Citation
The Florida anthropologist

Material Information

Title:
The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Creator:
Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Place of Publication:
Gainesville
Publisher:
Florida Anthropological Society.
Publication Date:
Frequency:
Quarterly[<Mar. 1975- >]
Two no. a year[ FORMER 1948-]
quarterly
regular
Language:
English
Edition:
v.48 no.3, September, 1995
Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 24 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Genre:
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )

Notes

Summary:
Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Florida Anthropologist Society, Inc. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
01569447 ( OCLC )
56028409 ( LCCN )
0015-3893 ( ISSN )

Full Text
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
Published by the FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC. VOLUME 48, NUMBER 3 SEPTEMBER 1995
. ... 11 t




THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published by the Florida Anthropological Society Inc., P.O. Box 5142, Gainesville, Florida 32602. Subscription is by membership in the Society. Membership is NOT restricted to residents of the State of Florida nor to the United States of America. Membership is for the calendar year, January 1st through December 31st. Membership may be initiated for any current year by remitting dues for that year ON OR BEFORE SEPTEMBER 30TH of that year. Dues postmarked or hand-delivered on October 1st or later will be applied to membership in the following calendar year. Annual dues are as follows: individual $25, family $35, institutional $25, sustaining $35 or more, patron $100 or more, and life $500. Foreign subscriptions are an additional $5 U.S. to cover added postage and handling costs for individual, family or institutional memberships categories. Copies of the journal will only be sent to members with current paid dues. Back issues may be ordered
from Graves Museum of Archaeology and Natural History, 481 S. Federal Highway, Dania, FL 33004.
Requests for information on the Society, membership application forms and notifications of changes of address should be sent to the Membership Secretary. Donations should be sent to the Treasurer or may be routed through the FA Editor to facilitate acknowledgment in subsequent issues of the journal (unless anonymity is requested). Submissions of manuscripts should be sent to the Editor. Please follow the American Antiquity style guide (5714], 1992, pp. 749-770) in preparing manuscripts for submission to the journal and contact the editor to request specific guidelines for this journal. Submit five (5) copies for use in peer review. Only one set of original graphics need be submitted. Address changes should be made AT LEAST 30 DAYS prior to the mailing of the next issue. The post office will not forward bulk mail nor retain such mail when "temporary hold" orders exist. Such mail is returned to the Society postage due. We publish the journal quarterly in March, June, September and December of each year.
OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY
President: Jacquelyn Piper, P.O. Box 608, St. Petersburg, FL 33731 First Vice President: Loren R. Blakeley, CGCAS, 6505 Gulfport Blvd., St. Petersburg, FL 33707 Second Vice President: George M. Luer, 3222 Old Oak Drive, Sarasota, FL 34239-5019 Corresponding Secretary: Annette Snapp, SWFAS, P.O. Box 82255, Fort Myers, FL 33902-1982 Membership Secretary: Terry Simpson, CGCAS, P.O. Box 82255, Tampa, FL 33682 Treasurer and Registered Agent: Jack Thompson, 576 Retreat Drive, Apt. 202, Naples, FL 33963 Directors-at-Large: Nina T. Borremans, P.O. Box 5142, Gainesville, FL 32602 (One Year); Dot Moore, P.O. Box 504, New Smyrna Beach, FL 32170 (Two Years); Cynthia Cerrato 200 S. Central Avenue, Umatilla, FL 32784 (Three Years). Newsletter Editor: Ryan J. Wheeler, 1508 N.W. 1st Lane, Apt. 2, Gainesville, FL 32603
JOURNAL EDITORIAL STAFF
Editor: Brent R. Weisman, Dept. of Anthropology, SOC 107, University of South Florida, Tampa, FL 33620-8100 Incoming Editor: Robert J. Austin, Janus Research, P.O. Box 919, St. Petersburg, FL 33731 Technical Editor: Clara A. Gualtieri, 3 Barbour Place, St. Augustine, FL 32095 Editorial Assistants: Christine Newman, 504 17th Street, St. Augustine, FL 32094; George M. Luer, 3222 Old Oak Drive, Sarasota, FL 34239.
Printer: Gandy Printers, 1800 5. Monroe St., Tallahassee, FL 32301 Back Issue Sales: Graves Museum of Archaeology and Natural History, 481 5. Federal Highway, Dania, FL 33004. (305) 925-7770, FAX (305) 925-7064
EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD
Louis D. Tesar, Division of Historical Resources, 500 5. Bronough St., Tallahasse, FL 32399-0250 William Ht. Marquardt, Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611 Jeffrey M. Mitc~hem, Arkansas Archeological Survey, Parkin, AR 72373 Raymond F. Willis, P.O. Box 8, Altoona, FL 32702
NOTE: In addition to the above Editorial Review Board members, the review comments of others knowledgeable in a manuscript's subject matter are solicited as part of our peer review process.




THE FLORIDA 0
ANTHROPOLOGIST
Volume 48 Number 3
September 1995
Page Number
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Editor's Page. Brent R. Weisman 155
The Position of the Calusa Language In Florida Prehistory: A Working Hypothesis. Julian Granberry 156
De Soto's Trail to Apalache. Donald E. Sheppard 174
Cushing's "Bird God of War"--Solving a Key Marco Mystery. Robert H. Gore 194
The Brookside Mound, Sarasota County, Florida: Notes on Landscape, Settlement, Scrub Habitat, And Isolated Burial Mounds. George M. Luer 200
Obituary
Donald H. Randell, 1909-1995. George M. Luer 217
Join the Florida Anthropological Society 222
FAS Activities and Chapter Contacts 223
Back Issue Sales from Graves Museum 224
About the Authors 225
Cover: Reproduction of the Key Marco woodpecker plaque by Julius Casolino, presently in the Collier County Museum (CCM No. 93.23.4). Figure 1 from Gore, this issue.
Copyright 1995 by the
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
ISSN 0015-3893




155
EDITOR'S PAGE THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST VOLUME 47 (3), SEPTEMBER 19
Brent R. Weisman
In this issue of the journal we feature articles by three archaeological sites that no longer exist. Workn wt researchers whose work offers new insights into several minimal information of uneven quality, George mainaetoel perennial questions in Florida archaeology. I don't think I am us a great deal not only about the long-vanishedBrosd overstepping my bounds to say that each of the three are not mound in Sarasota but also about the place of the moudi h part of the current archaeological mainstream in Florida, a broader study of settlement patterning in this areaofFoda statement the authors themselves would not (I trust) seriously In this issue George also gives us a fine tributet o dispute. By this I mean that their education took place either Randell, who passed away on July 10. Don, a redo beyond (or prior to) the contemporary academic archaeological Florida archaeology and long a supporter of work at iead miieu in Florida or that their perspectives were shaped Josslyn Island, and other sites around Charlotte Harowl through a combination of personal experiences and deep be missed by all who care about archaeological preseraini
personal curiosity and influences from disciplines other than southwest Florida. anthropology. Thus we have Julian Granberry, consummate This is the appropriate place and time to intrdcem
anthropologist, drawn together with Donald Sheppard, successor, Bob Austin. Bob is Executive Vice Preieto independent historian, and Robert Gore, Florida naturalist, Janus Research and is currently completing hisdcoa similar only in that their unique points of view will likely raise dissertation at the University of Florida. Bo'I ln a few eyebrows. Certainly the questions they are addressing involvement with FAS includes serving on the Bado are and have been considered important to our discipline and Directors from 1988-1990. His founding of theKisme certainly, I think, benefit from periodic reinvigoration of Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy, hpe debate. It is in this spirit that I offer these articles to the of FAS, resulted in Bob being awarded the 1993RilyP readers, and only ask that they be considered both fairly and Bullen Award. I believe the journal will benefit frmBo' with critical open-mindedness. attention to quality and detail, his broad knowledge o lrd
The questions with which Granberry grapples--where did archaeology, and his demonstrated commitment to thegaso the Calusa language come from and what was its relationship the Florida Anthropological Society. Welcome, Bobadbs with other native Florida languages--goes back in time to the wishes. beginning of serious scholarly anthropological inquiry in As is apparent from the previous paragraphtim
Florida and has engaged some of the discipline's most active fourteenth, is the last issue of the The Florida Anthrplgs minds. Granberry, in a laudable move, has decided to frame that I will edit. The rewards and frustrations werepntfl his study in terms of developing a working hypothesis to study Chief among the rewards was the opportunity towok it the Calusa language question, thus making the challenge to some truly wonderful people all of whom deserv- pca other researchers clear. Sheppard, although not quite as mention and recognition for the efforts on behalf fFS explicitly, also offers a direct challenge for archaeologists: go First I thank Christine Newman for her patient asssanei




156
THE POSITION OF THE CALUSA LANGUAGE IN FLORIDA PREHISTORY: A WORKING HYPOTHESIS
Julian Granberry
We have contemporary Spanish translations for only a synchronic and diachronic linguistics, the latter with the full dozen lexical forms in the extinct Calesa language of Florida. realization that the outcome can only be an empirically derived Ten come from the 1575 Memoir of DO d'Escalante Fontaneda, and empirically testable hypothesis. I have opted for the last who lived as a captive with the Calusa in southwest Florida from choice on the premise that a data-base is there, and ignoring it the age of 13 to the age of 30 (True 1944). The eleventh, will not make it go away. The hypothesis I propose can and mahoma, comes from a 1697 letter from Fr. Feliciano L6pez to should be further tested against additional linguistic, Fr. Pedro Taybo (reproduced in translation in Hann 1991:158- ethnographic, and archaeological data. 161); and the twelfth, sipi, is found in a 1743 Informe from Fr.
Joseph Xavier de Alafia to his superiors (reproduced in the The Calusa Language
original Spanish in Sturtevant 1978:154-161).
The Memoir contains 60 aboriginal words, largely Fontaneda (True 1944, throughout) lists and discusses six
toponyms, in native Florida languages, 37 of which refer to late sixteenth century aboriginal ethnic and/or political entities in places or peoples in the lands from approximately the mouth of Florida south of the Suwannee-Withlacoochee Rivers area on the the Suwannee or Withlacoochee River south along the Gulf west coast and south of the Cape Canaveral region on the east
coastal strip to the Charlotte Harbor area and in South Florida coast the southwest Florida, Charlotte Harbor region from the Gulf to the Atlantic in the latitudes from Lake (Carlos), the inland Lake Okeechobee region (Guacata), the Okeechobee south to and including the Keys. Thirty-two Keys (Martires), the Miami region on the southeast Atlantic
additional forms come from a Memorandum accompanying the coast (Tequesta), the area around Tampa Bay (Tocobaga), and
Memoir and a third recently discovered document appended to the Gulf coastal region to the north of Tampa Bay (Cailogacola). the Memorandum (Worth 1995). Of the latter words 20 come It is these for which we have the greatest number of toponyms.
from the above-defined geographical region, bringing the grand Of the dozen translated forms to be discussed here two, total of known possible Calusa language forms to 57 plus a few Cafiogacola and Guasaca Esgui, refer to regions above Tampa additional suspect toponyms, such as Kissimmee, not explicitly Bay; six, Carlos, certepe, mahoma, No, seletega, and tejiEue, identified by language in any source. come from the lower southwest Gulf coast Charlotte Harbor-Pine
Of the dozen translated forms five: Cuchiyaga, Island area; one, Mayaimi, is from the Lake Okeechobee
Guaru(n)gu(n)be, Guasaca Esgui, Mayaimi, and No are place- region; one, sipi comes from the Tequesta Miami region; and names, two: Cafiogacola and Carlos are the names of tribal two, Cuchiyaga and Guaru(n)gu(n)be, are from the Keys. groups, one: sipi is the name of a deity, two: mahoma and While neither Fontaneda nor any other contemporary
tejiEue are the names of building types, one: certepe is a title, chronicler specifically states that these six ethnic/political entities and one: seletega is a single-word sentence. None has a spoke the same language, neither is there any documentary
demonstrable or even possible etymology in either Timucua or indication that they spoke different languages. Fontaneda does Apalachee, the two dominant languages of the peninsula in late make it clear (True 1944:31, 32, 70, 71) that the language of the prehistoric and early historic times. The putative "translations" Calusa was neither Timucua nor Apalachee and that he of the last century provided by the Choctaw leader Peter understood the speech used in the Martires, Guacata, Carlos, Pichlynn for Buckingham Smith (Smith 1854) are random Tocobaga, and Cafiogacola in addition to Timucua and
Calusa-Choctaw sound-alikes and are, as unsophisticated Apalachee. Since he also states (True 1944:31, 70) that he spoke fractured Choctaw, in my opinion best forgotten. four languages, two of which were most likely Timucua and
Unless one accepts the Pichlynn-Smith renditions, there Apalachee and the third Spanish, the implication is that the remain only two viable options for handling this minute bit of inhabitants of Guacata, Carlos, Tocobaga, Cafiogacola, and the language data, imperfect though it may be: (1) leave it alone, Keys spoke one language, Fontaneda's fourth language. It is my which has been the choice of most, or (2) do what can be done feeling that careful linguistic analysis of the above forms, as well with it using the analytical techniques of twentieth century as several other toponyms for which no translation is provided by
Vol. 48 No. 3 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPTEMBER 1995




157
Fontaneda, indicates that the six ethnic/political units did, downright insulting Spanish reconquista phrase referring to a indeed, speak dialects of a single language, which I refer to here Muslim house of worship, even, as Hann suggests, tongue-rnas Calusa, the name of the politically dominant ethnic entity in cheek. sixteenth century South Florida. With the two exceptions discussed in the previous
paragraphs, comparison of the 12 translated forms with other
General Results of Etymological Comparison of Calusa and native North and South American languages showed similarities Tunica to only one the Tunica language, formerly spoken on the
lower course of the Yazoo River in upper Louisiana and adjacent
In the analysis of the dozen South Florida forms each was western Mississippi and eastern Arkansas (Swanton 1952:193compared phonologically, morphologically, and semologically to 194). vocabularies of all of the native languages of the United States, Tunica is a member of an areal language group referred to with obvious emphasis on those of the Southeast, and, because of by Mary R. Haas as the Gulf Languages, consisting of Tunica, the probable South American origins of the Timucua language of Atakapa, Chitimacha, Natchez, the Muskogean languages, and Florida and Georgia (Granberry 1991a), to vocabularies of the possibly Yuchi (Haas 1951, 1952, 1956, 1958, 1960; Crawford major languages of northern South America and southern Meso- 1979). While Haas (1951) originally postulated that these America. languages constituted a single language stock, it is now largely
Fontaneda tells us (True 1944:68-69) that invited Cuban assumed that the relationship is primarily one of major trait and Taino Arawak occupied the Calusa settlement of Abaibo (Lewis form borrowing over an extremely long period of contact 1978:26), which is Taino for "First Nearby Home" aba (Nicklas 1994). Nonetheless, some of the Gulf languages, such
"first" + i "nearby" + bo "home" (Granberry 1991b:8). This is as Natchez and the Muskogean tongues, are indeed likely the only indication from any of the Calusa language data of an genetically related (Haas 1956). Antillean or South American connection. The Calusa-Tunica parallels are specific, detailed, uniform,
Putative Spanish etymologies for two of the forms should and regular, all canonical requirements for the demonstration of probably be discounted. Carlos is said by some late sixteenth genetic relationship in comparative linguistics. These similarities century secondary sources to have been used by the Calusa, are far above the chance level every constituent morpheme including Chief Carlos' father, out of devotion to Charles I of but one in the 12 translated Calusa forms has a patterned, similar Spain (b. 1500 d. 1558), who reigned 1516-1556 (Solis de or identical analog in Tunica. This is particularly striking since Merais 1964:151, L6pez de Velasco 1971 cited in Hann the Tunica forms used for comparative purposes date from
1991:309). Given that Charles was only a boy of 13 and not yet almost four hundred years later than the Calusa data, and on the throne when the Calusa form Carlos is first mentioned by Tunica-Calusa similarities must consequently have been much Juan Ponce de Le6n in 1513 (Herrera y Tordesillas 1730:1, 248), greater both in the 1500s and in the more distant past. that Carlos' father is unlikely even to have been born then, and
that we know from extensive documentary evidence that the Calusa-Tunica Phonological Comparisons
Spanish in general and Christians in particular were held in
extremely low esteem from the onset of contact in 1513 well into Given the detailed, patterned similarities between Calusa the late 1700's (see especially Lewis 1978, Hann 1991), such a and Tunica, it is possible to suggest the Proto-Tunica phonemes statement is thoroughly suspect. It is, rather, much more likely given in Table 1. Judging from Fontaneda's spelling conventions, that the Jesuit priest Fr. Juan Rogel, a first-hand observer of the to be discussed later, stops were probably lenis and unaspirated. Calusa in 1566-67, is correct when he says in a 1567 letter to Fr. Other spelling conventions indicate that *r, *w, *y, *m, *n, *fl, Didacus Avellaneda that the king of the Calusa was called ". .. and *l probably had voiceless allophones before other voiceless Caalus, which the Spanish, mispronouncing the word, call him phones, here indicated as *R, *, *Y, *M, *N, *N, and *L Carlos..." (Hann 1991:280 from Cod. Hispan. 105 ff. 72-77). when they occur in specific morpheme examples. Fontaneda uses only the form Carlos and provides a Spanish Tunica phonemes, as given by Haas (1946:337-34 1), are
translation of the word "quiere desir en su lenguaje pueblo listed in Table 2. Nasals m and n, lateral 1, trill r, and feros" (True 1944:26, 67). semivowels w and y have voiceless allophones M, N, L, R, W,
The word used by the Calusa for their temple, mahoma, in and Y before voiceless phones. Inherent stress occurs on the the phrase casa de mahoma, has been translated "house of initial syllable of polysyllablic stems and on some affixes.
Mohammed" (Hann 1991:44, 159). This translation is as suspect Calusa phonemes, as reconstituted from Fontaneda's5
as the uncritical assignment of the Calusa word Carlos to its orthography in the present paper, are given in Table 3. Voiceless Spanish counterpart. We know that the Calusa rigorously held to stops p, t, k, and ? were probably lenis and unaspirated. It is their native religious beliefs over a period of more than two worth pointing out that the only Gulf Group language which has centuries, never giving them up for Christianity. It therefore an r, also present in Calusa, is Tunica. seems highly unlikely that a native speaker would malign his A pre-palatal consonant k, or possibly a retroflexed s (see
own house of worship with what was an extremely pejorative, Nicklas 1994:10, 11 for the latter phenomenon in Western




158
Table 1. Inventory of Proto-Tunica Phonemes
CONSONANTS: f BILABIAL APICAL [PALATAL VELAR GLOTTAL ft VOWELS: FRONT MCENTRALI BACK
STOPS *p *t *k *? HIGH *i *
SPIRANTS *s *s *h MID *e *I
AFFRICATES *%1 LOWER MID * *,
NASALS *m *n LOW *a
LATERALS *1
FLAPS/TRILLS *r
SEMAIVOWELS *w
Table 2. Inventory of Tunica Phonemes
CONSONANTS: BILABIAL APICAL PALATAL VELAR GLOTTAL VOWELS: FRONT CENTRAL BACK
STOPS p t k 2 HIGH i
SPIRANTS s h MID e o
AFFRICATES C LOWER MID C
NASALS m n LOW a
LATERALS 1
FLAPS/TRILLS r
SEMIVOWELS w y
Table 3. Inventory of Calusa Phonemes
CONSONANTS: BILABIAL APICAL PALATAL VELAR GLOTTAL VOWELS: FRONT CENTRAL BACK
STOPS p t k ? HIGH j u
SPIRANTS s h MD e 0
AFFRICATES LOWER MID
NASALS m n LOW a
LATERALS 1
FLAPS/TRILLS r
SEMIVOWELS w y
Table 4: Tunica-Calusa Regular Sound Correspondences
PHONEMES TUNICA CALUSA
p:p tpi join tepe join
kldhpa assemble ku(h)pe/kuNpe assemble
fthpu impale si(h)pi harpoon
t : t tepi join tepe jon
lta run lete run
-itt very much -st()a very much
2: ? 2dk(i) settle ()uk(i) settle
k: k kd- this ka- the
kda destroy kudi destroy
40k(i) settle ()uk(i) settle
ndka war fioka war




159
Table 4: Tunica-Calusa Regular Sound Correspondences (cont'd)
PHONEMES TUNICA CALUSA
k: k ydka bring yaka bring
k/hpa assemble ku(h)pe/kuNpe assemble
dhka tree a(h)ka tree
-ki imperative -ka imperative
VcW:VcV ka destroy kuci destroy
s : S sdha examine de(h)(a) examine
9: S" thpu impale sd (h)pi harpoon
wis (i) water ()e(i) water
hC : C 9dhka tree sa(h)ka tree
ihpu impale si(h)pi harpoon
khpa assemble ku(h)pe/kuNpe assemble
h (i, e, c) : h ra watch ser(a) watch
s'(i, e)
h (a, o, o, u) htmna-ra fast homa fast
: h (a, o, u)
m: m mds(u) make nmas(u) make
mdyi on the other side mayai on the other side
mi over there mi over there
hldma(ra) fast homa fast
n-: fi- nd come to rest hio village
ndka war fioka war
1: 1 -lu tongue lo/lu tongue
lIta run lete run
r: r rd firm r(a) fierce
r(i) hous r(i) house
hira watch ser(a) watch
w: w wdha cry wa(h) (a) cry
wdka command waka command
y y ydka bring yaka bring
mdyi on the other side mayai on the other side
1 i 9(i) brave .(i) brave
r(i) house r(i) house
-hi fem sg -ki fem sg
mi over there -mi over there
gfhpu impale si(h)pi harpoon
: e tdpi join tepe join
ti- all around te- all around
. : e siha examine se(h)(a) examine
S:a kA- this ka- the
rd firm r(a) fierce
ydka bring yaka bring
wdha cry wa(h) (a) cry
idhka tree da(h)ka tree
md&(u) make ma(u) make
ndyi on the other side
mayai on the other side
: : u kdi~c destroy kud" destroy
1Uk(i) settle ()uk(i) settle
........_/aihpa assemble ku(h)pe/kuNpe assemble
6__..? No Calusa examples
6: ? No Calusa examples




160
Table 5. Special Tunica-Calusa Stressed Vowel Correspondences (When Preceded by Continuants)
PHONEMES ] TUNICA CALUSA
" :e wi(i) water ()ei(i) water
. ?No Calusa examples c: e hira watch ser(a) watch
d : o ndka war fioka war
t : o -lt tongue, hima(ra) fast lo/lu tongue, homa fast
6 ? No Calusa examples
J: e 1ta run lete run
Table 6. Proto-Tunica Reflexes in Tunica and Calusa
PROTO- TUNICA REFLEX CALUSA REFLEX
TUNICA
PT *p p p
PT *t t t
PT *k k k
PT* ?
PTr *5 S S
PT *s s s
PT *h h s(before front vowels), h (before other vowels), O
(before consonants?)
PT *m m m
PT*n n n
PT *h n
PT*1 1 1
PT *w w w
PT *y y y
PT*i i i
PT *e e e
PT *c E a (when form-final), e (elsewhere)
PT *a a o (after n), a (elsewhere)
PT *u u o (after h, n, w, and 1), u (elsewhere)
PT *o o o
PT *- a e (after h, n, w, and 1), o (elsewhere)
Table 7. Comparative Morphemes: Tunica-Calusa
PROTO-TUNICA CALUSA A CALUSA B TUNICA GLOSS
*-hki *-hdi *-hki -(h)ki -hai fem. sg. noun
* -k... -ka -ki imperative verb
*-mi -mi mi-, -mi over there, yonder
*-ft ? -st()a -JtI very much
*ka- ka- kd- this/the (noun designator)
*te- te- ti- all around, about
*hira /er(a) hira watch (over, for), guard, wait
humana homa hama-ra fast, prayer (noun) (hdima =
berry)
*_kud... kudi kuida destroy, crush, mash




161
Table 7. Comparative Morphemes: Tunica-Calusa (cont'd)
PROTO-TUNICA CALUSA A CALUSA B TUNICA GLOSS
*kunpa *kuhpe/kuNpe kupe/kunpe kahpa assemble, gather together
([kuNpa] > kuhpa?)
*Atki (4)uk(i) Mk(i) settle, camp dwell, sit (down),
stay, remain
*lIta lete lita run
*lu -lo/-lu -lu tongue(d), language
*mafu rma(u) rndsu make, build
*ay... mayai mndyi on the other side
*a ho nd come to rest, stop, lie down
*aka hoka ndka war, warior
popee we p6 look, find, see, watch
*wo/we
*ra r(a) rd firm, hard, strong
*ri r(i) r(i) house, home, dwelling,
building
*_ahka *shka s (h)ka -ihka tree, branch, wood
*sAa se (h) (a) s lha examine, look at
_ *_ __i -f'i) -i(i) brave, bold
*sihpu *dshpi si(h)pi Kihpu stick, impale, harpoon
*tahta *tahte ta(h)te tdhta prairie
*tepi -tepe -tipi join, connect
*waha wa(h) (a) wdha cry, weep
*wii/ ...Ji ()esi(i) wi(i) water, liquid
*yaka yaka ydka bring, arrive
Table 8. Sound Changes: Proto-Tunica to Calusa
PROTO- BECOMES ENVIRONMENT EXAMPLES
TUNICA CALUSA
PT *h S Before front vowels PT *hcra > Cal. era, Tun. hera
PT *h 0 ? May or may not have been lost in
historical Calusa, as discussed above
PT *, *s s Always merge PT *sda > Cal. seha, Tun. scha, PT *vihpu > Cal.
s(h)pi,Tun. ihpu
PT *-c -a Form final PT *-sty > Cal. -st(2)a, Tun. -st?{
PT *u o After h, n, w, and I PT *hura > Cal. homa, Tun. hdma (though also note
PT *lu > Cal. -lo -lu, Tun. '-lu as in Calusa Carlos/Calus)
PT *a o After & PT *haka > Cal. rloka, Tun. ndka
PT *o e After h, n, w, and I PT *lIta > Cal. lete, Tun. Idta
PT *a e 2nd vowel of 2-syllable forms PT *tahta > Cal. ta(h)te, Tun. tdhta
PT *i e 2nd vowel of 2-syllable forms PT *tepi > Cal. tepe, Tun. tpi
PT *u i 2nd vowel of 2-syllable forms PT *gihpu > Cal. si(h)pi, Tun. ihpu.




162
Muskogean and Tunica), is postulated for Calusa, rather than a glosses are taken from Haas (1953). Specific allophonic and simple dental s or mid-jialatal -like sound, for two reasons: (1) reflex detail is discussed in the paragraph following Table 7. It corresponds to both Tunica dental s and glottal h, at the two Vowels lost at morpheme and word boundaries by sandhi rule extremes of the oral cavity, as well as to Tunica mid-palatal ', are placed in parentheses. Consonants h and ? in parentheses in made mid-way in the oral cavity -s "splits the difference", as the CALUSA B column are not orthographically attested and it were, being a sound which is largely s-like yet which partakes may or may not have been present. They are, however, implied of i-like and h-like characteristics; (2) It is usually represented by the Tunica form and by Calusa sandhi rules. It may be that by an s in Fontaneda's orthography, but in at least the case of the forms with h represent an earlier stage of Calusa, the forms tejiEue it is represented by ji, a Spanish orthographic without h the historically attested sixteenth century stage; forthis combination for a pre-palatal spirant. If mediopalatal s were reason a CALUSA A column of starred forms has been added to intended, the Spanish grapheme x would probably have been the table (at the suggestion of Dale Nicklas, personal used. It may be the case that Calusa had two s-like spirants, a communication). The ... notation indicates that the Proto-Tunica dental s and a pre-palatal s only the examination of data beyond vowel can not be reconstructed from the available data. Tunica 1, that looked at here may resolve the problem. If so, the consonant m, n, r, w, and y have voiceless allophones before voiceless inventory of Calusa would match that of Tunica yet closer, sounds (Haas 1946:339). Thus Proto-Tunica *kunpa would
The Proto-Tunica inventory given above was suggested by expectedly be actualized as [kaNpa] in Tunica. In other Lower the regular Tunica-Calusa sound correspondences given in Table Mississippi Valley languages such as Natchez and Chitimacha 4. The Tunica is given first. Symbols in parentheses in the voiceless resonants may become or vary with h (Nicklas Tunica examples are lost at morpheme and word borders; form- 1994:4). Thus early Tunica *[InlNpaI becomes or varies with final symbols in parentheses in the Calusa examples are also [kafhpa]. Both ku(h)pe and kunpe occur in Calusa, though we presumed to have been present, though often not do not know whether the n was voiced or voiceless. Protoorthographically attested, and lost at morpheme and word Tunica *11 becomes Tunica n. There is insufficient data to say
boundaries. Other parenthetical symbols are presumed to be whether historic Tunica stress was inherited from the protopresent on the basis of Fontaneda's orthography, discussed later language or was an innovation. Proto-Tunica to Calusa sound in the paper. The stressed vowel correspondences given in Table changes are more numerous and are shown in Table 8.
4 are somewhat more complex than the consonant As Dale Nicklas has pointed out (personal
correspondences but are nonetheless regular. When the Tunica communication), unstressed vowel reduction in Calusa may be stressed vowel is preceded by continuants h, n, w, or 1, however, more apparent than real, inasmuch as such vowels are a different pattern occurs, shown in Table 5. In this pattern frequently not attested as a result of the operation of the sandhi Tunica high stressed vowels i and t correspond to Calusa mid rules. However, Tunica has a significant number of pairs of vowels e and o respectively, Tunica stressed low central vowel a related forms one of which ends in u, the other in i for corresponds to Calusa low back vowel o, and all other Tunica example, karilkdru "to split, crack" (Haas 1953:222), or a and stressed vowels for which we have data correspond to Calusa i for example, mdhkina/ndhkini "deep" (Haas 1953:234). mid front vowel e. With regard to the morpheme pair PT popee or*wo/we,
Although there are recurring correspondences between it should be noted that Tunica has a number of related active unstressed Tunica vowels and Calusa vowels, the data-base is verb stem-pairs in which one begins in w, the other in p simply too small to suggest an overall pattern in any detail except such as w-ka "to order, command", pdka "to answer, to note that as in the above pattern there is a tendency for Tunica respond" (Haas 1953:243, 273), or w6hku "to cover with a unstressed vowels to appear in Calusa as e for example, Tun. lid", p6hku "to cover over" (Haas 1953:178). The second stem t~pi, kflhpa, l~ta; Calusa tepe, ku(h)pe/kuNpe, lete; and to say is reflected in the Natchez stem peh- "to cover". The first that Tunica form-final c corresponds to Calusa form-final a, as se-ari elce nCls yteatraefrso h
name Tocobaga tokowaka/Tocopaca tokopaka. The same
in Tun. t?e, Cal. -gt()a. phenomenon may be seen in the Calusa equivalent of the
Reflexes of Proto-Tunica phonemes in both Tunica and Tunica active stem "to look, watch" p6, which appears as we
Calusa are summarized in Table 6. Alterations of these basic in Calusa tejiEue teife(h)we "watchtower". The reflexes as a result of the application of Tunica and Calusa correspondence of Tunica o with Calusa e in the above sandhi rules in the process of morpheme and word combination example is also of interest, since word pairs showing such are discussed later in the paper. variation occur in Tunica -kdich "to bite" and k6hcu "to
Calusa-Tunica Morpheme Comparisons devour" (Ilaas 1953: 178).
There is only a single morpheme constituent in the dozen
Morpeme occrrig i thedozn trnsltedCalua frms attested South Florida translated lexemes which is distinctly and their Tunica analogs are given in Table 7 together with Muskogean; namely, the ending -cola on the tribal name reconstructed Proto-Tunica forms. Tunica morphemes and their Cafiogacola. This frequently occurring ending in Florida place




163
names Apalachicola, Pensacola, and others has well as the phonological units involved and the morphemic
traditionally been considered to be a metathesized form of environments are obvious.
Choctaw okla "town, people" (cf. Swanton 1952:104, 136).
Dale Nicklas (personal communication) has pointed out that the The Source Orthography of Calusa Forms
cognate Alabama and Koasati form is o:la, which is also the
form, unattested, one would expect in the closely related The orthographic and spelling conventions of sixteenth
Apalachee language. Nicklas has also suggested the possibility and seventeenth century Spanish are quite well known that the form may represent the Alabama-Koasati-Apalachee (Spaulding 1948, Entwistle 1942), and the transcription of suffix -ka indicator of a word of foreign origin ending in a Fontaneda's rendition of Calusa forms is therefore relatively sound combination not normal to those languages (Kimball straight forward: VbV, VvV, gua = [VwV]; c (before a, o, 1991:474-475; Sylestine, Hardy, and Montler 1993:697), u), VgV, and qu or gu (before e, i) = [k] (Haas 1953:346); c followed by the morpheme o:la "town, people". Such a (before e, i), s, ji = [s] (but see the earlier discussion on the
combination would then predictably become -k6la through phoneme s); ch = [c]; f = [fA; g (before a, o, u) = [g]; h usual Muskogean sandhi rules. [h]; ji = [s] (see the earlier discussion on this phoneme); I
[1]; m = [r]; n = [n]; = [il; p = [p]; r = [r]; t = [t]; y Calusa Morphophonemic Processes and Their Tunica = [y]; a = [a]; e = [e]; i = [i]; o = [o]; u = [u]. There are
Analogs no conventions in the Spanish orthography of the period for the
Though others probably existed, from the available data it representation of the glottal stop [I [hC], double
is possible to define only one morphophonemic change in [C1C1], or voiceless nasals such as [N] these phonological Calusa. In all cases the change is one of vowel loss. When it phenomena, several of which occurred in some Spanish involves the loss of a base-final vowel before a grammatical dialects of the period, were non-phonemic. Arguments have suffix in the formation of a single word (internal sandhi), it already been presented for the presence of such phenomena in Calusa.
may be referred to as syncope; when it involves the loss of a word-final vowel before another in-phrase word, it may be referred to as apocope (external sandhi). Since both syncope Table of Source Forms and Their Analy
and apocope affect identical structures, a single sandhi rule T
can be formulated; namely:
In base forms (but not affixes) ending in -ha With the above analytical data it is possible to look at the
or -ra the final a vowel is lost immediately dozen translated South Florida language forms and trace the
before a grammatical suffix or another base suggested etymologies step-by-step. This is done in Table JO.
which begins in a consonant, whether the Some, of course, are more certain than others, but all reinforce
base occurs as the second part of a compound the suggestion that historically attested Calusa was a Tunican
word or as a separate word in-phrase with language.
the first word. Under the same conditions
base forms, but not affixes, ending in -ki, -ri, Extension of the Analysis
-si, or -'u lose their final vowel.
If the proceeding assumptions are valid, it should be
It should be pointed out as a corollary that it is this rule psil oetn hmt te ooyst il luil
whic enble theincusin o glotalsto Y i th Causa results and possibly additional analytical data. Three examples phoneme inventory. In the word Guaru(n)gu(n)be "Village of aepoie ee-tofo h nrnltdCls od
Tears" the second and third morphemes are -ri "house" and given by Fontaneda; one a toponym long reputed by oral Zuki- "settlement". By the sandhi rule above the final i vowels Seminole and local white tradition to be Calusa. of both morphemes would be lost, giving -r?uk- (-rug), which (1) Documentary evidence led John R. Swanton is what actually occurs. If the morpheme meaning "settlement" (1952:126) to position Fontaneda' s Tatesta (True 1944:70) did not begin in a consonant, however, the sandhi rule would south of the Tequesta in the present Miami area, not apply, and the i of morpheme -ri "house" would remain in approximately 80 leagues north of Cuchiyaga (probably Big place, giving orthographic -riug- or, more likely, -riyug-. Pine Key). This would imply that Tatesta was located on the Since all other attested Calusa morphemes begin with a southeast mainland not too far north of Key Largo. Given the
consonant, as do all base and most affix morphemes in Tunica, present analysis, the name is easy to translate, for there are and since the cognate Tunica morpheme for "settlement" is Tunica forms tdhta "prairie", and -ft? "very much" (Haas 7iki, glottal stop P is postulated for Calusa. 1953:265, 302), yielding "Many Prairies", a not inaccurate
Tunica analogs to the Calusa sandhi rule are given in description of the southeastern Everglades. The Calusa Table 9. The similarities of the morphophonemic processes as phonological correspondences and sandhi rule discussed earlier




164
Table 9. Tunica Sandhi Rules with Calusa Analogs
RULE # SANDHI RULE EXAMPLES
1: Word-internally a vowel in an unstressed syllable which ?dka "to enter" + Whki "he did" > ?dkAthki "he entered"
stands before a ?is regularly syncopated (Haas 1946:343)
2: Word-internally stems ending in -hki, -si, -ni, -li, or -ri ?aikadhkini "pot + -t& augmentative suffix >
(unless they have a stressed penult) may non- ?olkackint?c "a large pot" (Haas 1946:343)
obligatorily syncopate the i when they come before a
grammatical suffix beginning in a consonant
3: Word-final -hki, -hku, -4i, -ni, li, or -ri (unless they gikuri "knife" + riwihd "when he took" > KfkurdwihJ
have a stressed penult) usually but not always apocopate "when he took a knife" (Haas 1946:345), but also tdwilihi
the i or u when followed by another word in the same "the water" (Haas 1946:359)
phrase
Table 10. Table of Analyzed Calusa Source Forms
FORM, MORPHEMES, SANDHI FINAL SPOKEN TUNICA SYNTACTIC ANALOG ATTESTED FORM
AND GLOSSES FORM AND GLOSS
ka + ioka + kola No kafiokakola (td)nakadcha Cailogacola
the + war +people The War People (the) War Chief (Haasl953:239) "gente bellaca"
Warlike People
ka + r(a) + -lo + s(i) Yes karlos /kalus tdrku the firm thing = tree (-ku Carlos/Calus
the +firm + tongue + brave The Firm, Brave masc. sg.) (Haas 1953:249); "pueblo feros"
Tongued Ones/The ?6nrwa < ?6n(i) person + riwa Fierce People
ka + -lu + s(i) Brave Tongued Ones white = white man (Haas 1946:360)
the + tongued + brave
ser(a) + -tepe Yes sertepe tdhtra The Boss, Watchman (Tunica Certepe
watch +join The Joining Watchman title) (Haas 1953:214) "rey mayor y gran
Pattpi together +joined = connected senior"
(Haas 1953:267) Chief King and Great
Lord
kudi + yaka No kudiyaka lita wiwdnan Cuchi(y)aga
destroy + bring Bring to Destruction run + want = "lugar amartirisado"
want to run (Haas 1946:362) Place of Martyrdom
wah(a) + r(i) + AIk(i) + Yes wahr ukkuhpe or Guaru(n)gu(n)be
kuhpe/kunpe wahr akkunpe "pueblo de llantos"
weep + house(s) + settle + [The] Weeping Village of Tears
assemble Assembled Settlement
of Houses
wah(a) + siihka & Yes(i) + Yes wahsahka ?es'(h)ki tdwifihai Guasaca Esgui
-hki Weeping Trees Water the water (Haas 1946: "Rio de Cafias"
weep+tree & 359); hihkigdhka gray oak (Haas River of Reeds
water +fem. sg. noun 1953:258)
mas(u) + homa Yes mashoma Mahoma
build + fast (= pray) (h= [sh] ?) House of Prayer "casa de Mahoma"
House of Prayer




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Table 10. Table of Analyzed Calusa Source Forms (cont'd)
FORM, MORPHEMES, SANDHI FINAL SPOKEN TUNICA SYNTACTIC ANALOG ATTESTED FORM
AND GLOSSES FORM AND GLOSS
mayai + -mi No mayaimi mndyihta Mayaimi
on the other side+ over there The Other Side to the other side; -mihta beyond "porques muy
(By semantic extension (Haas 1953:235-236) grande"
= "Large" (?); see because it is very
also Kissimmee in the large
following section)
no No io No
come to rest Settlement "pueblo querido"
Beloved Town
eh(a) + lete + -ka Yes sfehleteka 1Ita wiwdnan seletega
examine + run + imperative Run look run+want = want to run "Corre mira si biene
NOTE: Fontaneda jente"
states that "the Florida Run see if people are
natives abbreviate coming
their words more than
we do" (True
1944:73)
sihpi No sihpi sipi
harpoon Harpoon [image of a barracuda
crossed by a harpoon]
te- + eh(a) + we Yes teehwe tdsthap6 tejiEue
all around+examine+look Look [and] Examine the+examine+ look = "looking "miradero"
SAll Around glass" (Haas 1953:256) Watchtower
would predictably yield Calusa Tatesta ta(h)te + s(?)a from takes the form t- before stems beginning in t or ?, with Tunica tdhta + ft?. Tunica -9td "very much" as in gift?1 consequent loss of stem-initial ? (Haas 1946:357), and here "very brave" (Haas 1953:259) comes from an intensive seems to be used in place of the more usual Calusa nounpostfix -4a + the augmentative suffix -t (Haas 1953: 301, designating article prefix ka-, which survives in later Tunica 302), and there is a close Tunica analog in the lexeme only in frozen form as part of a number of demonstratives
tdhtat?& "Great Prairie" (Haas 1953:264). kdku "who", kdnahku "what", kd1ta "where", kd as "when"
(2) The ruler of the Tampa Bay region was called Tocobaga (Haas 1953:220-221).
chile tokowaka dile (True 1944:69). The title means"You are Fontaneda's phrase "You are Tocobaga" would
Tocobaga", chile being a Timucua word with the meaning therefore more literally mean "You are the one who
"you are" (Granberry 1993:91), apparently borrowed in at commands the town." least the context of this tribal rank. The title tdwaka, meaning (3) The third example, the toponym Kissimmee, is "He Who (td- the definite article) Commands (wdka)", was perhaps the most interesting inasmuch as local oral tradition used by the historic Tunica to refer to a class of leader (Haas among both the Seminole and long-term native white families 1953:273, 302). We have already seen that the Calusa stem of Glades, Okeechobee, Highlands, Polk, and Osceola for "town, camp, settlement" was Auk(i). A "town/settlement counties in south Central Florida states that the name of the Kissimmee River is Calusa, not Seminole or Mikasuki, and commander" would therefore have been called ta Phk(i)waka, means "The Long Water". An examination of the with or without the vowel i, in Southwest Florida Calusa. morphemes in Table 7 will indicate that this, indeed, is the
From there to Tocobaga is a short step, with a second, oko, meaning of the word if it is Calusa, for ka- = this/the (the form of the "town, camp, settlement" stem, yielding t- + definite article, noun-designator) + (?)e (i) = water + -mi
?oko + waka, which conforms to the sandhi rule described = yonder, large/long, yielding ka esimi, something like
earlier, the last o vowel of oko not being subject to the Kaessimmee, as the total word. Only the first two syllables vowel-loss rule affecting i, u, and a. do not meet our exact expectations. The actual form
The initial t- morpheme of Tocobaga is identical with Kissimmee presumes a form lsi, rather than ?esi, for the the Tunica noun-designating definite article prefix ta-, which morpheme "water", as well as syncopation of the a vowel of




166
ka-. These differences are a felicitous piece of data which fits and their Timucua neighbors to the east, a closeness of and further corroborates a regular phonological pattern interaction which does not show up in Calusa forms further distinguishing northern Calusa forms from those found in south. Fr. Feliciano L6pez, however, tells us that the Chief of South Florida. These are discussed in the following section, the Calusa in 1697 tried to communicate with him in both Calusa Dialects Apalachee and Timucua, indicating a considerable linguistic
fluency among the Calusa and perhaps among Floridians in
Of the dozen translated Calusa words and the three additional general in those days (Hann 1991:160). In this regard we also ones discussed above, two: Cafiogacola and Guasaca Esgui, know, as pointed out earlier, that Fontaneda spoke four refer to regions above Tampa on the Gulf Coast; one: languages, specifically excluding those (or that) of Ais and
Tocobaga, comes from the Tampa Bay region itself; six: Jeaga (True 1944:70). If we assume that he means Spanish and
Carlos, certepe, mahoma, No, seletega, and tejiEue, come Calusa as two of these, then it would seem likely that the other from the Charlotte Harbor, Pine Island Sound area on the two were Timucua and Apalachee. lower southwest Gulf Coast; two: Mayaimi and Kissimmee, That Timucua, Florida's dominant language, had an
are from the Guacata, Lake Okeechobee lower interior Central influence beyond its natural Northeast and North-central Florida region; two: sipi and Tatesta, come from the Miami Florida borders is also shown by the presence of place names region on the southeast Atlantic Coast; and two: Cuchiyaga of mixed language parentage in the Aucilla River border region and Guaru(n)gu(n)be, according to Fontaneda the only two between Timucua and Apalachee lands: Ibitachuco towns in that area (True 1944:66), come from the Keys. Timucua ibi "water, river" + Timucua -ta "there is" +
With the exception of Tocobaga with its variant stem Apalachee coko "house, dwelling" (Kimball 1988:392), or a ?oko and Kissimmee with its variant stem ld, all of the forms number of Apalachee place names which end in Timuca hika conform to a single set of sound correspondences and sandhi "town, village" Anahica, Cupahica, etc. rules. It is, consequently, not amiss to suggest that the Calusa Two Calusa names north of the Tampa Bay region are spoken in South Florida from at least the Charlotte Harbor cited by Fontaneda (True 1944:69, 71) Guasaca Esgui, region on the Gulf coast and the Miami region on the Atlantic tentatively identifiable as the Suwannee or Withlacoochee coast south through and including the Keys seems, from the River, and Cafiogacola "The War(like) People", who lived data we currently have, to have represented a single, South south of the Guasaca Esgui but north of Tocobaga. I have Florida, Calusa dialect. already commented on Guasaca Esgui. It is of additional
On the other hand the ?oko stem of the word Tocobaga interest and importance to note that Caiiogacola, contains the would suggest that the Tampa Bay dialect was at least slightly only Muskogean element in any Calusa word -kola "town, different from the dominant South Florida dialect, perhaps people", discussed earlier. If Guasaca Esgui and Cafiogacola forming what might be designated a North Florida Calusa are indeed the local names for the river and The War(like) dialect. Additional data supporting this possibility come from People, rather than just Calusa names for them, then Calusa Kissimmee. The form of that toponym implies that the may have been spoken from at least the fringes of southern Southern Calusa dialect form for "water" was 2 si, while Muskogean expansion the Suwannee or Withlacoochee Guasca Esgui, coming from the Tocobaga region north of south all along the Gulf coast to and including the Keys.
Tampa Bay, implies that the North Florida dialect form was The Calusa language distributional data correlate
?ed. This is of considerable interest since it indicates a interestingly with the rough boundaries of the Big Bend (North Peninsular Gulf Coast), Central Gulf Coast, Caloosahatchee,
possibly regularly patterned phonological distinction between Kissimmee Valley and Okeechobee Basin, and Glades
NorthiandeSoutlFloridadCaluachomidevowels(front vowels
North and South Florida Calusa mid vowels (front vowel e archaeological areas (see Milanich 1994:xix), separating this and back vowel o) in the North Florida dialect may have combined segment of the peninsula linguistically as well as in corresponded to their high vowel counterparts (front vowel i cte s of the penins botcfrom ellimucua
terms of broad artifactual traditions both from the Timucua
and back vowel u) in the South Florida dialect. This is, regions of Northeast and North-central Florida and from the perhaps, meager data, but such phonologically patterned sound ultimately Muskogean Apalachee and Choctaw regions of West shifts are what traditionally set one dialect apart from other Florida. It is these data which suggest that the Gulf coast from dialects of the same language. It is a phenomenon to be borne the Aucilla south through the Tampa Bay region may have in mind in the investigation of additional Calusa toponyms, and been a Calusa-speaking corridor to South Florida. It is is, interestingly, the same phenomenon which separates the certainly archaeological, and therefore culturally, distinct. Alabama Tawasa dialect of Timucua from the standard
Northeast Florida Mocama dialect of the same language Other Gulf Language Data
(Granberry 1993:9-11).
It is also evident from the use of the Timucua word chile That the Gulf Group languages were not limited to their in connection with the Tampa Bay ruler that there was some historic Lower Mississippi homeland is evident from their type of linguistic interaction between the people of that region considerable linguistic influence on the other neighboring




167
languages of the Southeast (Nicklas 1994). The phonological, name in both states, however, is always spelled with the o grammatical, and lexical nature of the Muskogean, Caddoan, regardless of its usual lack in the pronunciation. One possible and Siouan-Catawba languages of the Southeast provides more etymology for the name pronounced in this manner is therefore than a hint that languages such as Natchez, Tunica, Yuchi, and "Yellow River", from general Muskogean ok- "water" undoubtedly other related now extinct languages at one time (Choctaw oka, Alabama and Koasati oki, Hitchiti oki, Creek may have spanned the entire area from the Mississippi east to yiwa from earlier *uki-wa, Apalachee ok-) + the Atlantic and from the foothills of the Appalachians south to "yellow/orange/gold/brown", lakna in Choctaw, lakn-i in the Gulf. That they did indeed spread into Florida and were Hitchiti, ld.na in Alabama and Koasati, and id:n-i: in Creek perhaps the first and only languages of the peninsula until the and Seminole. This etymology, essentially from Choctaw arrival of the Timucua in the Late Archaic and Early Gulf sources, is also suggested by the names Rio Lagna and Lagino, Formational periods is evidenced by the language data cited in which occur for the river in Spanish documentary sources, this paper, which suggests that Calusa was not simply a South (though lagna could as conceivably be the Spanish artilce la Florida linguistic outlier isolated from its Lower Mississippi plus the native name Agna). If Lagna is indeed Choctaw lakna, kin. It was connected to the homeland through a sporadic but its occurrence is certainly not out of place, inasmuch as generally continuous line of settlements and peoples from Choctaw speakers, the Chacato of the Spanish documents and Louisiana around the Gulf coast to South Florida. Chatot of the French documents, occupied lands not far west of
There is firm linguistic evidence for the above statement, the river (Swanton 1952:128).
evidence of the presence of Gulf Language speakers in West Using the spelling Ochlockonee and assuming that the
Florida beyond the Aucilla. Two unequivocally Natchez forms second o of -ockonee was at one time pronounced, it is also and one probable one are found in that region: possible to suggest an alternate Muskogean etymology;
(1) The most obvious is the Natchez name of the namely, Choctaw okla "people" + okoni "Oconee" "The
otherwise Muskogean Apalachee themselves. The name Oconee People" or "Oconee Town". The Oconee were a
Apalachee has no persuasive etymology in Muskogean, branch of Timucua-speaking people originally located in
regardless of the fact that we know from documentary evidence coastal and then central Georgia, to the east and northeast of that the people spoke a Muskogean language (Haas 1949; the city of Macon toward the river bearing their name. They
Kimball 1987, 1988). The name is straightforward Natchez later moved south into Northwest Florida along the Papal "river" + -a "the" + -ci "at (or a related locative Chattahoochee River and eventually onto the Alachua Prairies meaning)". The Natchez phoneme c = [ts] also occurred in of North-central Florida, (Swanton 1952:112-113, 135). As Proto-Muskogean, but in the eastern dialects, which would pointed out earlier, the Ochlockonee River rises to the east of include Apalachee, it merged with = [ts], yielding the Albany, within the region originally occupied by the Oconee. historic pronunciation of the tribal name. (3) Our sole document in the Apalachee language, a fairly
(2) Before the Ochlockonee River arising to the east of lengthy 1688 letter from several Apalachee chiefs to Charles II the city of Albany in southwest central Georgia and flowing of Spain, perceptively and excellently analyzed by Geoffrey south through Florida to the Gulf between the Apalachicola Kimball (1987, 1988), contains the word sokonoli "de buen River and the Tallahassee Red Hills region received its coraz6n", "good-hearted". Without Muskogean etmology, this present Muskogean name, it was known, in the 1675 Spanish translates literally as Natchez sokono hal1s "to be wellorthography of Bishop Dias Vara Calder6n, as the Agna (Hann disposed" (Nicklas 1992:38, Kimball 1988:396 -data from 1991:21). The g of Agna, coming before a nasal continuant, Mary Haas). was pronounced as a velar spirant [y ], as in Modern Spanish Since toponyms do not generally derive from short-term agua, German Sagen, or as Modern Greek gamma, and the occupation or on-the-way-through visits by speakers of a
Spanish rendition can accordingly be transcribed as something particular language, but, rather, from rather permanent, longlike [ina] or [dhna]. The Natchez form Paha-na means term settlement in a region, there is consequent linguistic
"Lakes (Paha) All Around (-na)", the latter morpheme a reason to suggest that a significant number of speakers of at "Laestributi ll Aoundx (na)"e latr mhee vat least the Tunican and Natchez branches of the Gulf Languages distributive plural suffix. Anyone familiar with the vast, at one time occupied West Florida, the Aucilla-tomeandering complex of brackish lakes, bays, tributary rivers, Withlacoochee Gulf coastal strip, and large segments of westcreeks, and lagoons at the mouth of the Ochlockonee between peninsular Florida from the Tampa Bay area south through the Franklin and Waknlla Counties will appreciate this description. Keys from some undefined time in the past. The Late Archaic The modern name Ochiockonee is itself amenable to a dual coastal intrusion of Timucua speakers into the eastern region of pronuncuation or its spelling the peninsula about 1,500-1,000 B.C. to judge from Protop Tion wor is slly pronounceMuskogean loans in Timucua (Granberry 1993:40) and the
The word is usually pronounced Ock-6ck-nee, and, much later migration of Muskogean speakers into Northwest
indeed, the name of the Georgia town of that name and Florida probably around A.D. 1000 to 1200, in Late
pronunciation is spelled Ochlocknee, without the o. The river




168
Weeden Island, Early Ft. Walton times disrupted this chain, pinpointing the origin of such exotic stone wares -Lower but toponymic evidence of its presence still remains. Mississippi Valley or further north. As yet we simply can not
A Timucua linguistic presence in Northeast and North- say.
Central Florida from Late Archaic, Mt. Taylor times on, a The first specific, archaeologically clear indication of
demonstrated language fact (Milanich 1978, Deagan 1978), contact between Florida and the cultures of the Lower must not be viewed as the result of an invasion leading to the Mississippi Valley occurs during the Early and Middle Gulf decimation and replacement of the pre-Timucua peoples of Formational Periods ca. 2,500 500 B.C. with the Northeast and North-central Florida. Evidence suggests that it intermeshing of the Timucua and Poverty Point trade was more likely the steady influx of a small number of networks, the former moving west and southward from the
politically controlling traders, Timucua-speakers from the Georgia Atlantic coast across the Piedmont to the Tennessee Georgia coast to the north, who brought with them all their River region and down the Oconee, Flint, Chattahoochee, cultural baggage, including their language. The latter, as the Apalachicola, Ochlockonee, and Tombigbee River valleys on socially prestigious tongue, gradually replaced the pre-Timucua into northwest Florida, the latter moving south and eastward languages of the region, at least to the north of Lake George from its probable origin point along the Yazoo, Mississippi, (Granberry 1993:50-60). Around and to the south of Lake and Ouchita Rivers down to the Gulf coast and into northwest
George in Central Florida, as well as along the middle Atlantic Florida (Jenkins and Krause 1986, Sassaman 1993, Hoffman coast of East Florida there seems, however, to have been little 1994, Granberry 1993). linguistic penetration (Hann 1993) and very little disruption of It is increasingly clear that both trade networks the in situ cultural system or its development. Timucua participated in generic commodity exchange with emphasis on artifactual and language innovations, in short, do not seem to the movement of raw steatite and steatite wares from the have appreciably changed the direction of cultural momentum Piedmont to other regions up and down the Mississippi and its in Northeast and North-Central Florida, for, as has been tributaries in some cases as far away as the Great Lakes frequently observed (Miller 1992, Russo 1992), there is strong (Sassaman 1993:26, 225-228, Fig. 57). The concepts and cultural continuity from Mt. Taylor times on throughout both techniques of pottery-making were also carried along the the Timucua-speaking regions of Northeast Florida and the geographical routes of these same networks, as the distribution non-Timucua-speaking regions of the Atlantic coast from the of fiber-tempered wares indicates (Sassaman 1993, Ford Daytona area south toward Jobe Sound. In the latter Atlantic 1969). periphery of the Ais and in the Lake George-St. Johns In this context it is important to understand that what I
periphery of the Mayaca and Jororo, pockets of pre-Timucua have elsewhere referred to as the Timucua trade network Lower Mississippian speech seem to have remained the (Granberry 1993:41-60), incorporating the spread of fibervery tribal name Ais is identical to the Lower Mississippi tempered wares throughout the Greater Southeast, must not be Chitimacha word for "The People", a common self-designation taken as a statement that all archaeological fiber-tempered for tribal groups the world-round but particularly common in ware producing sites represent literal Timucua populations. Far the Americas (Swadesh 1946:319, Granberry ms). from it to judge from the varied archaeological and
geographical contexts in which fiber-tempered wares are found
Archaeological Correlates (Sassaman 1993). While the Timucua seem to have introduced
the concept of pottery-making to the Southeast, on the Georgia
We have known for many years that trade and cultural coast and up the Savannah and St. Johns River valleys, and to interaction of various kinds played a major role in the have spread the concept more particularly than the wares
development of aboriginal lifeways throughout the entire themselves, they were in no sense the only makers of such Mississippi-OhioValley region and the American Southeast wares. There is no evidence that the Timucua settled in any from at least the Late Archaic/Early Gulf Formational, some permanent sense in the regions to which they traded. Fiber4,500-plus years ago (Sears 1964, Ford 1969, Walthall 1980, tempered wares were clearly produced by a wide variety of Jenkins and Krause 1986, Sassaman 1993, among many Southeastern peoples, including not only speakers of Timucua
others). Our knowledge of similar interaction during the earlier but also speakers of the Muskogean, and probably Natchez, Middle Archaic --evidenced by the presence of various types Tunica, Caddoan, Catawba-Siouan, and Iroquoian languages. of stone artifacts of non-local origin such as beads, atlatl parts, These peoples inhabited quite different geographical regions etc. in Florida sites -though increasing, is at present and variant ecological environments, and they had differing imperfect and considerably more difficult to interpret, but there cultural inventories stemming from related but divergent is sufficient artifact class-type similarity during this long time historical backgrounds. period to suggest that the later spread of peoples and traits was It is unnecessary to re-hash the voluminous known data, nothing new and that few cultures of the region were ever so but it can be pointed out that Stallings, Orange, and Wheeler isolated as to be disinterested in their neighbors' artifactual fiber-tempered wares (and the Norwood offshoot of the latter), innovations and social customs. The problem lies in the interesting and unique baked clay cooking-stones so typical




169
of Poverty Point and its outliers, as well as artifacts of steatite, a trading colony. The somewhat later Bayou La Batre site on whose natural source in the Southeast is limited to the the west side of Mobile Bay is another example (Greenwell Piedmont region of western Georgia, are found in Middle Gulf 1984). One can not help but wonder whether the Poverty Point Formational sites in Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, people themselves were not something like the Phoenicians of Tennessee, Georgia, and Florida with some of these the American Formative Southeast traders, facilitator of
commodities occasionally found further afield in Arkansas, cultural innovation and trait movement, and colonizers. Texas, Oklahoma, and even Missouri, Kentucky, Illinois, and A number of colleagues have repeatedly reminded me that Indiana (Wernecke 1993, Fig.3). There is no question but that the Florida sites at which Poverty Point-like artifacts occur are these two trade networks had a tremendously pervasive frequently quite dissimilar in physical nature both from each
influence throughout the Southeast throughout the Middle Gulf other and from the Poverty Point site itself their Formational. geographical settings, their shapes and sizes, and the ecological
So far as Florida is concerned, Poverty Point-like advantages of their geographical settings all vary considerably artifacts, particularly clay cooking balls, are found at Elliot's from one another. I am, of course, aware of this both from the Point on Choctawhatchee Bay in West Florida (Lazarus 1958, published literature and from having visited many of the sites Thomas and Campbell 1991) and at 90 related sites extending themselves. Nonetheless, it is a general norm that peaceful eastward to the Apalachicola River delta (Jones 1993, White traders, even small permanent colonies, more usually attempt and Estabrook 1993, 1994), as far east as the Tick Island site to settle and blend into their new cultural settings rather than on the St. Johns (Jahn and Bullen 1978), the Summer Haven recreating a bit of their own homeland abroad. The latter, of site just south of Anastasia Island on the Atlantic coast (Bullen course, can happen the ARAMCO American-Small-Town and Bullen 1961), and as far south as Jupiter Inlet and Boynton settlements for USA personnel on the Arabian peninsula, or on the southeast Florida coast (Wernecke 1993). On the Gulf the Roman settlements in Gaul and Britain, for example but coast the Canton Street site in St. Petersburg was another this is distinctly the exception rather than the rule and, Elliott's Point-Poverty Point recipient (Bullen, Askew, et al. archaeologically, is extremely obvious when it does occur. 1978). On Horr's Island, just south of Marco Island, as well as Such homeland recreations tend to occur under circumstances on Marco Island itself Middle Gulf Formational fiber-tempered of conquest and subjugation rather than peaceable trade and wares occur (Widmer 1988:71-72). commerce. The former scenario is not supported by the
The intent of the above listing is not to imply that the archaeological data at hand for Late Archaic and Early Gulf artifact content of those sites and the complexes they comprise Formational Florida. The archaeologically evidenced cultural are identical to the Poverty Point artifacts and complexes, but, continuity in Northwest Florida is, in fact, remarkable rather, to indicate that the artifactual similarities of the sites in considering the number and extent of obviously outside cultural this continuum from the Lower Mississippi region south all influences affecting the region from Archaic through early along the Gulf coast into Florida, and sporadically throughout historical times. the peninsula, by far outweigh the dissimilarities. We should not, in short, expect that the bearers of
There is, as Lazarus, Thomas, Campbell, Jones, White, Poverty Point artifacts and innovations would have recreated Estabrook, Jahn, the Bullens, Wernecke, Askew, and Widmer, miniature Poverty Points wherever they went. Archaeological among others, have pointed out, enough archaeological data incline us to feel that such a mobile Poverty Point
evidence to suggest that Lower Mississippi Valley cultural population was small but constantly replenishing itself over traits had made themselves felt throughout Florida by the many centuries, and consisted, like the Timucua trading begining of the second millenium B.C. or very shortly population, of peaceable entrepreneurs and their families
thereafter. Precisely what this means in human terms is unclear (Gagliano and Webb 1970:72).
-population movement, simple trade and trait diffusion, or a John Goggin (1949:28-32) notes the same striking combination of both. While concensus on the basis of continuity in the material aspects of culture in South Florida
archaeological data alone seems to be that it was largely trade from Archaic times into Glades times, perhaps also an with accompanying diffusion of a variety of cultural traits indication that the influx of goods and cultural concepts from (Walthall 1980:1, among others), my personal feeling, based the Lower Mississippi Valley came to Florida through the on the long survival of non-Timucua, non-Muskogean language efforts of small, migrant yet permanent trading populations. forms, is that the suggestion of at least minimal permanent What these cultural continuities mean is difficult to say, population movement is the more attractive alternative, given the paucity of our data. The fact that there are no
The Elliott's Point site, for example, is so much like surviving indications in the archaeological record of vast social Poverty Point itself that it has been referred to as "a localized upheaval during the Archaic and Gulf Formative stages of expression" of Poverty Point (Thomas and Campbell Florida prehistory suggests that the populations which the
1991:103). The description that Gagliano and Webb (1970) possibly Tunican/Natchezan Poverty Point migrant traders provide of the Claiborne site at the mouth of the Pearl River on encountered may themselves have been speakers of culturally the south-central Mississippi coast also sounds very much like related Gulf languages which had come to Florida in earlier




170
times. That is the only explanation which could account for the and Safety Harbor cultures (Bullen 1962, 1978; Sears 1954; ready acceptance of the Poverty Point or Poverty Point-like Lewis 1978). peoples, languages, and cultural traits without social As a result of this analysis I would postulate a formal sixdisruption. There is no need to postulate large-scale domination part, empirically testable hypothesis which should be examined of the native population by newcomers and an acompanying through linguistic analysis of all known non-Muskogean, nonlanguage shift. Timucua, non-European toponyms in Florida and checked
against our archaeological data-base:
Conclusions (1) Florida's first languages belonged to the Tunican
stock of the Gulf Languages;
The Poverty Point site itself is located in territory known (2) Natchez was added in northwest Florida by at least to have been inhabited by Tunica speakers in earliest historic the time the Poverty Point trade network began to
times, and the Natchez were located just to the south (Swanton spread (ca. 2,500 B.C.);
1946:158-159, 197; Brain 1988; Hoffman 1994). While we (3) The Timucua, entering the Southeast from the sea on
also know from ethnohistoric data that all of the Lower the Georgia and North Florida coasts (Granberry
Mississippi Valley peoples moved around considerably, and it 1993:41-60), and perhaps elsewhere (Sears
is consequently not possible to pinpoint the geographical 1982:184-201), forced a wedge into the otherwise
location of a given tribal group with absolute accuracy for any Gulf Group Floridian peoples, leaving only South
specific prehistoric time period, it is nonetheless possible to Florida, parts of interior Central Florida and the
say that linguistic and archaeological evidence suggests that adjacent mid-Atlantic coastal strip, and a strip along
both the Tunica and the Natchez were autochthonous Lower the Gulf coast from the Aucilla to the area below
Mississippi Valley cultures (Brain 1988, Hoffman 1994). It is Lake Okeechobee free of the new people and
not unlikely that one or both were responsible for the creation, language (ca. 2,000 500 B.C.); perpetuation, and spread of the Poverty Point trade network. (4) The historic Calusa were the descendants of the last Without this assumption it is impossible to explain the Natchez migration of Gulf Group peoples into the region,
presence in Northwest Florida the ?apala'i "River People", sometime around A.D. 500-800 (Widmer 1988:97);
the ?ahna "Land of Many Waters", and the presence of (5) The Muskogean presence in northwest Florida can,
Natchez phrases in the Apalachee language of 1688. All in spite of the archaeologically evidenced cultural
suggest a long-standing Natchez presence, sparse or otherwise, continuity in the area (Brose 1984), be dated to Ft.
in northwest Florida from Mobile Bay to the Aucilla River. Walton-Safety Harbor times (ca. AD 110
The presence of possible Calusa toponyms in the Big Bend (6) This was the language-cultural distribution in place
(North Peninsular Gulf Coast) area and in an almost continuous at the time of European arrival in Florida.
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174
DE SOTO'S TRAIL TO APALACHE
Donald E. Sheppard
Hernando De Soto's route through Florida in the summer It cost him dearly at landing, as we shall see. The moon's and fall of 1539 continues to attract the attention of scholars phase, from then on, would be taken into account on every and laymen alike. New archaeological evidence has been tactical decision he made. Precise lunar intelligence of the added to the historical chronicles long extant, and nearly early sixteenth century became available with the advent of "definitive" routes have been proposed. However, the atomic time measure, radar telescopes and digital computers
archaeological evidence is very thin, and, if anything, the scant (the data used herein was provided by Mammana 1994). Only findings at Tampa Bay and Tallahassee have only added to the now can we focus on De Soto's genius and folly. confusion and controversy surrounding De Soto's route (Brain Distance-measurement and pasture land location were 1985:xvi, xiii-xxiii; Bullen 1951, 1952). On the other hand, important to De Soto's navigators and captains. To most of many trail seekers have misinterpreted early sixteenth-century us, distance traveled is the mileage we read on an odometer. terms, neglected consideration of Florida's once bountiful To early sixteenth-century colonizers, however, it meant the phosphate fields as native population centers, and omitted actual distance between places, along a straight line, measured consideration of important tactical concepts of mariners and in Spanish judicial leagues by pacers and plotted by mounted expeditionaries altogether. Perhaps a fresh start is in cartographers for eventual land title. By today's standard, order here, beginning with an examination of critical terms and there are 2.6 "legal" statute miles per Spanish judicial league concepts. or "legua legal" (Blake 1988; Brain 1985:xvi; Chardon
Moon phases and coasts were important in De Soto's 1980:295; Hodge 1907:22 footnote 2; Swanton 1939:104).
time. The King's agent with De Soto even described his trail All of Florida's land, even today, is titled in reference to a through central Florida in relation to the coast (Biedma in grid similar to the one De Soto planned, with statute miles our Clayton 1993:1:226). To the King of Spain and all units of "legal" measure. That land titling concept was
professional seamen everywhere, the word "coast" meant inherited from the Romans (King 1990:99). De Soto's people
navigable water nearest to land; a functional sea lane (the King knew that he could claim lands inland of only two hundred in Clayton 1993:1:360). De Soto trail seekers have used the leagues of coast for his colony, and they could claim shoreline of our shallow Gulf of Mexico for reference in homesteads only within the boundaries of his colony (the King placing the trail, but that shoreline lies at least fifteen miles in Clayton 1993:1:360). Accordingly, they kept track of inland of Florida's Gulf "coast". "Definitive" trails have, desirable locations, some in their personal journals, and therefore, been placed about that distance inland of De Soto's described the army's movements in the process. trail. When the Thirty Lancers made a horseback journey back De Soto's army had over two-hundred horses, each down that trail after riding it to north Florida, they left the requiring adequate food every day (Biedma in Clayton only complete description of the trail through Florida. The 1993:1:225). Horses were so important to his mission that length of their reported ide, however, has been discredited pasture lands or Indian villages with stored food were always and shortened by De Soto trail seekers by an amount assumed his intermediate destinations. But native American Indians had by them to have been exaggerated by a sixteenth-century no domesticated animals at all; so their lifestyles were not transcriber of their journal (Swanton 1939:151). The Thirty accommodating to De Soto's (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:69, Lancers rode on harvest moon at journey's mid-way, however, 146). To make allowance for this, De Soto marched his army enabling over-night passages, unknown until now, between in six divisions (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:58), and each camped points confused by today's trail seekers. separately on Florida's small fields and Indian villages. De
Tides are also affected by the moon (Katzeff 1981:93). Soto's army was strewn across the landscape as it advanced, Certain harbors were impassable to large Spanish galleons their campsites often at great interval. Horsemen provided De except on particular moon phases (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:73). Soto with intelligence for selecting desirable campsites for "Spring tides", which only occur near new and full moon in each, then "posted" his marching orders accordingly. Horses Florida, increase the tide's amplitudes, making particular were kept fit and captains were kept aware of the proximity of harbor channels navigable for large ships. De Soto's biggest other divisions in case of attack. Accurate distance measure mistake in approaching Florida arose from ignoring that fact. was De Soto's key to these ends, and would serve as the
Vol. 48 No. 3 TH E FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPTEMBER 1995




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foundation of land title once his planned colony was selected. and their informants were among people who spok agae De Soto trail seekers have tended to ignore precedent land title, so alien to their own that recording it in printwsamt equestrian lifestyle, nautical terminology and colonial lunar impossible. To add to the difficulty of under-stndncwa concept. the chroniclers meant, the natives frequently toldthe bu
Florida's rock phosphate ridge and its giant pebble villages using the village chief's name, or vicevraan phosphate fields are almost forgotten today. Most were mined- provinces were often referred to in a similar maer In, out well before many of us were born. The phosphate from never having been in Florida, confusedplc nae them was ground into fertilizer for America's crops. In De occasionally and never understood what theotescld Soto's time, however, the phosphate ridges and fields were the provinces (he names ten provinces in Florida [bd:3-8 centers of life on peninsular Florida's west side and afforded 189], the others agree on four). I attempt to clrfthsb large enough pastures and sufficient maize to support his entire qualifying each native name I use here, and I us henm army and its livestock. De Soto's army rested on them until assigned by the chronicler who, in my opinion, betdscie the food ran out due to consumption or packing for the road specific people and places. Most specifics, hoeerIr ahead. Unfortunately, archaeologists will never get to study similarly titled by the various chroniclers, exceptn nai most of them as most have been destroyed by surface mining, several noted cases. Forgotten activity and lotntsi
Detailed satellite photographs, accurate lunar tables and conquest probably account for certain aberratos Th laser-defined topography did not exist until recently. For that observer' s scattered localities during particular eet ol matter, neither did effective mosquito repellant, reliable all- likewise account for discrepancies in ranging, tmn n terrain vehicles, snake bite antivenins or affordable deep-probe sequencing reports. metal detectors to use in locating sites. Today we have the If we are to find De Soto's trail and study h itsh benefit of these tools plus newly-annotated translations of the visited, then surely we must begin by undersadn ad De Soto's chronicles available at most public libraries, applying what these people wrote. This briewok-n
The De Soto chronicles were written as personal journals progress is an attempt to do just that; it variessutaily by three officers of the expedition; Luis Fernandez de Biedma, from previously published works, however. Wha] olosi a factor of the Crown; The Gentleman from Elvas, an un- my version of the events, circumstances, and egrpi named Portuguese Officer, herein called Elvas, who wrote in locations involved in the De Soto landing and entrd hog that language; and Rodrigo Rangel, De Soto's private Florida. Explorations and conquests of Florida's:ufCat
secretary. Garcilaso de la Vega, more properly Gomez Suarez immediately preceding De Soto's, are also includd Ihv de Figueroa (Goza 1984:5), herein called Inca because he was done my best to use all of the De Soto chronicles,.ihutba born in Peru, wrote to honor American Indians, preferred that from other published route reconstructions. I havk tepe name, and published a narrative based on interviews and to match the geographic descriptions provided byDI St' testimonies of several entrada survivors, primarily one of De chroniclers with existing locations in Florida egrpy Soto's Thirty Lancers (Frances G. Crowley in Clayton Today's place names are used in many casestofclae
1993:11:14). Inca's narration is used here, along with those of identification of sites which may not otherwisebekont the three officers, and are collectively called the "chronicles" those less familiar with Florida. in this paper. Although one other fragment of testimony During my research, I have visited every sitmeiod
written by Fray Sabastian de Canete has recently been found in in this report to verify my interpretations of source at.M




176
diploma from Clearwater High School. I am an airplane pilot thereby subjugating its citizens to menial servitude. Women and a Commissioned Officer in the U.S. Navy, but still a Boy became objects of barter. Before his eighteenth birthday De Scout at heart. For over twenty years I have sailed Florida's Soto formed a lifetime partnership with Herniln Ponce de Leon coasts and flown its skies. My family has lived in Central to assure equal estate for both in life (Hoffman in Clayton Florida for five generations. 1993:1:425, 446-455).
Hernan Ponce's relationship, if any, with Juan Ponce the
About This Presentation explorer has never been known, but events in De Soto's later
life would indicate some eagerness on his part to out-do Juan
The study of De Soto's conquest is inseparable from that Ponce in the same area of Florida where his colony had failed. of PBnphilo de Narvaez. Both were Spanish conquistadors Balboa was put to death by a jealous Panamanian dictator, De
who are known to have entered and exited Florida near the Soto's patron, in 1518. Balboa had over-stepped his bounds same locations, within a dozen years of each other. Narvaez without the strength of a personal army to hold his ground. failed utterly. De Soto followed and partially succeeded here. De Soto, made wise by that act, signed on as a Captain with De Soto's army became aware of native aversion to Spaniards, Francisco Pizarro to enter the Peruvian mountains and plunder provoked by Narvaez and coastal slave hunters, shortly after Incan treasure with an army of his own. Kidnap brought huge landing in Florida. Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca (in Hodge ransoms for De Soto's personal army, and Indian captivity 1907) provides us with the only extant narrative of the Narvaez brought intelligence of villages further on. Spectacular entrada, which was poorly executed and scantily recorded. De brutality became De Soto's way of life (Clayton 1993:1: 256Soto's chroniclers, who wrote their perceptions of Narvaez and 257). He amassed great fortune before Pizarro discharged him described the place where he built his boats for escape, are from Peru (Inca in Clayton 1993:11: 61; Goza 1984:4). relied upon here for additional intelligence of his "conquest." De Soto returned to Spain to seek recognition at Court,
Once De Soto marched to Apalache and established his but was not accepted there as a peer. Narvaez and another winter quarters, he dispatched his Thirty Lancers to ride back conquistador had recently disappeared while attempting to down his trail to bring forward all troops and ships left at port colonize North America at two different places, thus tarnishing in south Florida. The Lancer's journal, questionably the reputation of new world conquistadors in general but understood but factually related by Inca, is used here to setting the stage for De Soto's attempt to establish his own establish distances between places which the chroniclers failed name. He married Isabel de Bobadilla, whose family held to record in their personal journals when they blazed that trail. power at court (Hoffman in Clayton 1993:1:449-450). About Inca's account of the Thirty Lancers journey will, therefore, be that time, Cabeza de Vaca, a survivor of the Narvaez discussed, at times, before we discuss De Soto's arrival at expedition stirred the European population with astonishing Apalache. I know of no other way to substantiate this stories of great wealth in North America (Elvas in Clayton incredible journey as it unfolds. 1993:1:48). The King, despite De Soto's petition for lands
elsewhere (De Soto in Clayton 1993:1:358), fittingly granted
De Soto's Background and Preceding Conquests him, a trusted soldier of the cross, a four year commission to
colonize and hold La Florida instead (King's Concession to De
As a young Spaniard in Central America, De Soto was Soto in Clayton 1993:1:359-365). The King assigned De Soto profoundly influenced by two men: Juan Ponce de Leon and the Governorship of Cuba from which to stage his invasion of Vasco Nunez de Balboa. Both had become famous for the eastern half of today's United States; land once "owned" by
exploring the new world: Juan Ponce for discovering Florida, Juan Ponce, Narvaez and the other failed conquistador. and Balboa for discovering the Pacific Ocean beyond Panama. Francisco Vazquez de Coronado was dispatched from Mexico De Soto's ambitions in life would be governed, to a large to explore and conquer the western part of North America at extent, by his envy of their accomplishments, about the same time (Inca in Clayton 1993:1I:63-66).
Born at the turn of the sixteenth century of a noble family De Soto selected eager volunteers from Spain and in Spain, and raised in the new colony of Panama, De Soto Portugal; farmers, soldiers, accountants, ship builders, became acutely aware of possession, land title, and legal clergymen and tailors (Elvas and Hoffman in Clayton remedy (Hoffman in Clayton 1993:I:421-446). Juan Ponce, 1993:I:49-50, 451, 453). They averaged 24 years of age;
who first came to America with Columbus, and Balboa made some had been in the new world before, some with De Soto. their discoveries when De Soto was thirteen years old Lawyers were prohibited by act of the King, however, from
(Lockhart 1972; Goza 1984:2). De Soto learned the cunning joining De Soto; they were known to cause trouble over land of his mentors shortly thereafter while on "missions" with title and the division of crown spoils (Clayton 1993:I:363). Balboa in Nicaragua. Vicious dogs, fast horses, and extortion Some investors provided their own weapons, horses, became his hallmark. He enjoyed the title "Child of the Sun" greyhounds, servants and equipment (Inca in Clayton (Elvas in Clayton 1993"I:77) for conducting dawn raids on 1993:11:72-79, 86, 88, 130). Some brought their wives. They unsuspecting villages, usually capturing the village chief and sailed to Cuba, at De Soto's expense with stores of clothing,




177
trade goods, shields, armor, helmets, cross-bows, guns, black in Clayton 1993:11:101-102), whose nose had been cut off by powder, nails, tools, seeds and plows for exploration and Narvaez. long term settlement on our mainland. More animals and food One of the rescuers, a boy named Juan Ortiz, spent (hardtack, Irish blood hounds, long legged Spanish herding several years of captivity and torture by Chief Hirrihigua, who pigs and mules) were bartered from, or provided by, Cuban understandably had much enmity of Spaniards ibidd.: 102-115; plantation owners (Clayton 1993:1:373). De Soto's livestock Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:60-62). Ortiz survived, however, and count came to over five hundred, including at least two learned the chief's language in the process; the other captured hundred and thirty-seven horses (ibid.; Rangel in Clayton men were killed. Ortiz would finally escape, with help from 1993:1:254). Chief Hirrihigua's daughter, to her fiancee's nearby village
On orders from the King, seven deep draft vessels, bound (ibid.). He was given safe refuge by her fiancee, Chief ultimately for Vera Cruz, New Spain (Mexico), were used to Mococo, and learned that chief's language during years of transport De Soto's stores, animals, six-hundred forty men, hospitable captivity (ibid.). De Soto's scouts, in the luckiest their servants and women from Cuba to Florida (ibid.:252- stroke of the entire campaign, would find Ortiz shortly after 253). Two shallow draft vessels, owned by De Soto, carried a their landing (ibid.; De Soto in Clayton 1993:1:376; Rangel in number of the force. They set sail from Havana on May 18, Clayton 1993:1:255). He would serve De Soto's army as guide 1539. De Soto's object was to land his horses, his precious and chief interpreter for the rest of his life. De Soto's people cargo (Hoffman in Clayton 1993:1:442), as soon as possible; would reward the good Chief Mococo with excess Spanish lengthy sea passages were known to cause broken legs and armor when the port was finally abandoned. Florida's early thereby attrition among the horses. pioneers would find that armor and call Chief Mococo's
Juan Ponce de Le < n had explored Florida's nearby coast abandoned village site "Old Spanish Fields", as we shall see. and discovered Charlotte Harbor in 1513 but died from
wounds received somewhere between it and the Bay of Juan Landfall and Landing
Ponce on his return to colonize in 1521 (Davis 1935:41-43;
Lawson 1946:55; Morison 1974:510; Wiecknieski 1962:39; The King's Comptroller, Juan de Anasco, was dispatched
Williams 1986:41-46). The Bay of Juan Ponce is located sixty from Cuba to explore Florida's coast during the year before De miles northeast of Key West, above Cape Sable. Soto sailed from Havana (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:89). Anasco
In 1528, Panfilo de Narvaez, on a much smaller scale found Juan Ponce's Charlotte Harbor and took four Indians than De Soto, aimed to colonize Charlotte Harbor but a storm from among Chief Hirrihigua's people (Elvas and Rangel in kept him from first stopping at Havana to procure needed Clayton 1993:1:58, 251-254). Anasco was licensed by the provisions (Vaca in Hodge 1907:18). Narvaez's fleet was King to barter with them (the King in Clayton 1993:1:365). blown into the Gulf of Mexico, leaving one ship behind. He Those people trapped fish near there and traded them with found Florida several days later (Ibid.), but with a critical food inland Indian villages. Aasco envisioned developing that trade shortage, Narvaez was forced to disembark his army between with Havana. The captives knew the shoreline and could breaker islands (ibid.: 19-23). He dispatched his ships to locate their home port, Charlotte Harbor, on their return with Havana for supplies with orders to meet him further up the the fleet. Their village, Ucita, at the head of that harbor, coast where they all surmised Juan Ponce's good harbor to be would ultimately become De Soto's base of operations (De located (ibid.:23). They had been blown further north than Soto in Clayton 1993:1:375). Narvaez had been through that they realized, however, and the captains of the vessels reported village, had cut off Chief Hirrihigua' s nose, then proceeded finding the harbor just five leagues south of his disembarkation inland. Juan Ortiz had been there and had fled for his life. point (ibid. :125). Stump Pass, at today's Englewood on Hirrihigua's gigantic stone fishing enclosure (Inca in Clayton Lemon Bay, was exactly that distance from the mouth of 1993:11:231) is still there, however, hooked southward into
Charlotte Harbor on the Florida Township survey of 1896; Muddy Cove at the head of Charlotte Harbor, and is clearly Narvaez had disembarked there. Since on their return Narvaez visible on today's aerial photographs and maps. It is, and his army could not be found, the captains of the vessels possibly, the oldest historic structure in the United States. searched the shoreline for him, but to no avail. The next year, Before his return to Cuba, Anasco carefully sounded the rescuers sent to find Narvaez also found Charlotte Harbor, harbor, noted the tide's effect on it, then measured the distance thinking he would have settled there by that time. He had been back to Havana via Dry Tortuga; 75 or 80 leagues, as reported there but had a skirmish with that harbor's chief, Hirrihigua, to his officers in Havana (Clayton 1993:1:373). He advised De and led his army away (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:101). The Soto to sail on May 25th to catch the full moon and spring rescuers noticed a sheet of paper on a stick at the head of the tides at arrival, but De Soto chose to sail on favorable winds harbor, which they thought Narvaez had left for them (Elvas in instead, one week early (De Soto in Clayton 1993:1:375). The Clayton 1993:I:60-6 1). When some of the men disembarked men sighted Florida on May 25th, ten leagues west of the Bay to read the note they were captured by Chief Hirrihigua (Inca of Juan Ponce, but the transport captains would go no closer-




178
than one or two leagues from land until sighting the harbor 1993:1:57, 254). On the night of May 30th (on the tides, as entrance (Elvas and Rangel in Clayton 1993:57,252-254). we now realize), De Soto's guards sailed up to the head of the They reported the coast in four brazas water (twenty-two feet harbor and Ucita was taken in a dawn raid (ibid.; De Soto in deep) on a northern landfall (ibid.:252), and dropped anchor 4 Clayton 1993:1:375). The Indians, having been aware of the or 5 leagues below the port (De Soto in Clayton 1993:1:375). ships for nearly a week, had fled, much to De Soto's That depth of water that close to land, 75 or 80 leagues north disappointment. His style of capturing the chief and enslaving of Havana via Tortuga and ten leagues west of the Bay of Juan the citizens had been thwarted by delay. Hostages were not to Ponce and on a northern landfall 4 or 5 leagues below a port be taken en masse from Ucita, setting off a series of mishaps occurs at only one place in Florida: Sanibel Island (Brain which would disrupt the campaign for months. Without forced 1985:xvi, 1 note 2; Schell 1966:16; Wilkinson 1960; Williams labor, the men would have to perform all the menial tasks 1986:74, 174). associated with landing and carrying supplies overland on their
De Soto, his guard, Anasco and the captives were departure, and the transport captains would get but few
transferred into De Soto's smaller brigs to find the harbor that captives to take with them (Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:258). evening, leaving the cumbersome transport ships at anchor (De The next day, on the spring tides, the fleet sailed up the Soto in Clayton 1993:1:375). If the fleet over-shot the harbor harbor to within a mile of Locust Point, the closest mainland the large ships could not tack back to it against the high to the channel at the head of the bay, where the men were reported winds to enter the harbor's pass. To preclude that, disembarked (ibid.:254; De Soto: ibid.). They made their way De Soto coasted downwind, northward, in his small, through the marshes toward the village of Ucita, two leagues
maneuverable brigs, advancing to where he thought the from where they landed (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:57; Inca in
harbor's entrance was located (Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:252). Clayton 1993:11:101). In the meantime, the horsemen driving He sailed out of sight of the fleet, however, which had moved the livestock made their way toward Ucita, a twelve league trip out into deeper water for safe overnight anchorage (ibid. :253). (Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:254), as it is today around the That evening De Soto found Charlotte Harbor's entrance at cape's swamps and over the Myakka River at the head of the Boca Grande Pass, but was kept from returning to the fleet by harbor. That moonlit trip would be the entire cavalry's longest darkness and wind (ibid.:252). De Soto spent the night at a non-stop "ride" in Florida. deserted Indian village, much to the chagrin of his people Very late that night, the horsemen finally arrive near
(ibid.:253). Ucita, exhausted from their journey (ibid.). They had trudged
The next morning, De Soto sailed back out the pass to through the swamps and over the mouth of the Myakka River, explore the enormous sand bar at the harbor's entrance and to although spring tides dramatically shallow that fording place summon the fleet. He was spotted four leagues downwind of near midnight. They found themselves on the opposite side of the fleet's anchorage as he tacked across the high winds (ibid.). Tippecanoe Bay from the men, however, and, exhausted, slept The fleet advanced downwind between vessels De Soto where they were (ibid.), on today's El Jobean. The men,
stationed on either side of the narrow channel to guide the fleet having been misled for hours by Anasco's four captives ibidd.), into the harbor (ibid.:253-254). Two of the fleet's ships watched the horsemen's campfires from the opposite bank of scraped sandy bottom as they entered (ibid.). Tippecanoe Bay, neither group realizing they were separated
Since they had left Havana a week earlier than Anasco by only one league of hard ground. The next day, the had advised, De Soto's fleet could not cross the harbor's horsemen found the passage around the lagoon at the head of shallow channel just south of Cape Haze, despite efforts to do the bay and reassembled with the men (ibid.':255). On June so (ibid.; De Soto in Clayton 1993:1:375)). They were forced third, with all the dignitaries and necessary paraphernalia to anchor two leagues inside the pass, in deep water (Inca in ashore, De Soto took formal possession of La Florida. Clayton 1993:I1:99), to wait for spring tides. Those tides were
five days away, so while they waited the men comforted the At Ucita
horses with fresh foliage and berries from the islands and bays
west of Cape Haze (Figure 1), just to the north of their Ucita can be located using statements attributed to Juan
anchorage (ibid.). Twenty horses perished before they were Ortiz, a description of the army's departure, Inca's journal of landed, however, and Anasco was publicly scolded for the the Thirty Lancers return to port, and by the army's reported delay which may have contributed to their injuries (Rangel in movement in that area. Ortiz had been captured by Clayton 19931:254). Anasco had warned De Soto about the Hirrihigua's people when he disembarked to read a note, but harbor's shallows before leaving Havana, however, thereby years later he was led away (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:101-107). establishing May 25th as the proposed departure date to hit Ortiz was shown an Indian bridge two leagues from the village Spring Tides on arrival; a date formally acknowledged by De and he crossed a iver on that bridge, then fled six additional Soto (in Clayton 1993:1:375). leagues to Mococo's Village (ibid.:'107). Biedma (in Clayton
The horses were finally disembarked with the other 1993:1:226) tells us that when the army departed Ucita, it livestock onto Cape Haze (Elvas and Rangel in Clayton marched west and then north-west. De Soto's trail would go




179
-- -- --
[Z4~ /CharI~teJ~rPEAC IE
.Hog .
-"-""" \, \ S lani
/ I....TU M P .. ......,",\... ....
. A I . . . . . . ..
... .........C u b a
// .... KEY TO ROUTES
iiiiiiiiiDE SO0TO'S" .7.-/ CHAR LOT TE
....... ..... ...---.
BOCA GRANDE PASS AR .......R FLEET
Subnme.ged Sand.Bars i"t horsmenoc, o00-.
>1' guard
imen / : Stores
/VV 0::i4iiiiii9qil Deep Water
s ep pa CoRag
/
.:-TAW .......
LANDINGS
_ II ....... ...... ..... ....... 34..,,...ANOI.LL..(
SCALE IN LEAGUES.
Figure 1. Proposed locations of De Soto and Narvaez landings.




180
by Mococo's Village, eight leagues from Ucita (ibid.:225; Inca 1993:11:122; Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:257), is two leagues in Clayton 1993:11:132). If the army departed Ucita on the from Ucita, exactly as described. same trail Ortiz used, it marched toward the Myakka River, Today, Ucita is a residential subdivision with paved roads
the only river west of the harbor's head. The army would turn and man-made canals running through it, seven feet above seanorth-west before the Indian bridge and proceed up the river's level but with few homes built on it. That site shows on the east bank on a "firmer" inland route. Besides, the bridge was original Florida Township survey as dense scrub, several probably too small for De Soto's army and for the horsemen hundred acres of it, in a "third rate pine forest" of ten thousand driving the livestock weeks earlier. Narvaez, however, with a acres or more (Field Notes of the Township Survey of 1849; much smaller army and with no livestock to drive, had Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:58). De Soto had felled the trees
probably crossed the bridge from the opposite direction years around Ucita to pasture his horses, and the men probably used before; he had landed near Englewood, less than three leagues the logs to build dwellings and storage buildings (ibid.). south of the bay head (ibid.: 101; Vaca in Hodge 1907:20, 21, Scrub oak grew over that area, and no other in that proximity, 25). In fact, the fields on the west bank of the Myakka River, in the intervening three centuries preceding the Township six leagues above the river's most likely bridge point were Survey. Since then the pines have all been harvested or burned called "Old Spanish Fields" by Florida's pioneers and are over; the entire area is covered with scrub, pine and palmetto labeled as such on John Lee Williams' Map of East Florida of today. A creek that flowed through the village has been 1827. Ortiz had found Chief Mococo's village there, two rerouted, but the bed is still intact for archaeological leagues from the seashore (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:62). investigation; its banks are undisturbed. (Useppa Island, near
The Thirty Lancers, led by Anasco, returned from north the mouth of Charlotte Harbor, may have been named that by Florida five months after leaving Ucita when De Soto decided Hirrihigua's people when they resettled away from De Soto to move his headquarters from Ucita to another harbor more and closer to their off-shore fishing grounds.) accessible to the continent's interior. The Lancer's journey is Tippecanoe Bay, with two or three feet of water at low related by Inca (in Clayton 1993:11:204-227) with a precision tide today, despite extensive accretion due to upland dredging, which betrays his noted confusion of place names and total accommodated the off-loading of ships near the harbor ignorance of provincial boundary. If we simply ignore Inca's anchorage by landing craft (Elvas and Rangel in Clayton speculation of the names of places which the Lancers 1993:1:57, 255). Water depth in the main anchorage at the
encountered near mid-journey, however, we can learn a great head of Charlotte Harbor is at least seventeen feet today, as it deal about the Lancers' trip and, thereby, about De Soto's was on Bernard Romans' Chart of 1774. The sand bars at the trail. The Lancers rode for eleven days back down De Soto's harbor's entrance and the shallows of the harbor's channel are trail and described their daily movements and the obstacles clearly shown on it, too, exactly as Rangel described them (in they encountered along the way. On their last night before Clayton 1993:1:253); as they are today. The main anchorage reaching Ucita they camped three leagues short of Mococo's is four leagues from Ucita (ibid.:254) and on a straight line village and eleven leagues short of Ucita (ibid.:224,227), down the Myakka River, making ship's mastheads visible for reinforcing the reported eight-league separation of those many leagues up that river, as reported by the scouts who villages by Biedma. Within one league of Ucita, the Lancers found Ortiz (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:113). Chief Mococo had feared for the safety of the men left at port when no horse released Ortiz upon hearing of the Spanish presence. Ortiz had tracks were found in a clearing just over one league from fled down the Myakka River toward Ucita and was spotted by Ucita, but were pleased to find fresh tracks and ash from De Soto's scouts, who thought he and his escorts were hostile clothes being washed at a lagoon less than half-a-league from natives (ibid.: 114; Elvas, Biedma and Rangel in Clayton the village (ibid. :226-227). 1993:1:59, 225, 255). Ortiz could only make the sign of the
Recall, too, that the men spent their first night ashore cross and call out "Xivilla" when approached by the heavily near Ucita, two leagues from where they disembarked. That armed scouts (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:115). The scouts measure from Locust Point meets the half-league measure from shouted with joy and escorted their prize to De Soto the harbor's only lagoon at a site astride a creek at the (ibid.:l117; Elvas, Biedma and Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:59, northeast end of Tippicanoe Bay (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:57), 225, 255), but due to his excitement, it took Ortiz some time just west of today's Murdock. The Myakka River is two to remember how to speak his own native language fluently.
leagues from that site, as Ortiz reported. The clearing the To the north and east of Ucita are extensive swamps that
Thirty Lancers passed, without horse tracks and lying just over livestock could not cross, but the swamps are dried today by a league from the village, is a large creek bed on El Jobean, drainage canals and the borrow-pits used to build Interstate 75, not far from where the horsemen camped for the first time in which traverses them. De Soto' s army would depart Ucita to Florida. The fishing enclosure hooks southward into Muddy the west and north-west, across El Jobean over hard ground. Cove half-a-league south of Ucita and is clearly distinguishable Horsemen would drive the livestock. Narvaez had probably as such. Hog Island, a canebrake where Hirrihigua's people walked his army northeast from Ucita, expecting to feed his hid from De Soto but were later dispersed (Inca in Clayton horses and to find the Apalachen gold he had heard about




181
(Vaca in Hodge 1907:21). He would have passed through the DU N N E L 0 N
marshes of the Peace River then crossed it just before reaching C H DLUP A H A
today's Arcadia, where he had found maize growing; all within LA CO0CHE RIVE
his ten to twelve league journey (ibid. :22). Narvaez had BAD PEACE "
continued north, inland of the Peace River, but had eventually HE 0
been led by circumstance over the Great Swamp (ibid.:25), the UTI NAMAF 0 C PE R
only fording place on a river which flows across all A A A
northbound routes from Ucita.. De Soto's people would report / A
crossing the same swamp, on the same river, at the same place P kTAN 1ST C HATA
and for the same reason eleven years later, as we shall see. rA A A ,
De Soto stayed at Ucita for six weeks. He wrote a letter STA TRE k 'k k
to Cuba (De Soto in Clayton 1993:1:375), transport vessels Y T A RA R T ,
were off-loaded and sent on their way, patrols were AGRA
dispatched, and De Soto's two brigs were safely secured at anchor. French Corsairs plied the new world waters (Clayton 0 C A L E D DE IT SWMP
1993:1:379), so De Soto left armed sailors on the brigs. When all was settled, De Soto left at least seventy men and twenty PROVINCE
horsemen at port to guard the stores (Elvas and Rangel in A C U R A Z E PHY RH11
Clayton 1993:1:64, 258; Inca in Clayton 1993:11:131). His THE GREAT SWAMPI RANCHION
army could not find captives to carry the stores inland, and De A ub
Soto was kind to Mococo's people. The army herded pigs, L ai
instead, so the men could eat when all else failed (Rangel in L k
Clayton 1993:1:259). H
The Grand Entrada McKayBa ACELA BDe Soto's army left Ucita headed for Ocale Province
(Figure 2), where they planned to spend the winter in its BAY ,A ACO
"abundance of gold, silver and many pearls", as scouts Ft Mea e
reported captives had proclaimed (De Soto in Clayton 1993:1:376; Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:64). De Soto marched RACO Desert
west from Ucita, but did not cross the Myakka River on the P O I E
Indian bridge or attempt to ford the river there, although tides were favorable as we realize today from accurate lunar reports. Lake St. JOHN-V
The horsemen had learned why not to ford it six weeks earlier: e y/
the bottom is still black sticky mud today. De Soto marched Lake of th RABB S WA M P
up the firm east bank of the river instead, headed north-west. H0(ard/ -3
That trail would cross the Myakka River's north-east bend MCl/, akes=
seven leagues from Ucita and a little more than league below MCC I tak
Mococo's west bank village. They camped on the river's bank ,
opposite Mococo's Village their first night out (Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:258-259), having traveled about six leagues 4 .,
that day. The trail they took is the only trail shown from '
Charlotte Harbor on the John Lee Williams Map of Eastern -- '
Florida of 1827: it bypasses the massive swamp west of the 0 Scale in Leagues 10 nglewoo -river's big bend where Ortiz first sighted Mococo' s workers D ESTO S TR iI&Callpsi
just below their village years earlier (Elvas in Clayton_ Village N ea r C a mpsit e 1993:1:61-62). That swamp is drained by Cow Pen Slough Phosphate Deposit ,]HARBOR
Today next morning, the army crossed a bridge they builtSwm I312ors
over the Myakka River (Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:259) just below Mococo's Village, then stopped to visit the chief (Inca Figure 2. Proposed De Soto route through Paracoxi in Clayton 1993:11:132). The chief shed tears at the army's departure, knowing full well that the surrounding villagers and Ocale provinces.




182
would eventually retaliate for his kindness to the invaders. Brewster near IMC Agrico's giant South Pierce phosphate The army rounded Lower Myakka Lake that afternoon by plant, one of the largest in Florida. Upon De Soto's arrival,
turning north-east near Mococo's Village, then crossed his scouts reported that a wide body of water just three leagues
Howard Creek and camped on the shore of Myakka Lake about beyond had such deep mud on either side that it was a league beyond the creek; making about five leagues their impassable for the army (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:133); second day (the Lancers would also camp there on their last referring to the Peace River at today's Fort Meade, at that night on the trail; eleven leagues from Ucita and three leagues distance east of the village. But they also reported that they from Mococo, as reported above). Howard Creek, just below had found a very good crossing of that swamp which the army that camp, looks like a river with high and steep banks so it could reach in just two days and pass over easily (ibid.); that was also bridged by the army. On the army's next morning at would have been at today's Lake Hancock spillway, which that camp the horses were spooked by a rabbit and ran back looks like part of Peace River's swamp but is shallow and down the trail for more than a league before terrified troops fordable. The Peace River joins the southbound spillway at could reassert control over them (Rangel in Clayton today's Bartow, six leagues north-east of Paracoxi Village. 1993:1:259). The horses had run back to the tree line at De Soto proceeded north and slightly west from Paracoxi
Howard Creek but not over the bridge, then stopped, as horses Village by following the course of today's railroad to bypass do when they pass fresh scents. De Soto's people christened the jungle over that giant phosphate field (ibid.: 126), a Myakka Lake, accordingly, the Lake of the Rabbit, and the moonscape of mines today. De Soto's men had rested for army had crossed two bridges upon leaving Ucita, all as several days, pillaging through Paracoxi for about a league,
Rangel reported (ibid.). where they gathered as much maize as they could eat and
With Paracoxi Village as their intermediate destination carry. They gathered natives there, too, as the village was (Inca in Clayton 1993:11: 132), the army continued to the north- reported to be heavily populated (Elvas in Clayton 1993"1:64). east for three more days. They camped the first night at what Their first night out was spent five leagues north of Paracoxi they called the lake of St. John (Rangel in Clayton Village and just beyond what they called Acela (ibid.; Rangel
1993:1:259), which is still there but is not even named on maps in Clayton 1993:1:259), today's Mulberry, four leagues from today. The next day the army traveled over a desert plain Paracoxi. The men, however, had departed Paracoxi Village's where De Soto's servant reportedly "died" of thirst (ibid.). northern fields and made that trip at their normal marching Horses drank what could be transported and, one can observe rate. even today, there are no lakes, springs, sink holes or creeks in The next day they turned east and hiked three leagues, that region, a most unusual place. The third day they came to crossed the wide and shallow spillway with ease, then camped what they called the plain of Guacoco (ibid.), Florida's largest half-a-league beyond on a plain called Tocaste near a large lake field of heavy sub-surface phosphate deposit, nature's (ibid.; Inca in Clayton 1993:11:133). That plain is Bartow fertilizer. That plain covered at least 130,000 acres of Airport today, the lake is Lake Hancock. Between the two is a phosphate fields, the only one like it in all of Florida; the large hill which stands fifty feet over the lake and plain; the Indians called that entire province by the name of the village view from it is spectacular. At Tocaste, De Soto was informed quartered there: Paracoxi. The army gathered maize in of the impassability of the country further on (ibid.); the Green
quantity for the first time (ibid.), having traveled over thirteen Swamp north and east of there was too large to move an army leagues from Myakka Lake in three days. They camped just over (it still covers hundreds of thousands of acres). So, with south of Paracoxi Village (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:224). one division, De Soto recrossed the spillway (ibid.) and
De Soto's apparent ambition to push his army rapidly explored the abandoned west side of Lake Hancock for another overland, at six leagues the first day and five the second, passage to the north (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:64), searching proved to be more than they could handle. They made just for Ocale (Rangel in Clayton 1993:1"259). He rode through over four-and-a-half leagues each of their last three days on the the marshes near today' s Auburndale and found the lakes and trail. That pace would hold for the next year, even with swamps to its north impassable for the army and its livestock. captives acquired from Paracoxi's fields to lighten their load. Most of the land he rode in that area has been strip-mined in That marching schedule, five days on the road and two at rest the last century. The villages he passed are borrow pits and for the entire army, would hold as a rule, too, with few man-made lakes today. exceptions for the next year's marches. On the third day of De Soto's search, he was led by a
Inca says that Paracoxi Village was twenty-five leagues guide to a broad road leading away from this swamp north-north-east of Ucita (ibid.:'126), which is the distance and (ibid.':260) to a passage through another which was free of direction they had traveled in Florida. Biedma says that mud at its entrance and exit (Inca in Clayton 1993, II1"134). Paracoxi Village was up to twenty leagues from the coast (in The Great Swamp would lead De Soto to Ocale, a place Clayton 1993:1: 226), measured from the "coast" near the reported by Elvas to lie west of Paracoxi Province (in Clayton mouth of Tampa Bay. Surrounded by surface mines today, 1993:1:64). With flat sand approaches, the Great Swamp was
Paracoxi Village was located just south-east of today's located at today's Hillsborough River State Park. All




183
northbound trails from points below Tampa Bay once Hammock would be substantially drained in this century by
converged at this fording place. The nearest man-made bridge Tampa's Bypass Canal into McKay Bay. When scouts reis a league-and-a-half upstream at today's Highway 301 at Fort crossed the swamp and spent a day proceeded down the river's Foster. That bridge was first constructed at the behest of the south bank tree line, they found a shallow bay the next U.S. Army in 1828; the road over that bridge would lead north morning (ibid.). They had found McKay Bay on May 20, through hostile Seminole Indian country (Mahon 1967:104). 1528, at which Spring Low Tide occurs on the morning of the
De Soto dispatched riders (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:135- new moon, precisely when they examined it. They could wade 139; Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:259) on the full moon with across it (ibid.). If they had seen the deep water of Tampa Bay orders for the army to advance and cross that swamp. The from McKay Bay it would have looked like the Gulf of Mexico riders had to back-track, unseen for safety, through an from their vantage point just east of today's Ybor City. They inhabited region (ibid.). They reported seeing many Indians had returned that day with news that the "harbor" was too that night performing pagan ceremony around giant fires (Inca shallow for ships, and Narvaez had proceeded north looking in Clayton 1993:11:137). Once the riders were reinforced by for his ships along the shallow Gulf shoreline (Vaca in Hodge the army at the spillway to ward-off morning attackers, all 1907:26). recrossed it; most camped again just north of Mulberry; a few
rode the full twelve leagues to the Great Swamp to reinforce Ridges and Flat Woods
De Soto (ibid.: 140-141; Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:260). In
the next two days the rest of the army would march the Once De Soto's men all crossed the Great Swamp and
remaining eight leagues to the Great Swamp (ibid.:142), encamped around the small village of Ocale (Biedma in passing well south of Lakeland The Indians fled when the Clayton 1993:1:226), De Soto sent scouting parties out in all army advanced. By the time the army arrived at the Great directions; they found villages and fields but no treasure Swamp, De Soto had crossed it and ridden six additional (Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:261). The captives from Paracoxi leagues into Ocale Province (Elvas, Biedma and Rangel in who had lied about Ocale were fed to the greyhounds. Fresh Clayton 1993:1:64, 226, 261; Inca in Clayton 1993:11:141- captives who had witnessed the feeding were believed, 142 calls it Acuera Province) The place were De Soto camped however, when they said maize and gold rich lands were just is called Dade City today and lies "about twenty leagues from one week to the north (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:65). With that Paracoxi Village on a line running more or less north and information, De Soto advanced with one battalion ibidd.) south" (ibid.: 142). De Soto had ridden a trail from just above toward Apalache. That place was to be found by "traveling the Hillsborough River to Dade City which Florida pioneers always toward New Spain, keeping ten to twelve leagues from would call "The Fort King Road" (Goza 1963:60-70). the coast" (Biedma in Clayton 1993:1:226).
Florida's Second Seminole War would erupt on that road Florida's Gulf coast is very shallow from that proximity
above Dade City (Laumer 1968,1995; Mahon 1967:104-106). northwestward. The "coast" Biedma was referring to was the
De Soto's army spent five days struggling to cross the four braza deep sea lane, as illustrated by the transport captain Great Swamp and emerging from it into "Uqueten" Village at landfall. On average, the coast is located about seventeen (Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:261), today's Branchton. They miles off-shore but varies from fifteen to twenty, putting De would hike up the same road that De Soto followed into Ocale Soto's road about ten miles inland from today's shore line. In (ibid.; Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:65). The men pillaged maize leagues, the coast varies from six to eight off-shore, averaging fields (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:146) near "Acura Village" seven; ten to twelve leagues inland is eleven on average, (Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:26 1), today's Zephyrhills, but they subtract seven from that leaves the trail, on average, four camped in Dade City; today's headquarters of Florida's citrus leagues inland of the shoreline. Months later when the Thirty juice concentrate industry. Lancers returned back down De Soto's trail, it took them
Narvaez had crossed the Great Swamp, at the same place exactly one week to get from Apalache to the Great Swamp and for the same reason eleven years before De Soto (Inca in (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:220), the southern boundary of Ocale. Clayton 1993:11:134). He had encountered several hundred Province. Indians while crossing the swamp with "great difficulty", but De Soto' s trail would pass northward from Dade City, was led to their village half-a-league away (Vaca in Hodge down the Withlacoochee River and through today's 1907:25); today's Branchton. Narvaez had found large Withlacoochee State Forest, a game preserve, described then as
quantities of maize close by (ibid.); at today's Zephyrhills. being abundant in "fallow deer.., red deer like large bulls... When Vaca was dispatched to find a harbor reported to be very large bears and panthers", all on high and dry land nearby (Tampa Bay), he had encountered wetlands filled with (ibid.:'146). Then his trail would go over Florida's rock oysters and a iver he could not cross (ibid.':25-26). The phosphate ridge and "as it had maize in abundance, they gave Hillsborough River re-broadens just below its branches at the it the name Villafarta" (Elvas in Clayton 1993"I:66), meaning Great Swamp; raccoons eat the oysters there today. That once "fertile place" in Spanish. Then his trail would cross a river, extensive swamp on very flat land near today's Rock enter another province and pass through "many forests (with)




184
streams that flowed through it, and very level" (Inca in chanchellin (in Hodge 1907:27). Only Inca called it Ochile (in Clayton 1993:11:152-153). These were Florida's "flat woods", Clayton 1993:11:155-159), which would confuse him and many as our "Cracker" pioneers would call them, between the trail seekers later on.
Withlacoochee and St. Marks Rivers. All of these pine trees De Soto captured the chief in a dawn raid, then returned would be "harvested" in the nineteenth and early twentieth back down the trail to find his division three leagues back centuries by "naval stores" companies which would first drain (ibid.: 154-155). They had advanced in his day-long absence, them of sap, to distill for turpentine and caulk residues, then probably another four leagues or so, making the distance build railroads through that sandy flat country to remove the between the Withlacoochee River and Caliquen Village about massive felled timbers. fifteen leagues. Because Caliquen Village was so large,
Most of De Soto's trail from Dade City was a railroad extending northward over a league to the Suwannee River, and until recently. He blazed a trail through Rital, Istachatta, Fort its chief held captive, De Soto sent for the remainder of his Cooper (just south-east of Inverness), Hernando and south army from Ocale before attempting to proceed (Elvas and Dunnellon. De Soto's people would call them, respectively, Rangel in Clayton in 1993,I:67,263). Riders were dispatched Ytara, Potano, Utinama, Mala Paz (Bad Peace) and Cholupaha on the full moon. Meanwhile, De Soto was reassured of (Elvas in Clayton 1993:I:66). He camped at each of these Apalache's abundance at Caliquen, but was sternly warned places at four league intervals; Inca says they traveled nineteen about Chief Caliquen's warring brother Vitachuco, whose leagues in doing so (ibid.). The rock phosphate ridge that De village was on the road to Apalache (Inca in Clayton Soto came to twelve leagues north of Dade City (Inca in 1993:II:157-160). De Soto was reminded of the plight of Clayton 1993:II:148) became well known to the U. S. Army. Narvaez for the first time there, in detail, by captives from that On it they fought the biggest battles of the Seminole Wars at province (Elvas in Clayton 1993:I:66). today's "Cove of the Withlacoochee" (Mahon 1967:135-218; Over the next several weeks the remainder of the army
Sprague 1964[1848]). The Seminole Indians called that place advanced from Ocale and De Soto positioned them around Char-lo-pop-ka (Sprague 1964:279); De Soto's captives called Caliquen as they arrived. The army had buried its heavy it Cho-lu-pa-ha; today it is called Tsala A-pop-ka; probably the implements before advancing, however, believing in imminent same name. Only Inca called that place Ocale, the name the return to winter in Ocale (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:67; De Soto others assigned to the entire province, in Clayton 1993:I:376). Once the army was rested and more
De Soto's division built a wooden bridge near Cholupaha captives were taken, the army crossed the Suwannee River, (Elvas in Clayton 1993:I:66) to cross the River of Discords camped, then proceeded for one week to Chief Vitachuco's (Rangel in Clayton 1993:I:263) between "precipices on either Village (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:67). That route segment side as high as the length of two pikes and as perpendicular as would be the army's longest slog through swamp land (Figure two walls" (Inca in Clayton 1993:II:148; a "pike" was 18 feet 3). long [Stone 1934:501]). That bridge was built on the
Withlacoochee River at Dunnellon, with the only vertical Vitachuco, Coming and Going
banks that high on the river (as reported on the Township
survey of 1845 before the river was dammed and mined). De
Soto called it the River of Discords because his favorite The Thirty Lancers would pass through Vitachuco Village
greyhound, Bruto, was killed chasing Indians in it (Inca in on their way back down the trail, and report finding the bodies Clayton 1993:11:148-149). of many dead Indians, killed at De Soto's direction, still
De Soto left Dunnellon bound for Caliquen Village strewn over Vitachuco's fields (Inca in Clayton 1993:II:207(Elvas in Clayton 1993:I:66), sixteen leagues up the way as 208). The Lancers would proceed eight leagues beyond reported by captives (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:153). His men Vitachuco Village to camp late that night, then ride eighteen passed the first eight leagues in two days, but half way through leagues the next night and camp five leagues short of a giant the third day, probably while they were struggling to ford the river (ibid.:209); for a total distance of thirty-one leagues from Waccasassa River and Otter Creek, De Soto and his guard Vitachuco Village to the river. They would struggle to ford proceeded to Caliquen Village (ibid.). That village, the river the next day, but in doing so would leave a perfect yesteryear's Janney, once the headquarters of Peninsular Naval description of today's Lower Clay Landing on the Suwannee Stores Company, was just west of today's Chiefland. It is a River, their most precise description of any place in Florida ghost town today, just over a league south of the Suwannee (ibid.:209-211, 216-218). To warm and dry themselves, they River. The "flat woods" are all gone. A small cemetery would spend the remainder of that day and early evening
marks the spot where Caliquen village once stood and a long, between bonfires in Caliquen Village. Inca had called that crescent shaped hill just south of it is where Chief Caliquen village Ochile when the army went up the trail (ibid.:155), lived overlooking the "valley" (ibid.: 154- 155). Biedma called then confused it with the similarly-titled Ocale (ibid.: 149), the this village Aqua-calecuen, Rangel called it Aqua-caleyquen province on the south bank of the Withlacoochee River, when (in Clayton 1993:I:226,263). Vega had called the chief Dul- the Lancers returned down the trail. Be that as it may, the




185
Lancers camped in Caliquen Village just below Lower Clay UZACHIL' TALLAHASSE
Landing, not where Inca infers.
De Soto's army had left Caliquen Village and blazed the HAPALLAYGA -- CHAIRES
trail that the Thirty Lancers followed back. The army camped H A P C
just over one league north of the Suwannee River their first R Maerk CODY
night out, having spent the day bridging and crossing the river RV of
(ibid.:67; Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:264) at Lower Clay theDEER acis'
Landing. At their normal pace of four-and-a-half leagues per East River Poo VI TACHUCO NaturaI'.BriI
day, they would have camped next at today's Cross City, WR ucita
which they called Uriutina, a "town of pleasant view and with Nutall
much food" (ibid.). Then they followed the route of today's Econf
railroad and camped at Hines, then between Tennille and rs
Salem, then at Athena, then at Hampton Springs, and then at THE F LAT
the Econfina River which they called Many Waters (ibid.); WOODS HP SI
camping at each of these places at just over four league VITA H HAMPCO'
intervals. Finally, they forded a very bad swamp and went P R 0 V IN C E Perr
into Vitachuco Village, four leagues from the Econfina River and thirty-one leagues from the Suwannee River. That course, ten to twelve leagues from the coast and always toward New Spain, as Biedma reported (in Clayton 1993:1:226), departs Salei
today's railroad and Highway 19 just south of Perry and effectively straightens the paths of today's roads. The trail led through Hampton Springs instead of Perry, then across e e
Vitachuco's Plain and then into Tallahassee. The Thirty Lancers would pass back down that same trail and camp eight leagues below Vitachuco Village at today's Hampton Springs, then at Cross City eighteen leagues from there, then cross the 4 Suwannee River at Lower Clay Landing five leagues from U CROS
Cross City, as they reported those distances.
Vitachuco Village lies just above today's Nutall Rise, LOWE
near a plain between the Wacissa and Aucilla Rivers, eight C LA Y
leagues from Hampton Springs. Miles of abandoned railroad L A N D I N G
weave through the fields just east of the plain, attesting to the S U WA N N E E RI V *-J A N E
magnificence of that once great stand. Inca says (in Clayton 1993:11:166), "near the pueblo (village) was a large plain. On #-- ,
one side was a high and dense forest that covered a large tract CALIQUEN
of land, and on the other were two lakes. The first was small, and would measure about one league in circumference; it wasWaccasassa clear of growth and mud, but was so deep that three or four Ri
steps from the shore one could not touch bottom. Thae second, which was further away from the pueblo, was very large, more !
than half a league in breath and so long that it looked like a .
large river, its extent being unknown. The Indians stationed their squadron between the forest and these two lakes, the lakes being on their right and the forest on their left"..
The re prtsof te Waiss Rivr; te frst ies0 Scale in Leages' 014 Te"lakes" ar at fteWcsaRvr h is isDESO0TO's:
athnot-etedof vitachuc o'5 plain admeasures one 4 TraI&Cam
league in circumference, as reported. The second "lake" is H...... Higiw a y 19 & 27Wthao he
much wider and extends for miles to the south from the south- 'r P ro0v in ce Bo0r de r R i ver
west edge of the plain. It disappears in the surrounding swamps to the west and south, and looks exactly the way Inca described it. Both "lakes" are very deep near their banks Figure 3. Proposed De Soto route to Vitachuco.
because the river flows through them and underground between them.




186
Vitachuco's plain lies one league north-west of the
Aucilla River's natural bridge, another partially underground Vaca's trail below Vitachuco Village, at De Soto's river near Nutall Rise, which explains why the army and the marching rate of four-and-a-half leagues per day, would have Lancers did not report a river crossing there. A large swamp, passed one side of the large "lake" adjoining Vitachuco's plain today's Cow Creek Swamp at the south-east edge of the plain, and then gone over Gum Swamp the first day, then over the was reported by Rangel, however, when the army entered the East River Pool and the St. Marks River near its mouth the village (in Clayton 1993:1:264). Vitachuco Village is next. Narvaez crossed these "lakes" instead of avoiding them
completely surrounded by massive swamps and is almost because both the pool and the river's flats look like lakes and
impenetrable even today. It provided Vitachuco's people are almost impossible to hike around even today. They are at shelter in a very hostile environment. Rangel says their the distances from the village and of the dimensions Vaca Apalachen neighbors were "most valiant.., great spirit and described. Pioneer trails also crossed both of them at exactly boldness", the fiercest in Florida (Rangel in Clayton the same places (inside of today's St. Marks National Wildlife 1993:1:264-267). De Soto fought Vitachuco's people near the Refuge; East River Pool has a causeway today where Vaca said "lakes" when they attacked the army (ibid.:265). The natives he crossed it, but the St. Marks River's flats have been fled to the "lakes," shooting back for most of that day and dredged for shipping). night, but were surrounded and captured by De Soto's army Maybe Narvaez did march south out of Vitachuco in
(ibid.). Several days later, at camp, they were publicly search of Aute; the last reported village he would visit in his executed (Elvas and Biedma in Clayton 1993:1:69, 226) for life. If he did, then a clear picture will come into focus when reasons never entirely understood. we examine his trail to Aute later in this paper. I believe De
Elvas and Rangel (in Clayton 1993:1:67,264) with De Soto massacred Vitachuco's people, and enslaved their women Soto, and Vaca (in Hodge 1907:26) with Narvaez' had all and children for what they had done to Narvaez. The
reported "flute players" near a West Central Florida road chroniclers never mention this reasoning, perhaps for the which Vaca says "was difficult to travel but wonderful to look shame of it, or maybe because it was so obvious to them. The upon.... In it were vast forests, the trees being astonishingly wholesale, slaying of natives would be repeated only once on high" (ibid.:27). I believe they were all in the flat woods De Soto's three year campaign, when he would be betrayed by when they made similar reports, and both Narvaez and De Soto Chief Tuscalusa. used the same trail leading to Vitachuco, a village which
Narvaez found and called "Apalachen" (ibid.:28). Vitachuco Panhandle Monsters
Village might have been in Apalache Province at that time,
given the warring nature of that province and the European In late September, with a well-fed army supported by
diseases (population movers) most likely delivered by Narvaez. captives from three provinces (Paracoxi, Ocale and Vitachuco), "The Lakes", says Vaca (ibid.:29-31), "are much larger here.. De Soto set out once more toward his planned winter as we sallied they fled to the lakes nearby... shooting from the encampment at Apalache (Figure 4). The trip would take two lakes which was safety to themselves that we could not weeks but the men would rest several days along the way.
retaliate", which is similar to the incident observed by De From Vitachuco, it is only ten leagues to Tallahassee, across Soto's army. Narvaez, apparently, did not have a sufficient the St. Marks River. The army stopped to bridge that river army to surround the Indians. Then, Vaca says, the natives near today's Cody on their first night out (Rangel in Clayton told them that the land and villages inland were very poor, but 1993:1:226), four leagues from Vitachuco (Inca in Clayton that by 'journeying south nine days was a town called 1993:11:183). The chief of anearby village, Uzachil, who had Aut...(with) much maize, beans and pumpkins and being near sent flute players to amuse the men further back the trail (Elvas the sea they had fish" (ibid. :30). and Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:67,264), sent dressed deer for
Biedma (in Clayton 1993:1:226) says these Indians told the army's fare while they built a bridge of logs the next day. many great lies about the country further inland, and, I think, The army, therefore, named the St. Marks River "The River of Narvaez had believed them; Narvaez had no Juan Ortiz to sort the Deer" (ibid. :Elvas:69). them out. If Narvaez had been at Vitachuco, and departed to After completing the bridge the following day, "The
the south, as Vaca indicates, he would have encountered army crossed the iver, (and) marchedl two leagues through a
country exactly as hedescribed. That is, country without timber" (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:184),
probably up the St. Marks River's west bank, arriving at a
"The first day we got through those lakes and place where they "found large fields of maize, beans and
passages without seeing anyone, on the second day calabashes" (ibid.). They called that large town Hapallayga
we came to a lake difficult of crossing... (but got (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:70); today it is called Chaires through)... at the end of a league we arrived at Crossings. It lies at the east end of Lake Lafayette Valley; the
another of the same character, but worse, as it was railroad runs through the valley today. That night (under a full half a league in extent" (Hodge 1907:31-32). moon), De Soto rode four more leagues into Uzachil (ibid.;




187
-- Cowarts GEORGIA
0 Scale in Leagues 10 Creek
ALABA Marshall -- ChattahoocheeNT RIVER
ALABAORA -k- natural River FLINT RIVER
FLORIDA SILLS Bridg
ChipolaOchockonee River MARIANNA River
S-Narviez Course State Park
DESOTO's: NB8Ie 1
--- Trail & Campsites I Spring CHATTAHOOCHEE GEORCIA
- nasco Trai I- I 1 -FLO
-- Province Border Spring IVITACHUCO Camp 2 Leagues ) FLORIDA
----State Border / reek CLAHUCHI
IVIAHICA pass / AGILE
APALACHE Lake Apalachicola MIDWAY
Saltwater ,., Tiphu ga "HAIRES Crossings
e o Creek d Ochlockonee UZACHIL *C DY
Creeyo River HAPALLAYGA
!ECONFI A St. Marks
AUTE --Im Bear River
Boat Works-e. Creek VIT H COa.
oh B ,. --,, ayou George
St. Andrew o Plain G a
PANAMA CITY East River
Mear Pool
cut to' Me a r 5
Culf oRiver of GULF of MEXICO
Strait of San Miguel Magdalina
Figure 4. Proposed De Soto and Narvaez routes and locations from Vitachuco to Apalachee.
Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:266) and took today's Clayton,I:266), almost five leagues west of today's Capitol Tallahassee, which lies exactly that distance (Inca in Clayton Building by following the course of today's railroad and the 1993:1:184) up that fertile valley at its west end. The Old Spanish Trail to Midway, where they camped. The next villagers, however, had fled into the woods (ibid.). The army night they camped at "Agile" (ibid.; Elvas in Clayton caught up and captured many of them while pillaging the 1993:1:70) four-and-a-half leagues up the road, at today's surrounding fields for the next two days ibidd. 189; Elvas in Quincy. That proximity was called Tiphulga India Clayton 1993:1:70). More captives were shackled around the Reservation as late as 1827 on a Map of the Western Part of neck and chained to the others (ibid.). They gathered and Florida by John L. Williams. One of De Soto's troops was carried food for the horses. grabbed in his genitals by an unhappy female captive there; he
The next day, when the army was ordered to advance, survived, but just barely (Rangel in Clayton 1993:I:267). The some crossed a forest ([Rangel in Clayton 1993:I:266]; but next day, De Soto, in the vanguard, came to the Apalache Bourne [in 1904:78] translates Rangel's Spanish word Swamp (Elvas, Biedma and Rangel in Clayton 1993:I: 70, "monte", which he used here, as "mountain" instead of 227, 267; Inca in Clayton 1993II:189), the Apalachicola "forest" which is also proper translation; at this place in his River, twelve leagues beyond Uzachil's boundary (Inca: ibid.), narrative Inca describes "a high point" of earth "three pikes the Ochlockonee River. Most of the army would camp two high" [54 feet] where the Indians lived [Inca in Clayton leagues from the Apalache Swamp, then catch up and struggle 1993:II:185-186] ). Topography would indicate that both were to cross it for the next several days while camping near it describing the "mountain" under the Florida State Capitol (ibid. 189-196,206-207). Building (or one within a mile or so of it, as there are no The Woodrff dam spans between high banks where De others in that section of Florida). The village of Uzachil was Soto first sighted the Apalachicola River's mammoth gorge: at headquartered there, but the good chief was not to be found. today's Chattahoochee. Inca says the banks were half-a-league The army spent that night at a pine wood (Rangel in apart (ibid. 189), as they are today, just below the confluence




188
of the Chattahoochee and Flint Rivers. With extensive village of Apalache: Iviahica (ibid.:196; Elvas and Rangel in swamps on either side, the river flows around an island at the Clayton 1993:1:71, 267). All had fled into the woods. outlet of North Mosquito Creek on the east bank of the river Iviahica Village was located just west of today's Marianna, less than a league below today's dam. Elvas says (in Clayton eleven leagues from the Apalachicola River's swamp (Inca in 1993:1:70) the river was wider than a cross-bow shot there, as Clayton 1993:11:206-207). De Soto established his winter it is today despite the upstream dam. Old Florida trails headquarters at Iviahica. De Soto's "monsters" in Florida's converged at this crossing place on Florida's original "panhandle" would prove to be the Apalache Swamp and the
Township Survey and the railroad crosses it there today. Great Ravine; our "monster in the panhandle" would prove to Perhaps De Soto's narrow foot path through the forest in the be the enduring myth that Tallahassee was the location of river's gorge led to that place (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:189). Iviahica Apalache. Tallahassee was just another stop along De The east bank where De Soto camped on a plain, and the west Soto's way, which explains the small quantity of bank where he built a stockade, are exactly the same now as archaeological evidence of his presence being found there. As they were described then (ibid.; Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:70). for Tampa Bay, De Soto was never there. It took the army several days to bridge and cross this river.
Indian resistance was intense. This mammoth river was the Paradise
provincial boundary of Apalache (Biedma in Clayton
1993:1:227); the fourth Indian province De Soto would Iviahica Apalache's fields are deep, rich, red mineral
"invade" in Florida. sediments nestled between rolling, sandy hills and spring-fed
Once all had crossed, De Soto's army left the stockade streams. Vegetables grow in profusion there (ibid.:197,253and proceeded two leagues up the west bank to camp at a 254; Elvas and Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:71-72,268). One
village called Ivitachuco, which had been set ablaze just prior look in the fields tells the story of a thousand year occupation. to their arrival (ibid.; Elvas and Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:71, The fields are strewn with fragments of cultures which settled 267): today's Sneads. Then the army passed through rich and farmed there from time to time. The black farmers who
fields to Calahuchi Village (ibid.; Inca in Clayton live on Union Road, which cuts through what used to be 1993:11:194), camping just north of today's Cypress. The next Iviahica, are a beautiful, hard working and proud people; most day, having lost their only good guide, they came to a deep of whose ancestors were born there. The setting is rural ravine that was difficult to pass two leagues down the road Alabama; livestock are pastured on several southern-style (ibid.: 196). They met very heavy resistance from the plantations. Pigs, chickens, beans, squash, corn and insects are Apalachens at that ravine, the worst they saw anywhere (ibid.). abundant. Churches and small cemeteries dot the forested
That ravine, with banks over eighty feet above Spring landscape. A village named Webbville is depicted there on Creek today even though it is dammed below, looks exactly the pioneer maps where the Old Spanish Trail bends north into way it was described then (ibid.: 196, 241-241). Spring Creek Alabama and the Pensacola Road forks off to the southwest rises from Blue Spring and flows south-westward into the (John L. Williams Map of Florida of 1837). Chipola River. Pioneer maps show the trail from the crossing Inca says that Juan de Anasco was dispatched from that place on the Apalachicola River passing north of Blue Spring place to find the sea (in Clayton 1993:11:198) just before he just seven leagues from the river, then the trail continues was sent back down De Soto's trail leading the Thirty Lancers westward to cross the natural bridge of the Chipola River two ibidd.' 204; Biedma in Clayton 1993:1"227). Anasco needed to leagues from the spring. But De Soto had lost his only good mark the trees along that seashore in order to find Iviahica guide "carrying as guide an old Indian woman who got them Apalache on his return from Ucita in De Soto's ships He lost..." (Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:267). Once the fighting first rode south to Aute, twelve leagues from Iviahica (Inca in was over and the army had all crossed the ravine, they Clayton 1993:11:199), today's Econfina. He reported crossing
"marched two leagues more through a country without only two small rivers along the way, easy to cross (ibid.); they
cultivated fields or settlements" then camped (Inca in Clayton are called Econfina and Sweetwater Creeks today. He camped 1993:11:196). They had marched up and over the high east along the way at Compass Lake, the half way point. Just over bank "peninsula" of the Chipola River at Spring Creek then two leagues beyond Aute, after crossing a creek up to his camped at today's Florida Caverns State Park. The Chipola horse's pasterns, Anasco came to the head of a bay (ibid. :203); River's branches are beside the park and are clearly illustrated today's North Bay, just above St. Andrew Bay. The creek on pioneer maps and labeled "natural bridge" along the Old Anasco forded is called Bear Creek today and it, too, is the Spanish Trail; the trail De Soto had followed from Tallahassee same with shallow water and a hard bottom. By skirting the until he got lost, bay, Anasco found the place where Narvaez built his boats
The next morning, when the army resumed its march, by (ibid.; Biedma in Clayton 1993:1:227), on the north shore of fording the Chipola River's "natural bridge" on the Old today's Bayou George. Spanish Trail, De Soto proceeded two leagues in advance with Anasco found crosses carved in the trees, carcasses of the horsemen and a hundred foot soldiers into the principal dead horses, and the forge Narvaez had built to smelt nails




189
from stirrups to build his boats (ibid.). Then, in order to mark to fetch sick men and food from Aute during the time it took the trees for his own return, Anasco followed along the shore them to build the boats (ibid.: 35). of the bay to the sea, which was three leagues away (Inca in Since the water in Bayou George is shallow, Narvaez had Clayton 1993:11: 203). The Gulf of Mexico is one league to time his departure on favorable tides. According to modern south of the harbor's point, today's Panama City, then two lunar reports, that is exactly what he did: Narvaez completed leagues out the strait formed by the breaker island where he his boats so they could be launched and maneuvered out of the marked the trees, for a total distance of three leagues to the bay (ibid.:36) on the spring tides. That, I believe, was his sea, as he reported. Vaca says Narvaez called that strait San first wise move in conquest but, no doubt, his last. Narvaez Miguel when he sailed through it (ibid.; Hodge 1907:37). would vanish, and his defeat would bolster the credibility of Today the breaker island has been cut below Panama City to the natives who sent him there. Their lies, recorded by form a pass for ships, thereby avoiding the shallows at the missionaries near Vitachuco years later, would be given mouth of the strait which Anasco would report months later on credence by historians for centuries, as will be discussed later. his return from Ucita in De Soto's ships (Biedma in Clayton When Biedma, the King's agent, was at Aute, he
1993:1:227). pronounced the sea to be nine leagues distant (in Clayton
If Narvaez had been at Vitachuco and had departed to the 1993:1:227). It is that distance, on a straight line, to the sea south, as suggested earlier, he would have passed over Gum from today's Econfina. Notice that Biedma did not say to the Swamp, East River Pool and the St. Marks River. Then, "coast" this time. A navigable harbor, such as St. Andrews
having been turned west by the Gulf of Mexico, he would have Bay, was, by definition, a coast. They called that harbor the passed a plain Oust north of today's Medart), more swamps Bay of Aute (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:244). When he was (the Sopchoppy, Ochlockonee, and New River swamps), and a there, Biedma says they had walked one-hundred and ten big stream which he called Magdalina; the Apalachicola River, leagues from Ucita (in Clayton 1993:1:227). It is exactly that all as Vaca reported (in Hodge 1907:32-33). Just before distance, on a straight line across the Gulf of Mexico from entering Aute, Narvaez came onto planted fields where his Ucita to the Bay of Aute, the way Anasco was instructed to army was fallen upon by the enemy (ibid.). Narvaez survived return in De Soto's ships; Biedma knew that was the "paced and camped at Aute, today's Econfina, where the fields to its and charted" range they had displaced to the bay since leaving southeast are still cultivated today. That nine day trip from Aute. De Soto's cartographers must have been much more "Apalache" to Aute, at a marching rate of four-and-a-half talented than his later day trail seekers surmised. leagues per day, would have totaled just over forty leagues, but Once Anasco returned from Ucita, Captain Maldonado the distance along the trails from what De Soto called was dispatched westward along the coast in De Soto's brigs to
Vitachuco to today's Econfina is forty five leagues. If Narvaez find an entrance to the sea at which to meet De Soto the marched at a rate of five leagues per day, however, he could following winter (Elvas, Biedma and Rangel in Clayton have traveled that distance along the trails from Vitachuco to 1993:1:73, 228, 268; Inca in Clayton 1993:11:244). He found Econfina. Narvaez could march at that faster rate because he a port sixty leagues down the coast (ibid.), which would have had no livestock to drive. been at today's Mobile Bay and Alabama River. From
Vaca reports that during their 280 league trip through Iviahica, De Soto would hike America for almost a year and Florida, Narvaez never saw a mountain (ibid.:36). Apparently over a thousand miles before releasing the captives brought he bypassed Florida's pride and joy, Tallahassee. De Soto's from there by Maldonado. Their release point is known to be people reported that they were the first whites ever seen near have been above Mobile Bay somewhere near the Alabama the Apalache Swamp (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:193), which River; the captives could, therefore, follow the river back:
confirms that Narvaez had taken a different route to the bay. home. Precise cartography accounts for that. Vaca's reported distance traveled through Florida to the bay, De Soto's "seacoast" route from Ucita, as it was referred 280 leagues (Hodge 1907:36), would indicate its estimate to then (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:73), shows only two shortcut along the trails and various diversions, not along paced and available to Anasco when he rode back down it with the Thirty charted lines as was De Soto's habit. Lancers; all 150 leagues of it from Iviahica, as Inca reported
Narvaez camped for several days in Aute, where Vaca (in Clayton 1993:11:205, 227; it measures 148 leagues on U.S. was dispatched on horseback to find an escape route from that Department or Interior Geological Survey 7.5 Minute Series hostile country (ibid.':33). He rode down the same trail Topographic Maps). Anasco's object was to avoid potentially Anasco would ride to Bayou George. There he found a place hostile villages that De Soto had deliberately passed through favorable for building boats, with cedar, pine, oak, palmetto, for food and captives on his way up (Elvas in Clayton shell fish coves and a fresh water stream, but no rocks (see the 1993"1:72). Anasco's first bypass was just west of today's Township survey of 1831, Bayou George is depicted and Dunnellon, where the Lancers took a more southerly course.
described in the Field Notes exactly as Vaca described it over the Withlacoochee River's flats to the Great Swamp, [ibid. :35-36]). That trail from Aute, about six leagues round avoiding the villages on the phosphate ridge near the "Cove" trip to the bayou, was ridden many times by Narvaez' people of the Withlacoochee River; cutting off about one league (Inca




190
in Clayton 1993:11:220). The Lancers took several females leagues from Iviahica to Aute, then three more to the bay). captive from the outlying fields along that way, and those Vaca's estimate of 280 leagues traveled by Narvaez to the bay women would end up in Havana (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:72). probably included scouting for food, plus the distance from his Anasco's second shortcut bypassed Paracoxi Village to the landing site to Ucita, then the greater distance to the Great west (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:224). There are no swamps or Swamp on his trail up the east side of the Peace River through rivers to preclude that cut-off. In that neighborhood De Soto Arcadia's rich but scattered phosphate fields. Narvaez never had been misled to Tocaste on his way up, adding at least eight got to meet Chief Mococo or his fine people; Mococo's leagues to his trip. Anasco proceeded southeast from the Great Village was six leagues north of the route Narvaez chose to Swamp, then south from today's Mulberry, saving perhaps take to Apalache.
another league.
To avoid Mococo's Village, not knowing if Spain still The Great Unknown
held favor there, Anasco forded the Myakka River between the
Myakka Lakes northeast of Mococo Village (ibid.:224-225). The trail De Soto used to leave Florida is still there today
In the middle of Myakka Lake State Park, between the two and is the most apparent segment of his entire route. It starts Myakka Lakes, there is a bridge and causeway just south of at Aute, where a good number of troops spent that winter. De Myakka Lake where the Lancers forded the river. They Soto's exit, however, started at Iviahica with Rangel, his
captured more Indians there who were engaged in a ceremony personal secretary. His trail passed through large vegetable of fish baking in the woods, Mococo's people (ibid), at fields, along Union Road where the fields are still cultivated moonrise on harvest moon. today, where the army was ordered to harvest and pack for the
You cannot drive as short a course between Ucita and long journey ahead.
Aute on today's highways; they pass through the cities, the De Soto's destination was a land rich in pearls, gold and
same ones De Soto passed through. De Soto had timed the silver, toward the sun's rising (Elvas and Rangel in Clayton
Thirty Lancers departure from Iviahica for full moon at their 1993:1:74, 267-268; Inca in Clayton 1993:11:248-249). De biggest obstacle, the Great Swamp, with harvest moon on Soto's intelligence of that place came from a young captive,
either side to enable their long night passages through that taken at Vitachuco (Elvas: ibid.). De Soto planned to raid that neighborhood (Elvas in Clayton 1993:1:72). Once at Ucita, place and return to Maldonado's port (Mobile Bay) the next where the "rescued" men shouted with joy almost in unison winter and then settle with additional supplies and personnel about the gold the army must have found by then (Inca in brought from Havana (Biedma and Rangel in Clayton Clayton 1993:11:227), the troops had only one week to march 1993:1:228, 268). De Soto had sent scouts out from Iviahica and catch the next full moon at Caliquen, the most populated during the winter, but their reconnaissance was limited by and dangerous village on their journey to northwest Florida. hostile Apalachens once out of range of reinforcement (Inca in The men spent that week celebrating with and distributing Clayton 1993:11:249-253). De Soto would be the first white hardware to Chief Mococo and his people (ibid.:228-230). man into the next province, an unexplored territory The army had been introduced to lighter and more effective (ibid.:260). Indian arrow-shielding: long, thick quilted jackets (ibid.:236). Rangel tells us that De Soto departed on Wednesday, Excess armor was, therefore, given to Mococo's people and March 3, 1540, and spent that night at the river Gaucuco, then would end up scattered around their village site and be found arrived at a great river Capachequi early the following Friday by Florida's pioneers, who called that place "Old Spanish (in Clayton 1993:1:268-269). It took him two days plus part Fields". On their trip up De Soto's trail, the men would suffer of a third to get to the great river. Elvas says it took his the loss of several of their own and seven horses (Elvas and people four days to get there (in Clayton 1993:I:74), while Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:72,268), some at the Apalache Biedma says he marched northward five days to get to the great
Swamp, others at the Ravine (Inca in Clayton 1993:11:237- river (in Clayton 1993:1:228). Inca, who does not even 242). All were jubilant to reunite with De Soto' s great army mention a starting date or a great river as the others had in search of gold and treasures. (Biedma and Rangel in Clayton 1993:1:228, 269), says his
At Ucita, Anasco had only one week to catch the next informant traveled three days to the north, camped on a high spring tide, on the new moon, to pass over Charlotte Harbor's peninsula for three days, then marched two days to the channel shallows. He used the time to careen and load the provincial boundary (in Clayton 1993:11:257-260). These four brigs. That timing was no accident, it was calculated different statements deserve particular attention because they
(ibid. :243). Only today can we realize De Soto's genius say so much about an army that has been so misunderstood for (ibid. :244). De Soto's trail from Ucita to the bay where so long. Narvaez built his boats was only 173 leagues long (148 leagues Less than four leagues north of Iviahica is a peninsula traveled by the lancers from Iviahica to Ucita, plus two leagues pointing south at the confluence of two creeks: Marshall and cut off by Anasco's shortcuts, plus the eight leagues De Soto Cowart's Creeks, which merge to become the Chipola River. marched back and forth below Lake Hancock, plus twelve That peninsula's very high ground, with many fertile fields




191
beyond its trees and swamp on either side, is exactly as Inca inland. Their descendants had told post-De Soto Sp mish described it today, with very deep mud around the point of a missionaries in Vitachuco Province many great lies at high peninsula (in Clayton 1993:11:257). That place is called Soto and his army wintering in Tallahassee. Narvaez had "Sills" on U.S.G.S. maps today (see "Sills Fla.-Ala." quad). believed their lies and was led to Aute and death. We bieved Maybe De Soto called its river Gaucuco (today's Chipola their lies and were led to Tallahassee and ignorance, lt River), the first river he would come to after leaving Iviahica. tribe's enemy was De Soto, its credibility and honor came To the north-east of Sills is the river basin's northern "natural from defeating a foolish Narvaez. Those Indians tricked us all bridge", located on today's Alabama-Florida border. That except De Soto; he had Juan Ortiz to sort it out. fording place and the trail to it are detailed on the border
survey map of 1853 and are still there today. Acknowledgments
De Soto marched from Iviahica to Sills the first day,
crossing Marshall Creek. The next day he forded the river's I shall be forever grateful: to my uncle, William Goza,
branches on Cowart's Creek and rode into Alabama, where he J.D., L.H.D., for teaching me about De Soto and the "The camped just short of the Chattahooche River. He arrived at Ride of the Thirty Lancers" thirty years ago, and for his that great river on the morning or the third day out of Iviahica. continuous assistance over the years with this effort; to Dr. Elvas left Iviahica with De Soto, but spent an extra day Brent Weisman for showing me, in the field, the importance of marching at a lesser rate while gathering food and herding archaeology and discovery, and for his insistence that I write pigs. He arrived at the great river the fourth day. Biedma my findings; to Doctors Lawrence A. Clayton, Frederick P. departed from Aute, marched northward for three days to Sills Bowser and Thomas J. Nechyba who painstakingly criticized (sixteen leagues), then into today's Alabama to camp, then to my work, corrected my grammar and encouraged me to the great river; five days on the trail. This lends credence to proceed; to Doctors Jeffrey P. Brain, Douglas E. Jones, Biedma's being at Aute when he made the observations Vernon J. Knight, Jr., Ian W. Brown, for personally defining
mentioned earlier. realistic considerations for me to keep in mind while tracking
Inca's informant also departed from Aute, but did so two De Soto; to Doctors Francis G. Crowley, James J. Miller and days before Biedma, arriving at Sills the third day out and Jose Fernandez who listened, read my manuscript and provided gathered food there for the next three days. Then he departed me with practical constraint and realistic insight; to those for Alabama, camped, and arrived at the provincial boundary wonderful pioneers who recorded, transported, transcribed, on his eighth day out of Aute and six days after the others published, translated, annotated, and preserved the De Soto started their march. If this scenario is correct, the troops Chronicles in our libraries; and to the fishermen, firemen, arrived at the great river, the provincial boundary, in this hunters, landowners and common people everywhere who order: DeS oto's group on the third day, Elvas's the fourth showed me places I could never have otherwise seen or put day, Biedma's the fifth day, and the Inca's informant on the into perspective with De Soto's extraordinary journey through sixth day. our beloved Florida.
The great river was the mighty Chattahoochee. It was so
large and swift that De Soto's army had to cross it, in turn, on
one large wooden raft (Biedma and Rangel in Clayton References Cited
1993:11:228, 269). It took five days pulling chains for the
entire army to cross (ibid.). The horses were pulled across by Blake, Alan ropes, some of them half-drowned during the effort (ibid.). 1988 Legua Legal of Legua Comun: A Discussion. De Soto De Soto had planned the army's arrival times at the great river Working Paper #5, University of Alabama, W.S. Hoole for good reason; not one man would be idle for as much as a Special Collection, Tuscaloosa.
day during the process of moving his army into an unknown
continent. That was De Soto's genius. The chroniclers Bourne, Edward G. alludedl to it and to their admiration of him throughout their 1904 Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto. Volume journey. We, however, have misunderstood them and De Soto I. In Trail Makers Series, A.S. Barnes & Co., New
all along. He has been America's "Great Unknown" for York.
centuries.
Brain, Jeffrey P.
Epilogue 1985 Introduction: Update of the De Soto Studies Since the
Unitedl States De Soto Commission Report. In the reprint
Perhaps the biggest irony of our misunderstanding De of Final Report of the United States De Soto Expedition
Soto for so long is that we believed the lies of the Indians that Commission, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, Biedma warned us about. He told us, at Vitachuco's Village, D.C.
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194
CUSHING'S "BIRD-GOD OF WAR"--SOLVING A KEY MARCO MYSTERY
Robert H. Gore
In the spring of 1895, Frank Hamilton Cushing, an large, colorful, much-stylized bird. Frank Cushing had
anthropologist with the Smithsonian Institution, began an commented at some length on this plaque (Cushing 1897: 426, excavation in a mangrove swamp at the northern tip of Key pl. XXXIV, Fig. 1.), stating that it was: Marco (now called Marco Island, in Collier County), on the "... of rivean cypress wood, shaved with shark-tooth southwestern coast of Florida. Cushing previously had been blades to a uniform thickness of less than half an inch... informed (and had seen) that some strange wooden objects the painted side fortunately protected by its oblique
were being found on Key Marco. His interest piqued, he had position [in the mud was] marvelously fresh when first traveled to southwestern Florida beginning in 1887 to conduct uncovered,--the wood, of a bright yellowish-brown excavations and several localities along the coast, and made a color, and the painting vivid and clear... Upon the reconnaissance voyage to Key Marco in 1895 (Gilliland 1989). hollow side is painted the figure of a crested bird, with Cushing's diggings over the next year produced an four circlets falling from his mouth."
extraordinary series of artifacts of a previously little known The bird was colored with black, white, and blue Indian culture at a location he named "The Court of the Pile pigments (Cushing 1897: 56) and was further described as Dwellers" (Cushing 1897). The cultural association of these being banded with,and having spaces of white enclosed artifacts remains problematical but they are thought to have by,very significant zones of clear light blue on the crest, neck, been made by a tribe that may have been related to, or body, and wings. In Cushing's uncolored illustration the back
associated with the Calusa, if not actually by the Calusa of the bird is white, and a recurved white band extends from (Gilliland 1989: 34). just behind the eye downward across the breast.
Even though many of the exhumed artifacts were made of The original plaque is now curated in the Florida
wood, they had survived wonderfully well given their Museum of Natural History, Gainesville (FLMNH); catalog
suspected age. Radiocarbon analysis dated the artifacts at no. A-5537. A black and white photograph of the original approximately late fifteenth century, and probably before plaque, and another of the watercolor painting of the original European contact (Gilliland 1989: 38). Buried in the black, object appears in Gilliland (1989, plates 34 and 61, sulfide-rich and oxygen poor mangrove muds and peats the respectively). These are copies of the photographs made on objects were so well preserved that most appeared with carved site by Wells M. Sawyer which now reside in the National and painted features intact. But these same anaerobic muds Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, might also have inadvertently led Cushing to at least two Washington, DC (Gilliland 1989: vi). Sawyer's original erroneous conclusions, as will be suggested below, watercolor paintings are curated in the National
Wells M. Sawyer, the artist accompanying the Anthropological Archives, National Museum of Natural
expedition, quickly set down the colors and designs in History of the Smithsonian Institution. A faithful reproduction
watercolor paintings. It was well that he did. Once removed of this object (and several others as well), duplicating as far as from their anaerobic resting place, the wooden artifacts--the possible the original colors, was produced by Mr. Julius plaques or tablets, statues, masks, pins, and bowls, and all Casolino of Fort Myers, Florida, and is on exhibit in the their designs and their colors--began to deteriorate almost Collier County Museum in Naples, Florida (Figure 1; CCM immediately. Today many of these treasures are virtually No. 93.23.4; see front cover). unrecognizable. And had they not been catalogued and curated Cushing, no ornithologist, considered the image to be in museums we would be hard put to determine just what they either that of a Blue Jay, or Kingfisher, or "more probably were, or what they originally represented. still" a crested mythic bird or bird-god. He appended a
footnote to the original account of the find supporting his
Materials and Methods argument, reaching out rather broadly to make his point
(Cushing 1897: footnote, pp. 426-427). Cushing opined that
One of the most dramatic yet enigmatic objects Cushing the similarity between the crests of the Blue Jay or Kingfisher, recovered was a wooden plaque on which had been painted a and the symbolic hair-crests of Creek Indian warriors was no
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accident. He believed that "because of their [Blue Jay's or These differences notwithstanding, how, then, did
Kingfisher's] shrill and startling cries and their habits of Cushing conclude that the species was either a Blue Jay or a erecting their hair-like crests when alarmed in defending, or Kingfisher? I believe the answer lies in the perceived color of wrathful in offending their kind.., the crest of the jay, and of the plaque at the time it was recovered. Cushing stated the the the male kingfisher,--who were probably bird-gods of war,-- bird had "very significant zones of clear, light blue." Both the [thus] came to be imitated... in the head-dress (or aspect) of Blue Jay and the Kingfisher are distinctly blue-colored in life-the Warrior." the former more coerulean, the latter more slaty-blue in hue.
Cushing thought that his explanation threw "light on the It seems probable that the clear, light blue coloration that still meaning of the tablet here described and figured, not only as remained on the image after its long burial, in conjunction with being really a painting of the Bird-God of War of the ancient the obvious crest on the bird's head was instrumental in key dwellers, but also, because of its apparent bearing on leading Cushing to the wrong identification regarding the bird probable historic or derivative connections of the Southern species. Indians with a key dweller people or ancestry." Dr. Alexander Wetmore, a Smithsonian Institution
ornithologist, had already concluded in 1933 that the bird
Discussion image was that of a woodpecker (Gilliland 1989: 75, 80.). In
a letter to M. W. Stirling he wrote "the painting on the cypress
The validity of Cushing's arguments on the image as a slab found by Cushing at Key Marco in 1896, I believe "Bird God of War" are speculative at best, because our represents a large woodpecker... based on the form of the foot
knowledge of the religion of early south Florida Indians is and the bill, together with the general appearance of the bird imperfect. His conclusions, however, are not without value and its attitude... [However] I do not believe it possible to because other (more northern) Indian tribes venerated the [decide] whether the bird is... the pileated woodpecker or the Ivory-bill and kept dried heads of the bird in their medicine Ivory-billed woodpecker." bundles so as to gain power in hunting and in "cutting a big Cushing's illustration, and the contemporary watercolors
hole" in one's enemy (Tanner 1966:55). But Cushing's made by Wells Sawyer, support Wetmore's assessement that,
interpretation and assigning of bird species was almost based on its general morphology, feet, and bill, the bird is
certainly wrong. A careful reassessment shows that the image indeed a woodpecker. At least one later anthropologist on the plaque can be neither Blue Jay nor Kingfisher, but (Milanich 1994:307,308) agrees with the ornithologists. rather is that of the Ivory-billed woodpecker. My conclusion Moreover, a further examination of the implied color pattern is based on an examination of color slides taken of hand- (as described and illustrated by Cushing) leads me to believe colored plates in John James Audubon's 1838 octavo edition of that the Key Marco image is very probably that of the IvoryThe Birds of America, a comparison of those same plates billed Woodpecker, Campephilus principalis (Line).
reprinted in a modem day compendium entitled Birds of The presence in the image of a large and erectile crest
America (Audubon 1962), and illustrations by wildlife artist eliminates all but two of the woodpecker and sapsucker species Karl Karalus in Kale and Maehr's (1990) more recent known to occur in Florida (Kale and Maehr 1990: 84-87,
"Florida's Birds," plus a general consideration of the plates pp. 158-161). Even by using Cushing's suppositions
biological aspects of the bird itself (see Tanner 1966: 1-2). regarding the Creek warriors' mimicry of bird crests and cries,
That Cushing's "Bird-God" is not a Blue Jay is clearly most smaller woodpeckers native to the continental United seen when one examines Audubon's plate No. 102. This States can be eliminated. While some of these smaller birds
illustration (Figure 2a; back cover) shows that the Blue Jay may (subjectively) have a kind of shrill, piping call, none have exhibits both dark and light banding on the wings, but has no any kind of brilliantly scarlet erectile crest of head feathers. white coloration on the back. Moreover, a black (rather than Red caps they do possess--red crests they do not. On the other white) band extends downward along the neck from the dark hand, only two large woodpeckers have both a noticeably loud crested head. Finally, the claws of the cypress plaque image call and startlingly erectile crest, the Pileated Woodpecker, are not those of a Blue Jay. Dryocopus pileatus (Linne), and the now-extirpated and almost
Neither is the Key Marco image that of a Kingfisher, as a certainly extinct Ivory-billedl Woodpecker. Both species have comparison with Audubon's plate No. 77 clearly shows been recorded in southwestern Florida, and both thus become
(Figure 2b; back cover). The Kingfisher has a broad, white prime candidates for the (presumed) bird-god on the plaque. throat patch that extends all around the neck and does not run One other woodpecker candidate, Campephilus bairdii, is upward toward the back of the eye. Nor does the back exhibit either a separate species (or a subspecies, Campephilus any white or light coloration at all. The claws in this species, principalis bairdii) similar to, if not identical with, the North although approximately similar in shape to those of the Key American Ivory-billed Woodpecker. This bird may still be Marco image, are much smaller in life than depicted on the extant in Cuba where its Cuban name is "Carpentero Real" or cypress plaque. the Royal Carpenter.




196
Whether this bird could deliberately traverse the Straits of back of the bird also appears to be white. The effect is just the Florida, or do so accidentally via storms and thereby arrive on opposite in the Pileated--the back appears to be jet black the lower Floridan peninsula, remains conjectural. Any (Tanner 1966: 2, figs. 1, 2). In fact, William Bartram in influence that this species might have had on the southwestern 1791 was deceived by these same wing feathers and called the Florida Indians remains unknown. Ivory-billed "the greatest crested woodpecker, having a white
The Ivory-bill and the Pileated woodpecker bear a general back" (Van Doren 1955: 238). This wing-to-back coloration resemblance to each other in size and appearance (Figure 2c, d; in the Ivory-Billed Woodpecker was also commented upon back cover). Both are black with a flaming red topknot or more accurately by Alexander Wilson, a contemporary of crest. They may be distinguished, however, by several Audubon, who pointed out about 1808 that "these markings,
consistent characters. On closer examination the head of the when the wings are shut, make the bird appear as if his back Pileated differs from the Ivory-Billed in having a double band were white, hence he has been called, by some of our of white extending horizontally from a generally dark bill naturalists, the large White-backed Woodpecker" (Finch and backward toward the neck; and the vertical white feathers of Elder 1990: 82). the neck band are not continued onto the bird's back. John Lee Williams, the well-known nineteenth-century
The Ivory-Billed Woodpecker, on the other hand, has a Floridian naturalist and another contemporary of both noticeably light-colored ("ivory-colored") bill, and but a single ornithologists, referred to the bird in 1837 as the "Whiteback white band of feathers running down the neck and extending Woodpecker Picus principals" (Williams 1962: 73.). onto the back in a sort of "question mark" pattern. This lateral These same markings are clearly illustrated in Audubon's pattern is clearly exhibited on the Key Marco image. plates numbered 66 and 111 (Figures 2c, d, herein), which
Interestingly enough, this same feathering pattern on the head may be consulted for comparison. They are also excellently is distinctly shown in a worked golden ornament discovered in shown in other more recent ornithological works (Audubon Manatee County in the late 1870s (Figure 3). The object, of 1962; Tanner 1966: 2, 80, plate 20; Kale and Maehr 1990: unknown specific provenience, may have been fashioned as a 159, color plate). large hair pin by either the Calusa or perhaps the Tocobagan And thereby hang the feathers. For the Key Marco Indians (Rau 1877: 299; see also Matthews 1983: illustration, wooden plaque clearly shows a woodpecker-like bird with a p. 37). Both tribes once inhabited the general political region distinct white stripe curving laterally down the neck from just that was subsequently defined as Manatee County in the late behind the eye onto the back. The middle and lower portions 1800s (see Luer and Almy 1981:129, 146, 148). of the back are very highly stylized by the Indian artist but
The Ivory-billed woodpecker differs further in that the were noted by Cushing himself to be white. Cushing also posterior edge of the wings are white, whereas in the Pileated noted that these white areas were outlined in blue, perhaps a woodpecker they are black. When the wings in the Ivory- puzzling observation, because both the Ivory-Billed and
billed are folded over in a resting position the entire lower Pileated Woodpeckers are to outward appearances jet black.
Figure 3. Drawing of a gold Indian ornament depicting an Ivory-billed woodpecker. Arrows indicate the characteristic recurved white streak of feathers as they appear on A) the living bird, and B) as stylized on the ornament. (B, redrawn and adapted from Rau 1877.)




197
But the Ivory-bill has been described as having glossy blue- Cushing thought these symbols might also have more black, or black plumage with purplish reflections (Tanner mystical meanings. This interpretation seems quite logical. 1966: 1, 102). And therein may lie another clue. The Mayan and Aztec Indians, for example, also indicated
One reconciliation of these ersthwile color differences speech or voicing by using small curled "tongues" in front of might lie in the mangrove muds in which the plaque was the speaker (Coe 1993: 90, fig. 54; 138, fig. 105). Other
buried. The age of the Key Marco plaque, based on associated Florida Indians also did this. The Jesuit historian, Francisco Glades IIb pottery, and a single radiocarbon date of 1670 + /- Javier Alegre, writing about 1743, noted that the "Keys 100 years, is estimated to be late 15th century (Gilliland 1989: Indians" (who were presumably remnants of the Lucayos, 38). Thus, until it was recovered by Cushing in 1896 it lay Tequesta, or Calusa tribes; Hann, 1991: 46, 402- 404, 420) buried 200 years or longer beneath the anaerobic mangrove had carved on a similar wooden board an image of a barracuda muds. During this time the black or purplish coloration of the surrounded by small tongue-like figures (Sturtevant 1978: original pigments (presumably derived from vegetable, insect, 148). Thus, the god via the image could speak to the people. or inorganic sources) may have faded via a change in pH or Now, if the blue circle on the woodpecker plaque was
other chemical actions to pale blue. also originally black (and became changed as a consequence of
A similar fading might also have taken place with the anaerobic discoloration), then the four oral sounds might easily brilliant red that may have colored the topknot. Without have been meant to depict the red, black, and white sounds of knowing just what these pigment sources were we are left with war. Both Creeks and Timucuans used red and black pigments suppositions. as war paints, often coloring one side of the face black and the
Frank Cushing may therefore have been partially correct other red (Swanton 1979: 693, see also 696-697). The in his ethnological interpretation of the artifact; viz. the Key Seminole Indians wore black and white egret feathers as war Marco Indians may have held the Ivory-billed woodpecker adornments. Might the Key Marco Indians have done so as sacred. They would not have been alone. As noted above, at well? The red and black dyes could easily have been produce least one group of south Florida (Calusa or Tocobagan?) from red ocher and lampblack, or a variety of plants including Indians made a golden ornament of the Ivory-bill's head. the abundant red mangrove and live oak (see Swanton 1979: Other Florida Indians also venerated woodpeckers. The 605 ff). The white might have been made from powdered Timucua Indian priests, for example, believed any woodpecker limestone or marly slurries, lime from burnt mussel shells, or to be sacred, and the shamans held the tribespeople to silence perhaps even from the guano collected from the tree nests of whenever one called, lest the talking individual suffer a the woodpecker itself. nosebleed (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972: 26, 44; Housewright The call of the Ivory-Billed Woodpecker provides some 1991: 19). more information. It normally consisted of single notes,
Other evidence is more equivocal. Sears (1982: 50, fig. emitted every three or four seconds as the bird clawed its way 4.6a) excavated a wooden bird's head effigy from the Fort up a tree trunk. The sound according to Alexander Wilson Center site on Fisheating Creek adjacent to Lake Okeechobee writing about 1808 (Finch and Elder 1990: 81) very much that he attributed (facetiously) to a "Woody Woodpecker." In resembles the tone of a trumpet, or the high note of a clarinet fact, the role model for the eponymous cartoon character was [clarinet], and can plainly be distinguished at the distance of probably the Pileated woodpecker. But the advanced state of more than half a mile, seeming to be immediately at hand, decomposition of the Fort Center artifact requires substantial though perhaps more than one hundred yards off." imagination to assign it to any woodpecker. Insofar as the The sound has been variously described by those who:
Ivory-bill or Pileated are concerned, neither are probable have heard the living bird as pait, or yap or kient--kient-kient candidates because the putative "crest" on the object (if in fact (Tanner 1966: 1-2.). This poses an intriguing question. Was it is a crest) is distinctly rounded rather than triangularly acute there an Indian word that the bird's separated and trumpet-like. as it is in the two woodpeckers under consideration. Also call imitated? unexplained would be the small, beaklike protrusion beneath An alternative explanation, that the circlets might merely
the larger "bill." represent cypress-balls, the spherical seed cones of the tree onwhich the Ivory-billed Woodpecker occasionally fed, seems
The Sounds of Silent Circiets less likely. The main dietary items of the Ivory-billed
woodpecker are larvae of wood-boring beetles. The taxonomic
The Key Marco image has four connected circles, name Campephilus principalis also alludes to this and means
"originally blue, white, and probably red," apparently being "principal or chief caterpillar-lover." emitted from the bill of the bird (Cushing 1896: 427). In comparison, the Pileated Woodpecker's call is often a
Cushing believed that these circlets represented voicings, and continuous cackling or clucking, sounding in my experience pointed out that a tongue-like line of white extended from the much like a large barnyard hen, thus giving rise to some of its mouth to the circlets and was oppositely continued in black vernacular names: Logcock, Woodcock, and Cock-o'-the into the throat [emphasis in original] of the figure." Woods. Whether the calls from either bird might be fancifully




198
extended into war-whoops, particularly by Indians who would State, Division of Archives and Records, provided a color naturally be more sensitive to this interpretation, remains, of slide of Catesby's "White-billed Woodpecker" which I used in course, conjectural. comparison with the illustrations from the Audubon editions.
In contrast, the calls of both the Blue Jay and the To all of them goes my grateful appreciation.
Kingfisher are not a separated, serial voiciferation, although This is Scientific Contribution No. 2 from the they, too, are, in my estimation, rather raucous. The call of Naithloriendun Wildlife Sanctuary, Naples, Fl. I thank the the former is often characterized as a screech, or sounding like Board of Directors of Naithloriendun, Inc., for providing the rasping of a rusty porch swing (although a softer, more financial support for the color photographs. melodious chuckle is sometimes heard). The Kingfisher's call has been characterized as loud and rattling, certainly not melodious. One would be hard put to extend either call into an References Cited
emulatable war-cry.
Audubon, John James
Conclusions 1962 The Birds of America. Reprint. The MacMillan Co.,
New York.
Considering the previous evidence from color patterns,
and the above speculations in context, it thus seems quite Coe, Michael D. probable that the Bird-God of War of the Key Marco Indians 1993 The Maya. Thames and Hudson, Inc., New York. was the Ivory-Billed Woodpecker. If so, the irony is exquisitely tragic. The Ivory- billed woodpecker was a bird Cushing, Frank H. once common in the vast cypress forests that grew throughout 1897 Exploration of Ancient Key Dwellers' remains on the the domain of the Calusa; it was also a bird forced ever Gulf coast of Florida. Proceedings of the American
southward through the peninsula and (perhaps) finally into Philosophical Society, Volume 35, No. 153:329-448.
Cuba, just as were the pathetic and straggling remnants of the [Reprinted 1973 in: Antiquities of the New World. Early Calusa; and it is a bird now vanished from the North American Explorations in Archaeology. AMS Press, Inc., New continent--like the Calusa. York. pagination as original.]
Finch, Robert, and John Elder (eds.)
Acknowledgments 1990 The Norton Book of Nature Writing. W. W. Norton &
Co., New York.
I thank Ron Jamro, Director, and Nancy Olson, Curator
of Collections, at the Collier County Museum, Naples, for Gilliland, Marion S. their cooperation in allowing me to make the color 1989 The Material Culture of Key Marco Florida. Florida
photographs of the plaque reproduction made by Julius Classics Library, Port Salerno, FL. [Paperback edition]
Casolino; Diane Smith, Museum Technician, provided curatorial data; Julius Casolino, Fort Myers, gave permission Hann, John H. to photograph his copy of the Cushing woodpecker plaque. 1991 Missions to the Calusa. University of Florida Press, Carol M. Spawn, Archivist and Manuscript Librarian, The Gainesville.
Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, arranged for color photographs from an original copy of the Audubon Housewright, Wiley L.
octavo volume Birds of America in that institution. Janet 1991 A History of Music and Dance in Florida 1565-1865. Synder Matthews, Sarasota, graciously sent information on University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.
citations from her book "Edge of Wilderness"; Marion Almy, Archaeological Consultants, Inc., Sarasota, provided much- Kale, Herbert, W. II, and David S. Maehr needed archeological information, a copy of the scientific 1990 Florida 's Birds. Pineapple Press, Sarasota. paper by Charles Rau, and a thorough critique of an earlier draft of the manuscript. Dr. William Marquardt, Florida Luer, George M. and Marion M. Almy Museum of Natural History, Gainesville, also read and 1981 Temple Mounds of the Tampa Bay Area. The Florida provided professional criticism on an earlier draft of the Anthropologist 34:127-155.
manuscript. Elise LeCompte-Baer, Registrar, Florida Museum of Natural History, furnished curatorial and other information Matthews, Janet S. on the original Cushing plaque. Joan Norris, Department of 1983 Edge of Wilderness. Caprine Press, Tulsa, OK.




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Milanich, Jerald T. Tanner, James T.
1994 Archaeology of Precolumbian Florida. University Press 1966 The Ivory-billed Woodpecker. National Audubon of Florida, Gainesville. Society, Research Report No. 1. Dover Publications,
Inc., New York. [Reprint of 1942 National Audubon Milanich, Jerald T. and William C. Sturtevant Society Research Report No. 1.
1972 Francisco Pareja 's 1613 Confessionario. A
Documentary Source for Timucuan Ethnography. Van Doren, Mark (ed.).
Division of Archives, History, and Records Management, 1955 Travels of William Bartram. Dover Publications, Inc., Florida Department of State, Tallahassee. New York. [Reprint of 1928 edition, Macy-Masius
Publishers].
Rau, Charles
1877 Observations on a Gold Ornament From a Mound in Williams, John L.
Florida. Smithsonian Institution, Annual Report for 1962 The Territory of Florida: Or Sketches of the 1877:298-302. Topography, Civil and Natural History, of the Country,
the Climate, and the Indian Tribes, From the First Sears, William H. Discovery to the Present Time. A. T. Goodrich, New
1982 Fort Center. An Archaeological Site in the Lake York. [Facsimile Reproduction of the 1837 edition,
Okeechobee Basin. University Press of Florida, University of Florida Press, Gainesville.]
Gainesville.
Sturtevant, William C. Dr. Robert H. Gore
1978 The Last of the South Florida Aborigines. In Tacachale, Director
Essays on the Indians of Florida and Southeastern Naithloriendun Wildlife Sanctuary
Georgia During the Historic Period, edited by J. T. PO Box 10053
Milanich and S. Proctor, pp. 141-162.. University Press Naples, FL 33941
of Florida, Gainesville,
Swanton, John R.
1979 The Indians of the Southeastern United States.
Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. [Reprint of Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American
Ethnology, Bulletin 137, 1946.]




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THE BROOKSIDE MOUND, SARASOTA COUNTY, FLORIDA: NOTES ON LANDSCAPE,
SETTLEMENT, SCRUB HABITAT, AND ISOLATED BURIAL MOUNDS
George M. Luer
This article reports a long-forgotten aboriginal sand burial to an "old plank bridge" that crossed the brook, apparently the mound that was destroyed near Sarasota during the Florida same bridge shown and labelled "rustic bridge" on the 1925 land boom of the mid-1920s. Through archival research, I plat of Brookside subdivision. This information indicates that retrieved information about the mound from several the mound was near the comer of Bryce Drive, just south of contemporary newspaper accounts that describe its discovery, where it crossed the brook (Figure 1). Because twentieth-century land development destroyed the Present-day inspection of this location indicates it is high
mound and severely altered its surrounding landscape, this well-drained ground above the bank of the brook. Vegetation article provides historical and environmental background to includes mature slash pine and live oak trees, exotic establish a sense of place for the mound and to help in ornamentals, and grassy lawns around single-family houses. discussing aboriginal settlement and land-use. To the immediate east, the ground is slightly lower and damp,
Although scant data are available about the mound's apparently due to groundwater seepage from the upland to the artifacts and burials, the mound does add to our information south. Based on the 1926 newspaper accounts, this damp about the past. It suggests that some aboriginal Indian people ground is in the appropriate location to have held the spring in the Sarasota area had an isolated burial mound that was mentioned by the newspaper. Today, the ground supports a located inland from the shore and that was part of a dispersed few virginia bay (Magnolia virginiana) trees, which are settlement pattern, characteristic of damp areas.
Present-day inspection also suggests that the former
Description of the Brookside Mound mound afforded an impressive view. To the north and east, it
overlooked the brook that flowed in a deeply incised gulley
Primary sources about the Brookside Mound consist of approximately 3-4 m (10-13 ft) deep and 30-55 m (100-180 ft) five newspaper articles published in early 1926 by the Sarasota wide. To the west, the land sloped gradually downward for Herald that are preserved on microfilm at the Selby Public 60-90 m (200-300 ft) before reaching a scarp overlooking Library in Sarasota (Anon. 1926a-e). The following Phillippi Creek and its floodplain about 3 m (10 ft) below. In
description is based on those five articles, and on the original this setting, the mound would have been a dramatic sight 1925 plat of the Brookside subdivision (Sarasota County perched high above the brook. 1925). I have used this information to record the mound as the
"Brookside Burial Mound" (8SO2332) in the Florida Site File Artifacts and Burials
maintained by the Florida Division of Historical Resources in
Tallahassee. It appears that the Brookside Mound was demolished
The mound was located approximately 6.5 km (4 mi) completely in 1926. After initial damage by road construction,
southeast of downtown Sarasota. It was about 180 m (600 ft) the mound suffered rapid and extensive digging by numerous south of Bee Ridge Road and about 90 m (300 ft) east of local people. The uncontrolled nature of these activities Phillippi Creek (see Figure 1). produced little information.
Although the mound's dimensions were not recorded, it
Setting does appear to have been sizeable. The newspaper stated that "
skeletons at the bottom of the mound, [were] about 10 feet
According to the newspaper, the mound was "on the deeper than where the first one was discovered." However,
south bank," of a small narrow brook that flowed into Phillippi this may be an exaggeration, perhaps by a factor of two, Creek. It was discovered in March 1926 during construction judging from the size of some other burial mounds in the of Bryce Drive (today called Bryce Lane), a street in the new Sarasota area. subdivision of "Brookside." It was found by "negro workmen" According to the newspaper, human burials were
and a "steam shovel" as they began grading for the street. numerous. It was claimed that "One of the pecouliar phases of
The mound was about "a hundred yards" downstream the discovery' was the finding of the skeletons heaped upon
from a spring that flowed into the brook. The spring was close each other ..." and that "... there might be 100 or 150
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201
skeletons in the mound." Some reportedly consisted of ... Bee Ridge to the southeast and Sara Sota or Sarasota Heights to complete skeletons which broke to pieces, when the sand ... the northwest (Grismer 1946; Matthews 1983). By 1920, Bee was removed." Unfortunately, the descriptions are insufficient Ridge had a post office, railway station, hotel, dairy, sawmill, to determine whether or not these were primary or secondary and citrus groves (S.C.H.C. 1991), and by 1925, Sarasota interments. Heights was incorporated within a rapidly expanding City of
There was a report of a large human skull and a large Sarasota (Grismer 1946:210).
femur. The femur, it was claimed, suggested an individual who Before Brookside subdivision was platted, the land might would have been "seven feet" in height. That claim, however, have been part of a pioneer homesite. Today, an old marble is almost undoubtedly a gross exaggeration. Indeed, sizeable gravestone bearing the names of Bob and Betty Horton and human bones have led to many such claims at numerous sites dates of March 9, 1923 and February 28, 1926, respectively, in Florida. Nonetheless, study has shown that although some can be seen in the southeast portion of the subdivision. aboriginal bones from Florida indeed are very massive, they Another trace of prior land use was the "old plank bridge" came from people who were not of abnormal stature. The which spanned the brook. Near this bridge, one of the 1926 early physical anthropologist Ales Hrdlicka (1922:85-87, 90, newspaper articles described "... a crudely-constructed keg, 105, 118, 121, 124) suggested that the robustness of some sunk deep into the rock surrounding the spring, [that] is Florida aboriginal bones was due to heredity, diet (including covered with a thick coating of moss" (Anon. 1926c). This mineralized water and phosphate-rich fish and shellfish), and suggests that the spring was a source of drinking water. demands on muscles from physical rigors such as heavy Some pine trees near Brookside subdivision have scars
chewing and paddling dugout canoes. A recent study of late from having been tapped for turpentine, probably around precontact aboriginal skeletal material from the Crystal River 1930. These old trees consist mostly of slash pines and a few site (8C1) on the Gulf coast of north-central Florida longleaf pines, but they may not reflect the original relative
correllated robust bone with a physically rigorous lifestyle, abundance of these two kinds of pines because, in the early possibly including digging and canoeing (Mabulla and 1900s, local lumbermen might have preferred to "harvest" old
Shannon 1995). growth longleaf pines (Jon Thaxton, personal communication,
Artifacts from the Brookside Mound were described 1994). poorly. The newspaper mentioned broken pottery, and some
of it was decorated because it bore what was termed Subdivision Development
"hieroglyphics." An unusual artifact reportedly found with a
skeleton was "a square red stone" which was "engraved" and In the mid-1920s, Brookside was one of the first
which "reposed on the chest." Given the vague descriptions of subdivisions in the rural area southeast of Sarasota. It was artifacts and burials in the Brookside Mound, it cannot be platted in April 1925 (Sarasota County 1925) during the height determined to what culture or period the mound belonged, of Sarasota's land boom. This was the same time when a However, the reports of decorated pottery sherds and number of locally well-known subdivisions were created, such
numerous burials suggest that it pertained to sometime in the as Whitfield Estates and Cherokee Park (Grismer 1946:214). late Weeden Island (ca. A.D. 800-1000) and Safety Harbor Like many subdivisions of that time, Brookside was laid out on (ca. A.D. 1000-1700) culture periods. naturally well-drained land. Thus it did not need major
artificial drainage, making it less costly to develop than if it
Historical Context had been on poorly drained land.
Publicity was essential for selling lucrative real estate
The Brookside subdivision dates to the height of the during the land boom (Grismer 1946:209-2 11). Thus, after Florida land boom in the mid-1920s. The destruction of the Brookside Mound was discovered, the developer might Brookside Mound was one of many dramatic changes in the have encouraged newspaper articles and digging by visitors. Sarasota area during this period. Traditional histories focus on Indeed, the Sarasota Herald reported that "thousands" of the period's "progress," such as new construction (Grismer people flocked to see the mound and diggings. Some real 1946:211-220) and expanding agriculture (Zilles 1976), but estate apparently sold because today the subdivision has a few tend to overlook other changes such as the tremendous 1920s Spanish-style houses. Also from this period are old date
destruction of cultural and natural resources. palms, which line Brookside Drive, and the bridge over the
brook with its classical urn-style concrete railings.
Prior Land Use
Surrounding Land Development
In the late 1800s and early 1900s, the area around
Brookside subdivision and Phillippi Creek was settled by Around Sarasota in the 1920s, land alterations wrought
cattlemen, grove farmers, and other pioneers. Their widely profound impacts. For example, Phillippi Creek was dredged dispersed rural homesteads formed nearby communities such as around the same time that Brookside subdivision was created.




202
200 meters / ...
I i/ I iii/
Bee Ridge Road / b
subdivision mound sprmg r "
Woodbridges
James Haley Site
(NJ
Figure 1. Vicinity of Brookside Mound, Sarasota, Florida. Note the mound, spring, old bridge, and brook. Shell tool was near north end of "scrub oak ridge" marked by 20-foot contour line. Contours in feet based on U.S.G.S. 1944 and F.E.M.A. 1992.
Original Phillippi Creek channel based on Cravens and Kimmel ca. 1923.




203
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204
Sarasota Mscub
Bay Mound .a w scrubby
Nflatwoods Bahia Vista Street
Sarasota Bay E
. pine flatwoods and
E seasonal marshy ponds
- Old Oak Site
Bee Ridge Road
f:_ Brookside Mound
Roberts Bay ..
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Sitea
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Figure 3. Brookside Mound, scrub, and coeval sites. Scrubby flatwoods are based on the extent of Cassia, Orsino, Pom ello, and Tavares fine sand; pine flatwoods are based on EauGallie and Myakka fine sand (see U.S.D.A. 1959 and 1991). A number of sites of earlier or undetermined age are not shown. Modern roads are shown for orientation.




205
A 1920s engineering map (Cravens and Kimmel ca. 1923) localized. They supported many kinds of animals and plants
shows that Phillippi Creek's original meandering channel was found only in scrubby areas such as Florida mouse, scrub jay, artificially straightened to make a wide "outlet canal" (Figures gopher tortoise, gopher frog, Chapman's oak, myrtle oak, and
1 and 2). The canal was part of an immense drainage project sand live oak (Abrahamson and Hartnett 1990:118-119). designed to open Sarasota's hinterlands for agricultural These animals and plants were typical of scrubby
development (Zilles 1976:27-28). flatwoods around the lower reaches of Phillippi Creek.
In a regional historical setting, the work falls in the "Age Indeed, the "Phillippi Creek Scrub" was one of Sarasota of Rapacious Drainage" (1882-1949) when drainage projects County's largest scrubby areas, consisting of approximately severely impacted many of southern Florida's natural 500 hectares (1,250 acres). However, twentieth-century land ecosystems (Gleason 1984:x-xi). As southern Florida development has destroyed the Phillippi Creek Scrub, geologist Patrick J. Gleason (1984:x) has written: "It was a including its population of an estimated 50 Florida scrub jay time [of] ravaging drainage by men of wealth and families (Figure 4) (Jon Thaxton, personal communication, organizations with power who had grand visions on an 1994).
imperial scale." In the case of Sarasota, the rich and powerful Phillippi Creek also has been impacted severely, most of "Palmer Interests" of Chicago and Sarasota organized two it having been dredged, bulkheaded, and lined with houses. A drainage districts, each with a board of supervisors, and dug rare exception is a short distance north of the former Brookside numerous canals and ditches (Zilles 1976:27-28) to drain an Mound where remnant portions of two of the creek's original area of approximately 130 sq. km (50 sq. mi). meander loops still exist Oust north of Bee Ridge Road, see
This 1920s project destroyed much of the natural Figures 1 and 2). There, natural vegetation on low-lying
environment immediately east of the City of Sarasota. The work drained two extensive freshwater marshes (Little Camp Sawgrass and Big Camp Sawgrass) around the rural community of Fruitville (see Figure 6, below), and also drained upper reaches of Cow Pen Slough (formerly called Tatum Sawgrass) (S.G.A.C. 1921; U.S.D.A. 1959). The richer marshland soils were planted in crops of winter vegetables. The drainage work also allowed surrounding upland to be planted as citrus groves or "improved" for cattle pasture. Many of these changes were done 70 years ago, and very few people are aware of them today.
In the last 30 years, Sarasota's hinterlands have become increasingly suburbanized. An example is Bee Ridge Road along the northern edge of Brookside subdivision. Well into "..
the 1950s, it was a single-lane rural road. By 1986, it had -"f
been transformed into a seven-lane thoroughfare surrounded by, commercial and residential development (Sarasota County P
1986).
Site Environment
Before twentieth-century land development, the land
around the former Brookside Mound supported various natural i
habitats (Figure 3). To the east, poorly drained flat terrain supported pine flatwoods dotted with seasonal marshy ponds. 1
To the southwest, another area of pine flatwoods ran along the eastern side of Phillippi Creek. To the southeast, a slightly elevated ridge of well-drained land supported scrubby flatwoods (such as in today's Woodbridge Estates, see below). Other elevated areas to the north and across Phillippi Creek to the west, some reaching above 6 m (20 ft) in elevation, supported scrubby flatwoods.
Before land development, poorly drained pine flatwoods Figure 4. Florida Scrub Jay. A population of an estimated 50 and seasonal marshy ponds covered most of Sarasota County. Sc.faiiso cu asoc ie ntefre hlip re
In contrast, better-drained scrubby areas were uncommon and Srb




206
alluvium includes many cabbage palms with some oaks, slash the mouth of Phillippi Creek. Some of these could represent pines, and leather ferns. Another exception is an undeveloped hamlets and camps associated with the Brookside Mound. strip of scrubby land along Phillippi Creek just west of Apparently unassociated with the mound are a number of Brookside subdivision. That parcel overlooks a small nearby lithic sites that may date to the Archaic period.
embayment where the small brook flowing through Brookside At the present time, there is no known existing aboriginal
subdivision empties into Phillippi Creek. site where the Brookside Mound once stood. However, an
This brook, which flowed by the former Brookside archaeological survey of the area has not been conducted, and
Mound, drains a large area to the southeast. One source calls it is possible that some aboriginal deposits may exist. Some it "Red Bug Slough" (Sauers 1984), and it originally flowed remains are known from nearby, and are suggestive of camps from seasonal marshy ponds and small hardwood swamps, the that might have been associated with the mound. This latter including red maple, virginia bay, and occasional tupelo situation seems to indicate that the Brookside Mound was not trees. By the 1940s, the slough had been converted to a part of a complex of sand mounds and shell middens
drainage canal leading to a large marsh (U.S.G.S. 1944; representing a major nucleated village. Instead, it appears to
U.S.D.A. 1959:sheet 14). This route was a floodway for have been an "isolated" burial mound (see below).
high-magnitude rainfall run-off from the marsh and One indication of aboriginal activity near the former
surrounding upland, and such run-off long ago scoured the Brookside Mound is a find that I made in 1975 or 1976 of a downstream gulley in the vicinity of the former Brookside left-handed whelk shell cutting-edged tool. It was Mound. (Several examples of such flood events occurred in the approximately 200 m (650 ft) southeast of the former mound in late 1950s and early 1960s [Zilles 1976:59, 61]). The marsh what is today Woodbridge Estates (Figure 1). The shell itself was called "Alford Sawgrass" in the early 1900s artifact appeared to be in situ and protruded from sand in a
(S.G.A.C. 1921), and it stretched southward to low-lying areas scrubby area near a freshly dug artificial pond (which has been which, today, are flood prone, suburbanized, and drained filled subsequently). The artifact appeared to be an isolated artificially by Matheny Creek. The former marsh has been find, and probably represented a valued special- use tool converted to dredged lakes surrounded by residential and fashioned from a robust high-salinity whelk shell originally commercial development (U.S.D.A. 1991 :sheets 7 and 8; obtained from the Gulf or an inlet to the west. It appeared that
F.E.M.A. 1992; also see Figures 5 and 6, below). Indian people had carried the tool inland where they had lost or
These former natural areas near the Brookside Mound discarded it while extracting wood (such as for use in dugout would have been used by Indian people for hunting, fishing, canoe, utensil, or tool fabrication, or for fuel) on the scrubby and gathering. Marshy ponds offered game such as crayfish, ridge where I found it. Today, this parcel and its scrubby fish, mud puppies, frogs, turtles, and birds. Scrubby flatwoods have been impacted by recent and on-going flatwoods supported many resources including: hog plums, construction of town houses (Sarasota County Planning scrub oak acorns, and saw palmetto berries in the fall; prickly Department 1984). pear cactus fruit in the spring; and scrub smilax tubers, gopher Another indication of aboriginal activity is the littletortoise, snakes, and quail year-round. Many other animals, known James Haley Site located across Phillippi Creek and especially alligator, opossum, cotton rat, rabbit, raccoon, and about 425 m (1,400 ft) southwest of the former Brookside deer, were available throughout the area. Mound (Figure 1). The site was first noted in 1961 when it
Phillippi Creek itself also offered animals including was described as a shell midden, with possible human burials. freshwater turtles, mullet, and birds. In the mound's It was recorded in the Florida Site File in 1976 when it was
immediate vicinity, the creek was influenced by tides, but it threatened by land development. In 1989, a visual was apparently too fresh to have supported oysters. However, reconnaissance by survey archaeologists did not reveal traces oysters and mussels were available a short distance of the site (Williams et al. 1990:99-100, Table 9). downstream, and they were plentiful around the creek's mouth Based on some other sites in the region, it is possible that about 3.2 km (2 mi) to the southwest. Between the creek's the James Haley Site was a small shell midden containing mouth and the mound, Indian people would have had an easy oyster shell, perhaps also with some quahog clam and scallop paddle by dugout canoe, the trip taking only 40-60 minutes shell. Such shell could have represented fresh shellfish that along the creek's usually calm and protected corridor. aboriginal people gathered near the shore and then transported
inland to eat soon after arrival at the site. They easily could
Nearby Sites have carredl shellfish up Phillippi Creek in baskets via dugout
canoe. The midden also might have contained remains of
It is assumed that the Brookside Mound was associated animals and plants that Indian people hunted and gathered in with other nearby aboriginal sites. At least one possibly the immediate vicinity, such as gopher tortoise, deer, and hog associated site, the James Haley Site (8S058) (see below), was plum. n ear the former mound. In addition, shell middens occurred It is tempting to speculate that the James Haley Site might
along the shores of estuaries to the west, and downstream near have been a campsite for Indian people making visits to the




207
nearby Brookside Mound, perhaps to protect it, consult the case of habitation sites, economic and ecological factors
ancestral spirits, leave gifts, or conduct burials and mound influenced their dispersed locations, as examined next. building. From the James Haley Site, the mound would have The emerging pattern of habitation sites suggests an
been conveniently close and yet perhaps sufficiently separate economic adaptation to resources in both estuarine and "inland owing to its location across the creek (see section below, from the shore" areas by fisher-hunter-gatherers who moved "Notes on Isolated Burial Mounds"). between the two areas. In general, there appears to have been
The next closest known middens are at Hansen's Landing an emphasis on fishing and shellfishing in the estuaries, (8SO84) and the Old Oak Site (8SO51), which are about 2.4 combined with foraging (hunting, fishing, and gathering) in km (1.5 mi) to the west along Sarasota Bay (Figure 3). The areas inland from the shore. Indian groups probably tended to Old Oak Site is a sizeable midden containing late Weeden be larger while fishing in the estuaries, and smaller when Island and possible early Safety Harbor components (Luer foraging inland. Optimization models of evolutionary ecology 1977), and may represent a basecamp associated with the (see Winterhalder 1987; Kaplan and Hill 1992)suggest that a
Brookside Mound. The next nearest sites known to have pattern of moving between dispersed camps in these areas
components of these times are a portion of the Roberts Bay would have evolved to help decrease procurement costs and to Site (8SO56) and the now-destroyed Martin Site (8SO57), both increase returns on localized resources (especially food items). sizeable shoreside shell middens to the southwest; another However, we still know very little about the dynamics of this possibly coeval site was the now-destroyed Sarasota Bay procurement system, such as when, how, and which resources
Mound (8SO44), a sand burial mound to the northwest (Figure were exploited. 3). Several aboriginal sites to the south of Phillippi Creek
This array of sites and habitats suggests a cultural and may help us gain some understanding of this behavior. The natural landscape that was clearly "legible" for Indian people sites were found during recent archaeological surveys of a vast who lived in it. Using concepts and terms developed by Lynch tract, called "Palmer Ranch," that was undergoing (1960), the sites shown by Figure 3 can be envisioned as Development of Regional Impact (DRI) assessment. This "nodes" connected by "paths," in this case primarily foot 4,000 hectare (10,000 acre) tract, consisting of pine flatwoods trails. Some of these same sites were also nodes for Indian and marshy wetlands, was one of the last essentially natural canoe travelers on adjacent bay waters. Another "path" was areas left in coastal Sarasota County. In 1989, however, Phillippi Creek, which would have been a canoe route Sarasota County government changed much of the tract's
connecting shore and inland areas. Some "landmarks" in this zoning to "urban land use" and "future urban land use" early Sarasota landscape would have been natural areas, such (Apoxsee 1981, 1989). Since then, influential corporate land as scrubby ridges and wetlands, and human-made features such development interests have been building large-scale housing as the Brookside Mound. developments there.
This tract's inland from the shore sites were in the Catfish
Settlement Pattern Creek drainage basin (Figure 6). One of them, the Catfish
Creek Site (8SO608), dated to ca. A.D. 700-1000 and
The Brookside Mound was 2 to 3 km inland from the consisted of apparent single-episode shell midden lenses
nearest shores of Sarasota Bay and Roberts Bay (Figure 3). In produced by short-term Indian camps in a patch of scrubby the 1940s- 1970s, archaeologists knew primarily of aboriginal flatwoods (Austin and Russo 1989). Three additional sites sites along the shores of these estuaries. As more sites were (8S0O1901, 8S0O1902, 8S0O1903) were middens containing discovered in the 1970s and early 1980s, however, it appeared faunal bones and mollusc shells (Austin 1990:32-37). Two of that the area's aboriginal Indian people also used nearby inland the middens straddled an ecotone between pine flatwoods and a sites, especially short-term camps. Archaeologists termed such major system of freshwater marshes (Figure 6) that developers sites as "sites inland from the shore" in order to emphasize are converting to housesites and lakes, respectively (Hull their connection with "shoreside sites" and to distinguish them 1994). Today, one of these two middens is within a from more distant "inland sites" in interior regions (see greenspace, and it may yield significant archaeological data in discussion in Luer and Almy 1982:49, 51). the future.
In these respects, the Brookside Mound qualifies as a It appears that Indian people moved back and forth
"site inland from the shore," and it represents an important between these freshwater wetland areas and nearby estuaries, addition to the picture of aboriginal settlement in the Sarasota carrying food or "grubstakes" with them as they moved area ca. A.D. 800-1500. The mound helps to show that the between sites in different ecological zones. This is suggested area's sites were dispersed widely. Several factors apparently by shells from edible estuarine molluscs found at middens caused this. In the case of some burial mounds, accessibility inland from the shore, and by remains of edible freshwater and aboriginal beliefs apparently contributed to their dispersion animals that occur in some shoreside middens. For example, (see section below, "Notes on Isolated Burial Mounds"). In in 1988 I recovered remains of bowfin (a freshwater fish) and siren (a freshwater mud puppy) at a nearby baffler island




208
midden, the Midnight Pass Midden/Luckey Site number of areas along the coast of southwestern Florida (Table (8SO7/8SO1376) on Siesta Key (see Figure 6). Other remains 1 and Figure 8). These upland areas and their resources have from this midden indicate that, while Indian people were on been largely overlooked by archaeologists, including the the barrier island, they continued their food quest by catching presence of scrub oaks in southern Florida (for example, many estuarine and marine animals including molluscs, sharks, Larson 1980:26). bony fishes, and sea turtle (Laura Kozuch, personal In future studies, archaeologists need to consider that
communication, 1994). these scrubby habitats provided'conditions favorable for deer,
Today in Florida, sites like these often are damaged or such as numerous habitat edges and plant foods, especially destroyed. They are becoming more and more rare or acorns. Thus, scrubby areas probably were significant in
degraded due to insensitive land development and inadequate supporting local populations of deer, a very important preservation measures, and they continue to be poorly aboriginal game animal (Larson 1980:166-172). Moreover,
understood due to insufficient archaeological work. Sites acorn crops or "mast" might have helped fatten and concentrate situated inland from the shore, like those in the Catfish Creek deer in scrubby areas during the fall, possibly favoring basin, are especially endangered and underappreciated. If aboriginal deer hunting in that season. future studies can be conducted of them, they could yield a better understanding of how Indian people used the coastal zone landscape. As an example, I assisted in archaeological salvage excavations in 1989 and 1990 at the Catfish Creek Site Manatee River
(one of the four sites just mentioned above) before a large t
portion of it was destroyed by road construction (see Archibald 1991:Fig. 2, bottom). Study of the site's discrete midden Sarasota 2 lenses promises significant insights into collection strategies, Bay Sarasota target resources, food processing, seasonality, and numbers of S t
persons encamped.
At Catfish Creek and other sites, it also may be that
optimization models, coupled with archaeological and 4
biological faunal and floral data, could provide more insight into topics such as dietary breadth, capture and handling costs, 6
and search time. Combined with studies of nearby shoreside 7
sites, sites inland from the shore may help round out an overall picture of aboriginal adaptation to west-peninsular Florida's 8 9
coastal zone. One of many questions which could be clarified Lemon B 10
by faunal and floral remains from such sites is the role of marine versus terrestrial foods in the diet. This is an important evolutionary issue in economic adaptation to this coastal zone (for example, see Yesner 1980 and Widmer 1988). C
Other ecological influences that undoubtedly affected Charlotte Harbor
aboriginal diet, land use, and settlement were the wet and dry seasons, and the fire regime. For example, during the summer rainy season, the pine flatwoods and other poorly drained land Pine Island
became flooded. During flooding, some animals probably Sou'i~zd
were concentrated in dry areas and might have been hunted Umore easily than at other times of the year. In dry periods with lower water levels, some wetland animals and plants wereN more concentrated or accessible in marshes for hunting, fishing, and gathering. The landscape's open habitats, ,
especially herbaceous wetlands and pine or scrubby flatwoods, 11
predominated over more woody habitats due to frequent fires (Abrahamson and Hartnett 1990; Huffman and Blanchard 1991). Naples
Scrubby areas (Figure 7) will be important in this picture __ __ __ __ __
of coastal adaptation. Although rare and endangered today-t because of destructive land development (Florida Natural Figure 8. Major scrub areas of coastal southwestern Florida.
Areas Inventory 1994), scrubby habitats once existed in a Numerals 1-11 show locations of the scrub areas listed by Table 1. Other scrub areas also existed farther inland.




209f
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210
Little Camp
Sawgrass
Big Camp
0, Sawgrass
downtown Fruitville
S Sarasota
drainage 1 -.
/41\
o ,drainage canal ,- ,
Bee Ridge Road Brookside Mound
190
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Figure 6. Brookside Mound and some other sites in northwest Sarasota County, Florida. Note the brook and Alford Sawgrass. Can als drain major wetlands and surrounding areas (S. G.A. C. 1921). Modern roads are shown for orientation.




211
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Figure 7 Scrubby flatwoods at atfis8ko
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and looingprikly earcacus.Botom rght lefy ranc ofChamans srub ak;not acrns n fontof and




212
Table 1. Major Scrub Areas of Coastal Southwestern Florida. (Most, like the Phillippi Creek Scrub, have been destroyed by land development. All had scrubby flatwoods, although
Palma Sola, Whitfield, Englewood, and possibly Venice also had some sand pine scrub. Both
kinds of scrub also existed at the Sand Hills Ridge in Lee and Collier Counties [see Beriault 1971; 1973]. Recently, a significant portion of Oscar Scherer Scrub was
purchased for preservation [The Nature Conservancy 1991], and a portion of Tippecanoe Scrub is scheduled for public acquisition. Deer Prairie Scrub is in need of preservation.)
Name of Scrub Area County Status
1. Palma Sola Manatee Mostly destroyed
2. Whitfield or Airport Manatee Destroyed
3. Phillippi Creek Sarasota Destroyed
4. Oscar Scherer Sarasota Preserved
5. Laurel Sarasota Destroyed
6. South Venice Sarasota Mostly destroyed, partially protected
7. Deer Prairie Sarasota Intact, unprotected
8. Englewood Sarasota Mostly destroyed, unprotected
9. Tippecanoe Charlotte Partially destroyed, unprotected
10. Amberjack or Rotonda Charlotte Partially destroyed, unprotected
11. Sand Hills Ridge Lee, Collier Destroyed
Yet another consideration is that some well-drained away from the nearest possibly associated known site. scrubby areas supported the coastal region's largest pine trees. Moreover, it does not appear to have been part of a large This fact appears to have been important to aboriginal canoe midden and mound complex. and shell tool manufacture and use in southwestern Florida, as Mitchem (1988:104-105) identifies a number of isolated I will explain in forthcoming papers. Thus, scrubby areas burial mounds dating to Safety Harbor times, and he contrasts offered some resources of vital importance to Indian lifeways them with burial mounds which are parts of large nucleated in precontact southwestern Florida. village sites. Mitchem also offers two hypotheses: 1) isolated
burial mounds might have served specific kin-based groups Notes on Isolated Burial Mounds (such as clans) with each group's mound having been placed in
a separate location, or 2) isolated burial mounds might have The Brookside Mound appears to qualify as an "isolated served residents of surrounding scattered hamlets and camps. burial mound" as termed by Mitchem (1988). As described Regarding the first hypothesis, although different kinabove, it was located across a creek and several hundred meters based groups might well have used different burial mounds,




213
such behavior still does not explain why some mounds were Summary
physically isolated. That is, burial mounds in close proximity
to village sites could have served different groups as easily as Sarasota newspaper reports from the 1920s provide isolated ones could have. The second hypothesis, however, limited information about a previously unrecorded aboriginal does supply a rationale for spatial isolation, and it could apply sand burial mound, here called the Brookside Mound, that was to the Brookside Mound and the dispersed settlement pattern of destroyed during the Florida land boom in 1926. Available the Phillippi Creek area, described above. It should be added, information is insufficient to assign the mound to a particular nonetheless, that both hypotheses could be true, and they need culture, although it might have dated to sometime in the late not be viewed as "either/or" options. Weeden Island and Safety Harbor periods (ca. A.D. 800Additional beliefs and practices also might have 1700).
contributed to the "isolation" of some Mississippian period The Brookside Mound was near Phillippi Creek in a part
burial mounds in west-central and southwestern Florida. A of Sarasota County that has become suburbanized but that number of them are adjacent to creeks, sloughs, or aboriginal formerly supported pine flatwoods and scrubby flatwoods canals, or are situated on islands. Some examples include: habitats. Because twentieth-century land development has
1) the Picnic, Laurel, and Aqui Esta Mounds on creeks in altered the natural landscape so severely, this article provides Hillsborough, Sarasota, and Charlotte Counties, 2) the historical and environmental background to establish a sense of Myakka Valley Ranches and Waterway Circle Mounds next to place for the mound, and to facilitate discussion of aboriginal sloughs in Sarasota and Charlotte Counties, 3) the Pineland Indian settlement. Burial (or "Smith") and Pine Island 8 Mounds near the Pine The Brookside Mound is of value in regional settlement
Island Canal in Lee County, and 4) the Johns Pass, Tierra pattern studies. It appears to have been an isolated burial Verde, and Cayo Pelu Mounds on islands in Pinellas and mound that was located inland from the shore, and it appears
Charlotte Counties. to have been part of a dispersed settlement pattern including
Such locations would have made these "isolated" mounds shoreside and inland from the shore sites. The mound's readily accessible, especially by dugout canoe. Moreover, it is "isolated" location may reflect a need to distance it physically, noteworthy that these burial mounds occur in diverse natural due to fear of the deceased, while maintaining accessibility to settings, but all have accessibility via water in common. it, especially by placing it near navigable water, so that it
Accessibility would have been desirable given some could be visited regularly to guard it, to place offerings, and to
aboriginal practices described by post-contact period accounts. consult the deceased. For southwestern Florida and the Florida Keys, there are These same factors may account for the isolated but
accounts of the consulting of deceased at burial places (Lewis accessible locations of a number of Mississippian period burial 1978:35; Hann 1991:238), the placement of offerings or gifts mounds in west-central and southwestern Florida. This article at burial places, and the guarding of burial places (Sturtevant cites ten of these mounds, in addition to the Brookside Mound. 1978:148). For the Tampa Bay region, there is an account of This article addresses regions of Florida typified by
the guarding of a charnel house which was "... placed in a rapidly expanding suburbanization and frequent destruction of designated section of a forest that lay at a distance from the archaeological resources and natural habitats. The vast extent town" (Varner and Varner 1951:65). Thus, given a of such impacts makes the protection and preservation of
community's need for accessibility, it would have tended to remaining archaeological sites, rural lands, and natural habitats favor a nearby burial mound at a nucleated site and an isolated all the more urgent. burial mound in a territory of dispersed hamlets and camps.
Another factor possibly contributing to the physical Acknowledgments
separation of burial mounds might have been a "fear" of the
deceased. This belief was attributed to post-contact Indian In Sarasota, historian J. Whitcomb Rylee referred me to
people in the Florida Keys, and it was cited as a reason why archival sources for the Brookside Mound. Realtor Jon their burial area was distant from their village (Sturtevant Thaxton, an expert on the Florida scrub jay, was especially 1978:148). Such belief, however, probably varied over time. generous in providing maps and data about Brookside Some earlier Weeden Island period burial mounds, for subdivision, Woodbridge Estates, and the Phillippi Creek
example, do not appear to have been so distantly separated Scrub. Environmental planner Maynard Hiss helped in from associated habitation areas. canoeing and inspecting Phillippi Creek. Artist Theodore
Thus, a number of factors might have influenced the Morris produced Figures 1, 3, 4, and 6.
locations of burial mounds. They include the nature of the In Gainesville, Florida, a number of archaeologists were
parent settlements (nucleated versus dispersed), a need for helpful. Laura Kozuch furnished valuable faunal accessibility, and a need to separate a burial area in ways identifications, Brent Weisman and Jerald Milanich provided acceptable to belief. helpful comments, and Audax Mabulla and Ryan Wheeler




214
generously shared information and gave assistance. Some Austin, Robert J., and Michael Russo ideas were expressed here more clearly thanks to discussions 1989 Limited Excavations at the Catfish Creek Site (8S0608), with Rob Patton and Corbett Torrence. Sarasota County, Florida. Unpublished report dated
January. Prepared for Palmer Venture, Inc. by Piper References Cited Archaeological Research, Inc., St. Petersburg, Florida.
Abrahamson, Warren G., and David C. Hartnett Beriault, John G.
1990 Pine Flatwoods and Dry Prairies. In Ecosystems of 1971 Doctor's Pass Archaeological Site. Unpublished report
Florida, edited by R. L. Myers and J. J. Ewel, pp. 103- on file, Archaeological and Historical Conservancy,
149. University of Central Florida Press, Orlando. Miami.
Anonymous 1973 A Preliminary Report on the Area Known as the Collier1926a "Mammoth Indian Burial Mound is Uncovered Here." Coral Ridge Tract, Southwest Florida. Unpublished
Sarasota Herald, Sunday, March 14, section 1, page 1, report on file, Archaeological and Historical
continued section 2, page 3. Microfilm on file, Selby Conservancy, Miami.
Public Library, Sarasota.
Cravens and Kimmel, Chief Engineers
1926b "Many Citizens Inspect Indian Mound Sunday." ca. 1923 Topographical Map of Sarasota-FruitvilleDrainage
Sarasota Herald, Tuesday, March 16, section 1, page 2. District Showing the Plan of Reclamation. Scale 1:1000.
Microfilm on file, Selby Public Library, Sarasota. On file, Sarasota County Department of Historical
Resources, Sarasota.
1926c "Will Preserve Indian Relics; Bones and Pottery Taken
from Mound to Form Collection." Sarasota Herald, F.E.M.A. (Federal Emergency Management Agency)
Wednesday, March 17, section 1, page 1-2. Microfilm 1992 Flood Insurance Rate Map, Sarasota County, Florida on file, Selby Public Library, Sarasota. (Unincorporated Areas), Panel 163 of 460. Map revised
September 3. National Flood Insurance Program. On 1926d "Body of Indian Chief Found in Big Mound Here." file, Sarasota County Zoning Department, Sarasota.
Sarasota Herald, Friday, March 19, section 1, page 3.
Microfilm on file, Selby Public Library, Sarasota. Florida Natural Areas Inventory
1994 Element Rank Explanations and Natural Communities. 1926e "Smithsonian Expert Will View Mound." Sarasota The Nature Conservancy and the Florida Department of
Herald, Sunday, March 21, section 1, page 1-2. Natural Resources, Tallahassee.
Microfilm on file, Selby Public Library, Sarasota.
Gleason, Patrick J.
Apoxsee (Sarasota County Comprehensive Plan) 1984 Introduction. In Environments of South Florida:
1981 Future Land Use Plan Map. Sarasota County Planning Present and Past II, edited by P. J. Gleason, pp. viiiDepartment, Sarasota. xxv. Miami Geological Society, Coral Gables.
1989 Future Land Use Plan Map. Sarasota County Planning Grismer, Karl H.
Department, Sarasota. 1946 The Story of Sarasota. Florida Grower Press, Tampa.
Archibald, Lauren C. Hann, John H.
1991 Working to Save The Past in Sarasota County, Florida: 1991 Missions to the Calusa. University of Florida Press,
A New Archaeological Review Program. The Florida Gainesville.
Anthropologist 44:30-37.
Hrdlicka, Ales
Austin, Robert J. 1922 The Anthropology of Florida. Florida State Historical
1990 Cultural Resource Assessment Survey of the Palmer Society, Deland.
Ranch East Phase Development Site, Sarasota County,
Florida. Unpublished report dated March. Prepared for Huffman, Jean M., and Sarah W. Blanchard
Palmer Venture, Inc. by Piper Archaeological Research, 1991 Changes in Woody Vegetation in Florida Dry Prairie Inc., St. Petersburg, Florida. and Wetlands During a Period of Fire Exclusion, and
After Dry- Growing-Season Fire. In Fire and the




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Environment: Ecological and Cultural Perspectives, Sarasota County
edited by S. C. Nodvin and T. A. Waldrop, pp. 75-83. 1925 Official Records, as per Plat Book Number 1, Brookside USDA Southeastern Forest Experiment Station, Subdivision, page 196. Filed April 29 and recorded May
Asheville, North Carolina. 1. On file, Sarasota County Courthouse, Sarasota.
Hull, Victor 1986 1986 Annual Report, Sarasota County, Florida.
1994 Before and After: This Time, the Hand of Man Helps. Prepared by Office of the Administrator, Sarasota County
Sarasota Herald-Tribune, Monday, November 21, pages Florida.
1A and 6A.
S.C.H.C. (Sarasota County Historical Commission) Kaplan, Hillard, and Kim Hill 1991 "Bee Ridge Community." Historical marker near corer
1992 The Evolutionary Ecology of Food Acquisition. In of Proctor Road and Harris Avenue, Sarasota County,
Evolutionary Ecology of Food Acquisition, edited by E. Florida.
A. Smith and B. Winterhalder, pp. 167-201. Aldine de
Gruyter. Sarasota County Planning Department
1984 Special Exception Petition #990, Staff Report and Larson, Lewis H. Recommendations. Dated September 27. On file,
1980 Aboriginal Subsistence Technology on the Southeastern Sarasota County Planning Department, Sarasota.
Coastal Plain during the Late Prehistoric Period.
University Presses of Florida, Gainesville. S.G.A.C. (Sarasota Guaranteed Abstract Company)
1921 Map of Sarasota County, Florida, 1921. Dated October Lewis, Clifford M. 11. Scale 1 inch: 1 mile. Copy on file, Sarasota County
1978 The Calusa. In Tacachale, edited by J. Milanich and S. Department of Historical Resources, Sarasota.
Proctor, pp. 19-49. University Presses of Florida,
Gainesville. Sauers, Steven C.
1984 Inter Office Memo from Acting Senior Ecologist, Luer, George M. Sarasota County Natural Resources Management, to Jerry
1977 Excavations at the Old Oak Site, Sarasota, Florida: A Gray, Director, Sarasota County Planning Department.
Late Weeden Island-Safety Harbor Period Site. The Dated September 20. Filed with Special Exception
Florida Anthropologist 30:37-55. Petition #990, Sarasota County Planning Department,
Sarasota.
Luer, George M., and Marion M. Almy
1982 A Definition of the Manasota Culture. The Florida Sturtevant, William C.
Anthropologist 35:34-58. 1978 The Last of the South Florida Aborigines. In
Tacachale, edited by J. Milanich and S. Proctor, pp. 141Lynch, Kevin 162. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville.
1960 The Image of the City. The Technology Press and
Harvard University Press, Cambridge. The Nature Conservancy
1991 Critical Habitat Saved in Sarasota County. Florida Mabulla, Audax Z. P., and Daemian Shannon Chapter News, Spring issue, page 1. Winter Park,
1995 Skeletal Markers of Occupational Stress in Prehistoric Florida.
Crystal River Population. Unpublished report on file,
Department of Anthropology, University of Florida, U.S.D.A. (United States Department of Agriculture)
Gainesville. 1959 Soil Survey, Sarasota County, Florida. U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.
Matthews, Janet S.
1983 Edge of Wilderness, A Settlement History of Manatee 1984 HAP-84, 35-80R dated February 7, 1984. Black and
River and Sarasota Bay. Caprine Press, Tulsa, white aerial photograph showing a portion of Sarasota
Oklahoma. County, Florida. On file, USDA-ASCS, Aerial
Photography Field Office, Salt Lake City, Utah.
Mitchem, Jeffrey M.
1988 Some Alternative Interpretations of Safety Harbor Burial 1991 Soil Survey of Sarasota County, Florida. U.S.
Mounds. Florida Scientist 51":100-107. Governent Printing Office, Washington, D.C.




216
U.S.G.S. (United States Geological Survey) 1944 Sarasota, Fla. Quandrangle map. 7.5 minute series, topographic.
Varner, John G., and Jeannette J. Varner (translators and editors)
1951 The Florida of the Inca. University of Texas Press,
Austin.
Widmer, Randolph J.
1988 The Evolution of the Calusa: A Nonagricultural
Chiefdom on the Southwest Florida Coast. The
University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.
Williams, J. Raymond, Joan Deming, Rebecca Spain Schwarz,
Patricia Carender, and Daniel Delahaye
1990 An Historic Resources Survey of the Coastal Zone of
Sarasota County, Florida. Unpublished report dated March. Prepared for Sarasota County Board of County Commissioners, Sarasota County Department of Natural Resources, and Sarasota County Department of Historical Resources. On file, Sarasota County Department of
Historical Resources.
Winterhalder, Bruce
1987 The Analysis of Hunter-Gatherer Diets: Stalking an
Optimal Foraging Model. In Food and Evolution: Toward a Theory of Human Food Habits, edited by M.
Harris and E. Ross, pp. 311-339. Temple University
Press, Philadelphia.
Yesner, David R.
1980 Maritime Hunter-Gatherers: Ecology and Prehistory.
Current Anthropology 21:727-750.
Zilles, Jack
1976 A History of Agriculture of Sarasota County Florida.
Sponsored by Sarasota County Agriculture Fair Association and The Sarasota County Historical
Commission. Privately published, Sarasota.
George M. Luer
3222 Old Oak Drive
Sarasota, FL 34239




217
!4
kk
DONALD H. RANDELL
1909-1995
Donald H. Randell, a generous friend of Florida At Pineland, the Randells became interested in its Indian
archaeology, died on July 10, 1995. He was 85. mounds crowned with gumbo limbo trees. As early as 1972,
Don Randell was a native of New Jersey. He was a they played a part in listing Pineland's archaeological resources
member of the Princeton Class of 1932, and majored in in the National Register of Historic Places. In 1974, Col.
economic geology. He served for many years in the U.S. Randell was quoted as saying: "I don't dig in the mounds. I Army and the New York National Guard, retiring as a hope to have an expert do that someday. .... They were an lieutenant colonel. He also had a long and distinguished career ingenious people, the Indians" (White 1974). as a financial analyst in New York City. Beginning in the 1970s, Col. Randell bought more
In 1968, Don and his wife Patricia retired to Florida. Pineland property to prevent condominium development. They moved to the rural hamlet of Pineland near Fort Myers in Down-zoning the land to agricultural use, he gradually built up Lee County, southwestern Florida. There, Don was known to a small herd of Santa Gertrudis cattle and improved a small
many people as Col. Randell. citrus grove.
The Randells came to Florida with a deep appreciation for In 1980, the Randells completed contruction of a new nature and history, and Pineland attracted them because it was house about 100 yards up the road from a rambling old frame rich in both. In his childhood, Col. Randell developed an house where they had spent their first dozen years in Pineland. interest in snakes and American Indians while at summer camp Across the road from the new house, Col. Randell installedl a in the Watchung Mountains of New Jersey. Mrs. Randell, bronze plaque that explained Pineland's historical significance who grew up in Miami, loved the natural areas of southern for visitors and passers-by (for text, see Note 2 below). Florida, especially the Everglades and its birdlife. Col. Randell also became involved in the scientific
Vol. 48 No. 3 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPTEMBER 1995




218
investigation of the area's Indian mounds. In 1980-1982, he Then, in 1990 and 1992, the Randells made their allowed me to inspect the mounds and courts on nearby Josslyn property accessible to public participation in two state-funded Island (which he owned), and he helped me to explore "Year of the Indian" grants awarded to the Florida Museum of
Pineland and its Indian canoe canal that crossed Pine Island to Natural History, the Fort Myers Historical Museum, and the reach Indian Field and beyond (Blohm 1981; Luer 1989a, Nature Center of Lee County (now the Calusa Nature Center 1991). He also encouraged me to visit the Howard Shell and Planetarium) (Ballou 1990a, 1990b; Blanchard 1989a,
Mound in nearby Bokeelia (Luer 1989b), and he made several 1989b; Blanchard and Marquardt 1990; Edic 1989; Hoeckel Pineland Indian artifacts available for study, including a gold 1990). The grants underwrote excavations, analyses, oral ceremonial tablet (Allerton et al. 1984:MT#33) and pottery histories, and education of Lee County school children that objects (Luer 1986). involved classroom teaching and on- site educational tours of
In early 1982, the Randells deeded a small strip of land to Pineland (Costello 1992; Lollar 1992; Marquardt et al. 1992; Lee County to create a wayside historical park at Pineland. A Swanson 1992; Walker 1992; Walker and Marquardt 1993). new plaque was installed there to replace the original bronze In 1990 and 1993, the Randells made donations to FAS one that had been stolen. At the park's dedication ceremony, that began The Florida Anthropologist Fund, a special account many of the area's dignitaries spoke, including Col. Randell: to support editorial production of the journal. At that time, the
Randell spoke, saying that he and his wife decided to Randells already had been members of FAS for more than a
come here from New Jersey years ago, found Pineland decade.
and fell in love with it. "We thought the place was Many people recognized Col. and Mrs. Randell for their
lovely," he said. He added they both thought about outstanding efforts in historic preservation. In 1989, they
how New Jersey had become, and how his wife's home were the first to receive the prestigious "Dr. Frank C.
town of Miami had become, and decided they would do Craighead Award" from the Southwest Florida Archaeological
what they could to preserve the beauty of the area. Society (Lee 1989a, 1989b). In 1991, they were
Randell said that for over 6,000 years Indians lived on acknowledged for significant contributions to Florida the earth. "The Indians didn't do anything bad to the archaeology in the The Florida Anthroplogist (Lee 1991). The land," he said. "But look what we have done to it in next year, archaeologists at the Florida Museum of Natural just 200 years" (Litizia 1982). History and the University of Florida finished the first
In 1983, Col. Randell funded archaeological mapping of monograph reporting recent research in southwestern Florida, the mounds on Josslyn Island. He made it a cooperative effort dedicating it to "Don and Pat Randell" (Marquardt 1992). In involving the University of Florida and the region's FAS 1993, the Randells were honored with a "Stewards of Heritage chapter, the Southwest Florida Archaeological Society Preservation Award" in a ceremony in St. Augustine by the (Marquardt 1984). Florida Archaeological Council.
From then on, Col. and Mrs. Randell became generous In 1994, in far-sighted generosity, Col. and Mrs. Randell
benefactors of a number of archaeological projects. They deeded 56 of their 80 acres of Indian mounds and canals at funded testing at Josslyn Island in 1985 and 1987 (Marquardt Pineland (valued at over $1.5 million) to the University of 1987, 1988, 1993:14-25), and they helped support Florida Foundation so that they can be preserved and enjoyed archaeological salvage work in neighboring Charlotte County forever (Henderson 1994; Marquardt and Walker 1994). In in 1988 (Luer and Archibald 1988). In 1989, Col. Randell Col.Randell's words: sold Josslyn Island to the State of Florida (a process he began We are giving this property because we are convinced more than a decade earlier) so that the island could be that steps should be taken to preserve some of the past
preserved as part of the surrounding Charlotte Harbor State for posterity, and we want to see a place set aside where Reserve and Aquatic Preserves. people can learn what is being lost (in Marquardt and
In May 1988 and May 1989, the Randells funded several Walker 1994:5).
weeks of archaeological field work at Pineland, directed by At the present time, archaeological research continues at
William Marquardt and involving a number of researchers and Pineland (Holmes 1995) and efforts are underway for the State volunteers, including members of the Southwest Florida of Florida to purchase additional acreage at Pineland through
Archaeological Society (Marquardt 1989a, 1989b; 1993:48- the Conservation and Recreational Lands (C.A.R.L.) program 54). Col. Randell encouraged coverage by press and television (Marquardt and Walker 1993). In the next several years, the in order to increase public awareness of the area's Florida Museum of Natural History hopes to raise a $1.2 archaeological heritage (for example, Ballou 1989; Faudree million endowment to support a research and education center 1989a, 1989b). Also during this period, he bought another of at Pineland named in honor of Col. Randell (Marquardt and Pineland's important archaeological components, the Smith Walker 1995). Mound (or "Pineland Burial Mound"), so that it could be Throughout his years at Pineland, Col. Randell was also a
protected and preserved, faithful friend of other causes and, although retired, he




219
continued to work daily on financial matters and Costello, Janeen B. correspondence. He participated actively with Pine Island's 1992 Children -- Future Caretakers of Florida's Natural Veterans of Foreign Wars and the Pine Island Chamber of History. The Daily Breeze (Cape Coral), March 24, page
Commerce. He was interested in county politics, the local 5.
Audubon Society chapter, and Pine Island's Museum of the Islands Historical Society. He was particularly loyal to the Edic, Robert F. Southwest Florida Princeton Club, and hosted many annual 1989 Year of the Indian. Gasparilla Gazette, June 8, page picnics at Pineland for Princeton alumni. 13.
Col. Randell is survived by his wife Patricia of 54 years;
two sons, Crandon of Anchorage, Alaska, and Frederick of Faudree, Richard Pineland; one daughter, Deborah of Fort Myers, and three 1989a Pine Island Digs Offer Sunny Walk Through History. grandchildren. Col. Randell will long be remembered for his Naples Daily News, April 29, page 2B. exceptionally active and generous support of archaeology and historic preservation in southwestern Florida. Many people 1989b Archaeologists Dig Into Calusa Indian Past. Naples are grateful to him for his friendship and interest, and miss Daily News, April, pages 1B-2B. him deeply.
Henderson, Joyce
1994 Gala Dinner Honors Randells' Gift. The Pine Island George M. Luer Eagle, August 17, pages 1, 12-13.
References Cited Hoeckel, Marilyn
1990 Pineland Dig May Give Answers to Mysteries Allerton, David, George M. Luer, and Robert Carr Surrounding Calusas. Boca Beacon, March 2, page 11.
1984 Ceremonial Tablets and Related Objects from Florida.
The Florida Anthroplogist 37:5-54. Holmes, Dave
1995 Changing Sea Levels Explored at Pineland
Ballou, Linda Archaeological Site. The Pine Island Eagle, February 8,
1989 Archaeological Dig on Pine Island Produces Evidence of pages 1, 3.
Calusa Culture and Habits. The Pine Island Eagle, May
17, page 1-2. Lee, Arthur R.
1989a Randells Honored for Archaeological Contribution. 1990a Volunteers Needed for Pineland Dig. The Pine Island The Pine Island Eagle, April 19, page 20.
Eagle, April 4, pages 1, 3.
1989b Randells to Recieve Award. Honor to be Conferred at 1990b Facts on Digs Revealed at MOTI. The Pine Island April 20 Dinner Meet. Newsletter, Southwest Florida
Eagle, April 18, page 17. Archaeological Society. April. Vol. 4, no. 12, pp. 1-2.
Blanchard, Charles 1991 The Randells of Lee County's Pineland: Florida
1989a Year of the Indian Becomes Reality, Pioneering Archaeology Owes Them Much. The Florida
Education Project Receives Full Funding. Calusa News Anthroplogist 44:76.
4:1-2.
Litizia, Linda
1989b Pineland. Calusa News 4:14. 1982 Historic Pineland Site Recognized. The Pine Island
Eagle. April 1.
Blanchard, Charles, and William H. Marquardt 1990 Pineland. Calusa News 5:6-7. Lollar, Kevin
1992 Clues to the Calusa. News Press (Fort Myers), March Blohm, Elaine 22, page lA, 6A, 7A.
1981 Indian Canal Studied. The Pine Island Eagle, July 1,
page 16.




220
Luer, George M.
1986 Ceramic Faces and a Pipe Fragment from South Florida, Marquardt, William H., and Karen Walker
with notes on the Pineland Site, Lee County. The Florida 1993 CARL Application form for Pineland Site Complex.
Anthropologist 39:281-286. Copy on file, Florida Museum of Natural History,
Gainesville.
1989a Calusa Canals in Southern Florida: Routes of Tribute
and Exchange. The Florida Anthropologist 42:89-130. 1994 Pineland -- A Key to the Past, A Guide to the Future.
Booklet prepared on the occasion of the announcement of 1989b Notes on the Howard Shell Mound and Calusa Island, the gift of the Pineland property, August 12. Florida
Lee County, Florida. The Florida Anthropologist Museum of Natural History, Gainesville.
42:249-254.
1995 Pineland -- A Key to the Past, A Guide to the Future. 1991 Historic Resources at the Pineland Site, Lee County, In Florida Museum Associates Quarterly, Winter, pp. 6Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 44:59-75. 7, 14-15. Florida Museum of Natural History,
Gainesville.
Luer, George M., and Lauren C. Archibald
1988 Archaeological Data Recovery at ... Charlotte Harbor Swanson, Angela
State Reserve, Winter Field Season 1988. Archaeological 1992 Dig This: Students Unearth Calusa Knowledge. News
and Historical Conservancy Technical Report No. 9. Press (Fort Myers), April 6.
Miami.
Walker, Karen J.
Marquardt, William H. 1992 The Mystery of the Pine Island Canal. Calusa News
1984 The Josslyn Island Mound and Its Role in the 6:3.
Investigation of Southwest Florida's Past. Florida State
Museum, Miscellaneous Project Report Series No. 22. Walker, Karen J., and Willliam H. Marquardt
29 pages. Gainesville. 1993 The Discovery of Pineland's First 1,500 Years. Calusa
News 7:4-6.
1987 Josslyn Island Begins to Yield Its Secrets. Calusa News
1:1. White, Randy
1974 Donald H. Randell Gets Back Outdoors At Last. News 1988 A Busy Year in Southwest Florida. Josslyn Island Press (Fort Myers), April 7, page ID.
Revisited. Calusa News 2:10.
1989a A New Look at the Pineland Site (8LL33). Paper NOTES
presented to the Florida Anthropological Society 41st
Annual Meeting, Jacksonville. 1. Photograph of Col. Donald H. Randell, April 1990,
courtesy of the Southwest Florida Project, Florida Museum of 1989b Return to Battey' s Landing. Calusa News 3:1-3, 8-9. Natural History, Gainesville.
1993 Recent Archaeological and Paleoenvironmental 2. Text of the original bronze plaque installed by Col.
Investigations in Southwest Florida. In Culture and Randell at Pineland in 1980:
Environment in the Domain of the Calusa, edited by W. PINELAND
H. Marquardt, pp. 9-57. Monograph No. 1, Institute of This is the site of a pre-Columbian religious center,
Archaeology and Paleoenvironmental Studies, University thought to be one of the larger villages of the Caloosa Indian of Florida, Gainesville. civilization. Caloosa tribes dominated the southwest coast of
Florida for thousands of years until the coming of the Spanish Marquardt, William H. (editor) explorers. The Pineland mounds formed a complex of
1992 Culture and Environment in the Domain of the Calusa. pyramids and other elevated surfaces which are believed to
Monograph No. 1, Institute of Archaeology and have possessed religious significance. A large canal excavated Paleoenvironmental Studies, University of Florida, by the Indians connected this site with Matlacha on the other
Gainesville. side of Pine Island.
In 1895 archaeologist Frank Cushing traveled to Marquardt, William H., Claudine Payne, and Karen Walker southwest Florida to investigate the remains of the Caloosa
1992 Pineland: The 1992 Season. Calusa News 6:3. civilization. He visited Pineland, then known as Battey's




221
Landing, and other important sites, including Demorey's Key (Demere Key), Useppa Island, Johnson's Key (Mound Key) and Key Marco (Marco Island). He returned to Marco Island the following year and unearthed many important artifacts and wood carvings, and these are the most important remnants of Caloosa civilization discovered to date.
These Indian mounds and others like them often provided early white settlers with a convenient source of road fill, and many mounds have been lost to this process, including much of the Pineland Site. The mounds also provided high and dry building sites, much as in the time of the Caloosas, and tend to be preserved when used in this fashion. Among the past residents of the Pineland mounds was John L. Lewis, who for many years was head of the United Mine Workers.
Site donated to Lee County by Colonel Donald H. Randell




222
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Join the Florida Anthropological Society (FAS)!
A non-profit organization founded in 1947, with chapters throughout Florida
Anthropology is the study of people and their cultures. Join FAS and help save and enjoy Florida's heritage! FAS holds an annual meeting and banquet C' featuring renowned speakers. FAS members receive a newsletter and informa* tive journal four times a year. The journal features interesting articles on
Florida archaeology, history, folklore, and preservation.
I
Florida India []1YES! I want to join FAS!
Poster I Membership is only $25 per year (individual) and is tax-deductible.
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You and
Florida s Past Activities Catr
Florida's history is long: it goes back 10,000 Each spring, an FAS chapter hosts a state-FA hacapestruotFlid
years to people who hunted mammoth with wide meeting attended by members of FASwhcaropntteitrsedubc.B
stone-tipped spears. and its chapters, and the public. Both pro-jongFAadoeofiscptriizs
It is colorful: 7,000 years ago, Florida's Native fessionals and amateurs deliver papers aboutcatkenatieprinhlngosudad Americans wove cloth as fine as a T-shirt. their activities and investigations. A banquetprsveFoiashitg.Aiiisinld
features a guest speaker who is usually meigfedtis n rhelgcldg
It is unique in the world: around 800 years nationally-known in the field of archaeology sprie ypoesoas
ago, some Floridians had a civilization so or anthropology. FAS elected officers are
complex that they built long canoe-canals and instated at a business session. F SC atr
huge pyramid-shaped mounds of shells and During the year, the FAS Executive BoardWrtyoraeschprfrmmbsipnomsand. holds several meetings. FAS chapters havetinody
You can be part of it! New pages of this story monthly meetings, field trips, and other Acaooia oit fSuhr lrd
are being written every week. Teams of activities. 29 W3t vne imF 34
amateur and professional archaeologistsBrwd together are making fascinating discoveries in Cont Arhelgcaoit
the field and in the lab. 41S eea w. aiF 30
You can help save it! Florida's rapid develop- P u b lica tio n sCetaFlrdAnholgilScey
ment puts many valuable sites in jeopardy. 80Es oln tet radF 20
Amateur and professional archaeologists,CetaGufostAcelgilScey elected officials and planners, and just plain 1.FAS publishes a scientific journal, THEPO.Bx825TapF362 concerned citizens are working together to FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, four times a Ida ie nhoooia oit
save this history in the soil. year. Both professionals and amateurs con- 30 .Toia ercMritIlnF 25
How do you put yourself into this picture? By tribute articles about investigations in Florida KsimeVle rh it os
joining the Florida Anthropological Society and nearby areas. These articles keep FASPO.Bx90SernF387
(FAS oroneof is captrsor bthas anymembers up-to-date on many aspects of
(FSioneofsts cities or ohsmn Florida archaeology, history, folklore, and preservation. Many libraries around the nation 145Syrs rJcsnilF 21
and world subscribe to the journal. PnaoaAcaooia oit
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224
You CAN Afford the
Old Masters -0 01Bullen
Go ggin
Griffin
Willey
and the other greats of Florida anthropology. They're in back issues of The Florida An thropolo74 at the original price from the Graves Museum of SArchaeology and Natural History 418 South Federal Highway, Dania, FL 33004 Phone (305) 925-7770 FAX (305) 925-7064




225
About the Authors
Robert H. Gore is the Director of the Naithloriendun Wildlife Sanctuary in Naples, Florida.
Julian Granberry presently a Research Associate in archaeology with the Tallahassee office of R. Christopher Goodwin and Associates, Inc., is a specialist in Southeastern and Antillean prehistory. He has his B.A. (Yale), M.A. (University of Florida), and Ph.D. (University of Buffalo) in te combined fields of archaeology and linguistics. In 1956 he served as interim Editor of The Florida Anthropologist.
Donald E. Sheppard is an avocational historian and fifth-generation Floridian with a long interest in the Contact period. His travels in pursuit of De Soto have taken him throughout the interior Southeast and into archives and libraries across the country. Don has a particular interest in the community education aspects of Florida hsitory.
George M. Luer is an archaeologist from Sarasota, Florida. He has been an FAS member since 1973. Luer is attending graduate school at the University of Florida's Department of Anthropology.
Back cover. Figure 2 from Gore, this issue; (A, top left) Blue Jay, plate 102; (B, top right) Kingfisher, plate 77; (C, bottom left) Ivory-billed woodpecker, plate 66; D, bottom right) Pileated Woodpecker, plate 111; from Audubon 's Birds of America. Octavo edition, 1838. Library, The Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, by permission.







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