive collection of ceramic oyster shell were deposited in a semi-circular ridge over a thick vessels collected from the island in the late 1 900s. This work
200 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 VOL. 67(4)
Figure 4. Field school student Olivia Isaacs excavating at TU 8, Shell Mound. The pictured profile includes two distinct shell-rich strata, overlying a meter-thick loamy midden with pits
intruding into inorganic fine sand at the base (3 m below surface).
is being conducted under supervision by Dr. Neill Wallis, of shoreline middens. Survey and testing at North Key, Seahorse the Florida Museum of Natural History. This summer, Donop Key, and other open-water islands of the area is part of the confirmed the mound was sited away from residential space ongoing dissertation research of Ginessa Mahar. Focusing on through excavation of systematic shovel tests. Additionally, a alternative fishing technologies and their impacts on society, small remnant of intact mound stratigraphy was located and Mahar's research this summer also included experimenting samples collected for radiometric dating. Excavations were with mass-capture fishing technologies-techniques that also conducted on private land on Way Key, the landform enable the simultaneous capture of multiple fish. This summer on which the town of Cedar Key is located. Maps from the two types of fish weirs were tested by field school students late 1 800s depict a large mound in the present day downtown under permit with the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation area and our investigations were designed to determine if any Commission (Figure 5). The purpose of the experiments is portion of it remained intact. Local informants indicated that to model the potential yield of different weirs and variation shell from the mound was used as fill lower portions of the between technologies. Each weir type was tested independently island. Unfortunately, our excavations showed this to be the and all fish captured were counted, a subsample measured for case. However, a neighbor has given permission to examine length, and released. Preliminary results indicate the two weirs next season what may be a small remnant of the mound located catch a different selection of fish species. under his house. For more information regarding LSA projects and reports
Lastly, two distal islands across the harbor from Cedar check out our website at http://lsa.anthro.ufl.edu/. Key were investigated by the field school students to establish
the archaeological and ecological potential of these open- University of West Florida 2014 Campus Field School water landforms. Testing of a site on North Key revealed a Summlary well-stratified shell midden with at least three components
spanning 1200 years (ca. 700 B.C.-A.D. 400). A submidden Ramie A. Gougeon, Ph.D., Gregg Harding, and Cole Smith component of this sequence that has yet to be dated may help
to fill a major gap in the occupational sequence in the region During the summer of 2014, University of West Florida known as the Transitional Period (1500-700 B.C.). Limited (UWF) archaeological field school students undertook two shovel testing on nearby Seahorse Key helped to expand earlier distinct and rewarding research projects. These programs were work on the island by a former UF student, but additional tailored to the terrestrial portion of UWF's unique Combined work is needed to establish the context of two actively eroding Terrestrial/Maritime archaeological field school. The combined
FIELD SCHOOL SUMMARIES20
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202 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 VOL. 67(4)
and Euro-American ceramics, innumerous gunflints, and a 6.5 lb solid iron shot (Figure 6).
The second research project was undertaken in and around the Marianna, Florida area. UWF graduate student Gregg Harding developed our research questions and oversaw field operations for this portion of the field school. Phase I survey was used to investigate several potential locations of a seventeenth century Spanish mission and the habitation sites of the Chacato Indians who lived in the region at the time. As this site was alleged to have been established near a cave, surveys targeted likely landforms near suitable karst formations. A resurvey of the Hinson Treehouse Site near Alamo Cave and a new survey of an area near Hollow Ridge Cave yielded interesting but earlier Native American components. A third survey on private property revealed deposits spanning the Archaic through early Historic periods. Trench excavations were undertaken outside of a massive cave formation to better understand the nature, age, and duration of uses of this unique environment (Figure 7). Several samples gathered from three shallow pit features this summer were recently analyzed through a grant received by Gregg Harding and confirm the temporal range of occupations at this site.
Laboratory analysis is nearing completion, following the fall semester lab course taken by many of our field school students. Additional work at the privately owned cave site was undertaken in October and reported at the 2014 annual meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference. At this time, additional work at Keyser Homestead is being considered for the 2015 field school. We invite interested readers to "like" our Figure 6. Native American ceramics and gunflints Facebook page, which we will continue to update in the lead- recovered at Keyser Homestead (8SR1518). up to our 2015 field school season (https://www.facebook. com/UWFCampusFieldSchool).
Figure 7. UJWF field school students excavating at the Lime Pit Cave site (8JA121).
FIELD SCHOOL SUMMARIES 203
2014 UWF Pensacola Colonial Frontiers Field School material remains, an ambiguous structure, and no covers.
Where the northern extent of the church was hoped to be,
Michelle Pigott (University of West Florida) features related to the nineteenth-century mill were dominant.
A deep ditch was identified filled with brick, coal, and slag
This summer, the University of West Florida returned debris cutting through an earlier mission deposit, related to the to the eighteenth-century Mission San Joseph de Escambe construction of a nearby railroad berm utilized while the mill
for a fifth summer field school (Figure 8). Led by Principal was in operation. An eighteenth-century trade silver teardrop Investigator Dr. John E. Worth and Graduate Field Director earring, a dark blue glass bead, and a lead cloth bale seal were Michelle Pigott, and with the supervision of four additional recovered among a number of Native ceramics in the bottom graduate students in training, the ten week field school of the mill-era trench, likely a result of mission deposits being continued goals of tracing out structural features at the site, as churned up during the construction of the ditch and railroad well as attempting to locate a waste disposal area utilized by berm. Additionally, in an intact mission deposit in the northern the Apalachee settlement. The multi-component site includes section of the unit, a corn cob smudge pit, with whole charred not only the eighteenth-century Apalachee mission, but also a cobs was excavated. late nineteenth-century steam-powered lumber mill complex Shovel testing was conducted off the upper terrace of
known as Molino Mills, destroyed in 1884 by a catastrophic the site in the buggy swamp bottom, with the intent to locate fire, and a Deptford occupation radiocarbon dated to roughly a trash deposit from the mission occupation. Due to the 290-360 BC. UWF's Colonial Frontiers project focused mainly seasonally wet weather, only two full 50 cm x 50 cm shovel on the mission, which was occupied by Christian Apalachee tests were completed as any other attempts were met with a families, as well as Spanish friars and soldiers, from 1741 rising water table that flooded excavations. The two shovel until its fiery destruction by Alabama Creek warriors in April tests did not locate any Apalachee midden deposits, but rather of 1761. well-preserved features from the nineteenth-century saw mill
In addition, several days this summer were spent including an unmortared brick floor with burned wood planks
attempting to locate a contemporaneous eighteenth-century and unidentifiable iron objects, interpreted as a collapsed Tawasa Creek village some 10 miles upriver from Mission structure. The second shovel test recovered the burned remains
Escambe along the Escambia River. Shovel testing across of a mill period barrel, complete with an iron barrel strap, a
an Airstream club campground and a nearby neighborhood charred wood plank, copious iron nails and iron fragments, as
resulted in no eighteenth-century Creek ceramics, although well as a thin zinc sheet, possibly a sealed lid for the barrel. a substantial prehistoric component including Mississippian As flooding made continued excavations difficult in the
ceramics and projectile points was identified. swamp bottom, the shovel testing operation was moved back
Previous excavations at Mission Escambe have to the mission, in a western area previously unexcavated. The
contributed to the overall known layout of the site, which second shovel test in this area produced eighteenth-century includes a substantial wooden stockade wall and various mission artifacts including gray gunflint, Spanish majolica,
unidentified structures located outside and within the palisade, and Native ceramics. A 1 m x 2 m unit was opened directly This summer's research focused inside the palisade, including next to the shovel test, exposing a substantial well-preserved an area near the center of the site identified in 2012 to be the burned post. Settled within the historic backfill surrounding single most productive unit in terms of Spanish artifacts since the burned post was a nearly complete miniature Apalachee jar, work on the site began in 2009. A possible structure, identified nicknamed "Penelope" (Figure 9). The jar has been the subject by a fire-hardened clay layer littered with Spanish majolica of several lab analyses, including X-Rays, a forthcoming and Apalachee ceramics, resulted in the excavation of a large residue analysis, and was 3D scanned and printed. Due to block over 6 meters long. Copious amounts of eighteenth- the proliferation of mission period artifacts, another unit century Spanish and Native artifacts, including Puebla Blue was opened directly east and immediately revealed a vibrant on White majolica, a white majolica cup case, glass beads, circular fire-hardened clay surface littered with charred animal Spanish wine bottle fragments, and Apalachee ceramics were bone fragments, Apalachee ceramics, glass seed beads, chert recovered. At least 3 posts were located during excavations and Spanish majolica. Tentatively identified as another hearth, nestled in mottled clay, but as yet no discernible pattern has this feature is clearly inside a mission era structure and was an been identified. exciting end of summer find.
Located south of the stockade and the aforementioned While many of the goals the field school originally had
mission structure, two large parallel wall trenches running set out to meet were not completed, expanding research on north-south were discovered in the summer of 2012. At 8-9 the site has revealed several new structures and areas of major meters apart, the expected width of an eighteenth century mission activity. Future research will focus on the newly Spanish public building, it was hypothesized the trenches identified mission period burned clay areas, as well as the wellcould be a part of a major structure, such as a church. Two preserved mill structures. There are plans to positively identify units were placed in locations where the wall trenches were the location of the mission's church, which is still posited to postulated to corner, in an attempt to outline a structure. be somewhere among the crisscrossing wall trenches in the Unfortunately no such building was identified. The southern southern portion of the site. excavations revealed a series of deep post holes, little to no
204 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 VOL. 67(4)
Figure 8. First day summer excavations at Mission Escambe.
FIELD SCHOOL SUMMARIES
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FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY: A REAL TREASURE OF FLORIDA ARCHAEOLOGY
In the March 2002 issue of The Florida Anthropologist, and a complete summary of the various FAS chapters, both the document "FAS: A Real Treasure of Florida Archaeology" past and present, including their dates of affiliation. Since was published. This document compiled important historical the 2002 printing, this information has not been updated and information about FAS going back to its founding in 1947 published with the exception of an updated summary of The and built on information first presented incrementally in the Florida Anthropologist Fund contributions printed in the journal in 1997 during the Society's 50th anniversary. The March-June 2009 issue of the journal. 2002 publication included complete listings of the annual FAS The following is a presentation of this historical FAS meeting locations, dates and hosting organization(s), the FAS information now made current through the year 2014. In presidents and journal editors as well as those individuals who addition, a new component has been added in the document-a have received the Society's most esteemed honors including summary of the Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Award and the the Ripley P. Bullen and William C. Lazarus Memorial Awards. FAS chapters that have received this honor for each year it Additionally, the document featured important historical data was bestowed. on the contributions made to The Florida Anthropologist Fund
Table 1. Annual Meetings of the Florida Anthropological Society.
Year Place Date Host(s)
0 1947 Daytona Beach August 11-13 Initial organizing meeting
1948 No meeting
1 1949 Gainesville February 12 Gainesville Anthropological Society
2 1950 Gainesville February 25 Gainesville Anthropological Society
3 1951 Tallahassee February 24 Florida State University, Department of Anthropology
4 1952 Winter Park February 16 Rollins College
5 1953 Gainesville February 28 University of Florida, Department of Sociology and Anthropology;
Florida State Museum; Florida Park Service
6 1954 Coral Gables February 20 University of Miami and The Historical Association of Southern
7 1955 Rainbow Springs February 19 Rainbow Springs
8 1956 Rainbow Springs February 25 Rainbow Springs
9 1957 Winter Park February 2 Rollins College
10 1958 Rainbow Springs February 15 Rainbow Springs 11 1959 Ormond Beach February 28 William H. Sears, FAS President
12 1960 Gainesville March 12 University of Florida, Department of Anthropology
13 1961 Coral Gables February 25 FAS South Florida Chapter and University of Miami
14 1962 Orlando February 24 The Central Florida Museum
1 5 1963 Tampa February 16 University of South Florida and FAS Tampa Bay Chapter
16 1964 Cocoa February 22 Indian River Anthropological Society
17 1965 Gainesville February 27 University of Florida, Department of Anthropology
18 1966 Clearwater February 19 St. Petersburg Jr. College, Clearwater Campus
19 1967 Fort Walton Beach March 4 City of Fort Walton Beach and Temple Mound Museum
20 1968 Melbourne February 17 Florida Institute of Technology
21 1969 Crystal River March 1 Ripley P. Bullen, FAS President
22 1970 Daytona Beach March 28 Ripley P. Bullen, FAS President
23 1971 St. Petersburg March 20 Suncoast Archaeological Society
VoL. 67 (4) Tim FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST DECEMBER 2014
208 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 VOL. 67(4)
Year Place Date Host(s)
24 1972 Winter Park March 18 Central Florida Anthropological Society
25 1973 St. Augustine March 17-18 John W. Griffin, FAS President
26 1974 Jacksonville March 15-17 Northeast Florida Anthropological Society
27 1975 Ocala February 15-16 Ben I. Waller, FAS President
28 1976 Ft. Lauderdale March 27 Broward County Archaeological Society and Broward Community College
29 1977 Tampa March 18-19 J. Raymond Williams, FAS President; University of South Florida,
Department of Anthropology; Suncoast Archaeological Society 30 1978 Fort Walton Beach April 1 Temple Mound Museum and Northwest Florida Anthropological Society
31 1979 Coral Gables April 21 Archaeological Society of the Museum of Science-Miami and University of Miami
32 1980 Winter Park March 8 Central Florida Anthropological Society
33 1981 Cocoa Beach March 6-8 Indian River Anthropological Society
34 1982 Tampa April 2-4 Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
35 1983 Tallahassee April 8-10 Apalachee Anthropological Society and Florida Division of Archives,
History, and Records Management
36 1984 Palm Beach April 27-29 Palm Beach County Anthropological Society; Broward County Archaeological Society; Flagler Museum
37 1985 Daytona Beach April 19-21 Volusia Anthropological Society and Ocali Scrub Archaeological Society
38 1986 Gainesville April 10-12 University of Florida, Department of Anthropology graduate students
(in conjunction with annual meeting of The Florida Academy of Sciences)
39 1987 Clearwater Beach May 8-10 Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
40 1988 Winter Park May 6-8 Central Florida Anthropological Society and Rollins College
41 1989 Jacksonville April 28-30 Northeast Florida Anthropological Society
42 1990 Naples April 27-29 Southwest Florida Archaeological Society
43 1991 Pensacola March 8-10 Pensacola Anthropological Society
44 1992 St. Augustine March 27-29 St. Augustine Archaeological Association
45 1993 Clearwater Beach May 7-9 Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
46 1994 Dania Beach May 13-15 The Graves Museum of Archaeology and Natural History and Broward
______________County Archaeological Society 47 1995 Sebring April 7-9 Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy
48 1996 Sarasota May 10-12 Time Sifters Archaeology Society
49 1997 Miami May 8-11 Archaeological Society of Southern Florida
50 1998 Gainesville May 22-24 Ryan Wheeler and local FAS members
51 1999 Okaloosa Island May 23-25 Eglin Air Force Base Cultural Resources Management Branch
52 2000 Fort Myers May 5-7 Southwest Florida Archaeological Society
53 2001 St. Augustine May 11-13 St. Augustine Archaeological Association
54 2002 St. Petersburg May 3-5 Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
55 2003 Tallahassee May 9-11 Panhandle Archaeological Society
56 2004 Fort Lauderdale May 14-16 Broward County Archaeological Society
57 2005 Gainesville May 13-15 Florida Museum of Natural History
58 2006 Stuart May 12-14 Southeast Florida Archaeological Society
59 2007 Avon Park May 11-13 Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY 209
Year Place Date Host(s)
60 2008 Ybor City May 2-4 Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
61 2009 Pensacola May 8-10 Pensacola Archaeological Society
62 2010 Fort Myers May 7-9 Southwest Florida Archaeological Society
63 2011 Orlando May 6-8 Central Florida Anthropological Society
64 2012 Tallahassee May 11-13 Panhandle Archaeological Society
65 2013 St. Augustine May 10-12 St. Augustine Archaeological Society
66 2014 Punta Gorda May 8-11 Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society
Table 2. Presidents of the Florida Anthropological Society. Year Name Year Name
1948 Winston W. Ehrmann (the first and only Chair) 1982 Marion M. Almy
1949 John W. Griffin 1983 John G. Beriault
1950 Hale G. Smith 1984 Claudine Payne
i951 Albert C. Holt 1985 Joan Deming
1952 Frederick W. Sleight 1986 Karen Malesky
1953 Frederick W. Sleight 1987 Harold D. Cardwell
1954 Wilfred T. Neill 1988 Harold D. Cardwell
1955 Wilfred T. Neill 1989 Jerry Hyde
1956 Charles H. Fairbanks 1990 George M. Luer
1957 William J. Armistead 1991 George M. Luer
1958 William H. Sears 1992 Arthur R. Lee
1959 John M. Goggin 1993 Betty Riggan
1960 Marvin Brooks 1994 Betty Riggan
1961 William C. Lazarus 1995 Jacquelyn G. Piper
1962 Cliff E. Mattox 1996 Loren Blakeley
1963 Charlton W. Tebeau 1997 Loren Blakeley
1964 William C. Lazarus 1998 Cynthia L. Cerrato
1965 Charles W. Arnade 1999 Cynthia L. Cerrato
1966 Roger T. Grange 2000 Jack Thompson
1967 J. Floyd Monk 2001 Jack Thompson
1968 Ripley P. Bullen 2002 Sheila Stewart
1969 Ripley P. Bullen 2003 Shelia Stewart
1970 James W. Covington 2004 David Bums
1971 Carl A. Benson 2005 David Bumns
1972 William M. Goza 2006 Sheila Stewart
1973 George Magruder 2007 Patty Flynn
1974 John W. Griffin 2008 Patty Flynn
1975 Benjamin I. Waller 2009 Robert J. Austin
1976 Wilma B. Williams 2010 Robert J. Austin
1977 J. Raymond Williams 2011 Patty Flyn
1978 George W. Percy 2012 Patty Flynn
1979 Jerry Hyde 2013 Jeffrey T. Moates
1980 Thomas Watson 2014 Jeffrey T. Moates
1981 Irving R. Eyster
210 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 VOL. 67(4)
Table 3. Editors of The Florida Anthropologist.
1 May-November 1948 John W. Griffin
2 May 1949-November 1951 John M. Goggin
3 June 1952-September 1953 Robert Anderson
4 December 1953 Adelaide K. Bullen
5 January 1954-May 1954 Robert Anderson
6 September 1954- June 1956 Adelaide K. Bullen
7 December 1956 Julian Granberry
8 July 1957 March 1960 Charles H. Fairbanks
9 September 1960 Mrs. William Massey
10 December 1960 December 1966 Charles H. Fairbanks
11 January 1967 December 1969 David S. Phelps
12 January 1970 September 1976 Ripley P. Bullen
13 December 1976 December 1979 Jerald T. Milanich
14 January 1980 December 1983 Robert S. Carr
15 March 1984 March 1992 Louis D. Tesar
16 June 1992 September 1995 Brent R. Weisman
17 December 1995 September 1999 Robert J. Austin
18 December 1999 December 2006 Ryan J. Wheeler
19 March 2007 June 2011 Deborah Mullins, Andrea P. White
20 September 2011 March 2014 Keith H. Ashley, Vicki L. Rolland
21 June 2014 present Jeffrey P. Du Vernay, Julie Rogers Saccente
William C. Lazarus Memorial Award the date of December 15 prior to the FAS Annual Meeting.
The nominee must be a member of FAS and must not make her The William C. Lazarus Memorial Award was developed or his living through the practice of archaeology. The recipient by the FAS Board of Directors in 1985. It is named for the is honored with a plaque at the Annual Banquet. The criteria late William Lazarus (1911-1965a), who was a magazine for qualifications and implementation of the Lazarus Award
editor, glider test pilot, aeronautics instructor, Army Air Force are described in the FAS Operating Procedures Manual, which Colonel, and civil engineer (Lazarus 1934-1935, 1942, 1951). is posted on the FAS website. He also made significant contributions to the literature of Florida archaeology, site preservation, and education. References Cited
Lazarus was an active FAS member in the late 1 950s to
mid-i1960s, serving in the Northwest Florida Chapter and as Fairbanks, Charles H. an FAS officer, including FAS President in 1961. He was 1959 Additional Elliot's Point Complex Sites. The Florida instrumental in helping preserve the Fort Walton Temple Anthropologist 12:95-100.
Mound and in establishing the Fort Walton Temple Mound Museum (Florida Department of State 1998; Lazarus 1962; Florida Department of State Lazarus 1990). His scholarly work led to recognition of the 1998 Great Floridians 2000, Nomination Form and Letters Elliot's Point Complex (Fairbanks 1959), various studies of of Support; for William C. Lazarus, from The City
aboriginal sites and artifacts in the Florida panhandle (e.g., of Fort Walton Beach. On file, Florida Division of Lazarus 1960, 1961, 1 965a, 1 965b), dating of historic period Historical Resources, Tallahassee. bricks in the Pensacola area (Lazarus 1 965c), and using coins to date some Fort Walton period deposits (Lazarus 1964, Lazarus, William C.
1 965d). 1934-1935 The Floridian. A monthly magazine (EdThe Lazarus Award is designed to recognize members itor-in-Chief, W. C. Lazarus) printed for Specialty
of FAS who exemplify the spirit and accomplishments of Publications, Inc., by Tyn Cobb's Florida Press, Inc.,
William Lazarus through their contributions to archaeology, Orlando.
preservation, and/or education as well as to FAS and the wider 1942 Glider Characteristics and Techniques. Published in community. Nominations for the Lazarus Award must be made Waco, Texas.
in writing by an FAS member to the current FAS President by
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY 211
1951 Wings in the Sun, the Annals of Aviation in Florida. Ripley P. Bullen Memorial Award
Tyn Cobb's Florida Press, Orlando. The Ripley P. Bullen Memorial Award was developed
1960 Human Figurines from the Coast of Northwest Flori- by the FAS Board of Directors in 1981. It is named for the
da. The Florida Anthropologist 13:61-70. late Ripley Bullen (1902-1976), an archaeologist and FAS
1961 Ten Middens on the Navy Live Oak Reservation. member, who for many years worked closely with FAS and its
The Florida Anthropologist 14:49-64. chapters and members. He served as an FAS officer, including
1962 Temple Mound Museum at Fort Walton Beach, Flor- President in 1968 and 1969, and was Editor of the Society's
ida. The Florida Anthropologist 15:65-70. scientific journal in 1970 through 1976.
1964 A Sixteenth Century Spanish Coin from a Fort Wal- scienfi ornal in 1 tru h 1976.
Bullen first worked as a mechanical engineer for
ton Burial. The Florida Anthropologist 17:134-13 8. General Electric Company in New York and Massa
1965a Alligator Lake, A Ceramic Horizon Site on the changing careers to archaeology in the 1940s when he
Northwest Florida Coast. The Florida Anthropolo- studied at Harvard University and worked at the Peabody gist 18:83-124. Foundation for Archaeology at Phillips Academy in Andover,
1965b Significance of Dimensions of Big Sandy I-like Pro- Massachusetts. After moving to Florida, he took a position as
jectile Points in Northwest Florida. The Florida An- Assistant Archaeologist for the Florida Park Service in 1948
thropologist 18(3[ 1]): 187-199.
95cAStudypolofiDted Bricks 9 into 1952. From 1952 through 1973, he served as Curator in the 1965c A Study of Dated Bricks in the Vicinity of Pensacola, Department of Social Sciences at the Florida State Msu
Florida. In: Papers of the 5th Annual Conference on Departme oScial Sciees he Fid Stes eum
HistricSiteArcaeolgyNoveber5, 164,New in Gainesville. During those years, he did extensive work in Florida and, beginning in 1961, in the Caribbean area as well Orleans. The Florida Anthropologist 18 (3):69- (Anonymous 1973; Luer 2014). Bullpen was a prolif
84. and co-author, publishing numerous papers and working with
1965d Coin Dating in the Fort Walton Period. The Florida many interested citizens (Anonymous 1977; Bullen 1978).
Anthropologist 18:221-224. The Bullen Award is designed to recognize professional
Lazarus, Yulee W. archaeologists who foster the spirit of Ripley Bullen by
furthering good working relationships among avocational 1990 The Temple Mound Museum: Remembering the First futeigodwrknrlaoshpamg v
199 Th TepleMoud Mseu: Rmemerig te Frst and professional archaeologists in Florida. Nominations
Twenty Years. The Florida Anthropologist 43:116- anprfsialrceogstinFrd.No
Twt Yfor the Bullen Award must be made in writing to the current 125. FAS President by an FAS Chapter and its Representative to
the FAS Board by the date of December 15 prior to the FAS Annual Meeting. The nominee must be a member of FAS. The recipient is honored with a plaque at the Annual Banquet. Table 4. William C. Lazarus Memorial Award recipients The criteria for qualifications and implementation of the through year 2014*. Bullen Award are described in the FAS Operating Procedures
Year Name Manual, which is posted on the FAS website.
1 1986 Yulee Lazarus References Cited
2 1988 Harold Cardwell
3 1989 Dan Laxson Anonymous
4 190 enWlle 1973 Ripley P. Bullen. Florida State Museum Newsletter
.. .. er2(5-6): 1-2, 4, 6.
5 1992a Arthur R. Lee 1977 Ripley Pierce Bullen, 1902-1976. The Florida An6 1992b Tom and Mary Lou Watson thropologist 30:34-3 5.
7 1993 George M. Luer
8 1 995a John G. Beriault Bullen, Adelaide K.
91978 Bibliography of Ripley P. Bullen. In Bibliography
9 99b Waiter HI. Askew of Ripley P Bullen," Source References in New World
10 1996 Lyman 0. Warren Archaeology, compiled by Adelaide K. Bullen, pp.
11 1998 Elizabeth L. "Connie" Franklin 11-25. Reprinted from Proceedings of the Seventh
12 200 otMoreInternational Congress for the Study of Pre-Colum~bian Cultures of the Lesser Antilles. Florida State 13 2002 Jack (John W.) Thompson Museum, University of Florida, Gainesville.
14 2010 Anne Reynolds
15 2012 Steven W. Martin Luer, George M.
16 2014 Nick McAuliffe 2014 Bullen, Ripley (1902-1976), and Adelaide Bullen
(1908-1987). In Encyclopedia of Caribbean Archae*There were no nominations for the years 1987, 1991, 1994, ology, edited by Basil A. Reid and R. Grant Gilmore
1997, 1999, 2001, 2003-2009, 2011, and 2013 III, p. 82. University Press of Florida, Gainesville.
212 TnE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 VOL.67(4)
Table 5. Ripley P. Bullen Memorial Awards through year 2014*.
Year Name Nominating Chapter(s)
1 1982 Jerald T. Milanich Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
2 1983 B. Calvin Jones Apalachee Anthropological Society
3 1984 John W. Griffin Northeast Florida Anthropological Society
4 1987 Louis D. Tesar Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
5 1989 Valerie Bell St. Augustine Archaeological Association
6 1990 Bill Marquardt Southwest Florida Archaeological Society
7 1992 Robert S. Carr Archaeological Society of Southern Florida
8 1993 Robert J. Austin Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society and Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and
9 1995 J. Raymond Williams Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society 10 1996 Brent R. Weisman Southwest Florida Archaeological Society
11 1997 Kathleen Deagan St. Augustine Archaeological Association
12 1998 Judith Bense Pensacola Archaeological Society
13 2001a Nancy White Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
14 200 lb Elizabeth Benchley Pensacola Archaeological Society 15 2003 Scott Mitchell Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy
16 2005 Christine Newman St. Augustine Archaeological Association
17 2008 Carl Halbirt St. Augustine Archaeological Association
18 2011 Barbara Purdy Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
19 2014 George M. Luer Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society and Time Sifters Archaeology Society
*There were no nominations for the years 1985-1986, 1988, 1991, 1994, 1999-2000, 2002, 2004, 2006-2007, 2009-2010, and 2012-2013.
Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Award County Museum. For more than a decade, Art and Lynn
produced an outstanding monthly chapter newsletter, and Art The Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Award was developed by helped SWFAS in salvage excavation, analysis, and report the FAS Board of Directors in 1998. It is named for the late publication of "doomed" sites, with many results appearing Arthur (Art) R. Lee (1915-2007), an avocational archaeologist in The Florida Anthropologist (for more information, see an and FAS member, who worked closely with FAS and its obituary of Art Lee in The Florida Anthropologist (61): 3-4,
chapters and members. He served as an FAS officer, including September-December 2008 issue). President in 1992 to 1993, and also as FAS Chapter Liaison Art conceived the FAS Chapter Award as a way to and as Chapter Representative for the Southwest Florida recognize chapters for their achievements with archaeological Archaeological Society (SWFAS). and historical sites and organizations. These include: a)
Art Lee grew up in Montana and first worked as a recording sites in the Florida Master Site File and/or National
professional journalist. After serving in the Navy in World Register of Historic Places; b) salvaging information from War II, he worked in public relations and then in United States endangered sites and making it available for research and embassies until retiring from the Foreign Service and moving education; c) outreach programs; d) cooperation with to Naples, Florida, in 1976. In Naples, Art and his wife, Lynn, institutions of higher learning and with local, state, and federal became active members of SWFAS and FAS. organizations; e) supporting preservation of sites through
Art applied his skills to help archaeology in Florida. In city, county, or state planning; and f) preservation efforts with 1988, he and SWFAS members established the Craighead individuals, corporations, and government agencies.
archaeological laboratory on the grounds of the Collier County The recipient is honored with a plaque at the Annual Museum, in Naples. In 1991, he led SWFAS in securing Banquet. The criteria for qualifications and implementation
passage of the Collier County Historic Preservation Ordinance, of the FAS Chapter Award are described in the FAS Operating creating an Historic and Archaeological Preservation Board. Procedures Manual, which is posted on the FAS website. In 1995, Art was instrumental in starting salvage excavations by Randolph Widmer at the famous Key Marco site, and Art helped organize a successful centenary exhibition of the Pepper-Hearst Expedition to Key Marco, held at the Collier
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY21
Table 6. Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Awards Through Year Source Amon
Year Chapter 2004 University Press of Florida royalties 925
1 1999 Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society 2005 Anne Reynolds 200
2 2000 Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and His- 2005 General Donations 400
___torical Conservancy 2006 General Donations 150
3 2001 Southeast Florida Archaeological Society 2006 University Press of Florida royalties 716
4 2002 Pensacola Archaeological Society 2007 General Donations650
5 2003 St. Augustine Archaeological Association 2007 University Press of Florida royalties 5.3
6 2004 Southwest Florida Archaeological Society 2008 Barbara and Laurence Purdy 100
7 2008 Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring 2008 Harry and Patricia Metz 200
___Archaeological Society 2008 Marvin and Isabel Liebowitz10.0
8 2012 Emerald Coast Archaeological Society 2010 General Donations 100
9 2013 Time Sifters Archaeology Society 2010 Lemon Bay Historical Society400
10 12014 Central Florida Archaeological Society 2012 Barbara Purdy 200
*The Chapter Award was not presented for the years 2005- 12013. University Press of Florida royalties 2.7 2007 and 2009-2011.
The Florida Anthropologist Fund
The Florida Anthropologist Fund is made up of donations. Table 8. Growth Report of The
It is designed to generate income to defray Editors' costs Florida Anthropologist Fund 2002
incurred during production of the Society's quarterly journal through 2015, based on selected
(costs other than printing and mailing, which are funded by Treasurer's Reports and Annual
other means). The Florida Anthropologist Fund is administered Audits.
according to "Chapter XI, Special Funds and Accounts" in the Date Principal
FAS By-Laws, adopted May 2001. Thus far, the FAS Board August 23 2002 16,047.35
has focused on growing The Florida Anthropologist Fund, My1,041458
and all interest payments have been reinvested (also see The My1,20 6458
Florida Anthropologist, March-June 2009, vol. 62, nos. 1-2, May 13, 2005 16, 161.25
pp. 67-69). May 9, 2006 17,499.68
Table 7. Some contributions to The Florida Anthropologist February 1 2007 18,424.81
Fund. January 31, 2008 r 19,422.051
214 Ttm FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2014 VOL.67(4)
Chapters of the Florida Anthropological Society and Dates of Affiliation
Table 9. FAS Chapters and Dates of Affiliation. Date Chapter
1948-1949 Gainesville Anthropological Society
1953-1969 Tampa Bay Chapter
1956-present South Florida Chapter (Dade and Monroe counties, evolved into the Archaeological Association of
1960-present Indian River Anthropological Society
1961-present Broward County Archaeological Society
1963-present Central Florida Anthropological Society (Orlando area)
1969-1985 Northwest Florida Anthropological Society (Panama City, Fort Walton Beach, and Pensacola areas)
1969-1982 Suncoast Archaeological Society (St. Petersburg, Tampa)
1971-present Northeast Florida Anthropological Society (Jacksonville)
1974-1986; 2010-present Palm Beach County Archaeological Society 1977-present Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society (Tampa, St. Petersburg area)
1978-1984 Kingdom of the Sun Archaeological Society (Ocala area)
1980-1988 St. Johns Anthropological Society (upper St. Johns River region)
1981-present Southwest Florida Archaeological Society (Lee and Collier counties)
1981-present Volusia Anthropological Society
1981-1986, 1990-1993 Apalachee Anthropological Society (Tallahassee area) 1982-1985 Everglades Archaeological Society
1984-1988 Ocali Scrub Anthropological Society
1985-1988 Withlacoochee River Archaeology Council
1987-1988 Paleontological and Archaeological Research Team of Florida (Palatka area)
1987-present St. Augustine Archaeological Association
1987-present Time Sifters Archaeology Society (Sarasota area)
1988-present Pensacola Archaeological Society
1992-present Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy (Sebring area)
1996-present Southeast Florida Archaeological Society (Martin County area)
2000-present Panhandle Archaeological Society at Tallahassee
2001-present Warm Mineral Springs/Liffle Salt Spring Archaeological Society
2002-present Emerald Coast Archaeology Society
2010-present Ancient Ones Archaeological Society of North Central Florida
2005-present Gold Coast Anthropological Society
About the Authors
Keith Ashley holds a Ph.D. in Anthropology from the University of Florida and is currently Coordinator ofArchaeological Research at the University of North Florida.
Paulette S. McFadden earned her Ph.D. in anthropology from the University of Florida and currently holds a postdoctoral position at the Florida Museum of Natural History. Her interdisciplinary research focuses on pre-Columbian coastal communities on the northern Gulf Coast of Florida, with an emphasis on understanding the impact of environmental change on human-landscape relationships.
~NCEV9 Jointhe Florida Anthropological Societ
Florida Anthropological Society membership categories and rates:
Student: $15 (with a copy of a current student ID)
Institutional: $30 Sustaining: $100 Patron: $1000
" Student membership is open to graduate, undergraduate, and high school students. A
photocopy of your current student ID must accompany payment
" Add $25 for foreign addresses
*Membership forms also are available at www.fasweb.org/membership).htm
*The Society publishes the journal The Florida Anthropologist and newsletters, normally
quarterly and sponsors and annual meeting hosted by a local chapter.
Chapters of the Florida Anthropological Society
1. Ancient Ones Archaeological Society of North Central Florida
3001 SW College Road, Building 8, Ocala, FL 34474 15
2. Archaeological Society of Southern Florida 2495 N.W. 35th Ave., Miami, FL 33142
3. Central Florida Anthropological Society P.O. Box 948083, Maitland, FL 32794
4. Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society Co7rac .O. Box 1563, Pinellas Park, FL 33780
5. Emerald Coast Archaeological Society4 clo Indian Temple Mound Museum
139 Miracle Strip Pkwy,% SE, Fort Walton Beach, FI 32548
6720 E. Tropical Way, Plantation, FI 33317
7. Indian River Anthropological Societ y P.O. Box 73, Cocoa, FL 321923
8. Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Ilistorica l Conservancy 80 Bear Point Lane, Lake Placid, FL 33852
9. Panhandle Archaeological Society P.O. Box 20026, Tallahassee, FL 32316
10. Pensacola Archaeological Society 13
P.O. Box 13251, Pensacola, FL 3259178
15 St. Augustine Archaeological Association1Cg P.O. Box 1301, St. Augustine, FL 32085 12. Southeast Florida Archaeological Society 816 St. Lucik Crescent, Stuart, FL 34994
13. Southwest Florida Archaeological Society ...,f
P.O. Box 9965, Naples, FL 34101 ,z 'Y
14. Time Sifters Archaeological Society 16. Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society
PRO. Box 5283, Sarasota, FL 34227 P.O. Box 7797, North Port, FL.34287
15. Volusta Anthropological Society 17. Palm Beach County Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 1881, Ormond Beach, VL 32174 9722 Alaska Circle, Roca Raton, FL 33434
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
FROM THE EDITORS 157
DISTRIBUTION OF CONTACT AND EARLY MISSION PERIOD SITES IN THE MOCAMA PROVINCE 159
ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS OF THREATENED STRATIFIED SITES IN HORSESHOE COVE, NORTHERN GULF COAST, FLORIDA 179
Paulette S. McFadden
2014 FIELD SCHOOL SUMMARIES 197
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY: A REAL TREASURE OF FLORIDA ARCHAEOLOGY 207
ABOUT THE AUTHORS 215
Copyright 2014 by the
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.