The Florida anthropologist

Material Information

The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Place of Publication:
Florida Anthropological Society.
Publication Date:
Quarterly[<Mar. 1975- >]
Two no. a year[ FORMER 1948-]
v.41 no.2, June, 1988
Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 24 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

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Source Institution:
University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright Florida Anthropologist Society, Inc. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
01569447 ( OCLC )
56028409 ( LCCN )
0015-3893 ( ISSN )

Full Text

This volume is dedicated to the memory of
Theron A. Nunez
Associate Professor of Anthropology
University of Florida

Florida Journal of Anthropology
Volume 13 Number 1-2 1988 Claudine Payne, Editor
The Florida Anthropologist
Volume 41 Number 2 June, 1988 Louis Tesar, Editor
Editors' Comments
The Florida Anthropologist Louis D. Tesar 3
Florida Journal of Anthropology Claudine Payne 4
The Cognition of Intersections:
An Analysis of Kalinga, American and Haitian
Folk Models Robert Lawless 5
Perspectives on the Development of Political
Structure in Affluent Maritime Social Groups:
Ethnographic and Archaeological Examples Susan D. deFrance 21
Resettlement of the Mopan Maya from the
Cockscomb Basin of Belize Richard S. Trogdon 31
Sexism and Language in
Farming Systems Research Kathleen A. Gladden 39
The Practice of Couvade among Lowland
Tropical Forest Peoples of South
America: A Study of Causes -and Correlations Gary W. Schaeff 45
Book Reviews, edited by Donna L. Ruhl 53
Current Research, edited by James Cusick 63
Dissertation and Thesis Abstracts, 1987, edited by Dana Austin 69
Announcements 74
Seahorse Key Field School Charles H. Fairbanks Memorial Issue
Copyright 1988 by the Florida Anthropology Student Association and the Florida Anthropological Society. No portion of this journal may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. ISSN: 0164-i1162.

The Florida Anthropologist
These Editor's comments will be brief, as I defer to It is in that spirit that I invite the members of the our Guest Editor with respect to the content and focus Florida Anthropology Student Association to read our of this issue. Claudine Payne and her staff of the invitation to join the Florida Anthropological Society, Florida Journal of Anthropology deserve credit for to review the content of several of our more recent assembling the manuscripts for review, handling the issues to better understand the breadth of the material final revisions of accepted manuscripts, and word which we publish, and then to complete our
processing the final galleys. My role was limited to membership application and send in their dues. I that of an editorial assistant or reviewer and arranging know that they will be satisfied with the results. for the publication and distribution of this issue. Thus, Likewise, I invite our members to consider subscribmy comments will focus on the concept and purpose ing to the Florida Journal of Anthropology. of joint publications with other organizations. Finally, as it so happened, my workload at work
First, the idea of such publications is not new, as was such that I would have been hard pressed to both Charles Fairbanks and Robert Carr published produce a decent issue for FA 41(2) without the arthem while they were editors of The Florida An- rangement which resulted in this issue. Since, in both
thropologist. Fairbanks published the proceedings instances, it involves many hours of donated time, I
from three annual conferences (No. 3-5) of the So- hope to avoid a similar situation in the future. Work is ciety for Historic Archaeology (see FA 17[21 and FA 18 progressing satisfactorily on the preparation of the [3, pt. 2]), while Carr published the proceedings from September issue-FA 41(3). two Bahamas Conferences on Archeology (see FA Good reading. My thanks to Claudine Payne and
33[31 and FA 35[41). her staff.
In each of those publications, our Society's
members have gained an understanding of the kinds Louis D. Tesar, Editor
of activities and purposes of those organizations, The Florida Anthropologist
while their members have had an opportunity to May 4, 1988
become aware of our Society. This issue serves the
same purpose.

Florida Journal of Anthropology
The Florida Journal of Anthropology is dedicated views. Chris Clement, Bill Johnson, and Judy Phillips to publication of articles by students and faculty at the lent their support and counsel, and Jim McKay proUniversity of Florida, and by interested individuals in vided computer advice. The Department of Anthrothe field of anthropology. The editorial staff of the FJA pology, in particular Lois Greene and Eileen Garrison, is composed entirely of students, finding time for also provided support. Monica Lowder, last year's journal duties in between classes, qualifying exams, editor, gave us the benefit of her own experience grant proposal writing, thesis and dissertation writing, with the editorial and production process. Elizabeth and, of course, making a living. Schmitt, untiring President of the Florida AnthropolWe are particularly pleased to join the Florida An- ogy Student Association, gave moral support and enthropological Society, with its long history of publica- couragement in innumerable ways. Louis Tesar, editor tion in anthropology, in producing this joint issue of The Florida Anthropologist reviewed articles and with The Florida Anthropologist. Louis Tesar's invita- offered editorial and production suggestions. Ken tion offered us an opportunity to give FAS members a Huff and Steve Krzyszton spent long hours with me in glimpse of the research interests of the faculty and front of the computer designing the journal. Despite students in the Department of Anthropology at the several unexpected last minute difficulties, Ken proUniversity of Florida. Many of these interests, includ- duced a beautiful issue, of which we are all very ing African and Latin American studies, linguistics, proud. And finally, perhaps most importantly, Tom maritime archaeology, Southeastern prehistoric and Eubanks, this year's Editorial Coordinator, and next historic archaeology, and forensic anthropology, are year's Editor, gave advice, reviewed articles, kept the reflected in the following pages. machinery of the editorial process moving smoothly,
A number of people contributed to this volume, and kept me on track through the whole fascinating
Our area editors, Dana Austin, Nina Borremans, Kathy but exhausting process. To all of these, I extend my Gladden, Steve Krzyszton, and Dan Reboussin, began thanks for a successful issue of the EJA. I could not the process by reviewing the ten fine manuscripts have asked for a better, more dedicated group of
submitted. Because of the subject matter of the people to work with. I am sorry to see my year as
manuscripts received, the bulk of the work fell on editor come to an end. Nina and Kathy. Jim Cusick edited the Current Research section. Dana Austin compiled the dissertation Claudine Payne, Editor and thesis abstracts section, tracking down elusive Florida Journal of Anthropology
abstracts from around campus. Donna Ruhl gener- May 15, 1988
ously gave us her limited spare time, sharing her expertise and experience on the subject of book re4

University of Florida
Although rarely discussed in any detail, one of the peoples cognize space in general and how they draw primary concerns of most anthropologists, at least maps in particular (Gear 1944; Blakemore 1981). Induring the initial stages of their fieldwork, focuses on deed, except for Lewis Henry Morgan's classic notion developing a map of the territory. The final products of an evolutionary shift from kinship-based to territomay range from not-to-scale sketches indicating the rially-based societies "the role of space has been little approximate locations of houses, rivers, roads (e.g., studied in anthropology" (Thornton 1980:8). Fjellman and Goheen 1984:475), adequate but topo- Despite this gap, anthropology has much to congraphically unimpressive, to the awesome work of tribute to the relatively new interdisciplinary field ofHarold Conklin (1980), overwhelming in the richness ten known as environmental cognition. Most such of its detail and the sophistication of its techniques studies have focused on eliciting map drawings (e.g., (see Lawless 1983). Saarinen 1973) or on direct judgment of distances beSomewhere in the anthropological enterprise, then, tween points (e.g., Canter and Tagg 1975). Very little exists a rich trove of information on how these maps cross-cultural work has been done, and the available were elicited, the types and meanings of indigenous anthropological information on environmental cognimapping categories, and the relationships between tion is rarely tapped. the folk models of the informants-their cognitive The disciplines that commonly use cognitive terms
maps-and the final product of the anthropologists- such as perception, image, mental maps, cognitive their analytic models of the territory. Anthropologists structure, perceptual space, and schema are geograhave not yet, however, begun to mine this treasure. phy, psychology, and architecture and planning. PsyConklin does briefly mention that "there is no indige- chologists generally trace their current interest in cognous cartographic tradition among the Ifugaos" but nitive mapping from Edward Tolman's famous article that his "use of photographs and charts in the field on "Cognitive Maps in Rats and Men" (1948), which, generated enthusiastic local interest in spatial repre- indeed, popularized the term cognitive map. The gesentation" (1980:1). He gives little further information, ographer F. P. Gulliver carried out one of the earliest however, on the topic of the indigenous cognition of cognitive mapping studies, asking children to draw territory, their immediate school surroundings and concluding
Anthropologists, geographers, and travelers have, that children initially draw with no directional of course, long been intrigued by what was once orientation (1908). Geographers generally, however,
called "primitive cartography" (Wright 1932). Much of trace their cognitive studies from C. C. Trowbridge's that early writing was of the clever-native variety pioneering article "On Fundamental Methods of Oni(e.g., Brown 1873). Since then investigators have fo- entation and Imaginary Maps" (1913). The architecture cused on the Eskimos, especially their large-scale and planning people usually credit their interest to mapping (e.g., Spencer 1955; S~lver 1957), and more the seminal book on The Image of the City by Kevin recently on South Pacific peoples, especially their Lynch (1960). Investigators in all these disciplines ocnavigational mapping (e.g., Gladwin 1970; Lewis casionally cite Kenneth Boulding's The Image (1956)
1972; Wise 1976). Despite such interests, however, as a reference point for modern cognitive studies, two reviews, almost 40 years apart, document the though notions of space and mental maps can be
paucity of published materials on how non-Western found in Immanuel Kant (Richards 1974).

True to its traditional diversification and interna- While many may argue against the tenets of structionalization, anthropology has never been so thor- turalism and the claims of ethnosemantics, the third oughly dominated by one paradigm as have other main type of cognitive anthropology, symbolism,
disciplines, and we do find several cognitively ori- unarguably occupies a central position in anented paradigms in anthropology. Although the eth- thropology and has been a part of the discipline since nosemanticists have usurped the term cognitive an- its beginnings. One reason for this secure place is that tbropology (e.g., Tyler 1969), a more accurate usage symbolism is related to religion and to ritual, and of the term would encompass semiology, struc- these topics have always been studied by anthropoloturalism, ethnosemantics, and symbolic anthropology, gists of all paradigms. The cross-cultural comparison as well as environmental cognition. of symbols has, of course, also been carried out by
Except for symbolic anthropology most of the many investigators in the disciplines of humanities,
models in cognitive anthropology have a common though not always from a cognitive perspective. Symroot in saussurean linguistics, which contends that bolic anthropology, however, may, in fact, embody each language has a distinctive and arbitrary way of the ultimate cognitive approach since its topic of focognizing the world. Saussurean linguistics further cus depends on a nonintuitive mental redefinition of contends that the spoken language is merely the entities.
ephemeral and historical manifestation of an un- In addition to these traditional subparadigms of
derlying linguistic system or of a deep cognitive cognitive anthropology, several ecological anthrostructure. In just such a linguistic (or semiological) pologists interested in subsistence strategies and in model lies the foundation for levi-straussian struc- utilizing actor-oriented decision-making models have turalism and the analogous model for much of cog- recently found that they have to try to understand the nitive anthropology. Linguistic systems, Ferdinand de cognitive framework of the people making the deciSaussure insisted, must be the linguist's primary con- sions (e.g., Barlett 1982). Others are attempting to recern. Deep structure, cognitivists insist, must be the late ethnoecology to broader cognitive systems (e.g., anthropologist's primary concern. Brush 1980; Johnson 1980). Those involved in social
Claude Levi-Strauss has applied a saussurean pro- impact assessment have also begun to realize that gram to the investigation of culture in assuming that they need to understand the subjectively cognized the human mind like language differentiates reality environment (e.g., Millsap 1984). into constituent parts, that these parts are organized Most of cognitive anthropology, then, is based on into systems of reciprocal relations, and that invariant a linguistic model and emphasizes underlying, rules govern all possible combinations. Since these unconscious codes, not experiences or meanings. rules, which spring from the structures of the human While affording new conceptualization and considmind, are unconscious, the program of levi-straussian erable methodological sophistication, this linguistic anthropology is to interpret particular human events bias has also tended to limit research. Surely some of and historical cultural institutions as conscious what people feel and know is simply not directly expressions of a more fundamental unconscious real- translatable into language. Most people have lives that ity. These unconscious structures are the same for all are filled with images, visions, and emotions. It is my humans, and the working of the mind involves a hope that an analysis of cognitive mapping may give
continual cognitive process of sorting one's percep- a glimpse into those large areas of cognition that have tions into paired opposites, which are then recon- to be investigated by means other than language. (For ciled. a recent, extended discussion of cognitive maps, see
Ethnosemantics focuses on various formal ap- Kaplan and Kaplan 1982.)
proaches to the gathering and analysis of linguistic
materials. Both structuralism and ethnosemantics seek The Studies
the logical mental structures on which culture is built;
ethnosemanticists, however, view every culture as a This article will focus on a cross-cultural comparlogical entity in itself with its own cognitive system ison of the cognition of space, specifically on the and eschew the grand mind-spirit concepts of struc- phenomenology of intersections. Most of the data turalism. They seek to describe each culture with its come from my fieldwork among the Kalingas of the own indigenous conceptual principles, cognitive North Luzon Highlands and from a survey of middlerles, codes, and categories. class first-year college students in the United States.
Some supporting data come from the literature and

from my fieldwork in the North Region of Haiti cen- Kalinga territory for perhaps 150 kilometers connecttering on the city of Cap-Haitien. Although compara- ing the south with the northwest. Very few vehicles ble to some degree, these three groups of data were used this road when I was there, and almost no peogathered for different purposes and in quite different ple walked along its sometimes dusty, sometimes ways. As suggested at the outset, my initial concern muddy surface. Kalingas used the trails, which generfocused on mapping Kalinga territory. Since I had in- ally go directly from one point to another up and tended to study a small region rather than a single down the hillsides, while the road follows the elevacommunity, I was especially interested in the location tion contours and winds around the mountains for of trails and in developing a "road map" of the Pasil endlessly boring kilometers. River drainage basin for the pragmatic purpose of being able to hike around on my own. Northern Luzon, Philippines
An unexpected by-product of the map investigations was my slow realization that Kalingas cognize trails and intersections exotically (that is, quite differently from the way I do). Subsequently I designed the survey of college freshmen to elicit systematically from uncontaminated subjects a replication of my own (North American) folk model of intersections in mabak61,R
order to facilitate cross-cultural comparison and s R.
analysis. The Haitian data come from unstructured in- ")i"
terviews in Creole with a limited number of individuals over a three-month period. Although not to be compared in intensity or duration with the Kalinga fieldwork nor in methodological rigor with the United States survey, the Haitian data, along with other works from the literature, do prove to be heuristic.
The Kalinga Fieldwork
The Kalingas live in the North Luzon Highlands
(sometimes referred to as the Cordillera Central), a N
rugged and sharply dissected block of mountains averaging about 65 kilometers wide between 120 de- A North Luzon
grees and 122 degrees longitude and stretching north ------ Kalinga territory
from approximately 16 degrees north latitude for 020 40 60 80
about 320 kilometers (see Figure 1). This massive Kilometers
mountainous area, the largest in the PhilippineT archipelago, boasts several peaks over 2740 meters inLThPilpne its southern range. Located in the north central sec-Fiue1 tion of these highlands, Kalinga territory extends per- After a few months in the field I had hiked over a haps 30 kilometers north-south and 80 kilometers considerable number of trails within the Pasil River east-west around the 17 degrees north latitude mark, drainage basin, and although I had managed to conwhere the peaks are about 2470 meters. With a struct a number of maps, the first inkling that the
population of approximately 72,500, the Kalingas Kalinga folk construction of space differed conconstitute one ethnolinguistic group among perhaps siderably from mine came during a discussion of a eight in the North Luzon Highlands. Their subsistence hike I planned to take to a village outside the Pasil ranges from a heavy reliance on hunting and gather- River drainage basin, a nine-hour hike from ing in the western reaches of Kalingaland-where I Guinaang, Pasil, to Balbalasang, Balbalan. I have collected most of my data on intersections-to inten- elsewhere elaborated on some of the traditional travel sive terraced rice agriculture in the east. restrictions on Kalingas (Lawless 1975), and the two
The only highway in Kalingaland, a single-lane dirt Pasilians accompanying me had-not surprisinglyand gravel road completed in 1974, wanders across never been to Balbalasang.

Early in the morning of the day we had planned to segment separately, often doing branches and then leave they began to inquire about the trails from oth- returning to complete the initial trail, whereas I would ers who had hiked in that direction. I guess I had ex- tend to draw long lines connecting villages, the lines pected them to receive instructions something like eventually crisscrossing. The final products appeared this: "Take State 14 to the Tabia River, follow the river very similar except under close examination. until it intersects with Route 101, take this route to the We should not overlook the possibility that we second mountain ridge, and from there you can see may be defining a map rather ethnocentrically when Balbalasang off to your left." Actually the discussion we say that certain people do not "draw maps" or that of the route took the entire day, and we did not leave they have "no indigenous cartographic tradition". The until the next morning. I decided then that I needed Kalingas actually may be "drawing" maps in the air more information on how Kalingas cognize space, with the great variety of gestures that accompany their
trails, traveling, and especially, as it turned out, inter- descriptions of various areas. sections, for much of that first day-long discussion of 3. Kalingas take a great deal of pride in their abilthe impending trip was composed of detailed histo- ity to hike rapidly and with a sure foot. Men who slip ries of the many intersections of trails between and fall on trails are said to be poor warriors. Kalingas
Guinaang and Balbalasang. do, indeed, move over the trails at a rapid lope. The
In subsequent conversations and investigations guides who received these complicated directions
several aspects of Kalinga cognition impressed them- never seemed to hesitate at the many intersections as selves on me. I tried to keep up with them. In their own image,
1. Kalingas did not visualize a continuous route, however, they slowed down at the intersections. For one long line, from one point to another. Instead they they saw themselves as being speeded along by the saw trails in terms of mobile areas containing (what I movement of the trail itself, somewhat like the tram would call) segments of trails but each segment really belt or the moving sidewalk currently used in some being to the Kalingas a new, separate, and indepen- U.S. airports. These belts terminated at, or just before dent trail. Each "segment" began and ended at an in- intersections, and (I would have said) Kalingas tersection, the beginning and ending depending on slowed down relative to the passing surroundings as
the direction being traveled or being imagined. Kalin- they stepped off the belt into the intersection under gas did not name the trails or the "segments" but in- their own speed--except for the fact that Kalingas stead identified numerous landmarks in the vicinity, conceptualize intersections differently (quite differSometimes areas were named and sometimes not de- ently I initially thought) from the way modern Westpending both on the population density of the area- erners do. the greater the density the more likely an area would 4. The definition of the word intersection from have a name-and the familiarity of the speaker with Webster's Third New International Dictionary includes the area. The boundaries of areas were fairly vague1, "a place where two or more highways join or cross and I often got the impression that the discussants The Kalingas could not supply me with an indigenous could well be slowly moving a magnifying glass over word that would satisfy this definition. The closest a road map talking about the changing areas under words, such as kanto for "corner", were borrowed the glass. from Iloko, the language of an acculturated lowland
2. When I asked Kalingas for directions from one ethnic group who have traditionally traded in the village to another when both villages were in different North Luzon Highlands. Intersections as such did not areas from where we were standing, they usually exist in the Kalinga cognitive map. Instead one trail
closed their eyes before responding. They reported to ended and two or perhaps three different trails began. me that they were transporting themselves in their Kalingas were always rather vague about the point of imaginations to specific areas; they generally did not ending and beginning-but for convenience I will conceptualize a static overall "map" of their territory, continue to use the term intersection to identify this Indeed, it was at this point that I realized that Kalinga point. My efforts to elicit the exact nature of the pre"maps" did not correspond at all to my notion of a cise point of an intersection seemed nonsensically map. Kalingas could, of course, draw maps--usually abstract to most Kalingas. They did, however, insist in the dirt with their fingers-that approached being that intersections were places of dangers and decianalytic models of their territory and that were almost sions. Most ambushes in this formally headhunting indistinguishable from my own renderings except in society were thought to have occurred at intersecone way. The Kalingas tended to draw each trail tions, and most of the histories of intersections given

that day of the postponed hike were accounts of which to elicit uncontaminated folk models are probheadtakings, attempted headtakings, and planned ably high school students, but like most professors I
headtakings at those spots. In addition to the danger had easier access to college students. of the spot itself, a wrong decision at an intersection I administered this questionnaire orally in intromight lead one into enemy territory. ductory social science classes taken as a required
(These discussions about intersections took place course for undergraduate students in a large public over several months and in several different Pasil vil- university in the Southern United States. The size of lages, and at least twice, two older people, one man the classes averaged about 41.7 students. The quesand one woman, independently of each other, tionnaire was administered in four classes a quarter
claimed that in "ancient times" Kalinga women went for two years, or six quarters from 1976 to 1978. Noout to an intersection near the village to give birth. body refused to respond to the questionnaire. A total Such a combination of birth and death would have of 1001 questionnaires were completed. Out of these,
been appealing, but no Kalingas other than those two 193 were discarded for reasons explained below, would support such a version of ancient Kalinga birth leaving 808. Although no demographic data were customs.) taken on the students, they were overwhelmingly
5. The Kalinga cognitive maps of their territory white teenaged middle-class North Americans. A few, were three dimensional, not in the sense of Western perhaps ten, were highly acculturated students of hisrelief maps, which are just a vertical extension of a panic background. There were only three foreigners flat surface, but in that the Kalingas visualized all the out of the 1001; one from Egypt, one from Thailand, space above and below the trails and intersections, and one from Vietnam. Thickness of soils and rocks as well as underground Although the responses elicited by this questionrivers and springs entered into discussions of trails naire may fall very broadly within the category of and territories. Kalingas did not recognize the notion cognitive mapping, I framed the questions so as to of "empty" space. They often described even the air severely limit the amount of drawing required. The space above the trail. Kalingas named different types investigation of cognitive maps has usually depended of air by color, density, texture, and movement, refer- on having subjects make graphic representations of ring not to the color of the sky but to the immediately their mental activities. The drawbacks to these consurrounding air as it changes throughout the day, struction approaches are fairly obvious. First of all, the
from season to season, and from area to area. drawings vary widely according to the fine motor
6. So far I have been speaking of Kalinga cognitive skills of the subjects, and, indeed, attempts have been maps as though they were homogeneous throughout made to eliminate this drawback (e.g., Sherman,
Kalingaland. Just as the Kalinga environment varies, Croxton, and Giovanatto 1979). Second, the value of however, so did the way in which Kalingas cognized mapping exercises may vary cross-culturally. Third, their surroundings. And the variations in the Kalinga the act of the actual drawing itself probably alters the environment seemed to be primarily a function of the mental image and results in a barren outline of what subsistence activities of the Kalingas. Although I may was a rich, varied image. Douglas Pocock, a geogranot have sufficiently well-controlled data to back up pher who has focused on cognitive maps of cities, this assertion, I do believe that Kalinga maps among prefers "to restrict the use of the term to the spatial or East Pasilians, where land was scarce, resembled skeletal framework-the background to the more
standard Western maps more than did the maps of rounded phenomenon of the image" (1976:493). I am
West Pasilians, where land was plentiful and foraging following his suggestion here. was still a major part of subsistence. When the questionnaire was initially administered,
the respondents were asked to draw "an intersection".
The Amrerican Survey Out of the first 145 questionnaires, 56 contained
drawings similar to the one in Figure 2. I felt at the
I designed the questionnaire (see Appendix, p. 15) time that such a "sophisticated" rendition of an interto provide systematic data for the construction of a section would make comparisons with the Kalinga North American folk model, specifically the white data difficult, so I discarded all 145 questionnaires and
middle-class Southern United States folk model of changed the instructions to suggest that the students
trails and intersections. Secondarily I wanted to find draw a "path". Subsequently, out of the remaining 856 out whether experience with trails and intersections questionnaires completed only 48 drew a altered these cognitive maps. The best subjects from

"sophisticated" intersection. I discarded these 48 and used the remaining 808 questionnaires in the analysis.
1gr 2
Figure 5.
Figure 2
All 808 drew the intersection like the one in Figure 2 2
3. All 808 drew the intersection with vertical and horizontal lines. Nobody drew a "northwest-tosoutheast" or "northeast-to-southwest" line. Nobody 3
drew a three-element intersection or a five- (or more) element intersection, as was common among the Kalingas and is illustrated by the drawings in Figure 4. 3 4
Figure 6.
The next question asked respondents to indicate the direction in which they drew the lines. Almost 90 percent (89.6) or 724 of them drew the horizontal line from left to right and the vertical line from top to bottom.
Figure 3. They were then asked to close their eyes, visualize
the drawing, and tell whether they had a static image or a moving image. Almost 19 percent (18.8) or 152 indicated that they visualized movement, and these 152 were asked to indicate the direction of the movement. Interestingly, the overwhelmingly largest number of respondents (103 or 67.8 percent) said they visualized movement along the horizontal line from left to right-or the same direction in which they had drawn it-but from bottom to top along the vertical line-or in just the opposite direction from which they had drawn that line. Three persons Figure 4. visualized a sort of scrambled movement of objects
within the lines, as indicated in the last item in Figure The questionnaire also asked for the order in 7. There are many possible variations, such as sugwhich the respondents drew the lines. Figure 5 shows getdiFgue8thtnbyvsalz. the only two ways in which the order of these lines getdiFgue8thtnbyvsalz. appeared. No other variations appeared from the many possibilities, such as the two indicated in Figure 6-variations that would have been highly likely among the Kalingas.

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 11
Kalingas, and ten (06.6 percent) did not respond to this question.
Questions 8, 9, and 10 were supposed to discover the experience of respondents with automobiles but
________turned out to be of little value in the final analysis.
Questions 11 through 14 tapped the experience of the respondents with automobile accidents, especially in relation to intersections. A seemingly high number of 646 (80 percent) had witnessed automobile acci103 (67.8%) 33 (21.7%) dents in the last five years. Of the 646 witnesses, 301
0 0 (48.2 percent) saw at least one accident at an
00 intersection. Of the total of 2907 accidents witnessed,
0 0 640 (22 percent) occurred at intersections2. In terms
00000000 of involvement in automobile accidents 22 (02.8 per00000000 @ Ocent) out of the total of 808 had been in at least one
0 i0 collision. Six (27.3 percent) of all 22 accidents were at
0 0 intersections.
00 Two-by-two contingency tables were constructed
13 (08.5%) 3 (02.0%) for all possible combinations of variables, and chisquare tests were conducted. Associations were disFigure 7. covered for several variables.
1. The three respondents who indicated back and forth movements in both directions in answer to A/ Question 6 were the same three who visualized moving objects in answer to Question 7.
2. All 13 people who visualized the lines as col__-___ -_____liding in answer to Question 6 also visualized movement in terms of moving points, and eleven of them reported witnessing an auto accident at an intersection.
v/ 3. A strong association was found between those
who witnessed an automobile accident and those who saw moving points along the lines (X2=90.53, df=l, P<.01). Similar associations were obtained between those who witnessed an accident at an intersection and those who responded with a moving imn -.age to Question 5 ( 2 =68.27, df= 1, P<.01). Another association was found between those who witnessed an accident that did not occur at an intersection and 14 those whose image of the intersection contained
V movement (x 2 =53.48, df=1, P<.01). The last association was between those who witnessed non-intersecFigure 8. tional accidents and those who visualized movement
as points (x2 =28.65, df=1, P<.01). Question 7 tried to get at exactly the nature of the The variables dealing with actual involvement in movement by asking whether the movement along accidents did not correlate with any other variables.
any one line was in the form of a moving point, And no other significant associations were found. moving points, moving objects, or with the entire line. Out of the 152, 79 (51.9 percent) visualized a point; Haitian Data
60 (39.5 percent), points; and 3 (02.0 percent), objects. Nobody visualized lines, as in common with the Intersections have a special meaning to Haitians, as I quickly discovered through reading the literature

on their religion-commonly referred to as Voodoo- In his pioneering study, Herskovits suggested that
and especially through interviewing those from a rural "Legba is interlocutor between man and god" background who practiced Voodoo. In Haitian (1937:29). Metraux seconded such an interpretation
Voodoo the concept of the intersection is often linked when he wrote, "In any catalogue of Voodoo divinito beliefs about the iwa ("spirit") generally called ties first place must certainly be given to Legba-the Legba. The first modern anthropological study in Haiti god who 'removes the barrier' and who is saluted first was done by Melville J. Herskovits, and he pointed of all loa" (1959:101). He continued by pointing out, out that "Legba, guardian of the crossroads, the high- "The grand-master of charms and sorceries is Legbaway, and the barrire, the entrance to every house, petro, invoked under the name of Maitre-Carrefour, or yard, or garden, is one of the most important vodun simply Carrefour. Indeed, crossroads are favourite deities" (1937:319). sites for the 'works' of magicians; handfuls of earth
taken from them are an ingredient of many beneficent
ct } or harmful spells" (Metraux 1959:266-267).
Carrefour is, of course, the French word for intersection or crossroads, the Creole word being kafou.
Many Voodoo rituals actually take place at selected
intersections. Most of my rural informants believed
V -that these intersectional rituals involve sorcery and % -black magic, and intersections that gain such a A reputation-usually the crossing of pathways in rural
areas-will be avoided by traveling Haitians, especially at night. A student of Herskovits observed,
"Food placed at the crossroads will cause illness and
death in the person who takes it and eats it, for
crossroads are the place of danger and black magic"
Figure 9. (Bourguignon 1959:41). Almost 30 years later another
student of Haitian rural life stated, "The kafou is a
The particular history of the development of place that is particularly dangerous, especially at
Voodoo with its admixture of Christianity has led to a night; and it is the site at which certain rituals of agspecial emphasis on the symbol of the intersection, gression or counter-aggression would be performed" for the crossroads and the sign of the cross are Mr r counter-ai wof e he
metaphorically mixed. In fact, the vevd (that is, the (Murray 1985). Certain followers of Legba, owri Voodoo sign) of Legba is an elaboration of an in-o
Voodoorse in) of is ahownin Figuea addtion f where they are protected from the magic of others. tersection, as is shown in Figure 9. In addition to According to Voodoo theology, the various mansome inputs from Christianity, much of the theology ifestations of Legba provide a link between the visible of Voodoo comes from West Africa. In the first full- and the invisible, between the mortal and thi length anthropological study of the Haitian religion tal. They are the means for communication for the inAlfred M~traux wrote: communicable. As is illustrated in Legba's vP~vP. the
In Dahomey, Legba acts as interpreter to the gods. vertical and horizontal axes show both the similarity Without him they could not communicate with each and the irreconcilable differences of the universe and other nor could human beings communicate with represent the vital intersection between the two
them. A vestige of this function is preserved inwolsmeahrclyteenrofaluerftrVoodoo. No loa dares show itself without Legba'swolsmeahrclyteenrofaluerftrpermission..Master of the mystic "barrier" which ing points.
divides men from spirits, Legba is also the guardian My Haitian informants often emphasized the fickof the gates and of the fences which surround houses leness of Legba, who is usually portrayed as an old and, by extension, he is the protector of the man in ragged clothes with a crutch, clay pipe, and a
home ... He is also the god of roads and paths. As
"Master of Crossroads" he is the godtc of every parting top hat. Although the intersection provides an opporof the way-a favourite haunt of evil spirits and pro- tunity for decisions, Haitians seem to believe that the pitious to magic devices; and it is at crossroads that outcome of the decision may be beyond their control.
he receives the homage of sorcerers and presides A collector and interpreter of a wide variety of over their incantations and spells. Many magic Voodoo folklore, Harold Courlander characterizes
formulae begin with the words: "By thy power, Mas-Lebas"dinetckerwosbthfrdad
ter of Crossroads" (1959:101-102).Lebasadiietckerwosbthfrdan

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 13
loved, a force that is capriciously malevolent or the second proverb was nonsensical and probably a benevolent" (1960:320). mistake.
Rural Haitians express many of their thoughts in Some of the proverbs containing the word kafou proverbs, and in a further attempt to gain an under- do seem to treat it in its non-metaphorical sense, such standing of the cognition of intersections, I asked as the following one: Ougan ba oupwen, men lipa di them to tell me any proverbs that used the image of ou al ddmi nan kafou. ("The Voodoo priest gives you an intersection. One of the most often mentioned a charm, but he does not tell you to go sleep at the proverbs was the following: Si kafou pa bay, simitye intersection"). In other words, even with good assurpa pran ("If the intersections do not give, the ceme- ances you should not be foolhardy. Actually one can teries cannot receive"). Several informants conversant substitute the phrase dOmi gran chemen ("sleep in the with Voodoo interpreted this proverb as meaning that middle of a busy street") for the phrase d6mi nan if your own people do not betray you, outsiders can- kafou. not get to you. In elaborating on this interpretation The following is still another proverb advising the they used the word kafou to refer to the special use of common sense: Ougan ba ou pwen; li voye ou manifestation of Legba who guards the crossroads, kanpe nan kafou a minwi, men li pa voye ou monte sometimes calling him Legba-Kafou; and they used kokoye ak souly. ("The Voodoo priest gives you a the word simitye to refer to Baron Samedi, the lwa of charm; he tells you to go and stand at the intersection the cemeteries. In their explanations they also fre- at midnight, but he does not tell you to climb a coquently used the word lakou, meaning yard or enclo- conut tree with your shoes on"). sure and in a general sense referring to a compound Despite the apparently straightforward use of containing the households of a group of kinspeople kafou in these last two proverbs, however, the notion (see Larose 1975). of an intersection as a place of dangers and decisions
Legba-Kafou, then, according to my informants, is does give them added force, and my informants said the guardian of the threshold of a kin group as well that the use of chemen instead of kafou-while acas the guardian of access to the spirit world, validat- ceptable-withdraws from the strength of these saying Metraux's definition of him as both "interpreter to ings. the gods" and "protector of the home". It is through
Legba-Kafou that one crosses over into another world. Other Data
The actual threshold, the crossroads, the intersection
is, then, a point of anxiety and decision. There are a few other anthropological studies that
The proverb can also be given in the reverse, that can be used to augment these concepts of inis, Si simityepa bay, kafou pa pran. My informants on tersections. I'll limit myself to two from Africa. AcVoodoo interpreted this saying as referring to zonbi cording to Art Hansen, the Luvale of western Zambia ("zombies"), explaining that Baron Samedi's permis- do not visualize their rivers as one continuous line sion must be sought before a sorcerer can retrieve a but instead base their naming "on the principle that corpse from the grave and make it into one of the two streams combine to make a third" (1977:80)--living-dead. The interaction between Baron Samedi similarly to how the Kalingas see their trails. About and Legba-Kafou illustrates the multiple relationships two generations beyond being true swiddeners of which the spirit of the crossroads is capable. One (Hansen 1977:170-174), the Luvale give different interesting requirement is that the grave have a cross names to each segment of a river with the segment over it, again showing the relationship between the being defined as the length from one tributary to the intersection and the sign of the cross. M~traux sup- next (Hansen 1985). ports this relationship, writing, "Since any intersection Paul Stoller, who has worked on the cognition of of ways is a hot-spot for magic, Legba-carrefour has intersections among the intensive agricultural Songhay become an important magician and presides over the of Mali, states that the Songhay consider intersections ceremonies of sorcerers" (1959:361). to be places "of great potential danger, a point which
Interestingly, my informants who disclaimed any must be negotiated" (1981). These "points of misforacquaintance with Voodoo-all of whom were ur- tune", as the Songhay refer to them, are appropriate
ban-interpreted the first proverb straightforwardly as sites for some of the possession dance ceremonies. meaning that the traffic is dangerous at intersections Stoller states that the Songhay visualize movement but if you are careful and do get across them you will along the paths but that the intersections be all right for the rest of the journey. They said that

culture. Some rudimentary statistical manipulations
mark a space which is motionless for a short period ni r
of time (the duration of a possession dance or the completed this typically sociological quest
duration of a healing rite, or perhaps the duration of survey approach. The data showed me more or less the process through which a person makes a mo- what I was looking for, though some may be surmentous decision, e.g., to marry, to divorce, to prised by the amount of movement contained in the
travel). In this motionless space a person is exposed modern North American folk model of intersections.
to the powerful and whimsical forces of the spirit I
world, and when he or she exits from this space, For the Haitian materials I tapped a the
having selected one of the two "roads" ahead, he or model and delved into symbolism and folklore. Such she bears the consequences of a confrontation with an approach is common in many of the social scithe forces of the spirit world (Stoller 1981). ences. The analysis of texts and the use of informants
in interpreting proverbs have proved profitable in a
Rather than visualizing intersections, the Songhay vanier of research situations. see "roads [that] end abruptly in a fork with two new
The theme remains the cognition of intersections,
roads going off in different directions" (Stoller and thepe remains the lack of in g
1980:120). The motionless area of the change marks
the area of decisions and dangers-both actually and model. Since both the traditional and newer nents of cognitive anthropology reviewed at the outmetaphorically. As Stoller puts it, "The critical moset seem inadequate in integrating these particular
ments in life for a Songhay occur when he or she ana ses itameqhte rn t the r,
comes to the end of one metaphoric 'road' and must y g
make a decision about which new 'road' to select" less traditionally anthropological approaches. (1980:122). An obvious candidate is cognitive psychology.
(1980122).Psychologists and anthropologist however, typically
I should note that the concept of an intersection as have quite different goals. Psychologists search for dangerous is not limited only to metaphoric interpretations. Indeed, the definition of the word in- conclusions about the trans-informant andw tersection from Webster's Third New International format workings of the human min
Dictionary includes "an area of potential collision be- thropologists, for the collective workings of cultural tween vehicles traveling in different roadways that systems. Since cognitive psychology assu eurocross." Nor is the metaphoric use of the image of the cognitive processes are based on identice in intersection limited to pre-industrial societies. A North logical foundations, it generally has little ie it American syndicated columnist, for example, writes, social contexts. Anthropology, in contrast, "The Middle East is approaching another sensitive may agree with the assumption of similar neurological crossroads" (Lewis 1985:10A); and a local newspaper foundations, focuses on differences and similarities article states, "The University of Florida is at a cross- sociocultural apparatuses and typically roads where it can be built into one of the nation's institutionalized rules that are products of a collective best public universities" (Keen 1985). Such imagery is cognitive experience. also used for dramatic effect in headlines and titles, Since anthropologists, then, are interested in sosuch as "A Legend at the Crossroads" (Doherty ciocultural behavior, not just individual behay
1985:6). profit little from the psychologists' studies of such
things as permanent memory, pattern recognition, attention, and working memory. And certainly cognitive
Discussion psychology has contributed very little toward building
These three sets of data vary widely in their con- a transcultural model of the cognition of intersections. texts and in the techniques used to elicit them. For Going far astray from the neurological approach of
the Kalinga materials I abstracted from specific re- cognitive psychology, several anthropologists work sponses gathered over several months of intensive with a particularly literary model that seems to lend
participant-observation fieldwork. Such a typically an- itself to interpreting the Haitian and Songhay materithropological approach builds step by step on a de_ als. Often identified with James Fernandez (e.g., veloping understanding of an alien culture. These 1974), the model uses metaphors in an essentially
qualitative data--even in the few paragraphs used saussurean manner. Brenda Beck points out,
here-have nonquantifiable and exotic richness. Metaphors are often used to describe ultimate truths
For the United States materials I assumed an ab- as well as mundane ones. Indeed, a metaphor in a
straction and then elicited specific data from my in- religious ritual can be used to describe the nature of tuitive understanding of the folk model of a familiar

a cosmic force. Such metaphors lead us toward an dividual loyalties to-or even acceptances of--other understanding of a particular world view (1978:83). definitions of reality conflict with established authoriThe claim is made that "the study of metaphor ties. The major cognitive product of the Agricultural
promises to provide new insights [because] metaphors Revolution, that is, the concept of private property, is, mediate between our abstract and our more concrete indeed, dependent on the notion of a single reality. thoughts" (Beck 1978:84). The metaphor model does, And, of course, the established order-from the mehowever, rely on the analysis of language and ritual, dieval church (Harner 1973) through official scientific and while it is applicable to the Haitian imagery, it doctrine to the current repression of drug subculdoes little for the Kalinga materials. tures-devotes enormous energies to denying and
In another attempt to find a framework for cogni- eliminating alternative realities.
tive research a few anthropologists have been influ- 2. Another thesis is that the post-agricultural comenced by the phenomenology movement, primarily ponents of folk models are essentially ahuman and
the German phenomenology of Edmund Husserl are usually resisted in some way. To return to maps
through Aron Gurwitsch (e.g., 1974) and Alfred and mapping, it is obvious that preagricultural forSchutz (e.g., 1970). In the words of Herbert Spiegel- agers could not produce a map of their territory with berg, a major aspect of phenomenology is the the superficial accuracy of modern maps based on
"identification and deliberate elimination of theoretical aerial photography and instrument surveys. What the constructs and symbolisms in favor of the return to modern maps gain in analytic accuracy, however, the unadulterated phenomena" (1982:680). they lose in subjective richness. The modern maps are
Such a program might be acceptable as part of an really analytic models of the territory. By analytic effort toward anthropological relativism and dis- models I am referring to the playthings of scientists. ciplined subjectivity-and, indeed, the ethnosemantics They are processional, general, simple, flexible, movement incorporates such an approach-but phe- testable, individually created, and explanatory (for
nomenology makes a further effort "to undo the effect more information on models, see Lawless 1979:315). of habitual patterns of thought and to return to the 3. The third thesis concerns the relative power of pristine innocence of first seeing" (Spiegelberg folk and analytic models over the human cognitive 1982:680). It is unlikely that anthropology can suc- enterprise. Let me offer a personal example concessfully deal with the notion of a "pristine inno- nected to maps. The first time I visited Gainesville, cence" since one of the primary concepts of anthro- Florida, was to interview for a position at the Unipology, and certainly one of the central concepts of versity of Florida. I stayed for a few days and only cognitive anthropology, is that "our senses are soci- walked around the campus with the guidance of a etally as well as biologically ordered" (Lawless small campus map that had no compass markings but 1979:1). which, unbeknown to me at the time, had west at the
The choice I would make at this particular inter- top. Having accepted the job offer, I visited again a section would take me in the direction of an investi- few weeks later for a few days to locate and rent a gation of the evolutionary development of folk and house off campus. This time I did not go onto the analytic models and the impinging requirements of campus and drove around the city with a map that societal survival, had north at the top. I moved to Gainesville several
1. By folk models I mean those normative guides weeks after that. For many of the subsequent days to everyday concerns. They are stereotypical, specific, traveling from the campus to the city and from the complex, supra-individual, irrational, authoritarian, ciytthcapsIwudbdsoendtemshared, and elite-imposed. And one of the theses of ment I crossed the city-campus boundary. One or the this approach is that folk models are systematically other was always turned on its side. It is difficult to affected by evolutionary changes. The primary evolu- conceive of the Kalingas or anyone with a folk model tionary event in human history is the shift from forag- of the territory having this sort of trouble. ing to food production. Among the many sociocul- Although many "ahuman" components of analytic
tura an eclogial onsquenes f tis mmenous models become incorporated into our folk models, event are the changes in the cognition of reality from the primitive power of folk cognition is strong flexible to rigid, from manipulatable to manipulative, enough that it must often be coerced out. It is and from several to singular. instructive how untrained children handle maps. ChilThe survival of modern civilization depends on the dren helping their parents find their way by map on a widespread acceptance of an official reality; in- trip will, for example, turn the map in the direction in

which the car is going. The parents will insist that may not yet be analyzed. The important anthropologeach child hold the map with north at the top, and ical input, however, is not the finished maps but the they will often be upset out of all proportion to the process of drawing or thinking them through (cf. children's "misdeed". Kalingas usually physically Lloyd 1982:532). Plenty of static examples of indigeturned around and about to face in the direction they nous maps already exist, but only a few investigators were traveling in their minds when they described the explain how they are made (see, e.g., Hayes-Roth and trails. (Which way they faced, incidentally, was rela- Hayes-Roth 1979; Passini 1984). These important data tive to the direction they were facing when they come from careful attention to detail during actual
started talking and was not necessarily an indication fieldwork. of the compass direction of the trail).
A person thoroughly inculcated with modern ed- Notes
ucation may confuse the map with the territory. I
once toured New York City with a friend who con- Acknowledgements. This paper has profited from critical
stantly studied the city map that he always carried readings by Drs. Art Hansen, Gerald Murray, Linda Wolfe, and Ms. Gay Biery-Hamilton, Department of Anthropology,
with him. He would, from time to time, point to the University of Florida, Dr. Paul Stoller, Department of Anmap and say, "We're right here." Finally, in exas- thropology and Sociology, West Chester University, and Dr. peration, I spread my arms out to the extraordinary Michel S. Laguerre, Afro-American Studies, University of scene around us and cried, "No! We're right here." California at Berkeley.
The Kalinga data were gathered under a fellowship from
the Foreign Area Program of the Social Science Research
Conclusions Council, New York, New York; the conclusions, opinions,
and other statements in this article, however, are the auThe nascently agricultural Kalingas cognize inter- thor's and are not necessarily those of the Foreign Area Prosections as three dimensional with extraordinary detail gram or of the Social Science Research Council. and subtly moving parts. Haitians and other intensive In Cap-Haitien I was Visiting Fellow Associate Professor agricultural peoples imbue the concept of intersec- at the Universit( Roi Henri Christophe, and I wiso knowledge the encouragement and support of that univertions with rich symbolism and use the configuration sity's president Louis J. Noisin. I am grateful to Dr. Max metaphorically to express aspects of their world view. Paul, Director of the Bureau d'Ethnologie, Port-au-Prince, Middle-class North Americans seem to have been for facilitating my research in Haiti.
captured by analytic models representing intersections 1 What I call an "area" here should not be confused with with the simple barrenness of two lines crossing- what is generally referred to as a "region" in the literature
though hidden primitive imagery of moving parts can on the Kalingas. An area, as I use the term, is far smaller be culled out by detailed questioning and North and less well defined than a region, which was traditionally
Americans do use the term crossroads as a rudimen- an endogamous deme and whose boundaries are formally
tary metaphor. defined in the intraKalinga, interregional treaty system (see
These data suggest that in any examination of folk Lawless 1981).
and analytic components of maps and map-making, 2 The percentage of 22 is amazingly close to 21.6, which is
close alticcpenti us be pad mamaing, the percentage of motor-vehicle traffic accidents that occlose attention must be paid to symbolic and curred nation-wide at intersections from 1977 through 1979,
metaphorical uses of all types. The study of cognitive according to a standard source (National Safety Council mapping has usually focused on knowledge. The 1980:46).
same "lines", however, may have different meanings.
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1973 Student Views of the World. In Image and En- paper.
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pp. 148-161. Chicago: Aldine. which you drew the lines.
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Press. open your eyes and write "M" and answer the next
Sherman, Richard C., Jack Croxton, and Joseph Giovanatto two questions. The "S" people may rest.
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11:209-226. 7. Was the movement along any one line in the omo
112v26 CarlV(1) a moving point, (2) moving points, (3) moving Silver, Carl V. objects, or (4) was the entire line moving? Indicate
1957 Eskimo Maps from Greenland. Archaeology your response by number.
10: 188-190. & Okay. Everyone answer these next questions. Do you
Spencer, R. ride in a vehicle with regularity (at least once a
1955 Map-Making of the North Alaskan Eskimo. week)? Response with "yes" or "no" beside a numProceedings of the Minnesota Academy of Sci- ber 8.
ence 23:46-49. 9. Do you drive a car with regularity (at least once a
week)? Response with "yes" or "no" beside a numSpiegelberg, Herbert ber 9.
1982 The Phenomenological Movement: A Historical 10. Are you rarely in a vehicle (once a month or less)?
Introduction, 3rd ed. The Hague: Nijhoff. Response with "yes"~ or "no"~ beside a number 10.
Stoller, Paul 11. How many times in the last five years have you wit1980 TheEpitemoogyof orktare: Lngugenessed (but not been in) an automobile accident or 190 Teitmorn lg faorontare Langae, its immediate aftermath? Response with a number
Metahorand ealng aongthe ongay.beside a number 11. Ethos 8:117-131. 12. How many of these accidents were at an intersection?
1981 Personal Correspondence to Lawless dated De- Response with a number beside a number 12.
cember 1, 1981.

13. How many times in the last five years have you been 14. How many of these were at an intersection? Re&, involved in an automobile accident? Response with with a number beside a number 14.
a number beside a number 13. 15. Indicate whether you are left- or right-hand(
writing an "L" or an "R" beside a number 15.

University of Florida
Introduction 1975; Fried 1967) of social and political evolution has
created what I perceive as an erroneous and simplistic
There exists a symbiotic relationship between per- view of cultural evolution and the emergence of spectives developed in political anthropological the- political structure. Rather, social evolution and the inory and advances or discoveries made through ar- stitutionalization of political power should be viewed chaeological investigations. The analysis of the devel- from a historical perspective that seeks to demonstrate opment of political hierarchies and political complex- the development of political structures and the alterity has benefitted significantly from archaeological ation of these structures as the society becomes more perspectives on the rise of complex society. Archae- differentiated or as the society adopts new modes of ology's advantage has consisted of providing di- food procurement or production. achronic perspectives on culture change, function, For the purpose of this paper, I will use archaeoand adaptation in specific environmental and ecologi- logical data from prehistoric contexts and ethnocal contexts (Butzer 1982). graphic data to demonstrate that the development of
One perspective that has been investigated in- New World complex societies has occurred without tensively through archaeological studies is the origin seed crop agriculture and that historical perspectives of agriculture and the concomitant development of on so-called primitive hunter-gatherer populations are chiefdom level or more complex societies (Flannery valuable analytical tools for tracing the development 1972). Unfortunately, agriculture, particularly seed and fluorescence of complexity. I will further demoncrop agriculture, has been viewed as a prerequisite strate that the population pressure model is an overfor complex society (e.g., Morgan 1877; Spinden generalized and non-universal model for correlating
1928; Childe 1942). These views constitute a Malthu- sedentism and cultural elaboration with agriculture. sian perspective that view human populations and Cultural transitions and further elaborations are
societies as variables dependent on technological ad- built upon the preceding level of organization. The vancements or food-producing capabilities. In contrast band level of social organization contains the seeds to agricultural determinism, a number of researchers for further political and hierarchical development. In have proposed that population is the independent rich environmental areas that have the potential for variable which creates stress on the existing system subsistence autonomy, differentiation and complexity and necessitates social changes, invention of new can develop without agriculture. This analysis technology, or the development of agriculture (e.g., emphasizes environmentally rich maritime areas in Boserup 1965; Harner 1970; Cohen 1977). Although which archaeologically documented evidence of this line of inquiry has been successful at debunking complexity has been identified (Moseley 1975; Widthe Malthusian notion of populations as dependent on mer 1983; Marquardt 1986a). Political features of technology, the pressure model continues to overem- power and control of resources are emphasized. The phasize the role of agriculture in social elaboration case studies examined are used to demonstrate the and the development of sedentism. rise of political hierarchies and complexity in enviThe population pressure model in conjunction ronmental areas rich in natural subsistence resources.
with well-defined stage concepts or typological systems (e.g., band-tribe-chiefdom-state) (Service 1962,

Archaeological Correlates of Complex Society and the dissemination of information. Peebles and
Kus (1977:432) emphasize that for chiefdoms and
This discussion presents information on material more complex societies, information processing capacorrelates of complex society and the general pro- bilities of a single level network are transcended and cesses that givere seto material evidence for complex higher level controls are necessary for the survival of society. There has been much debate in ar- the system, particularly processing of and access to
chaeological circles over which features identified in information concerning environmental perturbations. the archaeological record constitute evidence for Flannery (1972) analyzed state formation in terms of complex or ranked society (Peebles and Kus 1977; measurable trends in increased capacity for the proWenke 1981; Marquardt 1985). According to Wenke cessing, storage, and analysis of information.
(1981:80), much of the problem in assigning material Information processing and the relationship to deciattributes to a specific level of complexity stems from sion-making hierarchies have also been investigated the tremendous variation in complex features indi- by Johnson (1978, 1982) and Wright and Johnson cated by the archaeological record in different geo- (1975). graphical areas and chronological periods. As one can see, this brief review indicates a diWith the resurgence of evolutionary models versity of definitions of complexity. However, one
(Childe 1942; White 1949; Steward 1955) and the abstract formulation which appears to have the greatanalysis of complex society, particularly urban society, est research application to a wide variety of ara check-list approach to the definition of complexity chaeological data and which is appropriate for developed. Among the neo-evolutionists, the leading historical studies was proposed by Blau (1977) and advocate of the presence/absence check-list approach expanded and applied by McGuire (1983). Two inwas Childe (1950). In Childe's (1950) study of the ur- dependent measurable variables, inequality (in terms ban revolution, he outlines definable characteristics of of differential access to material and social resources) urban society including size, surplus, monumental and heterogeneity (or distribution of populations bepublic works, writing, trade in luxuries, class-stratified teen social groups or number of persons i society with unequal distribution of surplus, and tem), constitute vertical and horizontal axes in a social
composition and function of an urban center that structure. I believe that these two measures
frees part of the population from subsistence tasks for most significant abstract variables in the an craft specialization. social evolution and complexity. I agree with McGuire
In contrast to the more simple check-list approach, (1983:100,104) that inequality is inherent in all human a feature of the 1960s and 1970s processual archaeol- systems. At less differentiated levels of orga ogy has been the measurement of social organization inequality may be evident along power, age, and sex based on social types (band, tribe, chiefdom) through lines. Differential access to resources becomes legitithe analysis of mortuary data, cemeteries, exchange mated and institutionalized with the further elaboranetworks, site type distribution, and estimates of en- tion and the development of ranked society. The maergy investments in buildings and fortifications terial correlates of inequality and greater heterogene(Gamble 1986:27). In conjunction with processual de- ity should be the subject of archaeological inquiry. velopments, a number of researchers have defined These two factors should be considered in all archaefeatures of social complexity. Price (1981:86) defines ological studies of cultural evolution. complexity as an entity made up of many elaborately For the remainder of this paper, I attempt to
inter-related parts and characterized by larger seden- demonstrate how the historical development of these tary communities, technological innovation, decora- tovralsaeisrmna nteeegneo
tive art, intensive resource procurement, and organi- complexity and that they are the result of a historical zational changes in activity and decision-making. process. Inequality and heterogeneity will be maniPeebles and Kus (1977) propose four measures of so- fested differentially within social groups depending cial organization to be retrievable archaeologically: (1) o etrso h oilsrcueadteevrn structure of mortuary or ritual activities including evi- ments in which they live. It is therefore not possible, dence for ranked society, (2) settlement relationships, nor important, to state what form these two variables
(3) subsistence autonomy, and (4) at least part-time will take in a complex social system. Rather, it is imcraft specialization. portant for archaeologists to attempt to identify eviResearchers also stress that within socially complex dence of the manifestation and transformation of ingroups there exist systems to maintain the control of equality and heterogeneity as the social unit evolves.

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 23
For example, it has been suggested that one basic to the advent of absolute dating techniques) for the feature of inequality, social stratification, arises from advanced civilizations of the area. Along with this economic control over productive resources, espe- chronology, Spinden (1928) proposed a model for the cially land (Earle 1987:67). The archaeological record evolution of civilization based on seed crop agriculcould be examined for evidence of such a develop- ture, specifically maize agriculture. As Lathrap ment and the resulting effects on other aspects of the (1977:717) has indicated, Spinden's hypothesis consocial system. cerning the need for maize agriculture was erroThe historical process of development of these neously viewed by many archaeologists as the initial variables is applicable to the study of complexity in impetus for the "New World Neolithic" and further societies with economies based on hunting-gathering cultural developments. or maritime resources. This study demonstrates that The major flaw in this model was the lack of arthe variables of inequality and heterogeneity are inte- chaeological information on pre-urban centers and gral components of the evolution of complexity and pre-Archaic sites during the late 1920s. This model that these features arise regardless of the mode of was frequently cited as evidence for the inability of subsistence or economic base of a society. McGuire non-maize subsistence systems to support complex (1983:94) has accurately stated that one of the major society (e.g., Meggers 1954). The Spinden hypothesis problems facing the archaeological study of complex- was relied on to refute New World studies which ity is an overemphasis on typological sequences. Fur- suggested tropical root-crop horticulture and swidden thermore, archaeologists have approached the study horticulture were sufficient in terms of protein and of complexity by analyzing single variables or with stability to support large numbers of people (Meggers the assumption that greater inequality accompanies 1954). However, studies have demonstrated that both greater heterogeneity (McGuire 1983:131). These two root-crop and mixed swidden horticulture can foster variables can operate dependently and independently the evolution of complex social systems (Flannery of one another. It is a goal of the archaeologist to de- 1973; Wiseman 1983). termine their material manifestations and interpret Spinden was successful at applying an evolutionthem. ary model during a period of historical particularism.
However, it was several years later before abstract
Early Hypotheses on the Development of evolutionary models were proposed. The researches
Complex Societies and Requirements for Maize that relate most to complexity and Old World agriculAgriculture tural origins are Childe's models (1936, 1942) and his
proposal of the oasis theory of cultural evolution
There has been a long history to the notion that (1951). In Childe's What Happened in History agriculture was a requirement for highly differentiated (1942:55), he suggests that humankind's escape from and hierarchical levels of social organization. Nine- savagery was through plant domestication that made teenth century unilineal views of human evolution humans partners with nature rather than parasites on emphasized the role of agriculture. Morgan's (1877) nature. This view is expanded in the oasis theory of scheme is most relevant to the current research. The civilization development presented in Social Enolution stage concepts outlined by Morgan (1877) from say- (1951). Childe proposes that humans and animals agery to barbarism to civilization were based on the gathered in oasis-like settings. People soon domesti"arts of subsistence". Agriculture was a defining char- cated the plants and animals thus allowing sedentism acteristic of civilization. Morgan's model depicted hu- and cultural elaboration. man society as dependent on technological advance- These models were important in focusing attention
ments. Once a technological innovation was intro- on cultural evolution and the potential role of agriculduced, population size would increase. ture. However, agriculture is not the only "art of subAlthough the unilineal models of human evolution sistence" which can support sedentism, cultural were rejected by most anthropologists in the early elaboration, or complexity. Subsequent analyses of twentieth century, a very enduring archaeological hy- the role of agriculture were directed at identifying the pothesis concerning the role of agriculture in the so- conditions or causes which gave rise to agriculture. cial evolution of New World societies was proposed These were frequently in the form of population by Herbert Spinden (1928). Mter extensive research in pressure models (e.g., Boserup 1965). It is to this Mexico and Central America, Spinden (1928) pro- subject that I now turn.
duced a floating chronology (approximate dates prior

The Population Pressure Model and Origins of Some criticisms of the population pressure model
Agriculture have focused on social relations and their role in cultural evolution, regardless of the subsistence base
The main tenet of the population pressure model (e.g., Polgar 1975, Bender 1978). A useful distinction is that human population growth is an independent between stress and demand has been made by variable and that population size will increase to 1ev- Cowgill (1975). Stresses are biological and cultural els which exhaust the carrying capacity (primarily phenomena that individuals experience; while demeasured in terms of food) of the former population mand is what providers of goods or services experisize. As a result of stress, humans develop new meth- ence (Cowgill 1975:514). According to Cowgill ods of food production and technology (Boserup (1975:515), individuals do not react in a creative fash1965). The population pressure model has been ion when under stress, rather, development
widely applied to questions concerning the origins of (technological or otherwise) is stimulated by the agriculture and its relationship to human social and prospect of new opportunities and improvements, not political evolution (Boserup 1965; Binford 1968; by the threat of hardships. Hamer 1970; Cohen 1977; Boserup 1981). Polgar's (1975) development of a combination
The population pressure model successfully re- model that seeks to identify both multicausal and unifuted the Malthusian concept that human population causal explanations, emphasizes the role of the ingrowth is a function of the level of technological de- tensification of the exchange of different products velopment. However, the population pressure model with the production of surplus. The role of redistrireduced explanations of human social evolution to bution in gathering societies is considered an immonocausal, prime mover explanations (Cowgill portant variable in the evolution of control over pro1975). Furthermore, the model does not include input ductive resources (Polgar 1975). Data on social orgafrom internal social factors nor does it emphasize the nization in hunter-gatherer societies and the role of role of individuals and their contributions to the social developing social relations in the creation of power system (Cowgill 1975; Bronson 1975; Bender 1978). and authority structures were also analyzed by Bender Most importantly, the pressure model as an explana- (1978). Archaeological data from both the Old World tion for the origins of agriculture has placed too much and New World were examined for evidence of emphasis on food production as the causal mecha- power and rank in hunter-gatherer preclass nism for the development of sedentism and complex- (Bender 1978:218). ity. This causal view is most clearly expressed in The evolution of social relations and structures of Hamer's (1970) cross-cultural comparison of societies power and authority and their manifestations in the at different levels of political organization and Co- archaeological record relate to the environmental hen's (1977) model for the causes of nearly world- possibilism or ecological potential for an affluent wide development of agriculture in the prehistoric hunter-gatherer lifestyle. In ecological areas that are past. Boserup (1981:223) also argues that due to the extremely rich in natural subsistence resources, hupositive correlation between intensity of food supply man populations can intensify the exploitation of the and population density, densely populated areas must subsistence resources and it is possible for there to be employ systems of intensive agriculture or they must e
importfood.cluding inequality and greater heterogeneity. Perhaps
Clearly, the study of agricultural origins and the the most lucrative non-agricultural subsistence base is concomitant development of complexity and urban a maritime adaptation. Both the ethnographic and
society in those areas that adopted agriculture is a archaeological record have provided information on valid and important subject of anthropological in- affluent hunter-gatherers (Koyama and Thomas 1981). quiry. Agriculture is one subsistence strategy that al- The following discussion presents case studies of lows human cultures to differentiate and explore new affluent hunter-gatherers in different geographical arcultural dimensions of specialization, trade, and het- eas. Attention is paid to the evolving social relations erogeneity in material and social conditions. How- and ethnographic and archaeological evidence of the ever, the development of agriculture is not the causal dvlpeto oeatoiy ifrnilacs
feature in social evolution. eeomn fpwr uhoiy ifrnilacs
to resources, and evidence for increased heterogeneity.

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 25
Affluent Hunter-Gatherers: Ethnographic and gies concerning the structuring of resource procureArchaeological Evidence ment and consumption (Shalk 1981:55).
I disagree with the scenario presented by Cohen
The Ethnographic Evidence (1981) for the following two reasons. First, some degree of simpler political control was undoubtedly
Unquestionably, the geographical area that ex- necessary prior to high population density and the hibited the greatest social complexity based on a establishment of sedentary villages. It may be useful maritime economy was the Pacific Northwest Coast. to ask how individual clans or lineages structured This area has also been the subject of intensive their own resource procurement and consumption
ethnographic and anthropological investigations patterns prior to high population densities and seden(Swanton 1909; Drucker 1963; Sahlins 1968; Cohen tism. In what areas or societies do material manifesta1981). The multitude of social groups of the North- tions of wealth appear first and is there a correlation west Coast are noted to have consisted of high pop- between their wealth and resource productivity? Seculation density, large residential units, sedentary vil- ond, the model assumes that sedentism and populalages, social stratification, and material wealth includ- tion growth both occurred prior to the development ing artistic and symbolic art (Suttles 1968). The of political organization, not concomitant to nor in subsistence base of these groups rested primarily on a conjunction with settling down or population growth. specialized fishing economy. The primary exploitable The Northwest Coast data demonstrate social comhabitats were the rich marine waters abundant in hal- plexity based on a maritime economy. The evolution ibut, salmon, and candlefish. Secondary habitats were of political structure is less easy to document. The terrestrial areas, primarily secondary vegetation Northwest Coast societies are not simply an anomagrowth in coniferous forest (Schalk 1981:53). lous ethnographic example of the development of soThe political organization of the Northwest Coast cial complexity based on maritime adaptation. Rather, tribes was kin-based on either clan or lineage units. they are a model for archaeological studies of marThese units were territorial and exhibited political au- itime adaptation. Unfortunately, more ethnographic tonomy. Although the Northwest Coast tribes did not data is needed on the evolution of inequality and its possess a tributary system, redistribution of food was institutionalization. controlled by village level chiefs (Ray 1938 in Suttles
1968:59). Two opposing views on the history and The Arcbaeological Evidence
cause of political development follow. The archaeological record has demonstrated a corCohen (1981:291) concludes that the organiza- relation between maritime economies and social
tional hierarchies that developed and the proliferation complexity in both the Old and New Worlds. For the of forms of material wealth for exchange constitute purposes of this paper, examples are drawn from the economic buffers for individual populations that can New World exclusively, using an example from South no longer support themselves independently. Accord- America and an example from North America. ing to Cohen's model (1981), the Northwest Coast It is well known that state-level societies flourished
populations were not affluent but rather, over- in prehistoric Peru based on agricultural economies
crowded. The development of individual prestige and using complex and intensive irrigation systems social inequality resulted from regional inequalities in (Flannery 1973). However, prior to the introduction of subsistence productivity. Further development of cen- agriculture on the central desert coast of Peru, a welltralized political systems is viewed as the natural out- developed maritime economy supported the develgrowth of crowded human situations in order to con- opment of a differentiated, hierarchical society trol disruption and not as the result of surplus or (Mloseley 1972; 1975). affluence (Cohen 1981:291). The geographical setting consists of the coastal
In contrast to this model, Schalk (1981:53) views settlements in the Ancon-Chillon region of Peru emergent political structure as a necessity that de- (Mloseley 1975). A transition from hunting to fishing to velops in order to control and manipulate compli- farming has been documented in the archaeological cated resource-consumer relations which result from record. By the early cotton Preceramic period (2500 differential resource productivity. Rather than popula- B.C.), there were small coastal settlements dependent tion density or food abundance, organizational com- on marine and littoral resources with a seasonal cultiplexity results from the need for decisions and strate- vation of non-edible, textile crops in the lower valleys (Moseley 1975:44). By 1900 B.C., there had emerged

hierarchical settlements with monumental masonry Therefore, arable lands were initially in the hands of a
construction, ceremonial structures, mounds, social limited segment of the population (Moseley 1975:52). differentiation based on burial goods, and craft spe- The Peruvian example has identified archaeologcialization in bone, lapidary, wood-working, textiles, ical correlates of inequality and heterogeneity. The and gourd engraving (Moseley 1975:77). Subsistence maritime economy fostered the development of social productivity was based on a simple technology and complexity and provided the foundation for further individual or small group effort. The netting of large cultural elaboration following the adoption of agriculnumbers of anchovies in the zone of upwelling off ture. Additional information is needed on the possible the coast was the subsistence mainstay (Moseley and role of ideology in the legitimation of the conFeldman n.d.). This highly productive economy freed trol/ownership structures and jural rights. Also, how a portion of the population from food procurement was information concerning the environment re(Moseley 1975:104). stricted or distributed? Was the flow of information an
Following the shift to a maritime economy, a dra- important variable in the emergence of a social hiermatic increase in population is documented based on archy as Flannery (1972) and Peebles and Kus (1977) both number and size of settlements (Moseley suggest?
1975:60). It is further suggested that the complexity of In North America, the archaeological and early the coastal populations prior to the advent of agricul- ethnohistorical accounts have provided insights into ture allowed for the rapid development of irrigation the political organization of what is apparently the agriculture (Moseley 1975:105). The populations were most societally complex prehistoric hunter-gatherer knowledgeable in cultivating and tending non-food population in the New World-the Calusa Indians of crops. These peoples constituted a work force capa- the southwest coast of Florida (Goggin and Sturtevant ble of constructing and maintaining canal and field 1964; Widmer 1983; Marquardt 1986a; 1986b; in systems. Social institutions with corporate authorita- press). According to Marquardt (in press:17), the detive power capable of mobilizing and directing large velopmental history of the Calusa domain remains labor forces were established prior to agriculture and poorly understood; however, research on all facets of facilitated the transition to an agricultural mode of Calusa life is in progress. The date of the emergence production and a despotic government (Moseley of the Calusa is not known; however, south Florida
1975:106). According to Moseley (1975:106), the mar- was occupied continuously for approximately 10,000 itime economy allowed the development of social years prior to European contact (Marquardt 1986a).
complexity; however, the transition to agriculture is From early ethnohistorical accounts the Calusa have considered to have had two advantages: preservability been documented as a ranked society that consisted and abundant harvests, of a rigid class structure, rule by a paramount chief, a
In considering the evolution of complexity and its formidable military, and a tributary system which, at manifestations, inequality is first documented in mor- times, operated on a regional scale in all of south tuary contexts, both in burial locations and grave Florida (Marquardt 1986a:63). goods (Moseley 1975:78). In terms of power and au- One of the early statements on the maritime adapthority, Moseley (1972:72) suggests that coastal re- tation of the Calusa was presented by Goggin and sources rights were likely in place prior to sedentism Sturtevant (1964). Subsequent research and intensive and the increase in population during the maritime zooarchaeological analyses of archaeological deposits phase. Alternatively, Moseley (1975:5 1) suggests that reveal that the Calusa and the preceding occupations ownership or jural rights were imposed by residents subsisted on a fishing economy adapted to the rich on a limited portion of the coastal area when the ini- shallow water estuary systems in the area (Marquardt tial shift to a littoral-based economy occurred. Midden in press:3). Secondary resources included a variety of remains from the region indicate highly restricted pat- shellfish, mammals, birds, and reptiles. Based on the terns of resource exploitation thus supporting this available archaeological and ethnohistorical data, hormodel. In either case, the control of resources and ticulture appears to have played little or no role in limited access to resources suggest how individual Calusa subsistence; however, the question of the role power may have first manifested itself. It is further of horticulture in the subsistence strategy remains to postulated that resource rights and economic special- be answered (Marquardt 1986a:66). ization established during the maritime-based econ- Concerning the development and evolution of poomy were carried over into the agricultural economy. litical control in the Calusa empire, more research needs to be conducted. Information from documen-

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 27
tary sources indicates that the Calusa were a complex development of inequality and greater heterogeneity chiefdom or early state at the time of European con- can be useful analytical tools for the analysis of the tact based on Claassen's criteria (1978, cited in Mar- rise of complexity. quardt 1986b:2). The documentary sources on the These concepts are applied to ethnographic and
early historic Calusa provide valuable information on archaeological examples of affluent maritime hunterpolitical structures and rituals. The noble ruling class gatherers in three geographical areas: the historic had privileged access to subsistence resources and Northwest Coast, prehistoric Peru, and prehistoric
material wealth produced by a class of specialized Southwest Florida. The present case studies have
craftsman (Marquardt 1986b:3). Political and ideologi- been successful at correlating complex societies charcal realms were managed by military and priestly acterized by political control, inequality, and heteroclasses; however, ultimate ideological formulations geneity with maritime economies. With the exception were controlled by the paramount chief (Marquardt of the Peruvian data, the analysis has been less suc1986b). The commoners believed that the chief main- cessful at demonstrating the origins of differential actained control over environmental productivity, cess to resources and the rise of heterogeneity. Howthereby ensuring the survival of the populace. ever, future archaeological research directed at hyUnfortunately, neither the early written sources nor pothesis testing of evidence for inequality and the archaeological data have yet documented the rise heterogeneity should be able to document the origin of political authority, ideology, or inequality. The eth- and transformation of these variables. nohistorical sources have not provided information on As anthropologists we need to examine internal
the ownership of fishing or collecting localities nor forces which motivate political development. Human have they provided information on fishing, gathering populations at less complex levels provide valuable or hunting restrictions placed by the elites on the information on the origin and evolution of political commoners (Marquardt in press:3). It is also appar- structures and institutions. More research needs to be ently not known in what geographical areas or in directed at the internal organization of the so-called
what archaeological contexts the first evidence of in- simpler societies rather than research directed at equality or greater heterogeneity appear. Although the identifying ecological adaptation or external forces ethnohistorical accounts allow interpretations of the that necessitate change. role and manipulation of chiefly ideology in the social
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University of Florida
Introduction Works by Gosling et al. (1978) and Partridge et al
(1982) indicate that the rich and poor react differently
This study focuses on the effects of development and that those who have a choice about where, when relocation of the Mopan Maya of Cockscomb Basin in and how to relocate may fare best. The Mopan of the Stann Creek District of Belize. My study will fob Cockscomb Basin are unusually fortunate in that they low the conceptual framework and analytical pattern chose to move and were able to negotiate with the used by Thayer Scudder and Elizabeth Colson in their authorities over the arrangements (Rabinowitz 1986). article, "From Welfare to Development: A Conceptual According to Scudder and Colson (1982), both the Framework for the Analysis of Dislocated People" rich and the self-relocated have a better chance to (Hansen and Oliver-Smith 1982). exert control over the new physical and social enviAccording to Scudder and Colson (1982), people ronments to which they go. Both poor forced and and sociocultural systems respond to forced relocation voluntary migrants to government-sponsored settlein predictable ways, predictability being possible be- ments are more apt to lose control over both kinds of cause the extremely stressful nature of relocation re- environment. stricts the range of coping responses available to the The large majority of those forced to move by demajority during the period that immediately follows velopment projects are low income, low-status perremoval. Scudder and Colson (1982) describe two sons who have little political power and scant access
types of forced relocation-refugee relocation and to national resources. Governments can and do move development relocation. This paper will focus on the with impunity. At the worst, removal violates the most effects of development relocation on the Mopan Maya basic human rights of those being moved. At best, the of Cockscomb Basin. majority can usually expect to be worse off during a
Development relocation is brought about by na- painful period, seldom lasting less than two years tional development policies. This can be for the from the date of removal (Scudder and Colson 1982). benefit of the relocatees (a rare situation). More often This study will attempt to compare the experience it is because the relocatees are in the way of such of the Mopan of the Cockscomb Basin to the model projects as dams and harbors or the exploitation of presented by Scudder and Colson (1982) using inforsparsely populated forests in the humid tropics whose mation gained from several recent sources and define occupants cannot protect their land rights against na- questions to be pursued at a later date. tional development goals. Relocation is usually at the
expense of these low-income rural residents (Scudder Hsoyo oa
and Colson 1982). This study deals with a situation in Hsoyo oa
which a whole community is relocated and incorpo- The Mopan of the Cockscomb Basin consisted in
rated into an existing nearby village in order to allow 1983 of fifty-eight Indians living in nine families. The the creation of a jaguar refuge in the basin. It deals community had been settled only three years before with a relatively homogenous population who belong (Rabinowitz 1986), 80 the relocation discussed in this to one ethnic entity in both the basin village and in paper is actually the second within a short span of Maya Center where they are resettled. There is also time. It should also be noted that the ties to the land little social stratifcation in either community. and the stability of the community were not as devel31

oped as would be normal in a village existing for for labor is replacing this traditional model. A pattern several generations. of leaving the village for extended periods of time to
The total Mopan population in 1972 was approx- gain cash income has developed over the last several imately 3000 (Ulrich and Ulrich 1966:251) with about decades. First, men worked in chicle and logging, and 50 percent of these in Belize and the rest in the ad- more recently they have found work in the citrus injacent area of Guatemala. At the beginning of the last dustry in the Stann Creek Valley (Gregory 1972). quarter of the 19th century, the Mopan could be The Catholic Church has been the primary relifound only in Guatemala. However, an early map gious institution for the Mopan since the late 1940s
shows the Belize River named Mopan River (Gann (Gregory 1972). Today, however, Evangelical Chris1918), and Howard (1975) states that the origins of tian missionaries are active in the area and their the Mopan are the Mopanga people who inhabited churches are becoming the center of religious activSouth Central Belize until about the end of the 17th ities in many villages. century. The Mopan were apparently resettled by the The Mopan's traditional relationships with the natSpaniards when they invaded the area in 1689 to re- ural world provide the basis for their world view. move the Chol Maya who lived to the south of the They behave similarly toward the natural environMopan and who were unwilling to accept conversion ment, supernatural forces, other Mopan, non-Mopan, (Morley 1930). Few Maya were left in this part of and the government of Belize. In the tradition of the Central America according to the census of 1778. Mopan, the supernatural universe is not set apart from Only 2,500 people remained in the entire Peten re- nature. The supernatural pantheon is essentially the gion of Guatemala and these were mostly around natural universe personified. The general relationship
flores (Gregory 1972). between the Indians and these deities is one of reSan Luis, in Guatemala, is the reputed parent vil- ciprocity. The Indians, who occupy the subordinate lage of the Maya people who settled in Belize. Ac- position in the relationship, must approach the deities cording to Gregory (1972), the Mopan left San Luis in with humility and proper respect, and make the apthe late 1880s to avoid being conscripted for forced propriate gestures of good will. The seasons generally and uncompensated labor by the "jefe of the Peten". do change with predictable regularity and there genThey settled around what is now the village of San erally are good burning, planting, and growing Antonio in 1889, not far from the town of Punta conditions. These facts substantiate the Indians' exGorda. Because of their fear of the Guatemalans, the pectations of reciprocity and reinforce the assumption links to the outside world have been to the towns of that this is the way it should be, that it is in the nature Belize, primarily Punta Gorda (Gregory 1972). of things that a proper display of humility, respect,
The economic base of the Mopan has been and good will toward more powerful persons and
changing from a subsistence orientation to one of forces should be reciprocated with benevolence cash since a road was built to San Antonio in the (Gregory 1972). 1930s allowing trade to develop. This is significantly
changing the social structure as labor exchange The Four Stages of the Relocation Process
slowly shifts to a cash basis, weakening the kinship
bonds which have been tied to labor exchange in the Scudder and Colson (1982) suggest that those who past. Also, status is no longer based on traditions such undertake to relocate a population should think of it as the sponsorship of fiestas. In the past this was the as occurring in four stages. They have labeled these primary basis for selecting an Alcalde. The Alcalde, as recruitment, transition, potential development, and who is the village leader, is now often chosen be- handing over/incorporation. cause of his education and experience in the outside In the recruitment stage we are dealing with the world (Gregory 1972). making of decisions by government and other agenThere are no corporate kin groups among the cies that a given population must be moved and
Mopan. The nuclear family is the basic domestic and about where they shall go and how the move shall economic unit (Gregory 1972). It builds, maintains, take place. This is the time to think about the socioand occupies its own dwelling. For the milpa, the cultural characteristics of the population and how Maya's field of corn and other agricultural plants, these will affect their response to relocation and to a more labor is often required and it is usually re- new environment. Decisions made at this stage quested of close relatives, compadres, and friends. influence the length and severity of the stressful tranMore and more often today, however, cash exchange

sition stage and they may prevent the development In the case of the Mopan they were involved first,
stage from taking place (Scudder and Colson 1982). not in the transition stage, but in the recruitment stage
Because of the jaguar research going on in the since they were working with the researchers whose
basin during the two years prior to the relocation, the work led to the creation of the refuge. Information Indians were never ignorant of the process which led currently available does not suggest that the Mopan to the decision to relocate them. Members of their have taken a conservative stance or turned inward. community worked for the researchers during most of This is an area where future study should focus. It is the two year project (Rabinowitz 1986). This involve- probable that the inclusion of the Maya in the planment in the project served to educate them to the ning, the support intrinsic in their participation in the
reasons for the refuge and to help incorporate the research, the short duration of their land tenure in the values on which the project was based into their own basin, and the profitable terms of their negotiation system. By the time decisions were being made con- with the government have all acted to ameliorate the cerning creation of the refuge, the members of the stresses which might be expected during the transicommunity were supportive of protection for the tion period. These factors also have probably served
jaguar (Rabinowitz 1986). These changes in commu- to provide a very positive self-image which is also
nity attitude may have been critical in determining the important in determining the duration of the transition response of the community to relocation. These stage.
changes also are an important influence on the length Scudder and Colson (1982) suggest several idiand severity of the transition stage and, along with cators for the end of the transition stage and the betheir ability to negotiate their new situation, can ginning of potential development. The first is when probably explain a good bit of the reason that this the majority have regained at least their former stantransition has proceeded so smoothly. dard of living and degree of self-sufficiency. In terms
In the transition stage the population to be moved of initiative, the turning point is when the conservafirst becomes involved in the relocation process. This tive stance and closed-system behavior are replaced begins when the first rumors of possible relocation by at least a prerelocation degree of risk taking. begin to circulate. The transition period is a time of "Feeling at home" is another important indicator. The stress to which the response is a conservative stance emergence of local leaders capable of pushing local to reduce the possibility that further stress will occur. interests with host and government officials is anThe majority of those moving as a community turn other, and the reestablishment of household and
inward and behave as if their sociocultural system community rituals and religious activities that show were closed. They cling to the familiar, avoid risk by that relocatees have formulated symbolic mechanisms not trying adaptive strategies, limit their interaction, as for affirming their integration within a new habitat is much as possible, to those in their community and one as well. For the elderly, the transition process ofattempt to ignore the changes in their way of life as ten ends with death while for those who are younger, best they can. It is suspected that this response is the transition process rarely lasts longer than a necessary in order to allow the majority to reconsti- generation. tute their lives after a major insult to their physical, Because of the short distance of the move and the psychological, and sociocultural well-being (Audy imperceptible change in their ecological niche, the
1971). Whether this is true is an irrelevant question. return of the Mopan to their former standard of living The question is one of how best to bring the transi- was probably almost immediate. Their development tion to a close so as to pave the way for the next of fruit groves suggests a good degree of risk taking stage, potential development. The transition stage since time and resources must be invested in such a lasts at least two years. Where refugees play an active project. Again the short tenure in the basin could be role in the reconstruction, they are able to form or re- expected to moderate the sense of displacement. form a positive image of themselves, and the transi- Since the move was not to a new area or climate and tion stage is short. Victims of national development their contacts outside of the village did not need to be policies that serve the interests of more powerful reestablished, there is no reason to expect the usual segments of the population often find themselves in time to be required to establish a sense of "home". unfamiliar habitats and habitats whose existing resi- The strength of the leadership which negotiated dents are apt to be from different ethnic categories the agreement with the government and the cohesion and social strata which creates conflicts and tensions of the community facilitated the transition of old (Scudder and Colson 1982). leaders to a position of local leadership in the new

community. Otherwise new leaders would be re- resettlement of the community. Long term research
quired before the transition stage could be completed. will be necessary to track the changes in the commuPart of the agreement with the government was for nity and to document the point at which they can adland for a new church. Although no information on equately shoulder the responsibilities now carried by whether a new church has been built is available, if it agencies such as the United States Peace Corps or to has, this could be expected to serve as a mechanism establish why they may have trouble doing so. for affirming their integration within their new habitat. Scudder and Colson (1982) say that they feel that This is another area to be included in future long-term the transition stage is a misnomer since it suggests studies. that the population is in a transition from one equiThe potential development stage is characterized librium state to another. This is particularly true for by increased risk taking and a more dynamic and the Mopan. Viewed on the basis of this model they
open-ended society. There is a rising standard of liv- appear to be responding well to an intrusive, destabiing for many relocatees. Although the majority are lizing situation. This is misleading. While this move better off, this stage is characterized by a widening was not initiated by them it was not a culturally abwealth differential, increasing social stratification and normal occurrence and an equilibrium model is not the formation of a class structure. In many cases this appropriate. As stated earlier the village had existed stage never materializes. If the majority never better for only five years. According to Howard (1975), the themselves, they may see no margin for risk and be Indians who had resettled in Belize from Guatemala unwilling to risk the little they have (Scudder and since the 1880s appear rarely to have settled in stable Colson 1982). villages. Most lived in small hamlets consisting of only
Although the information that is available at this a few close relatives with the villages shifting perioditime suggests that the Mopan may be at the end of cally, probably because of the rapid depletion of the the transition stage, there is nothing to suggest that soil. Most milpas in this area are cultivated for only the potential development stage has been reached. one year before being allowed to lie fallow (Gregory Future research should concentrate on those issues 1972). Howard (1975) says that river valleys were setthat characterize this stage. tled and abandoned many times, and village
The handing over/incorporation stage may never membership might vary from year to year. In fact, be reached. This is similar to Wallace's (1956) stage of until the Southern Highway was opened in the middle consolidation. This stage is reached only when a 1960s, most Mopan settlement was in the extreme number of events occur. First a resettlement commu- south of Belize. With the opening of the highway, Innity is a long-term success as an entity when man- dian villages began to spread to the north, along the agement of local production systems and the running highway (Gregory 1972). of the local community are handed over to a second Not only is geographical mobility part of the way
generation that identifies with the community. This of life of the Mopan but cultural change and interincludes the phasing out of agencies and programs action with outside institutions have been incorpoinvolved in the resettlement and the shouldering of rated into their adaptive strategies. Mopan villages responsibilities by local government. Incorporation have long been the recipients of non-Indian influcompletes the process whereby the community is able ence. Both the government of Belize and the Catholic to take its place within a larger territorial frame that Church have been working to lessen the isolation of includes host communities, neighboring towns, urban the Mopan since the late 1940s. A road was built to centers, and regional marketing and commercial net- the main Mopan village of San Antonio in the early works (Scudder and Colson 1982). 1930s. From the time the road opened, cash cropping
As of July 1987 the leadership of the community of rice and beans and interaction with the outside, was the same that had existed in the Cockscomb non-Indian, world have played an increasing role in
Basin. This leadership was still strong and working acculturation of the Mopan (Howard 1975). productively for the development of the community A Jesuit priest took up residence in 1948 in San
(Dan Taylor, personal communication 1987). Since Antonio, the first Mopan village to be established in the orchards are still at an early stage of development Belize since the time of conquest, and schools have and not yet showing a profit, and the transition of lo- been built in many of the larger and more stable vilcal crafts into items for the tourist trade is just be- lages since then. The priest in San Antonio started an ginning, it is not yet time to phase out the agencies agricultural co-operative in his first year which inand programs which are actively involved in the creased commercial interaction considerably. Also,

short-term work for the men has been available for going to happen after they arrive (Scudder and Colmany years. Through the 1960s bleeding chicle and son 1982). Refugees may also be subject to a degree cutting mahogany supplied work during the summer. of depression; however, voluntary migrants are not Since then, young Indians, much like the Caribs who subject to the same degree of stress and show less also inhabit the region, often travel to other areas for sign of psychological strain as a result (Scudder and short periods for work and often use this money for Colson 1982). wedding expenses when they return (Howard 1975). Since the Maya in the Cockscomb Basin were inThe Mopan who lived in the Cockscomb Basin often volved from the beginning in discussions concerning worked for short periods both for the logging camp their removal, it was less abrupt. In the physical which existed in the basin until about 1983 and in the move, refugees moved at their own convenience fruit groves of near by communities in the Stann (Rabinowitz 1986) and no trauma should be expected. Creek Valley (Rabinowitz 1986). Again since they had inhabited the site for only five
years, ties to the land would be expected to be at a
Relocation Stress minimum and little time had passed which would
have allowed for the formation of historical and symRelocation stress can be divided into three cate- bolic connections.
gories (Scudder 1976): physiological stress, psycho- Because the Maya had negotiated the removal with logical stress, and sociocultural stress. the authorities in exchange for a school for their chilPhysiological stress is best measured by increased dren and a church on land of their own (Rabin
morbidity and mortality rates following removal, but 1986), uncertainty over the future was at a minimum.
it is impossible to state categorically that such rates Their deal was actually much better than that stated are increased by relocation because 'before and after' by Rabinowitz. As Indian villages become established, studies have not been carried out (Scudder and Col- government policy (since the 1930s) has been to creson 1982). ate a reservation around the village (Thompson 1930;
Relocatees and some medical personnel believe Gregory 1972). This reservation would have legally
that the elderly in particular are apt to die of "a bro- established borders, and all Indians living on the ken heart" following removal. Elderly persons forced reservation would be entitled to the use of the land. into nursing homes or forcibly removed from one Villages are-typically created by a process of budnursing home to another are reported to have high ding off from already established villages. This occurs mortality rates in the period immediately succeeding when the population becomes too large to be supthe move (Kayser-Jones 1980). ported on the land contiguous to the parent village.
The short tenure of the village in the Cockscomb These hamlets, called alquilos, remain part of the Basin and the fact that the move involved no change parent village if they are close by until the time they in climate or geography would suggest that have sufficient population to gain status as a village
physiological stress would be minimal or nonexistent. and have their own reservation (Gregory 1972). The This is an issue however, that should be examined in Indians in the basin expedited their acquisition of a more detail, to further explore this hypothesis, partic- reservation through the negotiation process. They also ularly in regard to elderly members of the community. received much attention and support from the Belize Longitudinal data should be accumulated and statisti- Government and through such agencies as the United cally analyzed if a sufficient number of elderly indi- States Peace Corps (Dan Taylor, personal viduals exist to make this practical. communication 1987).
Psychological stress has several components, one SudradClo 18)saeta oiclua
bein tht i is ostlikly o befoud aongstress is associated with the economic, political, and refugees whose departure is abrupt and traumatic. other cultural effects of relocation. Even governments Another component is the "grieving for a lost home" with the best intentions frequently must move people that is found among forced migrants with strong ties to new sites before the economic support base for to rural habitats. "Home" refers to community as well them is prepared. Almost universally, governments fail as landscape, especially where it is incorporated into to pay proper attention to how relocatees are going to origin myths, historical accounts, and religious sym- make a living after removal. Scarce funds are all too bolism. The other major component is the anxiety often expended on housing and social services at the
about an uncertain future. Refugees frequently do not expense of job training and job opportunities. Both know where they are going to end up and what is development relocatees and refugees are likely to

suffer a loss of material assets in the move, and both land. He was able to negotiate a good arrangement may find hard-earned skills of little immediate utility for his people and one which they could support in making a living in the new environment. (Dan Taylor, personal communication 1987).
Former leaders are usually discredited. Those who
resist relocation that nonetheless occurs are regarded Coping with Resettlement
as impotent. They may also be geographically dispersed through government efforts to isolate them. Scudder and Colson (1982) hypothesize that
Those who cooperate with removal are also discred- severity of resettlement stress strongly influences the ited, since most people opposed the move and reject coping strategies that people follow both preceding leaders who cooperated. Among voluntary migrants and following relocation. Though basically conservathis crisis in leadership may be absent or less ex- tive, these strategies serve many functions. "The pretreme. vailing strategy prior to relocation is one of 'business
One component of sociocultural stress comes after as usual', which is designed to cope with the threat of removal. It is brought about by a reduction in cultural resettlement by denying it" (Oliver-Smith 1982). The inventory-loss of behavior patterns, economic prac- belief that "this cannot happen to us", continues to tices, institutions, and symbols. This is minimized in the-end. This is similar to the behavior of those who situations of voluntary migration to sites where cul- live on the slopes of a volcano or in an earthquake tural practices can continue much as before. Where zone, ignoring the possibility of the disaster (Scudder government regulations restrict these practices or and Colson 1982). where other groups ridicule them, major problems After removal, the majority of relocatees follow a
occur (Scudder and Colson 1982). conservative strategy. They cope with the stress of
Again the importance of a negotiated removal removal by clinging to the familiar and changing no
agreement is apparent. The Mopan had confidence more than necessary. Some try to transfer old skills
about the future. Since the community to which they and farming practices to the new habitat. Many try to were being moved operated in a similar manner, that relocate with kin, neighbors, and coethnics so as to is, they had similar agricultural practices and shared recreate the security of an encapsulating community social values and life ways, new economic skills were with familiar institutions and symbols. For volunteer not immediately necessary nor were their cultural migrants this same strategy is used. They seek out the patterns subject to derision. The government, along familiar and use this as a base from which they begin with agencies such as the United States Peace Corps, to experiment with the new environment or situation. has invested much effort in helping to develop in- In clinging to the familiar, relocatees attempt to move come-producing agricultural techniques. Many of the the shortest distance not only in space but culturally immigrants have started fruit groves. This is not only a as well, to remain in contact with the cultural context cash crop but one allowing continuous use of the of their former lives (Scudder and Colson 1982). land as its cultivation does not exhaust the soil. Occa- Because of their involvement in the decision maksional labor in the fruit groves of nearby communities ing process, the Maya of the Cockscomb Basin were has been a major source of cash income in the past probably not caught in the "denial trap". They coped and so the development of groves of their own is a by involving themselves in the planning of their new real step toward independence (Dan Taylor, personal lives. Because of their leadership, they did not follow communication 1987). as conservative a strategy after the move as would be
Leadership in the community has been important. expected. The men began the development of fruit In the past the government of Belize had tried to im- groves. The women began working with Peace Corps pose the Alcalde system on the Indians. The Indians volunteers to make their traditional crafts more marhad taken this and adapted it to their existing system. ketable for the tourists who have already begun visitIn the last few years the government has shown more ing the jaguar refuge. The Peace Corps volunteers understanding of cultural issues and tried to work have been teaching basic marketing strategies and with the local native leadership (Gregory 1972). In merchandising. They have been helping develop this case the Alcalde is an educated man with experi- items that will appeal to tourists and be appropriately ence in the outside world who has convinced the priced. Also an arrangement has been made to allow
members of his community of the importance of edu- the construction of a gift shop at the ranger station in cation and the value of changing their traditional the refuge to be run by the women of Maya Center agricultural practices and solidifying their hold on the (Dan Taylor, personal communication 1987). The fact

that all but one of the families from the basin moved would be shown toward another Mopan, and so on. as a group to Maya Center (Rabinowitz 1986) has al- He sees the development of this model as an imporlowed them to maintain much of their cultural context tant step toward the gradual integration of the Mopan as well as the sense of security provided by their into the emerging cultural and social system of British
community. Honduras.
While the differences discussed above suggest hyIssues for Future Study potheses as to the possible causes for varied responses, they are only hypotheses and future research
One issue which Scudder and Colson (1982) feel should focus on these issues.
has received insufficient attention is individual re- Since the material presented above deals with
sponse to forced relocation. They state that there are whole communities, issues of gender significance those who appear to welcome removal (Palacio have not been mentioned. Future studies should focus
1982), those who choose to relocate themselves rather on the differential effects of resettlement on males than join government-sponsored settlements, and that and females in terms of opportunities, effects on
small minority in government settlements who appear household continuity, and the positions of the differto follow a risk taking as opposed to a conservative ent sexes in the household in the new community.
strategy during the transition stage (Partridge et al. It seems clear that the model used by Scudder and
1982). They attribute these differences in response to Colson (1982) is useful in clarifying many of the psymaterial factors such as being more mobile, more ur- chological changes that can be seen in the lives of the
banized, better educated, and better off economically. Mopan from Cockscomb Basin. The Mopan serve as a
Differential response to relocation can be ex- good illustration of the applicability of the Scudder
plained by other models. Gregory (1972) sees the dif- and Colson model. Future research along these lines ference in terms of the Mopan definition of reality. He can be of benefit in understanding the process of redefines two elements of the traditional Mopan con- settlement and thereby improving the lives of those
cept of reality which he sees as restricting the options faced with this experience. perceived as available during resettlement.
One is a fatalistic view, that a man's destiny is to a References Cited
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Partridge, William L., Antoinette B. Brown, and Jeffrey B. Ulrich, Matthew and Ulrich, Rosemary Nugent. 1%66 Mopan Maya. In Languages of Guatemala. Mar1982 The Papaloapan Dam and Resettlement Project: vin Mayers, ed. The Hague: Mouton.
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University of Florida
Introduction tension (FSR/E-for a more in depth discussion of
FSR/E consult Feldstein et al. 1987).
The anthropological study of language explores, One major problem created by sexism in the Enamong other things, the role of language structure in glish language is the generic "he" which uses male human social-cultural experience. Anthropology pro- forms of nouns and pronouns to refer to human bevides a unique contribution to the study of language ings in general, as in terms like "mankind" and and gender through its exploration of how language "chairman". The use of "he" to refer to singular nouns use informs and how it is informed by the larger so- of unspecified sex is a prime example of the way in cial and cultural patterns within which it functions. which language renders females invisible. The equaSociety functions within a set of common assumptions tion of human with male extends beyond the "generic which language demonstrates. Language study pro- man" and "he" to include many other general naming vides insight into uses of sexism through its examina- words in the English language. tion of the interaction between linguistics and the Every society differentiates between the sexes to larger social and cultural construction of gender one degree or another in allocating tasks, activities, (Hardman 1978). Anthropologists' concern with lan- rights, and responsibilities. The important factor to be guage provides a means for systematically linking considered here is the degree to which masculine acmacro- and micro-levels of social process by perceiv- tivities are prioritized and feminine activities subordiing speech patterns and language as expressions of nated. In American societies, and in the English lanlarger social and cultural patterns and as mechanisms guage, women are generally defined by their for perpetuating or changing those patterns (Kramer relationships to men and women's value is further 1978). "derived" from that of the males with whom they asFactors such as social class, geographic region, sociate. English language reflects the association of age, race, and ethnicity interact significantly with men with occupations. Examining dictionary items gender preventing any simplistic analysis of sexism. marked for gender, Connors (1971) found more masThe study of speech and nonverbal communication culine items marked for occupations and observes
can further uncover mechanisms which perpetuate that occupational terms for women (e.g., stewardess,
gender discrimination in both research situations and waitress) become the marked or deviant category every day communication. =Although a linguistic anal- while generic terms are assumed to be masculine. ysis of gender is too broad a topic to be covered in Furthermore, individual feminine suffixes (e.g., -ette) this discussion, language undeniably sets parameters have repeatedly taken on diminutive insinuations on the possible expressions of research strategies. It is (Thorne and Henley 1975). necessary to understand the ways in which the En- Because sexism can be deeply embedded in langlish language expresses sexism before a complete guage as demonstrated by the exposition of the linunderstanding of sexism within specific research guistic postulate (Hardman 1978), it is often difficult
methodologies can be comprehended. A brief review to recognize. This further complicates an analysis of of the prominent examples of sexism in the English the subtle ways in which sexism in the language inlanguage will serve as a starting point for this discus- teracts with sexism in the social structure. However, sion of sexism in Farming Systems Research and Ex- to ignore the linguistic mechanisms which perpetuate

sexism, is to overlook a fundamental clue to gender ers who are women benefit as much from the reinequalities. To begin to unravel this complex rela- search as the farmers who are men. tionship between sexist language and sexism in the The next phase, design, involves establishing a resocial structure, this paper focuses on one area of an- search agenda determining which technologies might thropological research. This study begins with a be tested with what anticipated results and the actual
demonstration of the inadequacies of sexist language design of researcher- or farmer- managed experiments used in FSR/E research. Based on this discussion, the on the farm. Testing and monitoring, a third phase, study then reveals how misapplied methodology involves the actual implementation, data gathering,
(such as time allocation) and research techniques and on-going evaluation related to on-farm and onfounded on sexist assumptions subtly presented in the station trials. This is accompanied by follow-up diaglanguage lead to inaccurate and incomplete conclu- nostic research of questions raised during the initial sions. The conclusion of this paper considers the diagnostic and design phases and by observations possible arenas for change emphasizing the inade- which verify or expand survey information. Discusquacy of researcher language in understanding the sions during this phase provide an opportunity for linguistic and social structure of the indigenous peo- getting at the more subtle aspects of decision-making. ples. The final phase, recommendations to farmers, researchers, and policy makers, involves an analysis of
Language and Communication in Farming the information gathered from the previous stages and
Systems Research-Extension (FSR/E) an appropriate recommendation to farmers, researchers, and policy makers. Recommendations for
FSR/E refers to an agricultural research method- policies at this stage can not only propose the introology. This methodology considers the farming sys- duction of new technologies, or cropping practices, tem as the area of focus, highlighting not only the but can also correct for unequal access to resources farmers and their crops, but also the relationships be- which may have been encountered in the previous tween farmers and local, national and international research. policies. Although different types of farming systems In FSR/E research projects, the collection of data in research focus on different aspects of the relationship a variety of areas provides the foundation for the (i.e., some focus on crop yield, while others focus on analysis of the efficiency or lack thereof in farming appropriate technology, pest control, international system studies. The collection of agro-climatic and agricultural policies, etc.), all of them focus on rela- agro-environmental data provides a framework for tionships and the dynamic processes involved in considering the technical possibilities of new and imfarming, viewing the farm as part of a larger system as proved technologies. The collection of socio-ecoopposed to an isolated entity functioning without nomic data is a means of getting at farmers' decisionoutside influence, making and "intentionality", i.e., what resources they
FSR/E research involves a variety of phases can provide and their interests in mobilizing those re(Feldstein et al. 1987). The first of which includes di- sources for a particular (and new or modified) enteragnosis or the collection and analysis of information prise. In most societies, intra- or inter-household relaabout a farming system in order to determine appro- tons (relationships, interactions, roles) profoundly afpriate recommendation or research domains, to de- fect such decision-making. These relations within and scribe farming systems and constraints, to consider between households are based on differences of gentechnological solutions, and to determine research der, age, and seniority or position in the household. priorities. Diagnosis is an on-going process through- Within the FSR/E framework, major categories of out FSR/E. Information is generally collected by information studied include labor activities (including
literature reviews and formal and informal surveys, task allocation and time use, seasonality, location of including sondeos (a Spanish term for a rapid informal activity, and paid or unpaid nature of the work; acsurvey conducted by a multidisciplinary team of re- cess and control of resources such as land, capital, searchers). Although this research did not initially tar- tools, livestock, cash, and knowledge); incentives and get women specifically, their integral role in house- motivation (i.e., who benefits from changes in the hold production is beginning to be recognized, and present system), as well as who is included in the more recent works encourage their inclusion in all FSR/E research interviews, and whether these people phases of FSR/E. The problem is how to most effec- are the same ones involved in the decision-making tively incorporate women's concerns so that the farm- process.

When intra-household relationships are consid- One facet of the domestic domain misinterpreted
ered, the significance of gender becomes more ob- by researchers is flexibility in task allocation. Typivious. The basic notion underlying the term inter- cally, women maintain flexibility: (1) in production, household dynamics is that a "household" is not an by maintaining reserve crops in household gardens undifferentiated grouping of people with a common and other habitats; (2) in the timing of operations, (3) production and consumption function, i.e., with in the volume of product handled and the technique
shared and equal access to resources for and benefits used in food processing, storage and food preparafrom production. Rather, households are themselves tion; (4) by altering the mix, timing, and quality of systems of resource allocation. Individual members performance of their multiple roles; and (5) by mashare some goals, benefits and resources, are inde- nipulating whatever room there might be for substipendent on some, and in conflict on others. tutability of labor and obligation between men and
women (Jiggins 1987). This flexibility presents conCommunication Links siderable difficulty to researchers working within a
Western linguistic and analytical framework, who
Communication links are vital to the process of re- consider only one activity performed at a time, and search and extension that is at the core of FSR\E. assume that a sequence of activities performed in one Since men do more visiting and are involved in out- season are replicated in other seasons. of-home activities more often than women in many This difficulty in distinguishing activities for reWestern societies, it is more likely that they have bet- search is further confounded when researchers try to ter access to certain types of information. Further, measure the quantities involved, for example, the FSR/E researchers assume that men also do more cooking time of various foodstuffs using different fuvisiting and other out-of-home activities in non-West- els. An anthropological study of Lesotho (Africa) ern societies (since it appears true in many Western measurement concepts points this out (Jiggins 1987). societies). They must be actively encouraged to in- A woman knows how long to cook vegetables beclude women in their questioning, and women must cause she knows when they are ready. One woman,
be included as researchers in order to decrease the preparing bread, was asked how she would cook it: prejudice against women which previously pervaded "Until it is ready". Pressed for precision, she thought
the literature. carefully and then said, "Five or six hours". In fact,
Jiggins (1987) describes how discussions with she cooked the bread for an hour and a quarter and
farmers in areas where FSR/E teams were active re- saw that it was perfect when she took it from the vealed confusion on the part of the "clients" about re- steam oven. It was ready both in English terms and search methodology. Natives were confused as to her own. At no time did she refer to any kind of time,
why researchers insisted fields or plots be measured not even the sun. It was not the time that made it in certain ways, what those measurements told them, ready. It was the cooking. and what was in the logic of research design that The researcher is concerned with the measurement
makes them value certain activities such as field of time, but the woman is concerned with the meacropping above other activities which the farmers surement of "readiness", and there is no reason why themselves consider equally necessary components of the measurement process could not begin with readitheir lives. ness. (What does it look like? Is it hard or stiff or does
The breakdown of communication and under- it rn?). Instruments such as time allocation studies,
standing seems greater between women-as farmers, useful as they are as indicators of the range of activifood processors, traders and consumers-and male ties and demands on labor, make invisible whatever it
researchers. This occurs not only because of the so- is that women see themselves as doing. cio-cultural distances between them, but also because The difficulty lies in convincing the researcher of of male researchers' lack of understanding of the do- the benefits in using measurement units which make mestic domain in their own culture. The researchers' sense to the user. Researchers and extensionists lack of an implicit standard or frame of reference (or trained in the concepts of scientific agriculture may a partial or biased one) in this sphere, influences the encounter difficulty in finding an equivalent for their way in which they perceive, interpret, and express scientific category in the knowledge system of the the world of women within farming systems. Coin- woman. The woman, trained in her indigenous
munication difficulties thus are compounded. knowledge system, may have no way of comprehending the significance (even if the literal meaning

can be translated) of the concepts used by the re- out by one person (Johnson 1975). Joint activities searcher and extensionist. The difficulty in articulating such as child care and weeding, or fuel wood gatherthe utility of an indigenous language (including the ing and walking home from the market are not indigenous ways of structuring knowledge) in terms treated adequately. At what point does an activity bewhich the researcher of another system can under- come a joint use of time if the individual alternates stand is a major factor in the inhibiting of commu- repeatedly between tasks? Activities involving more nication between researchers and farm women than one person, such as cooperative harvesting
(especially indigenous women speaking a language groups, are also not described well in most time allodifferent than that of the researcher). Linguistic pa- cation studies. Even when the occurrence of joint acrameters in the researchers' minds set barriers to what tivities is recognized, it is still analyzed as if the tasks they can describe in the language of the women. were performed separately (Acharya and Bennett
Time Allocation Research To compensate for these shortcomings, various
authors have stressed the need to consider time alTime allocation studies are frequently used to de- location in the context of other information (Acharya scribe gender- and age-based labor patterns. In FSR/E, and Bennett 1982). Time use data can be used as the labor patterns have been analyzed to support a wide quantitative counterpart of a broader examination of range of findings, including the determination of peak household decision-making. Ethnographic descriplabor periods, income opportunities for female farm- tions derived from participant observation and iners (Burfisher and Horenstein 1985), the contribution depth interviews can serve as a complement to and of children to farm production and crop labor invest- crosscheck on data limitations. Time allocation studies ments (Barlett 1980), seasonal fluctuations in agricul- can be useful to the analysis of farming system tural and nonagricultural activities, and inter-house- behavior, yet the methodology used to gather this hold differences in the family cycle, data is not always made explicit. The methodology
Farm behavior is not discretely organized into pre- used must facilitate interpretation of the findings and coded categories. Categorization is a device used by guide researchers in the future design of other studthe investigator to reduce the details of everyday farm ies. Attempts to conduct research in the indigenous life into manageable units. The arbitrary definition of language as often as possible and further changes in these categories and the sometimes biased processes methodology dictated by a recognition of the invaluof classifying activities can lead to an equally arbitrary able contribution to be gained from an understanding or biased interpretation of the data. Johnson of native languages and their "knowledge systems"
(1975:305-307) discusses how the relative amount of must occur within the Westernized research environtime spent by men and women in "productive" labor ment. varies with the definition of production.
Time allocation studies often assume that the Prospects for Change
amount of time dedicated to one activity is an indication of its importance. However, the amount of time When considering changing researchers' language spent in any one activity may not be an adequate in- to attack sexist assumptions, it must be recognized dication of the importance of that activity to the farm that resistance will be encountered. This resistance economy. For example, market transactions take rela- may be analyzed by examining the changing relationtively little time, yet the household might depend on ship between women and men both in the rethe cash income for tools, medicine, or clothes. Fur- searchers' culture, and the culture of the people with thermore, activities often occur in sequences; the whom the researcher is working. events of one day may affect the activities of the fol- Although change in language usage and structure lowing week. The farmer who was not able to sleep in single instances is important, linguistic structure
one night might sleep twelve hours the following day. appears to respond very slowly to change. While A week of rain and inactivity may be offset by long some social scientists are beginning to recognize and hours spent weeding on the first sunny day. The deal with their sexist linguistic structures, sexist social
methods commonly used to study time allocation do and cultural structures, for the most part, have yet to
not easily account for such activity sequences. be addressed.
Time use studies have typically treated an indi- For example, practices relating to women and
vidual's daily routine as a series of single tasks carried communication must be analyzed. The prejudice

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 43
against women as researchers and extensionists and dissemination of agricultural innovations (Garrett
demonstrated in nonverbal behavior (such as inat- and Espinoso 1986).
tention), verbal behavior (through inaccurate categorization of the work of women and general degradation of women's works) and general interaction ac- References Cited
companying women's participation (such as isolation, Acharya, Meena and Lynn Bennett
or denial of the legitimacy of women's work) must be 1982 Women and the Subsistence Sector: Economic
openly criticized. When contemplating change in lan- Participation and Household Decision-making
guage use, it is important to note that sexist language in Nepal. World Bank Staff Working Paper No.
content, including not only vocabulary but also topic, 526. The World Bank. Washington D.C.
must be altered to eliminate sexism. Inequalities of Barlett, Peggy F.
social class, race, and age also infuse language struc- 1980 Cost-Benefit Analysis: A Test of Alternative
soce i clssfr ndd baes as fu lnge st- Methodologies. In P.F. Barlett, ed., Agricultural
ture with unfounded biases and should (along with Decision Making, pp 137-160. San Francisco:
sexual inequality) be the object of concerted efforts Academic Press.
for change. Burfisher, Mary E. and Nadine R. Horenstein
There are a number of important lessons to be 1983 Sex Roles in the Nigerian Tiv Farm Household.
drawn from this review. Development is not always West Hartford, Connecticut: Kumarian Press.
desirable, and the knowledge and opinions of the in- Connors, Kathleen
digenous peoples must be considered in any research 1971 Studies in feminine agentives in selected Euproject which anticipates changing or modifying the ropean languages. Romance Philology 24:4,
farming techniques practiced in a specific region. The 573-98.
development of new research methodologies requires Garrett, Patricia and Patricio Espinosa.
that female and male researchers increase their 1988 Phases of Farming Systems Research: The Relevance of Gender in Ecuadorian Sites. In Genawareness of the diversity of experiences as ex- der Issues in Farming Systems Research and
pressed in knowledge systems, the various mecha- Extension. Susan V. Poats, M. Schmink, A.
nisms used to articulate that diversity of experiences Spring, eds. Boulder: Westview Press.
(within the language using verbal and non-verbal Feldstein, Hilary S., Susan V. Poats, Kathleen Cloud and
cues), and more importantly, the impact that their Rosalie Norem
language structure and knowledge system has upon 1987 Intra-Household Dynamics and Farming Sysprejudicing the design of their own research. Then, teams Research and Extension Conceptual
the inadequacy of contemporary categories and re- Framework. Paper presented at the Gender Isthe nadquay o cotemorar caegoiesandre-sues in Farming Systems Research and Extensearch methodologies will be replaced by more in- sion Conference, University of Florida.
sightful and egalitarian analysis. Hardman de Bautista, M.F.
The problems in contemporary research were ex- 1978 Linuistic P tAn
1978 Linguistic Postulates and AppliedAnhpressed well by a North American researcher who pological Linguistics. In Papers on Linguistics
stated that: and Child Language. V. Hansa and MJ. Hardman de Bautista, eds. New York: The Hague.
We all wear strong blinders when it comes to gender.
It is difficult for what we actually experience to pen- Jiggins, Janice
etrate these ideological [linguistic] barriers.. .we re- 1988 Problems of Understanding and Communipeat what we hear, despite what we see or do. We cation at the Interface of Knowledge Systems.
talk to the woman, and she declares that she does In Gender Issues in Farming Systems Research
not engage in field work, just a little bit of planting, and Extension. S.V. Poats, M. Schmink, and A.
weeding, harvesting .... Spring, eds. Boulder: Westview Press.
It is a tribute to human imagination that we can per- Johnson, Allen
sist in declarations and interpretations which are 1975 Time Allocation in a Machiguenga Community.
patently false. This may be a wonderful premise for Ethnology 14:3: 301-3 10.
science fiction, but it is an inadequate basis for re- Kramer, Cheris, Barrie Thorne, and Nancy Henley.
search. If we are to develop agricultural programs 1978 Perspectives on Language and Communication.
which actually serve people's needs, we must pro- Signs Journal of Women in Culture and Society
ceed realistically. "Hay que partir de la realidad" is 3:638-651.
the way that Spanish speakers express the principle.
Reality dictates that we include gender among the Thorne, Barrie, and Nancy Henley, eds.
key variables to be considered in the development 1975 Language and Sex: Difference and Dominance.
MA: Newbury House Publishers Inc.

University of Florida
Couvade has been regarded as an exotic practice This study involves fourteen Lowland Tropical performed by ignorant people who either do not un- Forest groups in South America (see Table 1) randerstand the relationship between sexual intercourse domly selected from the Human Relations Area Files and pregnancy (Goldsmith 1984:12), are jealous of (HRAF). The groups were selected by listing fourteen women's ability to bear children (Bettelheim Outline of World Cultures (OWC) Codes located in
1954:109-112), or feel threatened by the relationship Lowland Tropical Forest areas of South America on between mother and child (Paige and Paige 1981:36). the HRAF map and correlating them with the groups These ideas are examined as well as the correlations they represent in the files1. Since the quantity of between couvade and rules of marriage, residence, groups examined was arbitrary and was only intended and descent. The conclusion offers an alternative ex- to be a random sample, it does not account for all planation of couvade observance among Lowland Lowland Tropical Forest groups in South America
Tropical Forest South Americans. who observe couvade.
Couvade, a French word meaning "hatching", is Information available through ethnographic data
defined as the imitation by the father of many of the preserved in the HRAF reflects, and is therefore limconcomitants of childbirth, around the time of his ited by, the amount of time the ethnographer was in wife's parturition (Winick 1977:137). contact with the group studied, the incidence of couAmong Lowland Tropical Forest peoples of South vade being performed at the specific time the America, couvade is not classically observed in the ethnographer was on site, and the ethnographer's insense that the father or prospective father performs terest in recording couvade observance. As a result, imitations of the mother's labor pains and delivery as some groups such as the Waro and the Yanoama found in other groups. But the word does apply to have had no documentation of the duration of couthe observance of a series of taboos by the father be- vade observance while other groups such as the Trfore and after the child's birth. Alfred Metraux states mai have no incidence of couvade observance that only two accounts in South America suggest that recorded in the HRAF at all. It would be rash to asthe custom is actually an imitation of childbirth. The sume that no couvade practices existed among the fact that the father takes to his hammock is not to be Trumai; however it can be assumed that if couvade understood as an imitation of labor or childbirth as in practices did exist among the Trumai they were not a other areas of the world where classic couvade is part of Trumai life to the degree that the ethnograwidely practiced. It is hypothesized that the man goes phers became aware of them or felt compelled to to his hammock only because he is not permitted to record their occurrence. Metraux suggests that since perform any of his daily functions and has little else couvade in one form or another is so wide spread in to do (Metraux 1949). This will be discussed further South America, =....wherever it has not been later in the text. existed formerly but died out before it
was observed" (Metraux 1949).

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 46
Table 1: Groups Studied in Order of Length of Couvade Observance
Group Name & Presence of Rules of Residence Descent Days of
OWC Number Men's House Marriage Rules Rules Language Couvade
SP22 Tapirape Yes Endogamous Communal Patrilineal Tupi 3
SB5 Cuna No Endogamous Matrilocal Matrilineal Isolate 3
SF21 Siriono No Endogamous Matrilocal Matrilineal Tupi 3-4
SP9 Caraja Yes Endogamous Matrilocal Bilateral Ge 6
SQ19 Tucano Yes Exogamous Patrilocal Patrilineal Tucano 6
SO9 Tupinamba No Endogamous Communal Prob. Patri. Tupi 12'
SQ20 Tucuna No Exogamous Communal Patrilineal Tucanoan 12'
SO8 Timbira Unknown Unknown Matrilocal Matrilineal Ge 12'
SQ13 Munduructi Yes Exogamous Matrilocal Patrilineal Tupi 21
SS19 Yaruro No Exogamous Matrilocal Matrilineal Isolate 40
SP17 Nambicuara No Unknown Mixed Patrilineal Isolate 42-120t
SS18 Waro No Endogamous Matrilocal Matrilineal Isolate Unknown
SQ18 Yanoama No Exogamous Mixed Bi/Patrilineal Isolate Unknown
SP23 Trumai No Unknown Patrilocal Bilateral Isolate No Couvade
* Based on couvade ending when infant's umbilical cord drops off. t Based on couvade ending when infant eats first solid food.
Other difficulties in using the HRAF include op- practice couvade. A cross-cultural evaluation by inposing documentation of sociocultural traits such as tensity and complexity of couvade was, therefore, not residence rules and rules of descent of the same performed. Data extracted from the HRAF were, group by different reporters. When such contradic- however, assembled and arranged in accordance with tions were encountered during this study, deliberate the length of time couvade was practiced in each statements by more qualified observers such as group (see Table 1).
ethnographers concerning these traits were considered more valid than the assumptions or inferences Explanations for Couvade
which, although included in the HRAF, were made by
less qualified reporters. Explanations for the practice of couvade include:
A ranking of the intensity or complexity of the (1) that during this period, the father has to take care couvade observance remains difficult. The bias of the of himself to avoid an injury that could be transmitted observer in recording the data and bias in in- to the child by sympathetic magic; (2) that the father
terpretation of what has been recorded would gauge asserts his paternity through appearing to share in the intensity and complexity on a scale more applicable delivery, and; (3) that the father simulates the wife's to the values and beliefs of the observer than the ob- activities in order to get evil spirits to focus on him served. It would be difficult to accurately rank actions rather than on her (Winick 1977:137). such as avoidance of dangerous animals, daily in- However, Judith Goldsmith (1984) asserts that
ducement of vomiting, or sexual abstinence in accor- couvade developed out of a need to identify the husdance with the values and beliefs of the people who band of a pregnant woman as the father because the

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 47
woman and her husband were kept apart during can exert no influence on the relationship between
pregnancy. Furthermore, Goldsmith also states that, the mother and child.
Although vestiges of couvade remain in more so-Paige and Paige make references to the f
phisticated tribes, the custom tends to appear most fear of his own authoritarian father. Although we often in those societies where the connection be- cannot delve into the psyche of every Lowland Tropitween sex and pregnancy is not fully recognized, and cal Forest father, the assumption that they regard their so some other means is necessary to establish the fathers as authoritarian may be based more in Eurohusband's tie to his wife's child (Goldsmith 1984:12). pean and American feelings about parental roles than
But information on the fourteen groups reviewed in values applicable to Tropical Forest people. this study revealed no group which kept the woman Finally, paternal fasting has not been reported by
and her husband apart during pregnancy, nor was field observers represented in the HRAF as an attempt at suppressing the urge to devour the child Iu a
any group ignorant of the relationship between sex at resite ur d ev t b ut has
and pregnancy. In most cases the ethnographers been repeatedly documented as being selective tomade deliberate statements that the people under in- ward protection of the child, i.e., proscribed foods are vestigation were fully aware of this relationship. Even only those foods which are thought to specifically enwithout the ethnographer's direct reference to this danger the child. Examples abound such as the proawareness, its existence can be inferred from the be- scription on eating any animals with small bones for liefs of such groups as the Tucano who feel that con- fear of piercing the child, not eating meat which came tinuous coitus will add to the number of children in from a violent or feared animal, and taboos on other h foods which are considered too "hard" for the child. the w om b or the Tapirap e w ho insist that all m en T i s n tt a h ti sb le e h tf o
who avehad exul rlatins iththe regant This is not to say that it is believed that food eaten by w ho have had sexual relations w ith the pregnant t ef t e ilp y i al n e h hl ,b tt
woman perform the same couvade as the husband. the father will physically enter the child, but that there
Furthermore, groups who believe that all men who is a connection between father and child, and through had sexual relations with the pregnant woman must ti nothe chlmay e harm e
undergo the couvade recognize the sociological co- I states at couvade Bruno
patenit of hes me. Ths c-paerniy lsts Bettelheim states that couvade is enacted because p atern ity o f th ese m en T h is co- p ate rn ity lasts e h a e a n d to f li l n ". e o i n l 1
throughout the child's life. Curt Nimuendajui relates men have a need to fulfill an ...emotional vacuum
that "Sverl tmeswhe theparntsof pesoncreated by their inability to bear children" (Bettelheim that, "Several tim es w hen the parents of a person 1 5 : 0 1 ) f t e a o e a g m n e e t were under discussion, some Indian would thrust 1954:109-113). If the above argument were true, couhimself forward unbidden, declaring, 'I, too, am his vade observance would appear pan-culturally. Such is father!'" (NimuendajC 1946:78, 106-108). not the case.
Linda D. Wolfe and J. Patrick Gray refer to a 1980
Psychoanalytic Theories study by Robert Munroe which suggests that in many
societies the performance of couvade is used as a yeTheodore Reik suggests that male observance of sceistepromneo ovd sue,
TheooreRei sugest tht mle oseranc of hidle for men to express their identification with fecouvade is used by the father to counter unconscious male rle th a s ei iden tintf aggressive impulses toward both mother and childmaerlswtiastinwhcdosotj aggrssiv impulses- t)Owar with or threaten their own masculine identity, or as (Reik 1931:217-289). According to Karen Paige and W~ n rysae
Jeffery Paige:
In other words, the couvade permits these men to
Imitations of labor and post-delivery recuperation are release emotions and feelings that must not be reattempts to force the newborn to fixate on the father leased at any other time .... Presumably, the males in instead of the mother, thereby preventing it from de- couvade societies would be threatened by the idea veloping incestuous desires for her. The husband in that a man could actually become a woman outside
his unconscious fantasies also equates the newborn of the birth situation (Wolfe and Gray 1988:677).
with his own feared authoritarian father. Paternal
fasting is an attempt to suppress the urge to devour Gray and Ellington (1984) further supported
the child and an expiation for being guilty of thisMuresagmnbyd osttightsceis
urge(Paie ad Page 981:5).with the couvade rarely exhibit high levels of male
These explanations fail to consider that, at least in homosexual behavior. some South American groups such as the Tupinamb
and the Yaruro, the father is secluded in an area away Couvade and Residence Rules from both the mother and the child (in a structure Paige and Paige suggest that the incidence of cououtside the camp in the case of the Yaruro) where he vade among peoples who practice both matrilocality

and who have exclusive mother-child sleeping ar- appears, therefore, no correlation between couvade rangements is higher than in other groups due to a observance and the paradigm of matrilocal residence male need, under these circumstances, to act out fe- and exclusive mother-child sleeping arrangements in male roles (Paige and Paige 1981:36). However, of the Lowland Tropical Forest South American groups the fourteen Lowland Tropical Forest groups exam- studied. There may, however, be a slight correlation ined in this study, all evidenced couvade practice between the existence of couvade observance and with the exception of the Trumai but only two of matrilocality since 53% (seven out of thirteen) of the these groups, the Caraji and Munduruci, practice groups in which couvade observance had been both matrilocality and exclusive mother-child sleeping recorded were strictly matrilocal while an additional arrangements due to the institution of separate men's 38% (five out of thirteen) of the same groups had eihouses. Other groups such as the Tapirap6 and the ther communal living conditions or no fixed residence Tucano had exclusive mother-child sleeping arrange- rule, leaving only one group, the Tucano, strictly ments but practiced patrilocal residence rules. Addi- patrilocal. tionally, at least six groups which did not practice
both matrilocality and exclusive mother-child sleep- Couvade and Descent Rules ing arrangements observed couvade for a longer pe- The groups under investigation included six riod than the Caraji and at least two such groups ob- groups with patrilineal descent, five groups with maserved couvade longer than the Munduruc6 (see trilineal descent, two bilateral groups, and one group,
Table 1). the Yanoama, which was bilateral but contained some
Paige and Paige (1981) also present findings from aspects of patrilineality. There is, therefore, no eviBurton and Whiting (1961:85-95) to support the ma- dence to support a correlation between couvade obtrilocal and exclusive mother-child sleeping arrange- servance and descent line. Couvade observance is ment paradigm. The study reviewed sixty-four world extensive and long in duration, lasting up to three to societies and found that only twelve observed cou- four months, in both the patrilineal Nambicuara and vade. Ten of those observing couvade had the re- the Mundurucui as well as in the matrilineal Yaruro quired exclusive mother-child sleeping arrangements and Timbira. At the other end of the spectrum where and nine had matrilocal residence (Paige and Paige couvade is observed for the shortest length of time, 1981:36). Since only twelve of the sixty-four societies both the patrilineal Tapirape and the matrilineal Cuna observed couvade, an evaluation of groups reviewed observe a couvade which lasts only three days. may indicate that Lowland Tropical Forest South The Munduruci represent a special case where
American groups were under-represented in the residence rules are matrilocal and descent rules are
study since Metraux states that couvade is almost uni- patrilineal. However, even though the length of couversal on the continent and Steward lists over 178 na- vade observance among the Munduruct is one of the tive groups for the land mass (Metraux 1949; Steward three longest in the study, there seems to be no posi1959:20-21). tive correlation between couvade and their unusual
Paige and Paige (1981) also refer to a later inves- combination of residence and descent rules. tigation by Robert Munroe, Ruth Munroe, and John
Whiting (1973) wherein the same hypothesis was ap- Couvade and Marriage Rules plied to seventy-four world societies. It was reported Tendencies toward endogamy and exogamy in that of the ten societies with both exclusive mother- groups studied where couvade is practiced revealed child sleeping arrangements and matrilocal residence that six groups were endogamous and five were ex70 percent were found to observe couvade, while of ogamous. No data on the tendencies of the Timbira the twenty-one societies with neither exclusive and the Nambicuara were available. Only one group,
mother-child sleeping arrangements nor matrilocal the Tucano was reported as exogamous and had a residence only 10 percent were found to observe length of couvade observance which was less then couvade (Paige and Paige 1981:36). In contrast with the mean length of twelve days. these findings, of the fourteen randomly selected It is interesting to note that all but one group
Lowland Tropical Forest South American groups in- whose length of couvade observance fell below the vestigated, only two societies had matrilocal residence mean length of twelve days was endogamous and all and exclusive mother-child sleeping arrangements of the groups whose length of couvade practice exand twelve did not while couvade was recorded in ceeded the mean were exogamous. It must be kept in 92.8% of the groups (thirteen out of fourteen). There mind that no information was available for two of the

groups studied, the Timbira and the Nambicuara, both being of the father during couvade in an effort to of whose length of couvade practice exceeded the protect the fragile newborn. But the scarification is mean. Additionally, the length of couvade was not said to be for the purpose of, "...getting rid of old recorded for the Waro and the Yanoama. If the en- blood, which might cause the child to be sick. It dogamous Waro observed couvade for a period ex- might thus be regarded as a purification rite" ceeding the twelve-day mean and the exogamous (Holmberg 1969:181). So although the method of
Yanoama observed couvade for a period less than the ensuring the newborn's well-being differs in the case mean, indications of a positive correlation between of the Sirion6, the intent and the reasoning behind couvade and exogamy would be greatly reduced. that intent remains the same as for all other scenarios of couvade practice encountered in the study.
Couvade and Language Groups Caraj]. The father was secluded for six days and
Languages spoken by the groups were also could not eat fish or manioc, these foods being conrecorded in the study but there was no indication that sidered too "hard" for the child. Additionally, the faany language group practiced couvade for a greater ther was required to purge himself daily by ingesting or lesser period of time than any other group. pepper until he vomited.
Tucano. If the father works instead of observing
Duration of Couvade couvade, the child will get sick and wail day and
In most cases the couvade is continued until the night. The father does not eat fish for fear of small child is considered "hardened", i.e., has enough bones injuring the child. Also, the father is not stamina to endure the full onslaught of environmental permitted to tie anything as such action could bind influences. This generally occurs when the child's the child who would then be unable t defecate or umbilical cord drops off or when the child first eats urinate. Additionally, the pressing of sugar ca b solid food. The determining factor in the cessation of the father would crush the child. couvade observance is, therefore, the progress in the Tucuna. The father cannot touch a paddle, firedevelopment of the child. This would further indicate brand, ax, or bow lest the child become hunchthat the purpose of couvade observance is to defend backed. Even after the seclusion part of the couvade the child and protect it from deleterious aspects of the observance has ended a father cannot touch his child harsh environment and not to salve the Freudian immediately after he has touched something which problems of the paternal psyche. might hurt the child.
Nambicuara. The father cannot work hard during
Aboriginal Fxplanations for Couvade the pregnancy or the fetus might abort.
Yanoama. At five months of pregnancy the father
The following explanations for the observance of stops eating peccary, snake, piranha, and all other couvade were extracted from the HRAF (unless oth- saggressive" animals erwise noted) and represent the beliefs and feelings Taggressive" animals.
of hepeole stdid.These aboriginal explanations reflect a concen o
of the peoples studied. the health and well-being of the infant. No intricate
Cuna. The husband of a pregnant woman may not thhelhadwl-inofhenat.N .
Cuia The b of I p w &A--I-I--#*I%-%*^,me% not psychological struggle is indicated by these explanause a medicine from plants which have thorns since it tions but a struggle to maintain the lives of infants might hinder the delivery of the child. If the father against diseases and unsanitary conditions in an touches anything strange the child will become ill.escilyhtlenvrmn.Coenfrhaths
Sirin6.Durng he mthe's regancy th faher so endemic in these Lowland Tropical Forest areas cannot eat harpy, anteater, howler monkey, or twisted ta lbrt rpyai uha irigtelp ears of corn, as their characteristics, such as a long and ears; painting, tattooing, and scarification; nose, howling, or deformity would be transferred to flagellation; and finger amputation for protection the fetus. After the child is born the father must ab- agisdseesothdcaedreaptofvry
stai frm etin jauaror oat let te cilddevlopone's life (Ackerknecht 1949). In an environment so body sores. Neither can the father eat paca meat lest coerdwihptcinfomisaendet, the child lose his hair. This is the only group among the explanation of couvade observance being an efthe fourteen studied which practiced scarification of fotoprecthunrnrnwbncilrmas either parent during couvade observance. In the case
of the Sirion6 both parents are scarified. This thmotlgc. particular trait may appear to contradict notions that
all efforts are made to ensure the health and well

Conclusions Notes
The aboriginal explanations of couvade obser- 1 This selection process also yielded OWC Code SB5 reprevance are valid if one considers the idea of continued senting the Cuna of Panama. Although not geographically in causation in the man wherein the woman is regarded South America, the Cuna were retained in the study in order
caustio intheman herin he omanis egaded to maintain the integrity of randomness. as a means. Although not accurate, this idea can be inferred from the observance of nature, e.g., the References Cited
growing of a plant in soil which receives the seed, and would stand as an explanation of causes and ef- Ackerknecht, E. H. fects in an environment where no other explanations 1949 Medical Practices. In Handbook of South
come readily to light. Such an inference from nature American Indians. J. H. Steward, ed. Washmay also help explain why the details of the obser- ington, DC: Bureau of American Eth
vance of couvade are so uniform throughout the world. It is interesting to note that the Ainu of Japan Bettelheim, B. have couvade practices which would not seem un- 1954 Symbolic Wounds: Puberty Rites and the Envious Male. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press.
usual to Lowland Tropical Forest South Americans. Among the Ainu, the father rests for twelve dlays after Burton, R. and J. Whiting 1961 The Absent Father and Cross-Sex Identity. the birth, the first six of which he remains as though Merrill-Palmer Quarterly of Behavior and Deill. The Ainu belief is that the life of the body of the velopment 7:85-95.
child comes from the mother and its spirit and intel- Goldsmith, J. lect come from the father during the few days after 1984 Childbirth Wisdom. New York: Con
birth (Murdock 1934:178-179). The Ainu live in a dif- Weed, Inc..
ferent climate on the other side of the planet from Gray, J. P. and J. E. Ellington South America but, not only is their couvade obser- 1984 Institutionalized Male Transvestism, the Couvance similar to that of the fourteen groups studied vade, and Homosexual Behavior. Ethos 12:54herein, the reasons provided by the Ainu to explain 63.
their couvade observance are also similar to those of Holmberg, A. R. Lowland Tropical Forest South Americans. Couvade 1e9 Nomads of the Long Bow. Prospect Heights:
observance among Lowland Tropical Forest peoples Waveland Press.
of South America is not based on marriage rules, de- Metraux, A. scent lines, residence tendencies, or Freudian com- 1949 The Couvade. In Handbook of South American
plexes. It is based on the desire to preserve human Indians. J. H. Steward, ed. Washington, DC:
leesh nBureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin life-with no ulterior motives. 143(5):369-374.
Further Study Murdock, G. P.
1934 Our Primitive Contemporaries. New York: The Macmillan Company.
A study comparing rates of infant morbidity and Namil
mortlit wit iniec of 4ovd ma d Nimuendaj0,. C.
moraliy wth ncdene o covae my ad ei-1946 The Eastern Timbira. Berkeley: University of
dence in support of the hypothesis of couvade being California Press.
an expression of concern for the newborn in a hostile Pie .E n .M ag environment but it must be considered that data on 1981 The Politics of Reproductive Ritual. Berkeley:
these subjects would be skewed by the widespread University of Califomia Press.
practice of infanticide through both overt and passive Reik, T. means. Another measure of the group's concern for 1931 Ritual: Psychoanalytic Studies. London: Hogarth
the viability of their offspring would be a cross-cul- Press.
tural comparison of the ages at which different groups Munroe, R. L., R. H. Munroe, and J. w. M. Whiting named their children and frequency of couvade ob- 1973 The Couvadle: A Psychological Analysis. Ethos
servance; the theory being that those groups who 1:30-44.
were most concerned with their newborn children Steward, J. H. and L. C. Faron
dying would delay the age at which they named their 1959 Native Peoples of South America. New York:
infants and would also have a more elaborate or McGraw-Hill.
longer duration of couvade observance.

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 51
Winick, C. Wolfe, L. D., and J. P. Gray
1977 Dictionary of Anthropology. Totowa, N.J.: Lit- 1988 An Anthropological Look at Human Sexuality.
tlefield Adams. In Human Sexuality. W. H. Masters, V. E. Johnson, and R. C. Kalodny, eds. pp. 650-678.
Boston: Scott, Foresman & Co..

Edited by Donna L. Ruhl
The Biology and Evolution of Language. PHILIP Lieberman's focus is on the acoustic properties of
LIEBERMAN. Littleton: Harvard University Press, 1984. speech. While these are unquestionably important, it viii + 379 pp. $27.50 (cloth); $10.95 (paper). is unfortunate that an equally important aspect of language is not mentioned: Hockett's (Scientific AmerReviewed by Ronald F. Kephart, University of Florida can 203(3):89-96, 1960) design feature of dual patthesis of Lieberman's very ambitious terning. For humans, sentences are built out of perThe central teiofieemnsvr-abius ceptually (but of course not acoustically) discrete
book is that human language is the result of millions n usall e po nee o a ll othea animal of years of evolution, during which time increasingly that vocalize, each vocalization is a whole sentence" complex systems for the perception and production There is patterning in the way the acoustic continuum of auditory signals have become matched. Evolution- is pae in pin the way these ary processes involved are mosaic evolution, func- phonemes are combined to form the units of meantional branch points (i.e., punctuated equilibria), and in whc are o m e s t h f fiie n o p selective pressure for increased ability to take advan- endedness of human language results from this structage of "collective insight" in plo-pleistocene hominid tural property, which allows a relatively small number social groups. of sound units (35 for my variety of English) to be
This pressure was so great that during the last combined and recombined endlessly to form as many 400,000 years or so the human supralaryngeal vocal "words" as anyone likes. No other animal has vocaltract has been modified through increased cranial izations that are organized in this way, although some flexion and descent of the larynx toward the chest, primatologist who apparently do not understand dual which facilitated a wider range of sounds at the ex- patterning have claimed that they do. The key here is pense of more basic functions such as the ingestion of the neurological ability to retain a concept" that has food. The result: sounds which have acoustic proper- no external referent, which is just what phonemes ties not shared with the sounds made by, say, chim-rn r ili t h at n
panzees, who retain the "standard plan" vocal tract. It aslnugtiabiymstetknitocon. is these acoustic properties, in particular the ability to Lieberman clearly knows what phonemes are produce vowels with the format frequencies of [i,a,uI, (p.142), but he is not always sure when the term is that make language possible. Of these, the "super- needed (p. 166). Professors of linguistics may intend vowel" [ii is most important, because it has format phonetic categories on a transcription exercise; norfrequencies that allow it to serve as a calibration point mal speakers intend phonemic categories and are not for the vocal tract enabling listeners to make sense of usually conscious of the phonetics (i.e., allophonic the speech of people with varying vocal tract charac- variation) involved. teristics. Through reconstruction of fossil hominid vo- A related problem is Lieberman's sometimes less cal tracts and computer simulation of the possible than precise use of the term "linguistic", sounds made by them, educated guesses about the
linguistic abilities of people for when we have no Comparative studies of ASL communication in chimrecorded language can be made. panzees and other apes show that they communicate
in a linguistic mode, albeit at a level equivalent to

human children between the ages of 2 and 3 (p.
Lexicography and Conceptual Analysis. ANNA
Dr. Lieberman is quite correct in his defense of WIERZBICKA. Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishers, Inc., Washoe and the other "signing" chimps. His rebuttal 1985. 368 pp. $35.00 (paper). of Terrace's critiques of the chimp language experiments is inspired, especially when he refers to Ter- Reviewed by Monica A. Lowder, University of Florida race's chimp, called Nim Chimpsky, as a "wolf-ape" in
reference to the socially and interactionally deprived Lamenting the tendency among semanticists to environment in which Nim was kept, a stark contrast theorize about the difficulty, if not impossibility, of with the experience of Washoe and her cohorts defining ordinary, everyday words without ever actu(chapter 10). Still, the chimp cannot be said to be ally attempting to define a word, Anna Wierzbicka
(chpte 10. til, te him canotbesai tobe sets out to prove that, "not only is it possible t a communicating in a linguistic mode unless that can set out tprov tha, b t ls it se t demonstrate dual patterning. Washoe and the other what ordinary words mean, but also, that the process signing chimps have shown beyond a reasonable and the results of establishing those meanings can be
doubt that they are capable of learning and taking exciting and illuminating" (p. 3). Toward this end she advantage of the rudiments of a communication sys- presents a theoretical framework and methodology tem that is based on human language and that is for arrivit intu eintions of words that make exphylogenetically suited to them. The fact that they can plicit the intuitive semantic knowledge held by the do even this much makes Lieberman's assertion that native speaker of a language to the non-native "the initial steps toward the evolution of human lan- speaker. guage could thus have started with the hominoids Beginning with words that are names for simple
ancestral to both human beings and apes" quite rea- objects, and continuing with words naming complex sonable (p. 255). human made objects, words naming "natural kinds"
Human language has evolved gradually, bit by bit, and words for higher biological concepts, functional through an interplay between the neural receptors concepts, and collective concepts, Wierzbicka preand interpreters of speech and the increasingly spe- sent her analysis of the structure of concrete cialized vocal apparatus itself. Human language seems cepts along with illustrative definitions of words qualitatively unique because the people who spoke based on this analysis. She stresses that meaning is what might be termed archaic forms are all extinct revealed by discovering the structure of the concept (e.g., the neandertals, whose larynx had not yet de- encoded in a word, rather than by attempting to list scended to form a modern two-tube vocal tract and the features of the referent, which yields denotative who were therefore severely restricted in the range of conditions, but not meaning. Her methodology for human-like sounds they could produce) (chapter 12). discovering the conceptual structure of words inLieberman does not address the issue of whether the volves what she calls "methodical introspection and neanderthals were capable of dual patterning. Dual thinking"; it is up to the analyst, through deep intropatterning makes a linguistic system possible with one spection backed up by linguistic evidence, to come vowel and a bunch of consonants to put around it. Jf up with the unifying principal that underlies a given they were capable of dual patterning, and if they concept and which sets the basis from which all other could distinguish just 3 vowels and 4 or 5 consonants structural components follow. as Lieberman and Crelin (Linguistic Inquiry 2(2):203- As part of her analysis Wierzbicka proposes criteria 22, 1974) suggest, then they were off to a pretty good for determining which components to include in the start. definition of particular concepts. She tries to pinpoint
In this book Lieberman, in the best anthropologi- exactly which features are crucial for understanding cal tradition, attempts to integrate knowledge from a the meaning of a concept and in doing so discusses wide range of disciplines into a coherent theory of essential versus characteristic components, dictionary the biology and evolution of human language. Al- versus encyclopedic definitions, and accounts for inthough demanding, it is readable, a combination of dividual variation in conceptual knowledge in her qualities not often encountered. It suffers from a lack discussion of concept minimum and concept maxiof anthropological linguistic perspective in some criti- mum. cal areas, but it is still more than worth the price of Her definitions tend to be lengthy. In part, this admission, lengthiness is attributable to her use of a limited set of
undefinable words or "semantic primitives" (e.g.,

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 55
thing, part, place, think, say), which necessitate marxist conception of class that focuses on productive longer constructions than those required if words at relations. Silverblatt begins by outlining the role of higher levels of complexity are used. The use of se- parallel kinship structures and the varying and mutual mantic primitives is important, she writes, in avoiding rights and obligations of women and men in the procircularity in definitions. Length of a definition also duction and reproduction of Andean existence. In a depends on such factors as the psychological salience detailed discussion she considers gender parallelism of and/or the cultural relevance of the word being in local communities and in the Inca imperial order. defined. Although too long for a regular dictionary, This discussion focuses mainly on the relations bespecialized collections of these definitions could illu- tween structures of gender parallelism in kinship and minate the structure of particular semantic domains social organization and cosmological order and reliwithin a language. gious institutions in the communities, on the one
Wierzbicka deals with the semantics of human hand, and the nature of power in the imperial order,
categorization of the natural world, accepting the va- and the ways in which the Inca used transformations lidity of Berlin's universal taxonomic categories, but of pan-andean symbols and cosmology to legitimate not the idea that any particular taxonomic rank is their position, on the other. universally more psychologically salient. She also This legitimation is based on a "conquest ideology"
goes on to demonstrate that in English there are also expressed today as a mythological justification of the non-taxonomic supercategories, which are often mis- hierachies between moieties within an ayllu in terms taken for taxonomic categories, and that these are of certain ritual perogatives. Silverblatt describes how psychologically less salient than taxonomic concepts. this ideology was used by the Inca to justify their
An important aspect of Wierzbicka's definitions is subordination of other Andean peoples and legitimize their anthropocentrism, suggesting the humans struc- the extraction of resources from Andean communities. ture their universe primarily in relation to themselves This ideology also was used by the Inca to justify the and that perhaps this human oriented perspective is a alienation of women's productive and reproductive strong unifying principle that underlies all semantic capacities in the name of the state, which introduced domains. a profound alteration in the nature of relations beWierzbicka's work not only provides a theoretical tween men and women in the Andes. The "chosen" and methodological base that is useful to lexicogra- of the Inca were symbols of the Inca's dominion, and phers and semanticists, but to anyone interested in this alienation of women's prerogatives continued and how humans categorize their universe (namely lin- intensified in the post-Conquest world. guistic and cognitive anthropologists and psycholo- Silverblatt then relates how the discontinuities of gists). Her definitions not only explicate the meaning the Conquest and the new and alien Spanish introof words, but provide valuable insight into how duced ideologies worsened women's position in the
humans structure their reality. Although she stresses social order. These changes affected the women of the analysis of one's own language, the possibilities the indigenous nobility who ceased to have any that her type of conceptual analysis offers for cross- political status (they could not own property, or officultural semantic and cognitive studies through cially participate in political organization); and was
combined efforts of native speakers and non-native catastrophic to the women of the rural communities, speakers are appealing. Wierzbicka succeeds in who became subject to constant abuse and exploitademonstrating that the process of analyzing and tion. Silverblatt's account of these events and the nadefining words can be both exciting and illuminating. tive response, in fact, her entire argument, rests on what is for me a skillful intertwining of two themes:
Moon Su, ad Wiche: GnderIdeloges ad Cass (1) the place of women and men in the economic orMn, un and Woitche:. Gene Idoiebland. Picas der, specifically productive activities, and (2) their
in Ica nd oloialPer. Irne ilvrbltt.Price- roles, rights, and prerogatives in politics and the reliton: Princeton University Press, 1987. xxxiii + 266 pp. gious order. This approach is one of the great
$14.5 (paer).strengths of this work; it allows the author to confront Reviewed by James McKay, University of Florida the Andean world of women and men on its own
Silverblatt examines the relationships between so- In the final chapters of Moon, Sun, and Witches, cial class and ideology in a situation of intercultural Silverblatt discusses aspects of native Andeans' resiscontact and conflict in Inca and Colonial Peru using a tance to the impositions of conquerers, whether na-

tive or foreign, focusing specifically on women as the Limited Good", while an example from the "cultural defenders of the native religion, and local knowledge materialist" side is Marvin Harris's "Intractable Sacred and traditions. Women were frequent victims of the Cow".
Catholic Extipacl6n de Idolatrias and were often ac- Although thought-provoking, there are a number
cused of sorcery. Sorcery was a weapon of the disen- of problems with this book, and I think most of them franchised women, who often were the principals in stem from Lett's limited understanding of scientific
the defense of native beliefs against colonial attacks paradigms, in the Kuhnian sense. In his chapter on and often fled to the puna to protect their traditions. scientific paradigms, Lett maintains that
Throughout this volume Silverblatt weaves to- Anthropology.. .has several rival paradigms competgether the threads of the nature of the productive ing for the allegiance of contemporary researchers.
forces in society and the ideological and symbolic Historical particularism and diffusionism are example
structures and processes that support and reinforce of anthropological paradigms that are no longer
the movement of the productive forces. She is espe- popular with the anthropological community (p.
cially concerned with the relations between power 132).
and its uses, and the uses of ideology and symbol by Other "paradigms" he specifically mentions are strucboth the powerful and the powerless in the construc- tural-functionalism, psychological anthropology, tion and reconstruction of history. She carefully ad- structuralism, dialectical materialism, ethnoscience, dresses the contact between the occidental world and symbolic anthropology, and sociobiology (pp. 79-81). various Andean societies noting a two-way, interac- For Kuhn (The Structures of Scientfic Revolution,
tional process; and that native reactions and resistence 1970), however, a paradigm refers to a higher level of must be understood, as well as the nature of the Eu- abstraction, and involves "distinct views of nature" ropean worldview vis-a-vis native categories of and "incommensurable ways of seeing the world" (p.
thought and behavior. As an aside, it's refreshing that 4)). Initially Lett confuses paradigms with theoretical Silverblatt focuses on historical and ethnographic data or strategic positions, or "schools of thought", concerning the Inca and Quechua-speaking peoples. are subsumed under the higher-level paradigms.
She apparently does not assume that all Andean soci- Although Harris ("Ships that Crash in the Night",
eties are alike, which is a real problem in Andean MS., n.d.), for example, often includes "eclectic
studies. a paradigm per se, I think he is more correct in
identifying the two major competing paradigms in
The Human Enterprise.. A Critical Introduction to An- anthropology as materialism and idealism (or tbropological Theory. JAMES LET'. Boulder: Westview "mentalism"). As such, Cultural Materialism itself is not Press, 1987. xii + 179 pp. $29.50 (cloth); $14.95 even considered to be a paradigm, but subsumed un(paper). der the materialist paradigm along with most branches
of Marxism and human ecology. Likewise, a number
Reviewed byJames Diego Hay, University of Florida of other theories and approaches (perhaps the majority), including structural Marxism, fall under the larger
James Lett's thoughtful new book Thoe Human En- rubric of idealism. It is important to note that the two
terprise: A Critical Introduction to Anthropological major competing paradigms cut directly across disciTheory is intended to be an examination and compar- plinary boundaries in the social sciences and even ison of the major "paradigms" currently in vogue. The extend into history, letters, and philosophy. first two parts of the book establish the parameters for All this, I think, is intuited by Lett, although he discussion, as the author defines the concept of sci- never fully articulates it. Later in the book he relies entific paradigms (/1 la Kuhn) and discusses the do- more and more on comparing "cultural determinism" main of anthropology and the culture concept. He (idealism) with "cultural materialism" (lower case). He
also offers a cursoryi discussion of "The Importance of commits the fallacy of the false dilemma, however, by the Emic/Etic Distinction". In subsequent chapters he stating that "virtually all anthropologists are cultural extensively critiques three major anthropological determinists in the sense that all anthropologists reject
"paradigms" (Cultural Materialism, Structuralism, and biological determinism" (p. 86). This is compounded Symbolic Anthropology), and concludes with a closer by the growing interest in sociobiology; there are a look at two particular arguments which have polar- number of truly materialist approaches, and they
ized the discipline. Representing the "cultural deter- share common ground in a view of how the world minists", he gives us George Foster's "Image of the

"works" that is fundamentally at variance with the ment in Lima, Peru. The conference was organized by cultural determinists. the Amazon Research and Training Program
This confusion regarding the nature of paradigms (Gainesville) with Peruvian counterparts Centro de is important, because if these concepts actually are Investigaci6n y Promoci6n Amaz6nica, and Instituto competing for our attention and support, as Kuhn and Andino de Estudios de Poblaci6n y Desarrollo. The Lett maintain, then we ought to at least have some volume is introduced by Marianne Schmink and Caridea as to what they are and how many there are. los Aramburi. It is organized in four broad topics: (1)
Also, by not recognizing them as such, Lett is finally Populations and Use of Resources-Introduction by drawn to the solution of most anthropologists: he has Low, and papers by Esteves (Venezuela), Fearnside opted for both and, therefore, for neither. (Transamaz6nica-Brazil), and AramburG and Bedoya
The third part of his book is entitled "The Wisdom (Alto Huallaga-Peru); (2) Colonization schemes-Inof Eclecticism" and he finally concludes that, "the troduction by Durand and papers by P6rez-Crespo complementary [sic] paradigms of cultural materialism (San Juli,.n-Bolivia), Blanes (Chapare-Boliva), and and symbolic anthropology constitute the best re- Dickinson (Ecological factors-General); (3) Migration search strategies available to contemporary anthro- and Frontier Expansion-Introduction by Wood and pologists..." (p. 153). In this "very purposeful and de- papers by Arag6n (Brazil), Sawyer (Brazil), and liberate kind of eclecticism" (p. 124), Lett seems to Uquillas (Ecuador); and (4) Indigenous Populationsimply that such a position can somehow bridge the Introduction by Mora and papers by Arvelo-Jimnez gap between the two paradigms but, as Harris sug- (Venezuela) and Trujillo (Ecuador).
gests, it may often express "little more than a eu- Throughout the articles there is a common preocphemism of confusion" (p. 81) and a waste of sci- cupation to analyze and understand the complex soentific effort (The Rise of Anthropological Theory, cioeconomic and ecological aspects of recent and tra1968, p. 285). ditional occupation in the Amazon. Most of the artiFinally, Lett's running argument on the dcles take a political economic perspective, providing
commensurability of paradigms is also weakened by historical and structural explanations especially when
his understanding of the term. By treating theories as discussing particular case studies. Contributions on paradigms he can resolve the problem of imcommen- the use of resources agree on the need for finding surablity by pointing to the "relativity" of commensu- ways to carry out sustained development. Arambur6 rablity (p. 115) and simply appeal to anthropologists and Bedoya analyze colonist subsistence strategies to "learn how to compare and evaluate incommensu- that, in the authors' opinion, have been successful rable paradigms" (p. 150). For Kuhn, a true science despite the Peruvian government's apathy for offering cannot long operate with two radically different any kind of effective support. Esteves offers an analyparadigms (e.g., imagine biology trying to simultane- sis of the Venezuelan government agenda to develop ously to embrace the two paradigms of Darwinian the Amazon. Fearnside chooses to advance a model
evolution and Creationism). The "struggle for a sci- to estimate the number of people that a colonization ence of culture" will continue only through a constant area would support. and critical across-paradigm comparison and evalua- The second set of articles touch very significant
tion, and I hope that the paradigm that is most effec- aspects of Amazon development, first, there is a contive in evaluating and providing solutions for the real cern to distinguish previous modes of extractive problems of the modern world will someday repre- economies versus a more transcendental mode of
sent the science of anthropology, economic expansion (i.e., definitive settlement of migrants in newly opened areas). Blanes gives a thorough overview of colonization waves in Boliva that
have been either organized by the State or indirectly
cana. Carlos Mora and Carlos E. Aramburii, editor. induced by road building in otherwise inaccessible Lima, Peru: CIPA--INANDER, 1987. 452 pp. $10.00 areas. The topic on migration and frontier expansion
(paper) [Spanish and Portuguese. (available from Uni- is treated giving emphasis to micro variables (Arag6n, versity of Florida Center for Latin American Studies)]. Uquillas) or macro variables (Sawyer). Thus, migraReviewed by Avecita Chicch6n, University of Florida tion is understood by looking at the role of individuals' choices triggered by social conditions which in
This volume gathers papers that were presented at turn are caused at a structural level. Uquillas takes up a 1985 international conference on Amazon develop- the colonist perspective and analyzes their positive

responses to a new environment (i.e., crop rotation, thousands of refugees in Mexico and the United States use of native crop species). who no longer have a family, home, or community to
The last topic focuses on the impact of coloniza- which they can return, the future remains insecure. tion on Amazonian indigenous populations. Arvelo- These men, women, and children are the victims of Jim~nez evaluates the role of ideology as a tool that Guatemala's "hidden war", a tragic legacy of a co the dominant sector uses to promote colonization nial rule that has rendered the past two decades a
schemes that did not take into account indigenous reign of terror and destruction in the densely popupeoples' rights. A coordinated effort between bureau- lated Mayan highlands. crats and the media offered a view that the indige- In Refugees of a Hidden War, Beatriz Manz seeks nous peoples were obstacles to the modernization of to reveal the social and cultural costs of the counsouthern Venezuela. Trujillo, on the other hand, eval- terinsurgency to Guatemalans at the community level. uates the indigenous peoples' responses to the grad- Specifically, Manz provides a detailed account of scars ual despoliation of their land. Trujillo indicates that and wounds not yet healed, and asks what are the although the indigenous peoples have been prospects for the repatriation of Guatemala's dismarginalized they have been able to organize politi- placed people, what does the future hold for them? cally to begin the recuperation of their land base and From an anthropological perspective, the concern is the salvage of their traditional systems, a rather opti- for the cultural dislocations, the disruptions of "a way mistic view that reveals the indigenous peoples' abili- of life", suffered by a country and its people as a reties to face such strong socioeconomic constraints. sult of natural and man-made disasters, including civil
Desarrollo Amaz6nco: Una Perspectiva Lati- and economic strife. However, national and internanoamericana is a timely and valuable compilation of tional concerns extend beyond cultural survival to insignificant studies on Amazonian development that dude the problems of unprepared host countries and addresses important issues such as the relationships aid-giving organizations. Manz is correct in identifying between uneven access to resources and a lacuna of information about the long term prospecenvironmental transformations, the role of state poli- tus of refugees and other displaced persons. Indeed, cies, and the viability of colonist and indigenous particularly relevant to the Guatemalan case, there strategies. I recommend this volume to those gener- have been few examples to provide an understanding ally interested in the effect of development as well as of the conditions necessary for successful planned those specifically interested in Amazonian culture repatriation. change. Manz began fieldwork for this book in 1982, soon
after the Guatemalan army stepped up its aggressions
Refugees of a Hidden War: The Aftermath of Coun- against the guerrillas in the northwestern highlands,
terInsurgency in Guatemala. BEATRIZ MANZ. New sending hundreds of refugees across the border into
York: State University of New York Press, 1988. 283 Mexico. Together with a team of researchers, Manz Yok St6.atepUnierst of6.50 Nwcork Prspent the next four years collecting information on pp. $16.95 (paper). $46.50 (cloth), the conditions of life in refugee camps in Chiapas,
Reviewed by Maria A. Miracles, University of Florida. Campeche, and Quintana Roo and conducting interviews with officials and refugees. In addition, fourteen
months were spent travelling throughout Guatemala.
Guatemala es una victima, como toda Latinoamerica, The flexibility and efficiency of a team approach is
de una conspiracion del silencio y la mentira. Los
duenos de los medios de informacion que fabrican la evidenced by the great amount of information on soopinion publica, ocultan y deforman los hechos con cial and environmental conditions in the country, inarbitrariedad y eficacia: las noticias se contraen hasta cluding invaluable insights from interviews with govdesaparecer o se hinchan hasta el estallido, segun emnent and military representatives, religious leadconvenga (Eduardo Galeano, Guatemala Pais Ocu-eranmmbsofteainladitrainl pado. Mexico, D.F.: Editorial Nuestro Tiempo, S.A., es n ebr ftentoa n nentoa
1967). press. The results of some of these efforts are collected in the many appendices, including one on the
In December, 1985, a civilian president was costs for incorporating people into development
elected in Guatemala, ending a prolonged period of poles, which are based on Guatemalan Army docuturbulent and bloody military rule. While many have ments (p. 208-211). hailed this new era of democracy with hope and con- Beginning with the period of the late 1960s, Manz
viction for a better future, for many hundreds of sets the context for the flight of refugees with a brief

review of the ethnographic literature from the regions rendered the counterinsurgency a "hidden war". Manz most affected by and major events leading up to the describes a situation in which not only particular counterinsurgency. The body of the book comprises individuals but entire communities and groups have case studies from the municipality of San Mateo Ix- been affected, and how the nature of the persecution tatan in Huehuetenango, the central highland Ixil re- varied depending on ethnic background, class, and gion, and the lowland rain forest area of Ixcan in region, although often indiscriminate of age or sex. northern El Quiche. These regions have been charac- However, repatriation based on the assumption that terized by their large indigenous populations, and as these conditions, defined as necessary for a safe and such considered by the military government to be the equitable homecoming, could ever be met would rebulwarks of traditionalism and backwardness. This quire many acts of faith and little less than a total disprovided one of the justifications for the government regard of Guatemalan history. Indeed, provisions unmodel village program that often involves the razing der the 1984 constitution formally institutionalize of the community and reconstruction by former in- many of the military development programs directly habitants or relocated displaced persons, according to responsible for the destruction of homes and lands. "modern" standards. Perhaps most importantly, how- For many Kanjobales, Florida has become a new ever, the physical restructuring of the villages not only home, a hope for a future for their children, and even afforded a paranoid army tighter control against guer- a basis for a new community (Brent Ashabranner, rilla activity, but penetrated the closed community, Children of the Maya: A Guatemalan Indian Odyssey, disrupting local patterns of authority, decision-mak- 1986). Repatriation to a place that hold memories of ing, bonds of trust, kinship ties, and patron-client and untold violence and extreme inequalities is akin to a compadrazco relationships. fate worse than death, and perhaps is just that.
Two chapters are devoted to the more than Refugees of a Hidden War is a valuable and timely
200,000 officially recognized refugees in Mexico, the scholarly contribution to a concern that has traditionmajority of which arrived after 1982. Thousands more ally eluded social and cultural analysis. Manz sucare estimated to have by-passed the camps, finding cinctly outlines the previous Guatemalan governsupport or employment elsewhere in Mexico or the ment's rationale to maintain a status quo in the civilUnited States. At least two thousand Kanjobal ian sector by sinking institutional roots in rural comrefugees from Huehuetenango currently live in munities where there was a perceived threat to the
Florida. The economic and political constraints for extent where military and paramilitary organizations providing adequate and safe refuge for these people have now become a dominant force in daily life. The for an indefinite period are great. Manz outlines the presence of this force is unlikely to go unnoticed in roles of Mexico's assistance program (Comision Mexi- future ethnographies. However, the greater value of cana de Ayuda a Refugiados), the United Nations the thorough and precise documentation of abanHigh Commission on Refugees, religious groups, and doned villages, conditions in the model villages, and indigenous community leaders in maintaining some refugee camps provided by Manz and her team of resense of cohesiveness and solidarity as groups of searchers cannot be underestimated. The fate of the people are forced to move from the more familiar refugees in Mexico and the United States rests with an surroundings in Chiapas to new and different envi- awareness of the situation and the recognition of ronments with extremely limited resources in refugee status. Despite proclamations guaranteeing
Campeche and Quintana Roo. The implications of the the welcome of expatriots on the part of government physical and emotional impact of yet another officials, the present prospects for a safe return seem
involuntary move on these individuals, and the im- very slim. The issues before us must be considered in pact of a new climate, limited resources, and social, terms of the individual, and the community as well as economic, and cultural isolation on the refugee cultural survival.
"community" are not yet clear.
Manz concludes that the central issues for repatria- Prpcie nGl os rbsoy AED
tion involve a series of conditions: human rights, mili- PerSetieson Guplfy Coas Prlehisoogaph DAV D.tary power in the civilian sphere, various economic DAIeio.RpyP.BlnMngrhsnAconditions, land issues, the 1985 elections, attitudes thropology and History, No. 5. Gainesville: University toward refugees by those who remained, dissent, and Presses of Florida, 1984. xi + 379 pp. $24.50 (cloth). resistance. What is clear is that the full extent of the Reviewed by Jeffrey M. Mitchem, Florida State Museum disruption of so many otherwise "invisible" factors has

This book contains eleven essays dealing with ar- Neuman's article consists of a brief descriptive chaeological research along coastal portions of the summary of archaeological research along the Gulf of Mexico. Originally, the papers were presented Louisiana coast since 1970, with a heavy emphasis on at a conference on Gulf coast archaeology held at subsistence, burial and osteological studies. Avery Island, Louisiana in 1981. A discussion of Fort Walton culture with some
As is true of most such collections of papers, the coverage of surrounding cultures is presented by quality of contributions varies, and for some areas, Brose. He describes environmental characteristics of coverage is lacking, or only one researcher's opinion the northwest Florida Gulf coast, followed by a curis presented as accepted fact. However, as stated in sory overview of the Weeden Island culture. Fort the preface, the intent of the conference and the re- Walton ceramics and their relations to the earlier sulting book was not to provide "a comprehensive Weeden Island ceramics are then discussed, emphatreatment of Gulf coast prehistory but rather a sample sizing similarities and evidence of continuity. Brose of the substantive research and theoretical approaches then provides a condensed discussion of recently in current Gulf coast archaeology" (p. x). defined phases of Fort Walton culture, ending with a
Gagliano presents a geoarchaeological approach to too-short section on how climate affected variations in studying prehistory along the coast from Florida to Fort Walton culture. Texas. He provides a geological perspective of the Knight summarizes Pensacola complex occupation
formation of the many varied environmental zones in in the Mobile-Tensaw delta area at the time of initial the area, then integrates the geological aspects and European contact. He focuses on questions of presecological information to examine the formation and ence or absence of horticulture and permanent vi distribution of archaeological sites. lages among coastal Mississippian period groups. EthIn an overview of the Tchefuncte culture (Early nohistoric information is summarized, indicating that Woodland) in coastal Louisiana, Shenkel relies heavily delta horticulture was practiced, in conjunction with a on data from excavations at Big and Little Oak Islands seasonally determined pattern of other subsistence (near Lake Pontchartrain) to consider the origins and activities. Present archaeological knowledge of the external connections of the culture. He concludes that area is insufficient to adequately test his hypothesis, the Tchefuncte culture was adapted to a subsistence however. base heavily reliant on Rangia cuneata. Davis discusses the evidence of interaction and
Relying on a large and diverse body of contact among aboriginal groups along the Gulfcoast
archaeological and ethnohistoric data, Aten proposes during the prehistoric period. He offers little in the a number of interesting hypotheses about cultural de- way of convincing explanations for the processes of velopment and settlement patterns for cultures along interaction. the east Texas Gulf coast. He then discusses a model Giardino's contribution attempts to identify specific concentrating on the Akokisa, a group that inhabited village sites mentioned in early European accounts of areas around Galveston Bay. The model of devel- the Mississippi Delta region. The paper is primarily a
opment and eventual collapse (primarily as a result of discussion of the ethnohistoric evidence for the locaEuropean contact) is interesting, but the paper con- tions of specific settlements and homelands of the tains few primary data, preventing the reader from ar- various aboriginal groups in the area. riving at independent conclusions, though Aten cites In a lengthy chapter, Milanich, Chapman, Cordell, sources for these data elsewhere. Hale, and Marrinan report the results of limited excaBrown's paper summarizes the Late Woodland nations of shell middens on Useppa Island in southColes Creek period in coastal Lousisiana. His review west Florida. The primary value lies in the large of recent research indicates connections and similari- amount of zooarchaeological and ceramic technologities with Weeden Island-related cultures to the east cal data presented by the authors. during this time period. Unfortunately he offers few A transcription of a roundtable discussion held at hypotheses to explain these similarities of the nature the meeting pulls together some of the interesting of cultural connections. points made by the conference participants.
Greenwell provides a summary of the archaeology Overall, this is a very useful book. It summarizes
of coastal Mississippi, where little has been published, some of the recent work along the Gulf coast, and inHe does an admirable job of synthesizing excavation dicates a number of research questions that need to data and relating cultural developments in the region be addressed. Unfortunately, some of the sections are to other parts of the Southeast. already a bit out of date, due to more recent research.

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 61
This is particularly true of the chapters dealing with Production of the Kings Bay reports have run a bit Florida. The book should be read by anyone over deadline, but the result was certainly worth the
conducting archaeological research along the U.S. wait. The five volumes (each of which deserves its coast of the Gulf of Mexico. own review) go far beyond the usual requirements
for contract reports and make substantial contributions to archaeology, especially in the areas of zooarAboriginal Subsistence and Settlement Archaeology of caolo ancltura esoc e aa Each
the Kings Bay Locality: The Kings Bay and Devils chaeology and cultural resource management. Walkingstick Sites. WILLIAM H. ADAMS, editor. Re- volume was meant to stand on its own (with th ports of Investigations No. 1. Department of Anthro- ception of the first two which are sold as a set), hence + 34 p. the repetition of sections on background history, field
pology, University of Florida, 1985. xiv +methods, and analysis techniques. Although sevea $14.50 (includes Reports of Investigations No. 2) different people contributed many of the chapters of (paper). the volumes, William H. Adams provided some contiAboriginal Subsistence and Settlement Archaeology of nuity by serving as the series editor. the Kings Bay Locality: Zooarchaeology. WILLIAM H. The first volume reports on the archaeological
ADAMS, editor. Reports of Investigations No. 2. De- work done at the Kings Bay and Devils alkingstick partment of Anthropology, University of Florida, 1985. sites. The mention of aboriginal subsistence in the tiiv + 112 pp. See above for price. tle is somewhat misleading since this is covered in the
second volume. A good summary and review of the
Archaeological Resources Management Plan for the prehistoric knowledge of the southeast Georgia coast Kings Bay Archaeological Multiple Resource Area. is presented and research questions are oriented toTHOMAS EUBANKS and WILLIAM H. ADAMS. Reports wards updating and expanding this knowledge.
of Investigations No. 3. Department of Anthropology, Aboriginal subsistence at Kings Bay is rigorously University of Florida, 1986. viii + 62 pp. $4.80 (paper). explored in the second volume. Although questions pertaining to seasonality and diversity and equitability
Archaeological Testing of Aboriginal and Historical are left somewhat ambiguously answered, there are Sites, Kings Bay, Georgia: The 1982-1983 field Sea- some excellent ancillary studies included in this volsons. WILLIAM H. ADAMS, editor. Reports of Investi- ume. The chapters on screen size and recovery bias gations No. 4. Department of Anthropology, Univer- and seasonality based on clam rings are two sity of Florida, 1986. viii + 154 pp. $7.80 (paper) outstanding stand-alone works. Possibly the most en(currently out of print). during contribution will be the development of allometric formulae for determination of meat weight
Historical Archaeology of Plantations at Kings Bay, from skeletal mass which are included on microfiche. Camden County, Georgia. WILLIAM H. ADAMS, ediFrom a strictly managerial viewpoint, the third voltor. Reports oflnvestigation No. 5. Department of .An- ume in the series is a classic. The archaeological work thropology, University of Florida, 1987. xii + 465 pp. done at Kings Bay is summarized concisely. Policies $20.00 (p ap er). 1, %F t -A
$20.0 (paer).are outlined clearly (a flowchart of the compliance
Reviewed by Charles R. Ewen, Division of Historical process is included) for activities that may adversely Resources, Florida Department of State, Tallahassee affect the identified cultural resources. Curiously the criteria for the assessment of significance, a pivotal isIn a recent address during the plenary session of sue in CRM work, is only referenced. This requires the Society for Historical Archaeology meetings in the reader to look to another document for this inReno, Nevada, Roberta Greenwood attempted to formation. Despite this criticism, this volume stands as
mitigate the bad press that cultural resource manage- a model for other management documents. ment (CRM) studies have received from academia. The fourth report is more what one expects from a
She acknowledged that the final reports for contract CRM document, that is, a straight-forward account of work were not always beyond reproach, but at least each site tested and recommendations for their manthey were being produced, and usually on time. Cer- agement. The individual site reports are preceded by tainly archaeologists involved in purely academic well-researched archaeological and historical backpursuits could benefit from having deadlines imposed ground data and are followed by an excellent sumon their work. mary. The use of digitized, computer generated, artifact figures is eye-catching and innovative.

Volume 5 represents the last, but certainly not least I was impressed by the initiative taken by thdpr (in terms of size-some 465 pages) of the Kings Bay ticipants of the Kings Bay project to go beyonth series. The print is extremely small and literally scope of work required by the contracting agny packed into each page making reading this volume The editing was, at times, heavy-handed (Aas particularly fatiguing. The contents, which include himself, admits to this in the preface to volume) four site reports and chapters covering various aspects and the assessment of previous work at KingsBa of plantation life, should be reviewed separately by tended to be overly critical. Even so, this is an ipr someone actively engaged in plantation period re- tant contribution and will stand as a model ofwa search. However, there are a wealth of artifact CRM reports can and ought to be. illustrations, tables, figures, and raw historical data
that make this volume an important reference.

Edited by James Cusick
Africa southern Africa. These are: Rural Black, Urban Black,
Rural White, Urban White, and Urban Indian. Within
Dr. ART HANSEN continues with research and each ethnic category Dr. du Toit and his colleagues
development interests focused on Sub-Saharan Africa. selected a sample of women as key informants repreThese include: (1) food in Africa, (2) farming systems senting two relative age categories: (1) preresearch, (3) involuntary migration and resettlement, menopausal and (2) post-menopausal. The latter were especially of refugees, and (4) socioeconomic re- women who had reached that stage by natural aging sponses to disasters. Currently he is concentrating on and not by surgery, i.e., gradual ovarian failure and the latter two areas and examining similarities and slow down in the production of hormones. variation in human responses to famine, drought, and While in South Africa, Dr. du Toit also did a survey war. Since the overwhelming majority of affected of sexuality in a Black school among menarcheal
Africans are rural primary producers, there is an over- girls. The findings, with cultural background data, lap between this study of African responses to these have been published this year in a paper in Social stresses and an expanded and dynamic study of Science and Medicine.
farming systems in adaptation. During fall 1988 Dr. In addition, while in the field, Dr. du Toit conHansen will be visiting Oxford and working with the ducted a survey of drug use among the four major Refugee Studies Programme, while in spring 1989, he ethnic (racial) groups recognized by the South African will be in northwestern Zambia updating his study of legal system. This duplicates research done in 1974. alternative settlement strategies for African refugees. With doctoral student Lois Randolph, this material is There are two basic strategies: (1) self-settlement in being reworked and integrated with the earlier finds. villages, sometimes with government assistance, and They hope to present a monograph on student drug
(2) living in government-administered agricultural use next year. This will integrate data on student schemes. There is a significant debate about the costs drug use in Alachua County, Florida. Du Toit will and benefits of these strategies for the refugees, their present a paper at the annual meetings of the Society local hosts (both richer and poorer), and the host re- for Applied Anthropology based on the student drug gion. survey in Alachua County, and a paper at the ICABS
On sabbatical two years ago in southern Africa, Dr. in Zagreb on the climacteric research.
BRIAN DU TOIT directed a cross-cultural research Much of the drug study research at this stage is
project dealing with the climacteric (aging). A number follow-up work allowing for time depth and change of conference papers have been presented and the over time. The major drug study work was done in
project generated one Ph.D. (David N. Suggs, Univer- 1974 and out of the student survey came a monosity of Florida, 1987) and another (Thea de Wet) who graph Drug Use and South African Students (African is approaching the dissertation stage. Dr. du Toit is Series No. 35, Ohio University, 1978). The same writing up part of the research, dealing with aging questionnaire was used in 1984 to present a ten-year among Indian women and black women. after picture of attitudes and patterns of drug use
The Climacteric project employed the same re- among Black, Coloured, Indian, and White high
search methodology and interview schedules, aimed school seniors. Using essentially the same survey inat maximum comparability of the five groups in strument, Dr. du Toit conducted a survey of all the

high schools in Alachua County, once again with the the nutritional status and growth patterns of the emphasis on seniors. This data was compared with members of the households using anthropometry; (4) figures for the U.S. as a whole. The monograph being to register pathologies that can be related with garprepared will present information from a number of ment production. other countries, look at trends, and address change SUSAN DEFRANCE is currently completing a reover ten years in South Africa. search report on subsistence adaptations of the
inhabitants of an early ceramic site on Puerto Rico.
Middle East The site is located on the north coast approximately
forty miles west of San Juan and dates to the Saladoid
Two of Dr. PAUL J. MAGNARELLA's recent re- and Ostionoid time periods (AD 1-AD 900). The
search projects resulted in publications. The first, a zooarchaeological research is part of an interdiscistudy of the culturally diverse peoples along Turkey's plinary project being sponsored by the Centro de InBlack Sea coast, appeared in The World and 1(1987), vestigaciones Indigenas de Puerto Rico, a recently and the second, an analysis of the early twentieth founded institute with a primary interest in Caribbean century Islamic Ikhwan movement in Arabia, ap- prehistory. The faunal data will be used to reconstruct
peared in Islamic and Middle Eastern Societies (R. O1- the subsistence economy of the site's occupants and son, ed., 1987). Magnarella continues the formal study address questions concerning a dietary shift from use of law at the University of Florida Law College, and is of terrestrial resource to a maritime based economy. currently researching Turkey's reception of the Swiss The report, which will be completed this spring, will Civil Code. serve as a non-thesis Masters of Arts project.
DeFrance will also soon be employed on a partLatin America time basis in the analysis of historic faunal remains
from Old San Juan, Puerto Rico. The excavations were
KATHLEEN GLADDEN presented a paper at the sponsored by the municipal government in conjuncAssociation for Women in Development Conference, tion with Quincentenial Plaza Restorations being con(April 1987, Washington, D.C.) titled "Women in ducted in the city. The early 19th century trash deIndustrial Development: The Macro-economic and posits will be important mainly in reconstructing hisPolicy Context of Medellin". She also published two toric patterns of domestic animal use and processing papers, the first, "A Stitch in Time: Women's Incorpo- techniques. ration into the Garment Industry of Medellin, Colom- DeFrance plans to continue in the Ph.D. program bia", in Latin Americanist Vol. 23, and a second, at the University of Florida. This summer, as part of a "Women and Industrial Development: The Case of pilot dissertation project, she will accompany Dr.
Medellin, Colombia" in Journal of Popular Cultures PRUDENCE RICE to the Moquegua Valley in Southern Vol. 21, No. 4, pp. 59-72. Peru to obtain data on early Spanish colonial and InFLORENCIA PENA continues with on-going re- can or pre-Incan subsistence practices and Europeansearch in the project "Households and Health in Fe- induced subsistence changes. male Garment Workers in Merida, Yucatan, Mexico",
carried out by the Physical Anthropology Section of North America
the Centro Regional de Yucatan, Instituto Nacional de
Antropologia e Historia. LOIS RANDOLPH published an article in the
The main purposes of the project are: (1) to de- Spring 1988 Florida Scientist entitled "An Ethnography termine the composition of the households, based on of a Treatment Residence for Homeless Men Who are the age, sex, principal activities, relations with the Chronic Inebriates". The data were collected during garment worker, and participation in domestic activi- Randolph's seven month internship at a domiciliary ties of the people that share residence with her; (2) to for homeless men in Tampa, Florida. Randolph was account for the characteristics of the process of labor also assistant editor of a book entitled Ethical Considof the garment workers, that is, if they are paid by erations of Reproduction edited by Linda Whiteford piece or have a salary, if they have legal jobs, time and Marilyn Poland. It will be published this summer. per day spent at work in the factories, or for domicil- Currently she is working with Dr. Brian du Toit on a iary workers, time per day spent working at home, cross-cultural study of drug use among adolescents. extent of social security services, the particular sewing A multidisciplinary team under the direction of Dr. activities that the workers develop, etc.; (3) to look at WILLIAM H. MARQuARDT has completed the first

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 65
phase of the Southwest Florida Project. With the help Borremans is also working with staff members of of volunteers from Gainesville, Sanibel, Captiva, Boca the Florida State Museum to coordinate a number of Grande, Useppa Island, Bokeelia, Pine Island Center, projects in the study area which complement the arPineland, St. James City, Sarasota, Fort Myers, Bonita chaeology by providing comparative modern enviSprings, and Naples, preliminary tests have been un- ronmental data sets. These include: (1) a seasonality dertaken at Cash Mound (8CH38), Useppa Island and growth study of a modern quahog clam
(8LL51), Buck Key (8LL55), Josslyn Island (8LL32), (Mercenaria) population (Douglas Jones, Irvy Quitand Galt Island (8LL27). Zooarchaeological and ar- myer, and Borremans); (2) an experiment to monitor chaeobotanical analyses have been completed, as the effect of scavengers (excluding dogs and cats) on
have clam seasonality studies, human osteology, the loss of animal remains from a modern shell midgeoarchaeology, ceramic technological analysis, and den (Elizabeth Wing and Borremans); (3) a near-shore photogrammetric mapping. Ethnohistoric documents marine habitat study focusing on oyster bar, mud flat,
describing a late seventeenth century missionizing ef- ans seagrass meadow species composition fort among the Calusa of southwest Florida have been (Borremans); (4) a study of correlations between the translated into English for the first time. seasonal features observed in quahog shells and tree
These studies, along with site descriptions and rings to monitor environmental fluctuations in the artifact analyses, will be published by the University Cedar Key area (Jones, Lee Newsom, Quitmyer, and of Florida Institute of Archaeology and Paleoenviron- Borremans), and (5) the compilation of a list of plants mental Studies. Already in print are four papers and in the study area (Newsom). two public-oriented newsmagazines (Calusa News No. WILLIAM GRAY JOHNSON completed analysis of
1 and No. 2). Sixteen papers on the project have soil samples from the Fort Center archaeological site.
been presented at scholarly meetings and twenty- These were taken from one of the early circular ditch
seven public presentations have been given. The pro- formations at the site in order to examine the potenject, undertaken under the auspices of the University tial for the soil to support maize agriculture. Laboraof Florida Institute of Archaeology and Paleoenviron- tory analyses focused on describing morphological mental Studies, has been supported by the National characteristics and on determining particle size, orScience Foundation, the Ruth and Vernon Taylor ganic carbon, and pH. This resulted in the following
Foundation, the Wentworth Foundation, the Gannett conclusions. First, the pH of the soils is too acidic to
Foundation, and numerous private citizens. For fur- support corn plants. Second, the spodic horizon, ther information, call or write Dr. Marquardt at the identified by William H. Sears (Fort Center, 1982) as Florida State Museum, University of Florida, an impermeable hardpan, is still intact and therefore
Gainesville, Florida 32611; telephone (904) 392-7188. has not been dug through to facilitate drainage in the
Dr. MICHAEL E. MOSELEY and NINA T. BORRE- early circle ditch formations. Third, particle size disMANS have initiated a multidisciplinary research pro- tribution between samples suggests that there is no ject focusing on maritime adaptations in the Cedar major difference between them. Thus, it is difficult to Keys region of the north-central Florida Gulf coast. determine if the construction of the circle would have The investigations address fundamental theoretical is- prevented flooding or enhanced drainage. sues relating to prehistoric cultural evolution and Dr. BARBARA PURDY and ELISE LECOMPTE have
environmental change in coastal settings, and will edited the proceedings from the International Conferconstitute Borremans's dissertation research. This ence on Wet Site Archaeology. The forthcoming volsummer, an archaeological survey of coastal Levy ume, Wet Site Archaeology, is due out in the spring of
County is being conducted. Borremans will instruct a 1988. The volume contains papers on issues pertainfield school in maritime archaeology during the 1988 ing to archaeological sites in wetland areas, including fall semester, offered through the Department of An- survey and testing, excavation and sampling, preserthropology under the auspices of the University of vation, responsibilities, and cultural and environmenFlorida Institute of Archaeology and Paleoenviron- tal significance. Locations of the sites discussed range mental Studies. Operating from the UF Marine from French Polynesia to Chile to western Europe to
Laboratory at Seahorse Key, 3 miles offshore from the Canada to the United States. If you are interested in town of Cedar Key, field activities this fall will include ordering a copy of the volume, please write to: Dr. the continuation of the archaeological survey as well Barbara Purdy or Elise LeCompte, Department of Anas more extensive test excavations at several selected thropology, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL shell midden sites. 32611.

KEN JOHNSON is conducting research with Dr. Five seasons of research at the two Spanish misJERALD T. MILANICH, Florida State Museum, under a sion sites at 8NA41 (the Harrison Homestead Site) on series of grants from the Florida Division of Recre- Amelia Island, Florida, have been completed. The ation and Parks. The goal is to locate and identify the research is currently directed by Dr. Jerald T. Misites of Indian towns which existed at the time of ear- lanich, with field supervisions by REBECCA SAUNliest European intrusion into the New World. DERS. Work is supported by private donations, the
Specifically, the research is attempting to find the sites Florida Division of Historical Resources, and the of Indian villages contacted by Hernando de Soto's Florida State Museum. army in AD 1539, and the locations of 17th century Over the past three years, much has been accomSpanish missions and associated Indian villages. The plished. Two cemeteries have been excavated and work has concentrated on a five-county area of north- the architecture of the church of Santa Maria (1675central Florida, specifically Alachua, Bradford, 1683) has been described. The mission compound of Columbia, Suwannee and Union Counties. Additional Santa Catalina (1686-1702) has been explored and the sites have also been recorded in each of the ten sur- location of the mission church and several other rounding counties. structures is known. The Santa Maria church was deUsing ethnohistoric and archaeological data, fined on the north, east, and south sides by a series of
CLAUDINE PAYNE recently completed a study of the massive shell-filled postholes joined by an oyster shell social and political organization of aboriginal Central surface sleeper. Sleeper construction has not been Florida at the time of European contact. She pre- reported from mission sites elsewhere in the Southsented the results of this research at the Southeastern east, but, on the basis of limited excavations on the Archaeological Conference and the Florida Academy Santa Catalina church, this architectural innovation is of Sciences and is now preparing a manuscript for expected to be duplicated there. A plan of the mispublication. Payne has expanded her project to in- sion of Santa Catalina, drawn in 1691, also depicts a clude similar ethnohistoric and archaeological studies kitchen, friary, and garrison house within a moat and of the region between the Aucilla and Suwannee palisade. The architecture of these structures is, at
Rivers and of north-central Florida (in collaboration present, unknown. with Ken Johnson). These researches are part of on- A final field season for excavation at the mission going investigations into the impact of European con- compound of Santa Catalina, concentrating on the tact on aboriginal Floridians sponsored by the Florida excavation of these structures, is planned for late State Museum and the Department of Natural Re- 1988. Persons or organizations interested in volunsources under the direction of Dr. Jerald T. Milanich teering their time or in donating money or other supof the Florida State Museum. Next year, Payne antici- port should contact Rebecca Saunders or Jerald T. Mipates beginning a study of prehistoric political lanich, Florida State Museum, Gainesville, Florida organization in northwest Florida from AD 1200 to 32611; (904) 392-1721. 1500. The results of a preliminary analysis of fired battle
JEFFREY M. MITCHEM is presently completing and daub building materials from the Spanish mission
analysis of early sixteethnt ntury Spanish contact sites of San Luis de Talimali in Tallahassee, Santa material from the St. Marks Wildlife Refuge Cemetery Catalina de Guale on Amelia Island, Florida, and site (8WA15). This site is near the probable location Santa Catalina de Guale on St. Catherines Island, of Aute, mentioned in the narrative of the 1528 expe- Georgia was presented by DONNA L. RUHL at the dition of P~infilo de Narv~iez, and was also visited by annual Southeastern Archaeological Conference in members of the Hernando de Soto expedition in Charleston, South Carolina. This is an ongoing study
1539. incorporating ceramic technological and arIn 1987, Mitchem received a grant from the Bead chaeobotanical techniques (both microscopic and Society to conduct a study of the glass and metal macroscopic analysis) to analyze the daub. Prelimibeads from the Tatham Mound (8C1203). JON nary data indicates a possible architectural hierarchy
LEADER analyzed the metal beads, in terms of pri- exhibited not only in the design, but the materials mary constituents and manufacturing techniques, used, energy expended, and techniques employed.
Jeffrey M. Mitchem and BONNIE G. MCEWAN Intersite patterns are still too provisional to be deterconducted a study of early sixteenth century brass mined. Differences between coastal and interior sites trade bells from Florida. The results will be published suggest the possibility of aboriginal influences in the in the journal Southeastern Archaeology.

preparation, production, and construction of the mis- transect lines. During this first field season, roughly 77 sion complexes (e.g., kitchens, friary, and church). hectares were sampled with a total of 1183 shovel
Ruhl is presently working on the paleoethno- tests excavated. Of the total 1183 shovel tests, 199
botany of both Santa Catalina de Guale sites. Similar (roughly 17 percent) produced cultural materials. On sampling strategies have been designed to enhance the basis of this recovered material and the recovery
intersite and intrasite comparability of the subsistence of additional surface collected materials, 28 sites were and non-subsistence floral remains from these coastal identified along with an additional 6 isolated artifacts. sites. Three recovery techniques (dry screening, wet Among the 28 sites, 13 are prehistoric, 7 are historic, screening, and flotation) have been used during the and 8 exhibit both prehistoric and historic compo1987 and 1988 field seasons and will continue to be nents. The sites with prehistoric components have used in future excavations. These different yet com- produced diagnostic materials ranging from the late plementary samples will provide* the basis for Paleo Indian period to the Mississippian. The historic
generating data for a paleoethnobotanical analysis of sites date primarily to the 20th century. Spanish/Indian interaction, adaptation, and change at During the second field season (Spring, 1988) the
these sixteenth and seventeenth century mission oc- focus of attention will be placed on surveying porcupations. tions of the bluffs and additional shovel testing in the
GEORGE AVERY is investigating the possibility of river bottom areas.
technological differences between two types of salt A different survey method is to be employed when
pan from the Mississippian Period (AD 700-1450) the bluff-lines are examined for rockshelters and
component at the Great Salt Spring site in southern caves. Accessibility will be examined to see if it is a Illinois. Any such technological differences might re- predictor of the amount of vandalism occurring at flect changes in salt production levels during the Mis- rockshelters in the park. Accessibility will be evalusissippian Period. The work proceeds under the ated according to site proximity to roads, trails, and
direction of Dr. David Clark and Dr. Prudence Rice at waterways using the geographic information system the University of Florida. presently being developed by the Southeast ArGUY PRENTICE is presently directing a three year chaeological Center.
archaeological project at Mammoth Cave National During the third field season, sites that appear
Park under the auspices of the Southeast particularly promising in helping archaeologists interArchaeological Center. The project will conduct a se- pret site function, culture history, resource utilization, ries of surveys and excavations so that a more accu- etc. will be tested and excavated. In addition, the staff rate assessment of the archaeological resources of the will attempt to test the settlement system model by park can be developed for scientific and management surveying areas where prehistoric sites are predicted.
purposes. The National Park Service and the University of
The first field season has focused on locating sites Florida are also pursuing the possibility of running an in the upland and ravine bottom areas of the park us- accredited field school during the third field season. ing shovel tests spaced at 25 meter intervals along

Edited by Dana Austin
Dissertations overlap at 16%. The extent of change varied between
bones and between dimensions measured.
The Effect of Drying and Burning on Human Bones Very little change took place during either drying
and Teeth. KAREN RAMEY BURNS. or 500-degree burning, and statistical significance varMorphometric analyses require precise measure- led. The average shrinkage for separate measurements ments together with a thorough awareness of the lim- varied from 0% to 4%. its of those measurements. A number of reports have There was a trend toward a decreasing number of been published about changes in human calcified tis- osteons per unit area in both dried and burned sues after death. The reports have appeared to be in- (500C) tissue and a 26% increase in number of osconsistent and sometimes contradictory. For example, teons in cremated (950'C) tissue. Porosity increased drying and burning have been reported to cause gross significantly in burned bone. measurement to decrease by 1% to 25%, whereas
burning has been reported to cause microscopic From Spaniard to Creole: The Archaeology of Hispanic
measurements to increase. American Cultural Formation at Puerto Real, Haiti.
This experiment was designed to examine the ef- CHARLES ROBIN EWEN.
fects of drying and burning on human calcified tis- The adaptive measures used by some of the earlisues. Bone (fibula and mandible) and teeth (lower est European colonists are archaeologically investianterior) were removed from forty-six dissecting gated at Puerto Real, Haiti (1504-1578). Based on the room cadavers. Each sample was divided into four results of excavation at both Puerto Real and St. Auparts, a control, a subsample to be dried, a subsample gustine, florida, it is expected that the processes of to burn at 500'C, and a subsample to burn at 950'C. incorporation of New World and African cultural eleBy this method, it was possible to compare each ments into Spanish colonial culture began almost imsample with itself, thereby diminishing the error mediately and lie at the roots of contemporary Latin caused by differences in age, sex, and state of health. American culture. It is specifically hypothesized that
All samples were embedded in plastic. Radio- the Spaniards practiced conservatism in those socially graphs, microradiographs, and xerographic copies visible areas associated with male activities coupled were used to help overcome the difficulties of work- with Spanish-Indian acculturation in the less visible, ing with extremely fragile tissue, female dominated areas. Archaeologically testable imLinear measurements were taken of fibula diame- plications of this hypothesis are offered, tested, and ters, mandible height and labio-lingual width, tooth do not disconfirm this hypothesis. length and width, root length, and osteon diameters.
Osteons per area were counted, and a Merz grid was Like Beads on a String: A Culture History of the Semiused to estimate bone porosity. nole Indians in North _Peninsular Florida. BRENT
There was a major size reduction in bone and RICHARDS WEISMAN.
dentin burned at 9500C. No significant size change Tecneprr eioeIdaso lrd r
occurred in enamel. The average shrinkage for sepa- Tecneprr eioeIdaso lrd r
rate measurements varied from 12% to 21%. Ls a visible and important minority of the state's populashrikag ocurrd indenin hanin bnewit an tion. Various observers have commented that Semi69

nole culture is conservative yet flexible in nature. tion, and urbanization processes, as the principal There are anthropological and historical grounds for grounds for the workers, are reviewed. The lack of this observation; the history of the Florida Seminole is urban primacy and regional pattern of development the net cultural product of the complex patterns set in are important characteristics of Colombia. Urbanizathe late prehistoric Southeast and the historical cir- tion is understood as a global phenomenon, impactcumstances of the colonial Southeastern frontier. ing cities and rural areas, including of course, migrant
Seminole culture history can be developed through workers in Bogota. Contrary to what many say this
archaeological, ethnohistoric, and ethnographic study shows that worker-migrants follow a complex
means. Previous syntheses of Seminole culture history to settle in the city, adapting to the cities by have stressed the importance of ecological factors in reproducing the behavior patterns and networks they shaping the Seminole culture of the ethnographic brought from their homeland. Thus they transform the
present, while indigenous cultural and historical pro- city by creating their own answers to their problems. cesses have been given relatively little attention. Selected sociological characteristics describe specific
Several elements can be isolated that have features of the Bogotano workers by way of backinfluenced the development of Seminole culture. first, ground. the Seminole were heirs to a system of male prestige The "do it yourself" housing solution and the shift
reckoning and world view rooted in the warrior cults from traditional religious and political party memberof the late prehistoric Southeast. An emphasis was ship are underscored. The sociological traits are then placed on individual achievement, which in the his- correlated with the theoretical framework in the retoric period was expressed through the Seminole's spective chapters. The migration debate is analyzed
quest for enterprise with colonial traders. Second, the from the individualistic, structural and household percircumstances of the Second Seminole War (1835- spectives. La Violencia as a push factor of migration is
1842) prompted renewed emphases on clan bonding, stressed. The informal sector debate gives a frameethnic boundaries, and aspects of traditional belief work to explain the worker's strategy of holding both systems that are still present among the modern formal and informal jobs at the same time or having
Seminole. members of the household in both sectors.
Three cultural periods are proposed for Seminole The techniques used in the collection of the data
history in the study area, based on the presence of were the interview, survey, and development of cases the features described above. The Ancestral Creek to generalize and contrast the specific features of the
Pattern is defined and described as the prototype for workers with respect to the theory used. The study Seminole culture of the colonization period (171% finds that specific traits of the workers besides their 1767). The period of enterprise (1767-1821) is position in the process of production make them an
characterized by a decentralization of Seminole soci- objective group, a sector of a class. But, their cultural ety, as individuals engage in commercial opportuni- and formal-informal heterogeneity set them apart from ties presented by the British and Spanish. Finally, orthodox classifications. The new generation of during the period of revitalization (1821-1841) clan industrial workers is more secular and individualistic and ritual gain in importance in the face of American than other sectors and generations. attempts to remove the Seminole from Florida.
Seminole concepts of selfhood are held to be an Coping with Change: The Impact of the Tucumf Dam
important factor in their cultural evolution and are on an Amazoni'an Community. GAY MAURENE discussed with reference to the annual busk BIERY-HAMILTON.
ceremony. Local impacts of large-scale development projects,
like the Tucurut dam in Pard, Brazil, are poorly unTheses derstood. The costs and benefits of these projects are
differentially distributed among social groups. In the
The Formation of Industrial Workers In Bogota, case of Tucurui, the benefits from the dam flow to
Colombia. JULL&N ARTURO. social groups outside the Amazon region, mostly
The industrial workers of Bogotaf are discussed in southern Brazil, while the costs are borne by local inthe framework of the main social processes of twenti- habitants in and around the reservoir. eth century Colombia. From several approaches the However, the impact of the Tucurui Dam did not
meaning of the development of capitalism in Colom- affect everyone, locally, in the same way. I examined bia and the co-related industrial development, migra- the distribution of resources among distinct groups in

Vol. 41, No. 2, 1988 FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 71
a small riverine community and found that while The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the yatri
some individuals and families improved their eco- text in terms of linguistic methodology in order to nomic condition after the dam, most people were understand the concept of the yatiri and the yatiri
worse off. The people who managed to increase their "role." The yatiri are often, in other studies, confused resources had accumulated resources from economic with witches, magicians, sorcerers and the like. This
activities before the dam. study, based on the very words of the yatir, includes
A majority of people, however, suffered from poor the translation, interpretation, and organization of the expropriation, indemnification, and resettlement plan- yatiri text. first, the concepts used by ethnographers ning as well as from the destruction of former re- are reviewed. Second, the steps for becoming a yatIrt sources, which were integral to their traditional so- are shown. Third, the organization of the text itself is cioeconomic relations of production and exchange. studied looking for significant cultural values. Fourth,
Despite their economic strategies to maintain a living the analysis of the morphology and discourse strcand the gains these people made from political ex- ture of the text is presented. pression, the outlook for many former Amazonian Linguistic analysis distinguishes three broad catepeasants is in question due to the dam as well as the gories of Aymara healers, hierarchial but without disnew land tenure laws, and other resource-extracting tinction in status. The main instrument of the yatirts' policies being implemented. ritual performance is language. The yatirt narration illustrates the use of the ritual system for healing the
Candombld and Community: Ritual and Its Material social and communal relationship that integrates faiBenefits at Casa Branca, a Candombld Cult-House in ily, kinship, and rural-urban people. The whole text is Salvador Bahia. CHARLES FOX. not related with a conscious analytical knowledge of
Slaves transported to Brazil preserved many ele- ideology but with an acquired and coherent social ments of their African cultural practices in the New knowledge. Because of strong ethnic symbols, the World context. One area in which there are dramatic yatiris' language can move people, cure people, give examples of the "preserved" practices is that of reli- self-confidence, reinforce one's cultural background, gion. After a brief discussion of the African slave trade and make the group politically powerful. Using this to Brazil, the African derived religion of Candomble is language in written forms could lead to a constitution discussed. The relationships between an organized of power of knowledge and conscious ideology.
cult-house and the community living on its holdings Therefore the collective memory of the community is are examined. of importance not only because it provides clues to
This thesis is based on data gathered at Casa understanding culture, but because it contributes to
Branca, a cult-house in Salvador, Bahia. The cult- social interactions as well as creating new dimensions house is conceptualized as a funnel that draws in ma- for self nurturing ideology. terial resources and focuses them on members of the
community living on the terreiro's land. Access to Language Structure, Worldview and Culture Contact: land and provisioning of food are identified as two Understanding Aymara Culture and Histoy in a Bollprimary benefits provided to community residents. vian Context. JAMES TUELL MCKAY.
Other terreiro benefits are discussed. Aspects of the history of the Bolivian Aymara are
presented in the context of the clash between Aymara
The Yatiri in Aymara Communities. TOMA S and Spanish/European worldviews. M.J. Hardman's
HUANCA L. linguistic postulate is used as a framework for the
The thesis is the analysis of the yatiri and their analysis of this contact and clash of worldviews. This "role" in the Aymara communities. The basic research viewpoint, informed by an understanding of language consists of a thorough linguistic analysis. From this structure, is used in a consideration and interpretation the study moves into the semantic and cultural analy- of selected aspects of the ethnography and ethnology sis. The goal is to see how the "oral tradition," using of Aymara social organization, land tenure patterns, the appropriate linguistic methods, can reveal the val- and agricultural strategies through a contrastive ues of a culture, the methods for coping that they analysis of Aymara and IndoEuropean linguistic have developed, and the intellectual knowledge that postulates based on a language sensitive theory of they hold. observer bias. The history of the theory and method
of the study of worldview in the tradition of
anthropological linguistics exemplified by Edward

Sapir, Benjamin Lee Whorf, and Dorothy Lee is out- view-the linguistic postulate-is outlined as it aplined, and it is argued that language, particularly the plies to discourse in cultural context. systematic grammatical aspects of language, organizes This theory is used in an analysis and presentation experience for its speakers and is the foundation of (in a modified ethnopoetic format, in Aymara and in worldview. The organizing principle that links gram- English translation) of a narrative spoken by Basilia matical categories, other aspects of language, sets of Copana, a wholesaler of product. Basilia's narrative is behaviors and cultural beliefs and values is the lin- concerned with current condition in the public marguistic postulate. Consequently, language, specifically kets of La Paz (Chukiyawu), Bolivia, and various asdiscourse and other forms of speech in cultural con- pects of her Aymara view of life in the city. finally, text, is an aspect of culture that manifests worldview Basilia's narrative, as Aymara ethnography, is used in in its structure and content. Therefore, an a discussion of the validity and relevance of the Ayunderstanding of language structure is necessary to mara viewpoint and Aymara participation to those those who want to understand another's culture and who wish to understand relations between Aymara the history of contact and conflict between cultures. and European people in contemporary Bolivia. From this point of departure Mj. Hardman's theory of
the relations between language structure and world-

- k University of Florida
Institute of Archaeology and Paleoenvironmental Studies
Department of Anthropology
UF Marine Laboratory
Fall Semester 1988: August 22 to December 16
ANT 4123/5128 Laboratory Training in Archaeology (3 credits)
ANT 4124/5126 Field Sessions in Archaeology (6 credits)
ANT 4110/5115 Archaeological Theory (3 credits)
Credits: 12 semester hours total. Students are required to enroll in all three corequisite courses. ANT 4123, 4124
and 4930 are open to undergraduates. Graduate students should register for ANT 5128, 5126 and 6933.
Admission: By application and consent of the Director. Enrollment limited.
Faculty: Dr. M. E. Moseley, Director (archaeology). Guest lecturers include Drs. W. H. Marquardt (archaeology),
P. S. Essenpreis (archaeology), E. S. Wing (zooarchaeology), D. S. Jones (paleoecology), F. J. Maturo
(invertebrate zoology) and C. L. Montague (estuarine systems ecology).
Study Area: The University of Florida Marine Laboratory at Seahorse Key is located on the Gulf coast, 57 miles west of Gainesville. It is 3 miles offshore, opposite the town of Cedar Key. The Laboratory site is surrounded by the Cedar Keys National Wildlife Refuge. The location at Seahorse Key provides easy access to diverse habitats. Among these are maritime forests, mangrove borders, salt marshes, sandy beaches, intertidal
sand and mud flats, turtle grass beds and oyster bars.
The region harbors evidence of aboriginal occupations, primarily shell middens, dating back about 5,000 years. Several sites found on islands within the area have been targeted for investigation during the field school session. None have been previously excavated so students will have the unique opportunity of
getting "hands on" experience in both initiating and carrying through significant archaeological research.
Objectives: The courses are designed to give students an opportunity to examine firsthand the methodological and theorectical issues surrounding maritime adaptations. The courses will provide classroom and field instruction in methods used in archaeological and paleoecological research. Students will participate in systematic survey, mapping, test excavation and artifact analyses. Lectures will address topics in archaeology, cultural evolution and human ecology as well as cover the local prehistory, geology and
ecology of the study area. A research project is required of each student.
Format: Tuesday through Friday will be spent at the UF Marine Laboratory on Seahorse Key. Monday the class
will meet on the University of Florida campus in Gainesville at Turlington Hall or the Florida State
Faclities: While in the field, students will be housed in a 19th century lighthouse building with dormitory
accommodations for 24 persons, two kitchens and a dining-lounge. Facilities on Seahorse Key also include an onsite laboratory. Field transportation will be provided by a 33' research vessel and several
smaller outboard-powered boats for shallow water and inshore use.
Students must bring their own bedlinens, towels and pillows. Food costs and preparation will be shared
by the students and staff while on the island (estimated food cost is $280 for the semester).
Costs: Course charges are $447.48 (undergraduate) or $774.96 (graduate) for Florida residents and $1,493.28
(undergraduate) or $2274.36 (graduate) for non-Florida residents. Students requiring financial aid should
write to Student Financial Affairs Office, 101 Anderson Hall, University of Florida, Gainesville, 32611.
On-campus housing should be arranged through the Director of Housing, University of Florida, Gainesville, 32611. Inquiries about off-campus housing should be directed to the Off-Campus Housing
Office, University of Florida, Gainesville, 32611.
Information: For an application form or further information, contact Nina T. Borremans, Project Coordinator; Seahorse
Key Archaeological Field School; 1350 Turlington Hall; Department of Anthropology; University of
Florida; Gainesville, FL 32611. Telephone: (904) 392-2031.

Florida Journal of Anthropology, Special Publication No. 4
$15.00-Regular price $10.00-Special price Part of the proceeds will go to the Charles Fairbanks Scholarship Fund.
Table of Contents
Dialogue: Charles H. Fairbanks' Role in the Emergence of Southeastern Archaeology
J.T. Milanich: Field Schools, Fort Center, and the Origins of the Armadillo Roast
K. Walker: Kingsley Plantation and Subsistence Patterns of the Southeastern Coastal Slave
C. Ewen: The Ximenez-Fatio House: A View from the Backyard J.W. Clauser, Jr.: Front Yard-Back Yard, Everything in its Place
K. Lewis: Discard and Abandonment: A Study of Two Formation Processes on Historic Sites C. Mason: Archaeological Analogy and Ethnographic Example:. A Case from the Winnebago
V. Knight, Jr.: Theme and Variation in Mississippian Ritual Expression
J. Leader: Slavery in Islam
B. Purdy: Prehistoric Technologies and Problems Relating to Thermoluminescent Dating of Heated Cherts
Y. Lazarus: A Temple-Style Shelter on the Fort Walton Temple Mound
T. DesJean, I. Quitmyer, and K. Walker: A Coastal Swift Creek Community at Kings Bay, Georgia
J. Mitchem, M. Smith, A. Goodyear, and R. Allen: Early Spanish Contact on the Florida Gulf Coast: Thbe Weeki
Wachee and Ruth Smith Mounds
M. Dickinson and L. Wayne: The Seminole Dispersed Settlement Pattern
R. Marrinan: The Archaeology of the Spanish Missions of Florida: 1565-1704
Quantity desired at $10.00 per copy. If the copy is to be mailed, please add $1.00 postage and handling for the first copy and $ .50 for each additional copy.
Total enclosed. $
Please make your check or money order payable to Florida Anthropology Student Association (FASA) and mail to: FASA, do Department of Anthropology, 1350 Turlington Hall, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611.

What do the Smithsonian Institution, the Museum Unquestionably, a major attraction to prospective
of the American Indian, Museum of Mankind, over FAS members is its quarterly journal, The Florida An155 American universities, colleges and public li- thropologist, which is entering its fortieth year of pubbraries, and more than 475 individuals and families in lication. While the majority of its articles have dealt the United States, Canada, England, Puerto Rico, the with anthropological and archaeological topics in West Indies, Barbados, and elsewhere have in com- Florida and adjacent geographic areas of the Southmon? They are all members of the Florida Anthropo- eastern United States and Circum-Caribbean region, its logical Society! scope is broader than that. A brief review of the
The Florida Anthropological Society was founded nearly 600 articles listed in the 1948-84 index pubin 1947 by a small group who saw a need for an or- lished in FA 37(3):124-150, or the over 100 articles ganization dedicated to the advancement of listed in the FA 37-40 Content Index from 1984 to
anthropological and archaeological matters in Florida present published in FA 40(4), will provide an underand nearby areas. By the end of August, 1947, the standing of the wide range of topics published in The Society's first Newsletter was published, and by May, Florida Anthropologist. In addition, the Society also 1948, when the first issue of The Florida Anthropolo- periodically publishes a Newsletter. Society members gist (Volume 1, Numbers 1-2) was published, the So- receive all publications published during each year of ciety had grown to over 70 members, representing membership. Donations, grants and back issues sales
every major section of the state. It has since grown to are used to raise funds for our Monograph Account to ten times that size, with individual and family mem- fund publication of enlarged special issues of our bears and institutional subscribers in nearly every state, journal, which is funded primarily through memberas well as in Canada, England, Australia, Puerto Rico, ship dues and institutional subscriptions. and elsewhere. Its distribution is actually worldwide But there is more to the Florida Anthropological Sowhen one takes into account its exchange through the ciety than Its journal... University of Florida, Gift and Exchange Library. The Society has local chapters scattered throughMembership in the Society, which includes subscrip- out the state. These chapters work at the local level tion to its journal, The Florida Anthropologist, is from and in concert with state organizations to preserve the January through December of each year. fragile remnants of Florida's past. Some of the many
From its beginning, the Society's membership has accomplishments of the individual chapters include been made up of professional anthropologists, avoca- alerting authorities to the vandalism or potential detional archaeologists, and concerned citizens inter- struction of archaeological or historic sites, preparing ested in learning about and helping to preserve exhibits, establishing a museum, working with local
Florida's prehistoric and historic heritage. Indeed, the organizations to educate the public, working on the only real qualification for membership in the Society historic preservation aspects of local government is an avowed interest in these matters. You do not comprehensive plans, helping to excavate endanhave to be a resident of Florida, or even the United gered archaeological sites, recording hundreds of arStates, to join the Florida Anthropological Society and chaeological sites in the Florida Master Site File, and, subscribe to its journal, of course, sharing the results of their work through
the publication of articles in The Florida Anthropolo76

gist, chapter newsletters, and newspapers, as well as Florida Anthropologist, then please reprint (oras through various public presentations. them to reprint) this notice and our membership
Each spring the Society holds its annual meeting to plication form in that newsletter or journal. (Likewie hear formal presentations on scholarly and general if you publish this notice for your readers, we wl topics of interest to its members, hold workshops, ex- publish your similar notice to our readers.) change ideas, and to invest newly elected officers in We look forward to your joining our Societyan their posts. In addition to elected positions, the ap- receiving The Florida Anthropologist, as wella pointed positions of Membership Secretary and Editor participating in other aspects of our Society, foryer are filled by the newly elected Board of Directors. All to come. Your comments are always welcome. officers in the Society serve without compensation, as do appointed positions. Such volunteer service helps Type of Membership
to minimize the Society's administrative costs, and El NEW Li RENEWING
permits it to devote most of its membership fees to E- REGULAR ($12*)
publishing and distributing its journal. However, with F- FAMILY ($18*)
increasing postal and other costs we need to increase 0 INSTITUTIONAL ($15*)
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of each issue, if we are to retain our current low fee M PATRON ($100)
schedule. Li LIFE ($200)
If you like what you have read in this and other
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earn back issues acquisition credits, or consider giving SAhCUTY______ I____gift subscription to our Society (and earn back is- FAS Chapter affiliation____________sues acquisition credits for each such gift subscrip- If gift membership, name of donor_______tion). If you know anyone in the Acquisition Department of your local community or school library, then If new member, indicate how you learned aboutou encourage them to subscribe so that students and the Society

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