Citation
The Florida anthropologist

Material Information

Title:
The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Creator:
Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Place of Publication:
Gainesville
Publisher:
Florida Anthropological Society.
Publication Date:
Frequency:
Quarterly[<Mar. 1975- >]
Two no. a year[ FORMER 1948-]
quarterly
regular
Language:
English
Edition:
v.68 no.3-4, September-December, 2015
Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 24 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Genre:
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )

Notes

Summary:
Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Florida Anthropologist Society, Inc. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
01569447 ( OCLC )
56028409 ( LCCN )
0015-3893 ( ISSN )

Full Text
The Florida Anthrop ologist
Published by the Florida Anthropological Society
Volume 68 Number 3-4 September-December 2015




The Florida Anthropologist is published by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc., P.O. Box 12563, Pensacola, FL 32591 Subscription is by membership in the Society. Membership is NOT restricted to residents of the State of Florida nor to the United States of America. Membership may be initiated at any time during the year, and covers the ensuing twelve month period. Dues shall be payable on the anniversary of the initial dues payment. Members shall receive copies of all publications distributed by the Society during the 12 months of their membership year. Annual dues are as follows: student $15, individual $30, family $35, institutional $30, sustaining $100 or more, patron $1000 or more, and benefactor $2500. Foreign subscriptions are an additional $25 U.S. to cover added postage and handling costs for individual, family, or institutional membership categories. Copies of the journal will only be sent to members with current paid dues. Please contact the Editors for information on recent back issues.
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Co-Editors: Jeffrey P. Du Vernay, 4202 East Fowler Ave., NES 107, University of South Florida, Tampa, FL 33620 (editors. fl.anthropologist@gmail.com. Julie Rogers Saccente, 1251 Lakeview Rd., Clearwater, FL 33756 (editors.fl.anthropologist@ gmail.com)
Book Review Editor: Rebecca O'Sullivan, 4202 East Fowler Ave., NEC 116, Tampa FL 33620 (rosulliv@usf.edu) Editorial Assistant: George M. Luer, 3222 Old Oak Dr., Sarasota, FL 34239-5019 (geoluer@gmail.com) Printer: Durra-Print, 717 South Woodward Ave., Tallahassee, FL 32304 Bulk Mail: Modern Mailers, Inc., 877 West Orange Ave., Tallahassee, FL 32310
Editorial Review Board
Albert C. Goodyear, Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208 (goodyear@sc.edu)
Jeffrey M. Mitchem, Arkansas Archeological Survey, P.O. Box 241, Parkin, AR 72373 (jeffmitchem@juno.com) Nancy Marie White, Department of Anthropology, University of South Florida, Tampa, FL 33620-8100 (nmw@usf.edu)
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NOTE: In addition to the above Editorial Review Board members, the review comments of others knowledgeable in a manuscript's subject matter are solicited as part of our peer review process.

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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
Volume 68 Number 3-4 September-December 2015

'JcE 194,

TABLE OF CONTENTS

FROM THE EDITORS
ARTICLES
A TABBED CIRCLE ARTIFACT FROM THE FLORIDA PANHANDLE GEORGE M. LUER, TODD LUMLEY, AND APRIL LUMLEY
POTANO IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES: NEW EXCAVATIONS AT THE RICHARDSONIUF VILLAGE SITE, 8AL100 WILLETA. BOYER, III
WAS ST. JOHNS POTI'ERY MADE WITH SWAMP MUCK AS TEMPER? AN EXPERIMENTAL ASSESSMENT CHARLY LOLLIS, NEILL J. WALLIS, AND ANN S. CORDELL
2015 FIELD SCHOOL SUMMARIES
ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Published by the
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.
ISSN 0015-3893







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An Endowment to Support production of The Florida Anthropologist,
the scholarly journal published quarterly by the
Florida Anthropological Society since 1947
Donations are being accepted from individuals, corporations, and foundations.
Inquiries and gifts can be direct to:
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Contributions are tax-deductible as provided by section 170 of the code.







FROM THE EDITORS

Greetings FAS members and welcome to the SeptemberDecember 2015 double issue of The Florida Anthropologist. This issue features three articles and multiple summaries of some of the archaeological field schools that took place in Florida this year.
The first article of the issue is co-authored by George Luer, Todd Lumley, and April Lumley and reports on a tabbed circle artifact made of shell that was found on surface by two of the article's authors (Lumley and Lumley) at the Porter's Bar shell midden site (8FR1) in coastal Franklin County. The article is a continuation of the reporting and analysis by Luer in previous issues of The Florida Anthropologist of similar tabbed circle artifacts recovered from other Florida sites. The piece detailed here is the twenty-fifth specimen of its kind to be reported and represents the first recovered from beyond peninsular Florida, making its geographic context unique and the find all the more intriguing. In the article, Luer and co-authors present a description of the artifact and place it within the tabbed circle artifact typology previously created by Luer. This description is preceded by an overview of the Porter Bar site including a summary of its investigations and site visits. The authors suggest that the tabbed circle artifact likely functioned as a shell pendant (based on its size), and probably is associated with the site's Middle Woodland period component.
The second article of the issue is by Willet Boyer, III. With this paper, Boyer presents a summary of his 2012-2013 archaeological investigations at the protohistoric and Spanish mission period Richardson/UF Village site (8ALIOO) located in southern Alachua County. Using the data derived from his investigations and relevant historical and geographic evidence, Boyer argues that 8AL100 is the location of the town of Potano described in the written accounts from the Hernando de Soto entrada but also the site of the 1608 San Buenaventura de Potano mission.
The third article featured in this issue is co-authored by Charly Lollis, Neill J. Wallis, and Ann S. Cordell, and reports the results of a laboratory experiment designed to address questions about the tempering of St. Johns ceramics. With this experiment, the authors consider two viewpoints regarding the presence of sponge spicules in the paste of this ceramic series (i.e., spicules added as a tempering agent during manufacturing vs. spicules occurring naturally in the clays utilized). Clay samples with characteristics similar to clays used to manufacture St. Johns pottery and muck/peat samples replete with sponge spicules were collected from multiple sites and subsequently processed, kiln fired, and then compared to the characteristics of St. Johns ceramics. The authors conclude

that shallow, freshwater muck is the probable tempering agent in the St. Johns ceramic series and source of sponge spicules but also the "chalky" feel for which the pottery is known.
Finally, the issue closes with summaries of archaeological field schools that were completed in Florida during 2015. This year our call for field school summary submissions netted a total of six but with many of them detailing more than one archaeological field school project. The submissions include three from the University of West Florida showcasing multiple field school research projects completed at sites located in Santa Rosa, Escambia and Leon Counties, and summaries from the University of North Florida highlighting two field schools held at sites in Duvall County. Additionally, submissions were received for field schools completed this year through the Florida Museum of Natural History and an inaugural field school organized through the Gulf Coast State College. We extend thanks to the field school summary authors for taking the time to share their exciting archaeological field research with the FAS readership.
We hope that you enjoy this issue.
Jeffrey P. Du Vernay
Julie Rogers Saccente

VOL. 68(3-4) Tiu~ FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER 2015

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A TABBED CIRCLE ARTIFACT FROM THE FLORIDA PANHANDLE
GEORGE M. LUER, TODD LUMLEY,2 AND APRIL LUMLEY I The Archaeology Foundation, Inc., 3222 Old Oak Drive, Sarasota, FL 34239 E-mail: geoluer@gmail.corn
2E-mail: toddlumley2012@gmail.corn

We report an intriguing tabbed circle artifact (TCA) from the Florida panhandle. Its small size supports its use as a pendant. Skillfully carved from a piece of shell that was ground smooth, it has a beautiful, circular portion and an unusual, double-noded tab (Figure 1).
We add this artifact to a running catalog of American Indian gorgets and pendants that display the tabbed circle form (see Luer 2013, 2014). This is the twenty-fifth specimen to be numbered and analyzed, and thus we refer to it as TCA#25. It is the first to be reported from northwest Florida. Other known examples are from the Florida peninsula.
Provenience
TCA#25 came from the Porter's Bar shell midden (8FRI) located approximately 10 km (6 mi) east of the mouth of the Apalachicola River (Figure 2). The midden borders St. George Sound. It is named after nearby Porter's Bar, a natural, submerged oyster reef extending southward in the Sound.
April Lumley found TCA#25 in July 2010 as she and her husband, Todd, walked the site's shoreline. Recent high tides had eroded the shore, cutting into its edge and washing away the upper soil. This erosion exposed the soil's underlying black hardpan along some stretches of the beach.
TCA#25 came from close to U.S. Highway 98, which parallels the Sound. Figure 3 shows where it was found. It and other artifacts from this area are discussed below.
Porter's Bar Site
The Porter's Bar site consisted of a shell midden and two sand burial mounds, the Porter's Bar and Green Point mounds. In the Florida Master Site File, the Porter's Bar shell midden and the Porter's Bar Mound are recorded as 8FR1, and the Green Point Mound is recorded as 8FR1 1. The shell midden extended along St. George Sound and an undetermined distance inland on the east side of Porter's Bar Creek (see Figure 3).
In summarizing sites in the Apalachicola Valley region, archaeologist Nancy White, of the University of South Florida (USF), described the Porter's Bar midden as consisting of oyster shell and spanning the Late Archaic, Early and Middle Woodland, and Fort Walton periods (White 2014:Table 1). The site's two burial mounds date to the Middle Woodland period, when the Porter's Bar site was a village and ceremonial site. The mounds and their contents were analyzed with respect to other Middle Woodland mounds of the Apalachicola Valley

region by USF graduate student Anya Frashuer (2006). Today, the site is in a residential area, and its upland supports pines, saw palmetto, oaks, southern magnolia, yaupon holly, and prickly pear cactus.
First Investigations
In the early 1900s, the Porter's Bar site became known for its burial mounds after antiquarian Clarence B. Moore dug in them. He reported artifacts of shell, stone, pottery, and other materials (see below). Both mounds were just west of Porter's Bar Creek (see Figure 3).
The Porter's Bar Mound was in thick scrub and had an irregular basal outline of 18 by 24 m (60 by 78 ft) and a height of 3 to 3.3 m (10 to 11 ft). It had adjacent deep borrow pits, a basal layer of oyster shells, and 68 burials of various modes, such as flexed, bunched, and skull burials (Moore 1902:238249). The Green Point Mound was in a plowed field and had a diameter of 19 m (62 ft), a height of only 0.6 m (2 ft), but a thickness of 1.5 m (5 ft) on its west side. It contained many oyster shells (in small deposits as well as scattered) and 80 burials, mostly closely flexed (Moore 1902:249-256).
In 1940, the Porter's Bar Mound and shell midden were visited by Gordon Willey and Richard Woodbury, then graduate students in anthropology at Columbia University.' They observed that the "center" of the Porter's Bar Mound had been "deeply excavated" by Moore, and that there was an "excellent spring just southeast of [the] mound." They also noted that the shell midden was "200 m to the east-southeast of [the Porter's Bar] mound" and that it was "cut only by [a] small firebreak trench" (Willey and Woodbury 1940).
In his book, Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast, Willey (1949:265-266) wrote that, in 1940, he and Woodbury collected 178 pottery sherds from the Porter's Bar shell midden. He identified these sherds as representing four periods: the Deptford, Santa Rosa-Swift Creek,' Weeden Island, and Fort Walton periods. He reported that the shell midden's "east-west axis measures approximately 200 meters," that its southern side was cut by a highway, and that its depth was "probably not over 1 meter" (Willey 1949:265).
Willey (1949:266-267, 276-277) also summarized and interpreted Moore's finds from the two burial mounds.' In 1957, Willey's and Moore's information was used to visit and to record the site as the "Greenpoint" site in the University of Florida Archaeological Site Survey (Miller and Merchant 1957).

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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2015 68 (3-4)

Figure 1. TCA#25. a: obverse side (scale ticks at 1/16 inch); b: bottom edge; c and d: obverse oblique views.

Early Synthesis
In studying Moore's ceramics from the Porter's Bar and Green Point mounds, Willey (1949) classified them typologically and placed them in a culture-history framework. In the early 1960s, archaeologist William Sears (1962) made further interpretations based on Willey's work and on Moore's finds from the Green Point Mound. Sears used this information in his definition of the "Green Point complex."
According to Sears (1962), the Green Point complex was a Hopewell-influenced mortuary complex of the early Swift Creek period. It followed just after what Sears named the "Yent complex," another closely related Hopewell-

influenced burial complex of the late Deptford period. Today, archaeologists date the Yent complex to ca. 100 B.C. to A.D. 100, and they date the Green Point complex to ca. A.D. 100 to perhaps A.D. 650 (the Swift Creek and early Weeden Island periods) (Milanich 1994:135-141; Louis Tesar, personal communication 2015).
Both complexes are based on evidence from sites in the region. Besides the Green Point Mound, the sites include Pierce Mound A (8FR14), just west of Apalachicola, and the Yent Mound (8FR5) at the Tucker site (8FR4), near Alligator Harbor. All three of these sites are on the coast of Franklin County (see Figure 2). The Yent and Green Point complexes also were represented in several other Florida panhandle sites

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2015 68 (3-4)




LUER, LUMLEY, AND LUMLEY TCA#25

Figure 2. Location of Porter's Bar site in the Florida panhandle, between Apalachicola and Carrabelle. Pierce Mound A, Carrabelle site, and Yent Mound at the Tucker site are mentioned in the text.

as well as in the central burial mound (Mounds E and F) at the Crystal River site (8CRI) on Florida's north-central Gulf coast.
The complexes are evidenced by specific kinds of artifacts. They include cut animal jaws, carnivore teeth, monitor smoking pipes, plummet-pendants of various forms, cut shell ornaments, shell vessels, and certain types of pottery vessels as well as copper and stone artifacts (Sears 1962, 1963:37-38). Some of these artifacts were fashioned from exotic materials, whose Middle Woodland occurrences in the Apalachicola Valley region are analyzed by Frashuer (2006). Some exotic materials from the Porter's Bar Mound include quartzite, mica, galena, hematite, copper, and bitumen (Frashuer 2006:Table 11; Moore 1902:240-241).
Site Visits
Sears' writings attracted archaeologists to the Porter's Bar site. The site was visited, and sherds were collected, by William Lazarus in 1962, Judith Bense in 1968, David Phelps in 1969, and Daniel Penton in 1969 and 1971 (Bense 1968; Penton 1971a, 1971b, 1974a). Penton (1971b, 1974a) relocated remnants of the Green Point Mound, a short distance southwest of the Porter's Bar Mound (see Figure 3). While working for the State of Florida, Penton (1974b) nominated

the Porter's Bar site to the National Register of Historic Places, and it was listed in the register in 1975 (Florida Department of State 1975).4 Meanwhile, the land was subdivided, and lots and a street, Indian Mound Drive, were platted (see Figure 3).
Starting in the early 1990s, archaeologist Louis Tesar (1992, 1996, 2002) of the Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research, visited the site several times. He was responding to site erosion and to discussions of land development. Tesar (1992) was unable to find the Green Point Mound, but he located the Porter's Bar Mound in a preservation area (Lot 15, which was reserved as a neighborhood park) (see Figure 3). He noted apparent borrow pits on the mound's southeast and north sides, and he mentioned an historic cemetery, perhaps in or near the park in Lot 15.1 Bense (1968), Penton (1974a), and Tesar (1992) wrote that much of the Porter's Bar shell midden had been bulldozed or hauled away for road fill, but that some areas of possible intact deposits remained to the east of Porter's Bar Creek.
According to Frashuer (2006:41), the Porter's Bar site also was visited in the early 1990s by archaeologist B. Calvin Jones of the Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research. Frashuer reports that White (1996) visited the Porter's Bar Mound and surveyed a portion of the site. Like Tesar earlier, White and her USF field crew searched but did not relocate the Green Point Mound (Frashuer 2006:44).

LUER, LUMLEY, AND LUMLEY

TCA#25




THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2015 68 (3-4~~

Figure 3. Plan view of Porter's Bar site, based on Penton (1974a), Tesar (1992), and Willey (1949). The shell midden's location is approximate, and its inland extent is undetermined. The park outline (Lot 15) and Indian Mound Drive right-ofway (ROW) are based on Franklin County Property Appraiser (2011). TCA#25's provenience is based on GPS data plotted in Google Earth (2013).

Shore Erosion
In 1985, erosion along the beach at the Porter's Bar site exposed burials of two adult males. The burials were excavated by B. Calvin Jones, and they included artifacts, such as coins with dates in the 1840s. The burials were associated with remains of a dock and cabin (Jones 1985).
In recent years, shoreline erosion has exposed many artifacts along the Porter's Bar beach. They include lithic bifaces, pottery sherds, shell plummet-pendants, shell tools and ornaments, and fragments of historic-period black and green glass bottles. Erosion also exposed remains of a 3 by 3 ft board-lined well, containing a black glass bottle base fragment, apparently dating to the mid-1800s (Tesar and Porter 2007).
Artifact Description
TCA#25 is made of shell (see Figure 1). The artifact's curvature, and its shell growth lines and layers, indicate that it was fashioned from a piece of upper body whorl extracted from a shell of the lightning whelk (Busycon contrarium), also known as left-handed whelk. Like many other TCAs (see Luer

2013, 2014), the obverse is concave (bulging upward toward the middle), and the reverse is convex (dished out). Both sides are plain (lacking incisions), and the surface feels "as smooth as a baby's bottom." Nonetheless, several growth lines of the shell body whorl persist on the artifact's obverse surface.
A digital caliper was used to take the following measurements (rounded to the nearest tenth of a millimeter). TCA#25's overall height is approximately 41.4 mm, and its maximum width (perpendicular to height) is 27.6 mm across the "circle" or ring portion. The ring's vertical height is approximately 26.4 mm. The thickness of TCA#25 is almost uniform, measuring 3.2 mn on the ring's upper portion and 3.1 mm at the tab's base. The diameter of the ring's central hole is 6.1 mm. The ring itself varies in width, between the edge of the central hole and the curved outer edge of the artifact. Thus, when viewing the obverse side, the ring is widest across its middle left side (11.6 mm) and narrowest across its lowermost portion (9.4 mm, when measured along the artifact's midline).
The tab of TCA#25 is its most unusual feature. It has two pairs of bulges and two pairs of constrictions, or notches. The width at the lower notches is 8.5 mm, where the tab joins the ring. The width at the upper notches is 8.8 mm. The upper bulges create a knob that is 10.7 mm wide. The unequal

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LUER, LUMLEY, AND LUmL EY

lower bulges are 12.7 mm wide (perpendicular to the tab's vertical midline). The tab's overall height is approximately 14.9 mm. Visible on the tab's obverse surface (between the upper notches) is slight pitting, which may suggest wear from attachment (see Figure I c).
TCA#25's double-noded tab is unique among known TCAs. Other tabs are more rectilinear or knob-like. The bulges and notches may be functional, to aid attachment, or they may simply reflect individual variation, which is typical of ornaments that are hand-made. They also may reflect intentional embellishment to make the tab more attractive.
Discussion
Age of TCA#25
As a surface find from an eroding shoreline, the age of TCA#25 is uncertain. However, by analogy to other TCAs that have some temporal context (especially 11 specimens from the Crystal River site) (see Luer 2013), it is probable that TCA#25 dates to the Middle Woodland period (ca. A.D. 1 to 650). Such an age would make TCA#25 coeval with the Porter Bar site's two burial mounds.
The Green Point Mound is dated to the Swift Creek period (ca. A.D. 100 to 350), based on artifacts found by Moore and identified by Willey (1949:277, 367). In the mound, Moore found many kinds of diverse grave goods, such as lithic bifaces, a monitor pipe, stone plummet-pendants, shell cups, shell gouges, and shell pendants. One of the latter was shaped like a "demijohn" (Moore 1902:252), a shape similar to TCAs. Pottery from the mound included tetrapod supports, Swift Creek Complicated Stamped (early variety) sherds, and a Crystal River Negative Painted small bowl (Willey 1949:276-277, 391, Plate 23a) (Figure 4).
The Porter's Bar Mound is dated to the Swift Creek and early Weeden Island periods (ca. A.D. 100 to 650), again based on artifacts found by Moore and identified by Willey (1949:266-267). Regarding the mound's Weeden Island ceramics, Willey wrote:

The heaviness of the incised lines and
punctations in the Weeden Island specimens [are suggestive of] the boldness of both Basin Bayou Incised and Crystal River Incised [and] imply that [the mound] is an early Weeden Island or Weeden Island I [site]. [Willey
1949:267]
Together, these two burial mounds are contemporaneous with the Crystal River site's late Deptford and early Weeden Island periods. As argued by Sears (1962), a close relationship between the Porter's Bar and Crystal River sites is implied by similar Hopewell-influenced mortuary

artifacts. They include rare occurrences of Crystal River Negative Painted pottery in the Green Point and Crystal River mounds, including a vessel at each site with similar horizontal U-shaped design elements (see Figure 4, and see Moore 1903:Figures 27, 28, 31; Willey 1949:320, 391, 596, Plate 23a, c). Now that TCA#25 has been found at the Porter's Bar site, we can add another similarity among the two sites.
The variety and abundance of grave goods in the Green Point, Porter's Bar, and Crystal River burial mounds are notable. They support status differentiation during the Middle Woodland period. I have argued elsewhere that TCAs were cosmic symbols reflecting group and individual identity and status during Middle Woodland times (Luer 2013).
Size of TCA#25
Table I and Figure 5 show that TCA#25 falls in the "small" size category of TCAs, based on their ranking by width and height. For TCA#25, these dimensions are approximately 27.6 x 41.4 mm. This small size supports the interpretation that TCA#25 was used a pendant.
Table I shows that most known TCAs are larger than TCA#25. Specifically, seven TCAs are smaller than TCA#25, and 18 specimens are larger. Despite this range of size, the

Figure 4. The Green Point Mound's Crystal River Negative Painted bowl (Robert S. Peabody Foundation #39147). This image is based on a sketch on a University of Florida Archaeological Site Survey card in the 8FR1 site file, Florida Master Site File, Tallahassee. A less clear photograph of this small bowl, with a "rim diameter" of only 7 cm, is in Willey (1949:596, Plate 23a).

vessel orifice
/

broken bottom

TCA#25




TIff FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2015 68 (3-4~

Table 1. TCAs in ascending order of size, based on width and height. Note size categories and the presence or absence of incisions and a central hole. Here, six specimens (TCA#21 through #26) are added to this table (an earlier version appearing as Table 2 in Luer 2013). TCA# and Size Site of Origin Width and Incised Central Hole Category Height (mm)
Small
1. TCA#17 8DA12 13 x 17 Yes Yes
2. TCA#26 8CII 17.7 x 22 No No
3. TCA#21 8VO22 18 x 22 No Yes
4. TCA#16 cf. 8CR35 20* x 30* ? Yes
5. TCA#13 8DA46/8DA47 22 x ? No Yes
6. TCA#24 8MA7/8MA27 22.5 x 29 No No
7. TCA#2 8CII 24 x 36 Yes Yes
8. TCA#25 8FRI 27.6 x 41.4 No Yes
9. TCA#1 8CI1 28 x 36 Yes Yes
Medium
10. TCA#12 8CR1 40 x 47 Yes Yes
11. TCA#23 8MA7/8MA27 50 x 47 No Yes
12. TCA#7 8CII 50 x 52 No Yes
13. TCA#22 8VO24 52 x 61 Yes Yes
14. TCA#6 8CI1 61 x 84 Yes Yes
15. TCA#4 8CI 1 64 x 63 Yes Yes
16. TCA#9 8CI 1 66 x 80 No Yes
17. TCA#20 cf. 8SO39 66 x 75 No No
18. TCA#18 8DA12 73 x 80* No No
19. TCA#11 8CI1 74 x 70 Yes Yes
20. TCA#5 8CII 75 x 90 Yes Yes
21. TCA#19 8MA7/8MA27 76 x 92 No Yes
22. TCA#8 8CII 85 x 99 Yes Yes
Large
23. TCA#15 8LL33 70 x 116 No Yes
24. TCA#14 8DA21 95 x 130 No No
25. TCA#10 8CI1 99x 117 No Yes
26. TCA#3 8CI 100 x 118 No Yes
*Estimated.

similar shape and proportions of TCAs define a relatively straight-line plot of width versus height in Figure 5.
Table 1 and Figure 5 include six more specimens (TCA#21 through #26) than are in an earlier ranking of size that appears as Table 2 in Luer (2013). TCA#26 was found recently at the Crystal River site and was generously reported to us by archaeologist Tom Pluckhahn of USF. It is 21.96 mm long, 17.7 mm wide, 4.55 mm thick, and weighs 2.66 g. The neck width is 9.17 mm. In Pluckhahn's catalog, it is recorded as #1144.2 and Ornament #64. Pluckhahn (personal communication 2015) plans a fuller report of the artifact and its context.

Context of TCA#25
Like a number of known TCAs, TCA#25 came from an eroding shell midden. I have suggested that some TCAs (e.g., TCA#20) and plummet-pendants found in such contexts might have eroded from human burials (Luer 2013:115). However, it also is possible that native people placed some TCAs and plummet-pendants in shell middens for other reasons.
Reiger (1999:232) has suggested several possibilities, including that some plummet-pendants were so "potent" that they had to be "hidden" or cached at a distance from their users. As sociotechnic, esoteric items that were potentially

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1000
90
8010 14
8
19
70 18 5
15
4 20" 9
S 60 .6
22
57-7 23
12
30 0
20- S21 16
26
10__ 17
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130
Height (mm)

Figure 5. Plot of TCA width versus height, based on Table 1. its height is not known.
associated with plummet-pendants, TCAs might have been treated similarly. This could account for the occasional occurrence of TCAs, plummet-pendants, and other similar artifacts in shell middens.
At the Porter's Bar site, the Lumleys have walked the beach for seven years. They have found other artifacts in the same area as TCA#25, within a radius of approximately 6 m (20 ft) of where TCA#25 was found. They include three shell columella plummet-pendants, each with a groove at one end for suspension. Each plummet-pendant is approximately 10 cm long and was fashioned from a piece of dense, heavy, robust columella. Their thickness and shapes are consistent with columellae extracted from large left-handed whelk shells. The plummet-pendants are well-made, with smooth, ground surfaces.
This same area also yielded a roughly circular shell gorget fashioned from a piece of outer body whorl extracted from a left-handed whelk shell. Its diameter is approximately 42 to

Numbered points identify TCA#s. TCA#13 is omitted because
45 mm, and its thickness ranges from roughly 6 to 8 mm. Near its center is a biconically drilled, circular perforation with an inside diameter of approximately 10 mm. This shell gorget and the three plummet-pendants could be related to TCA#25, such as perhaps from a cache or the same ritual area or deposit.
The Lumleys have found other artifacts elsewhere along
the beach. One is a piece of worked left-handed whelk shell outer body whorl that could be a TCA preform, but its possible tab is rudimentary and its roughly circular body is not perforated. Its height is 60 mm, and its width is 62 mm. Other artifacts include 26 shell beads, 2 left-handed whelk body whorl adzes with the cutting edge on the apical end, 2 lefthanded whelk body whorl adze blanks, and lithic bifaces (e.g., Bolen, Archaic Stemmed, Taylor). This array of artifacts is reminiscent of finds along the eroding shore of Shaw's Point in Manatee County, Florida, where TCA#19, #23, and #24 were
found (see Figure 3 in Luer 2014).

LUER, LUMLEY, AND LUMLEY

TCA#25




THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2015 68 (3-4)

Geography of TCA #25
In comparing geographic occurrences, TCA#25 is the westernmost reported (Figure 6). It supports Middle Woodland period contacts around Florida's Big Bend coastal region, as Sears (1962) indicated for the Yent and Green Point mortuary complexes. Such contact extended even farther eastward and southward, based on the distribution of other known TCAs. Figure 6 shows that TCAs have been found in the middle St. Johns River area, the Tampa Bay area, and in southwest and southeast Florida.
Conclusion
TCA#25 was found on the eroding beach at the Porter's Bar site. It is the first TCA reported from the Florida panhandle. The small size of TCA#25 supports its use as a pendant. TCA#25 adds to growing evidence in Florida of widespread contacts and shared elements of culture during the Middle Woodland period.
Notes
1. In 1940, Willey and Woodbury were financed jointly by Columbia University and the National Park Service (Willey

1949:37). In addition to visiting many sites, such as the Porter's Bar site, they conducted test excavations at the Carrabelle site (8FR2) and four others as part of their pioneering study of ceramic stratigraphy and seriation in northwest Florida (Willey 1949:38-101; Willey and Woodbury 1942).
2. Willey originally used the term "Santa Rosa-Swift Creek" period, but this name and its meaning have been refined in recent years. For panhandle sites of this time period, "Swift Creek" is now used in the Apalachicola River valley and east to the Aucilla River area, whereas the term "Santa Rosa-Swift Creek" is now applied to sites to the west of the Apalachicola River valley (e.g., Milanich 1994:143, 150-154; Tesar 1980:187-198).
3. Willey did not relocate the Green Point Mound. He mistakenly assumed it was to the east, near present-day Green Point. However, Moore (1902:249) clearly states that it was "a short distance in a SW. direction from" the Porter's Bar Mound, and that the latter was "one mile west of Green Point" (Moore 1902:238).
4. Dan Penton worked as Historic Sites Specialist for the Florida Division of Archives, History, and Records Management in Tallahassee. In that capacity during the early

Figure 6. Distribution of known TCAs in Florida.

Crystal

Shaw's

t
N
0 I I
0 100 200 km

- -4-
-'I-v

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LUER, LUMLEY, AND LUMLEY

1970s, he nominated a number of archaeological sites to the National Register of Historic Places, such as the Pineland site on Pine Island in Lee County, southwest Florida, in 1972.
5. Just east of Porter's Bar Creek and in the vicinity of Lot 15, the label "Porter's Bar Cem" [Cemetery] is shown on the Green Point topographic sheet (United States Geological Survey 1982). The sheet also shows an unpaved road running close and roughly parallel to the east side of Porter's Bar Creek.
Acknowledgments
Tesa Norman kindly produced finished figures. Eman Vovsi provided data from the Florida Master Site File. Neill Wallis facilitated contacts, and Tom Pluckhahn generously shared dimensions of TCA#26. Dan Seinfeld, Louis Tesar, and the editors and reviewers of The Florida Anthropologist gave constructive comments.
References Cited
Bense, Judith A.
1968 Florida Archaeological Survey form for Fr 1, dated
July 22. On file, Florida Master Site File, Tallahassee.
Florida Department of State 1975 News release dated February 27 announcing January
23 listing of Porter's Bar site in the National Register of Historic Places. Copy on file, Florida Master Site
File, Tallahassee.
Franklin County Property Appraiser 2011 Aerial image of area around the Porter's Bar site
between Apalachicola and Carrabelle in Franklin
County, Florida.
Frashuer, Anya C.
2006 Middle Woodland Mound Distribution and
Ceremonialism in the Apalachicola Valley, Northwest Florida. M.A. thesis, University of South Florida, Department of Anthropology, Tampa (digital.lib.usf.
edu).
Jones, B. Calvin
1985 Nineteenth Century Burials Discovered at Porter's
Bar, Franklin County Florida. Florida Preservation
News 1(2) (July/August issue). Tallahassee.
Luer, George M.
2013 Tabbed Circle Artifacts in Florida: An Intriguing Type
of Gorget and Pendant. The Florida Anthropologist
66(4):103-127.
2014 Four More Tabbed Circle Artifacts in Florida, With
Comments on the Middle St. Johns River Region and Shaw's Point on the Manatee River. The Florida
Anthropologist 67(2-3): 105-112.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1994 Archaeology of Precolumbian Florida. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.
Miller, W. M., and H. M. Merchant 1957 University of Florida Archaeological Site Survey
card for Green Point site, Fr 11, dated May 12. Copy
on file, Florida Master Site File, Tallahassee.
Moore, Clarence B.
1902 Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Northwest Florida
Coast, Part 2. Journal of the Academy of Natural
Sciences of Philadelphia 12.
1903 Certain Aboriginal Mounds of the Central Florida
West-Coast. Journal of the Academy of Natural
Sciences of Philadelphia 12:361-438.
Penton, Daniel T.
1971a Florida Master Site File form for Porter's Bar site,
Fr 1, dated October 27. On file, Florida Master Site
File, Tallahassee.
197 lb Florida Archaeological Survey form for Green Point
Mound, Fr 11, dated October 27. On file, Florida
Master Site File, Tallahassee.
1974a Florida Master Site File form for Porter's Bar site,
8FRI, dated October 17. On file, Florida Master Site
File, Tallahassee.
1974b National Register of Historic Places, RegistryNomination form for Porter's Bar Site, dated October
17. On file, Florida Master Site File, Tallahassee.
Reiger, John F.
1999 Artistry, Status, and Power: How "Plummet"Pendants Probably Functioned in Pre-Columbian Florida and Beyond. The Florida Anthropologist
52(4):227-240.
Sears, William H.
1962 Hopewellian Affiliations of Certain Sites on the Gulf
Coast of Florida. American Antiquity 28(1):5-18.
1963 The Tucker Site on Alligator Harbor, Franklin
County, Florida. Contributions of the Florida State
Museum, Social Sciences, Number 9, Gainesville.
Tesar, Louis D.
1980 The Leon County Bicentennial Survey Report: An
Archaeological Survey of Selected Portions of Leon County, Florida. Miscellaneous Project Report Series 49. Florida Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties,
Tallahassee.
1992 Bureau of Archaeological Research Trip Report to
8FRI and 8FR 11 near Eastpoint in Franklin County, Florida. On file, Florida Master Site File, Tallahassee. 1996 Florida Master Site File form update for Porter's
Bar (8FRI), dated February 8 (post-Hurricane Opal

TCA#25




THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2015 68 (3-4'~

site inspection). On file, Florida Master Site File,
Tallahassee.
2002 Florida Master Site File form update for Porter's Bar
(8FR1), dated October 16. On file, Florida Master
Site File, Tallahassee.
Tesar, Louis D., and Kevin M. Porter 2007 Photographs and narrative supplement to Florida
Master Site File form update for Porter's Bar (8FR1), dated March 30. On file, Florida Master Site File,
Tallahassee.
United States Geological Survey 1982 Green Point, Fla. 7.5 minute topographic sheet,
Washington, D.C.
White, Nancy M.
1996 Archaeological Investigations of the 1994 Record
Flood Impacts in the Apalachicola Valley, Northwest Florida. Report submitted to the Florida Division of Historical Resources by the University of South
Florida, Department of Anthropology, Tampa.
2014 Apalachicola Valley Riverine, Estuarine, Bayshore,
And Saltwater Shell Middens. The Florida
Anthropologist 67(2-3):77-104.
Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Smithsonian
Miscellaneous Collection, Volume 113, Washington,
D.C.
Willey, Gordon R., and Richard B. Woodbury 1940 Columbia 1940:Fr-1 (Porter's Bar). Notes dated
June 4. Included in the 8FRI site file, Florida Master
Site File, Tallahassee.
1942 A Chronological Outline for the Northwest Florida
Coast. American Antiquity 7(3):232-254.

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POTANO IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES: NEW EXCAVATIONS AT THE RICHARDSON/UF VILLAGE SITE, 8AL100
WILLET A. BOYER, III 611 SE Ninth Avenue, Ocala, Fl. 34471 E-mail: landoftherivers@hotmail. corn

The Richardson/UF Village site (8AL100), located near the town of Evinston in southernmost Alachua County, Florida, has long been known for containing a seventeenthcentury mission component (Milanich 1972:49; Worth 1998a:27-28, 54-61). Originally tested by John Goggin and by Charles Fairbanks in the 1950s, excavations at the site by Jerald Milanich of the University of Florida in 1970 produced both seventeenth-century Spanish and numerous Native American artifacts of the Alachua tradition (Milanich 1972:3849). Artifacts from the site are regarded as a standard for the Alachua archaeological culture (Milanich 1994:333-348).
John Worth (1998a:27-28, 54-61), in his seminal work on the Timucuan chiefdoms of Florida during the contact and mission periods, originally made the argument that the Richardson/UF Village site represents the site of the 1608 mission of San Buenaventura de Potano. Moreover, based on the historic evidence linking the mission site with the earlier, contact-era site of Potano from the de Soto entrada, he proposed that the site likely represents the town of Potano visited by Soto in 1539 (John E. Worth, personal communication, 2013). While excavations in 1970 produced both Spanish and Native American artifacts, only Native American structural features were observed in the excavation units. (Milanich 1972:44-47). Thus, while archaeological and historic evidence suggested the site represented a Spanish mission or mission-era site, the evidence could not be considered conclusive as to the site's identification as a specific mission or the nature of its historical components.
As a part of the Ocklawaha Survey Project (discussed below), archaeological excavations were performed at the Richardson UF/Village site during the winter of 2012 and summer 2013. This investigation uncovered significant evidence supporting the contention that the site is associated with a specific mission from Spanish records. Using historic and archaeological data, I argue that the Richardson UFi Village site (8AL100) is the town of Potano as described in the accounts of the Hemando de Soto entrada of 1539, and that it is also the site of the 1608 mission of San Buenaventura de Potano as described in historic records of the early mission era.
This article begins with an overview of what is known historically of the early contact-era town of Potano and the later incarnations of Potano, including San Buenaventura de Potano. This information is then used to propose a series of archaeological expectations or "signature" for the site of both Soto's Potano and the Spanish mission San Buenaventura de Potano. Thereafter, the results of 2012-2013 archaeological

investigations at the Richardson/UF Village site are presented in detail, and conclusions and avenues for further research are discussed.
Potano: The Historic Evidence
The first recorded accounts of Potano are those of the Hemando de Soto expedition or entrada. These accounts include the "Gentleman of Elvas" and Rodrigo Ranjel, de Soto's personal secretary (Clayton et al. 1993a:xxvii). After leaving the Tampa Bay area, the entrada crossed the "river of Cale," the modem Withlacoochee River (Milanich and Hudson 1993:88-89), and spent nearly two weeks at the town of Ocale (Boyer 2013; Clayton et al. 1993a:260-262; Milanich and Hudson 1993:133-134). On August 11th, 1539, Soto moved northward from Ocale and a day later, according to both the Elvas and Ranjel accounts, he came to a town called "Itara(Elvas)/Itaraholata(Ranjel)" (Clayton et al. 1993a:66, 262), meaning roughly "single chief' or "small chief' in the Timucuan language (Boyer 2008, 2010:43; Granberry 1993:136,144). After a second day's travel, he arrived at a town called Potano (Boyer 2010:43; Clayton et al. 1993a:66, 262), thereafter traveling northward through other towns toward Apalachee (Clayton et al. 1993a:66, 262, 1993b:153-186; Ewen and Hann 1998:5-9, Milanich and Hudson 1993:133167). Soto had 150 soldiers with him during this portion of the entrada, fifty of them on horseback and a hundred on foot (Clayton et al. 1993a:262).
Subsequent to the time of the de Soto entrada, during the existence of the short-lived French settlement at Fort Caroline (1564-1565), the French joined warriors of the Outina chiefdom in raids against the Potano (Hulton 1977:143-144; Laudonnire 2001:76-77, 91; Worth 1998a:27). In 1584, the Spanish attacked and burned the principal town of the Potano chiefdom (Worth 1998a:27-28), which was thereafter abandoned until 1601. In that year, the young chief of the Potano requested and received permission from the Spanish governor to reoccupy the site and rebuild the town. In 1607 or early 1608, the Spanish mission of San Buenaventura de Potano was founded in the same town (Worth 1998a:27-28, 59-61; John E. Worth, personal communication, 2013). This mission seems to have existed for a decade or so prior to its abandonment, and appears to be the same town referred to as "Apalo" in the 1616 Fray Luis Geronimo de Or6 visitation (Worth 1998a:59-61).
Geographically, the location of the Potano chiefdom is the heartland of the Alachua archaeological culture in what is today

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Alachua County and north and central Marion County (Boyer 2010:43, 2013; Milanich 1994:333-348; Worth 1998a:26-28). Alachua ceramics include both cob-marked and cord-marked sand-tempered types, and Alachua site lithics are highlighted by Pinellas points typical of late precontact and early historic Native American cultures in this region (Milanich 1994:333348; Purdy 1981:47-48). Because Soto was traveling with a small number of men, who only stayed at the town of Potano for a single night, one would expect a limited number of sixteenth-century Spanish artifacts at the archaeological site of Potano. Also present should be early seventeenth-century Spanish artifacts and features characteristic of Spanish mission sites. Thus, since the historic and archaeological evidence links sixteenth-century Potano and seventeenth-century San Buenaventura de Potano, the site of Potano visited by Soto should have the following archaeological "signature:"
1) The site should be located approximately two day's travel
north of the site of Ocale by the standards of the sixteenth century, estimated at between 25-40 miles (John E. Worth,
personal communication 2014).
2) The site should be large enough to represent a chiefdom's
principal town with other, smaller sites nearby.
3) The site should be an Alachua culture site with
predominantly Alachua tradition artifacts present.
4) The site should contain a limited number of Spanish
artifacts dating to the early sixteenth century.
5) As compared to the number of sixteenth-century Spanish
artifacts, the site should contain a larger number of Spanish artifacts dating to the early seventeenth century, as well as structural features confirming the presence of a
Spanish mission at the site.
The Richardson/UF Village Site: Geographic and
Archaeological Evidence
The Richardson UF/Village site, 8AL100, is located on a north-south ridge between a spring-fed pond at its northern end and a seasonal wetland to its south, and is bounded to the west by Fish Prairie and to the east by Orange Lake (Figure 1). The site is currently covered by grass and used for the pasturage of cattle. Natural vegetation in this area is typical of northern Florida hammocks and includes sweetgum, live oak, and other hardwoods, with fauna including both terrestrial and aquatic species typical of this environment such as alligator, whitetail deer, raccoon, hawks and others.
Archaeologically, the site was first investigated by John Goggin of the University of Florida in the 1950's (Milanich 1972:36). However, the largest excavation prior to the 20122013 fieldwork was performed in 1970 by Jerald Milanich of the Florida Museum of Natural History (Figure 2) (Milanich 1972:36-37). During the course of those excavations, structural features representing Native American houses as

well as pits and other features were discovered. Recovered artifacts included Native American ceramics and lithics considered typical for the Alachua archaeological culture (Milanich 1972:39-41, 1994:340-345), as well as colonial Spanish artifacts dating to the seventeenth century. However, despite the presence of colonial Spanish artifacts, no Spanish structures were found, and the colonial component was considered the result of trade or contact with Europeans, rather than direct evidence of later Spanish mission period occupation (Milanich 1972:57-60).
The Ocklawaha Survey Project is a long-term field program involving students and members of the general public working with professional archaeologists at sites in the Marion County area to learn more about the region's past and about archaeology as a discipline. Ocklawaha Survey Project fieldwork during 2012 added new data concerning sites near Orange Lake, in the northern central part of Marion County at its border with Alachua County. The property studied is located on the western and southern sides of Orange Lake, and consists of a single larger contiguous parcel with other, smaller outlying parcels nearby. A judgmental survey of the properties was performed using standard protocols developed for fieldwork in this region (Boyer 2010:95, 226). Under those protocols, an initial pedestrian survey, based on both informant information and published data about sites in the area, was performed across the area to be tested. During the course of pedestrian survey, areas where artifacts or features were plotted and mapped for later shovel testing.
Metal detecting was also performed to determine if historic structures may be present in the area surveyed. For the Ocklawaha Survey Project, a minimally invasive technique has been developed which is referred to as the Corsiglia method, after its creator, Robin Corsiglia. The technique involves mapping positive strikes with a metal detector, and thereafter, digging small bores, 5-8 cm in diameter and no more than 10 cm in depth, designed to minimize soil disturbance, at each positive strike in conjunction with the use of a pinpointer a small detector designed to locate metal fragments in the soil taken from each bore. If the metal found represents artifacts dating to the period or culture being studied at the site in this case, Spanish colonial artifacts those areas are marked for subsurface testing.
Thereafter, judgmental shovel testing was performed in the areas where artifacts were found on the ground surface to determine if subsurface artifacts and/or features were present in context. In addition, shovel testing served to determine the horizontal extent of a site and identify the potential components which might be represented. All shovel tests were 50 cm square and 100 cm deep, and all soil was screened through mesh. Features and soil layers were drawn and photographed for each location. GPS coordinates were taken at the location of each test, and test locations were then plotted onto a project area map.
In areas where multiple components or areas of activity appear to be present, shovel testing was performed on a 12.5 m grid, as measured from a horizontal datum established at each site; the datum was typically assigned the arbitrary

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BOVER NEW EXCAVATIONS AT RICHARDSON/UF VILLAGE 8ALIOO

Figure 1. The Richardson/UF Village site, 8AL100, with mission-era sites in vicinity.

NEw EXCAVATIONS AT RICHARDSON/UF VILLAGE 8AL100

BOYER




280E

GROUP C
24(
410E

C
350E
-T --------

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Cluster 3

GROUP A
0 -
" 0i
- w

... .. -]. .. .[

330. ....
390E
LI I Custer-

MI Cluster 1

Richardson'
site I

north
0 50 100
feet

Figure 2. Plan of Milanich excavations, Richardson/UF Village site, 8AL100. From Milanich 1972:37.

500E

grid coordinates N3000, E3000. These tests were dug and screened to the same size and dimensions as the judgmental shovel tests and recorded in the same way, with the addition of grid coordinates to the GPS coordinates for each test.
Subsequent block excavations were typically performed in areas where shovel testing, metal detecting with the Corsiglia method, and surface survey had shown features or areas of particular types of activity. Block excavations consisted of 2 m x 2 m units, excavated in 10 cm arbitrary levels. Excavation soils were screened through mesh and 3-liter soil samples were taken from each level for future sampling. Features uncovered during excavations were photographed and mapped in plan view. For reasons discussed below, they were not cross-sectioned and profiled for the Richardson!UF Village site. Individual unit maps were integrated into a broader map to document patterning at the site.
Additional judgmental survey done at other locales within the Ocklawaha Survey Project area including several miles south of 8AL100 revealed numerous sites with components collectively dating from the Early Archaic through nineteenthcentury American historic period (Boyer 2015:3-9). However, survey of these properties was specifically intended to identify sites with late precontact and contact/mission era components. Two such sites were recorded during the survey (Boyer 2015:13-21). Both the Richardson/High Ground site (8MR3708) and the Swoap's Cache site (8MR3667) produced seventeenth-century Spanish artifacts during shovel testing (Boyer 2015:13-21) (see Figure 1).
Because it is known that at least four doctrinas missions with permanent resident friars to the Potano were established

by 1608 (Worth 1998a: 59-61), additional testing of the Richardson/UF Village site was needed to further understand the nature and structure of the site's post-contact Alachua component and its relationship to other contemporaneous sites in the area. It is further known that three of the four Potano doctrinas, including the largest, San Francisco de Potano, were founded near to each other, with San Buenaventura de Potano founded last and at a significant distance from the other three (Worth 1998a: 59-61; John Worth, personal communication 2013).
Since previous excavations at the Richardson/UF Village site had not produced evidence of mission-era European structures (Milanich 1972:44-47), the possibility existed that 8AL100 represents an outlying visita, or satellite settlement tied to a mission, rather than a doctrina (Milanich 1972:5760). However, the site of San Francisco de Potano is known to be the Fox Pond site north of Gainesville (Worth 1998b). The considerable distance of 8AL100 from the Fox Pond site suggested that the Richardson/UF Village site would not be a part of the cluster of the earlier three Potano doctrinas, and thus might represent the site of the fourth doctrina, San Buenaventura de Potano. A doctrina contained, at a minimum, a mission church, so finding evidence of such a structure would confirm the hypothesis that the Richardson/UF Village site represented the San Buenaventura de Potano mission (Worth 1998a:27-28, 59-61).
Extensive surface survey and judgmental shovel testing were performed by members of the Ocklawaha Survey Project at the site during the fall of 2012 and the spring of 2013 (Figure 3). Testing documented several areas of the site

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2015 68 (3-4)

GROUP B

ICluster 2




BOVER

where colonial Spanish artifacts appeared to be concentrated; the largest was an area immediately northwest of a single, central Sabal palm tree, with two other concentrations to the northeast and a scatter of such artifacts throughout much of the site. Using the Corsiglia method, it was discovered that this northwest concentration of Spanish artifacts included a cluster of seventeenth-century forged iron nails (Figure 4), suggesting a structure was potentially present.
Based on this testing, the research design developed for the College of Central Florida Summer 2013 field school focused on determining if a structure was present in the location of the previously recovered iron nails and, if so, what sort of structure was it. The original Milanich datum point had to be relocated in order to avoid his 1970 excavation areas, as well as to integrate the older excavation data into the present study. Using Milanich's field notes as a guide, attempts were made to find the original datum. Unfortunately, several key reference markers no longer existed, although the single sabal

palm tree growing near the center of the site was still alive. From the tree, a theodolite and measuring tapes were used to "backtrack" and re-locate the datum, with assistance from Dr. Milanich (Jerald T. Milanich, personal communication 2013). Once the original datum point was relocated, the other reference points listed in the original report were relocated and marked (Figure 2). The original datum was converted to arbitrary coordinates of N3000, E3000, to make the measurements comparable with those of other sites tested and excavated using Ocklawaha Survey Project protocols (Boyer 2010:95, 226). It was determined that the cluster of forged nails was located 20-40 m south and 70-80 m west of the original site datum and southeast of the 1970 excavations (see Figure 3). Thus, the cluster was located in a previously untested and unexcavated portion of the site.

Estimated Boundary of the Richardson/UF Village Site, r 8AL100
Location of 1970
Milanich excavations
A,

-
A
A A

Boundary of 2012-2013
Shovel Testing
A
A
A
A
A1
A A A I
A A
Paved Road
x A
A A
A
irm Tree
A
Ovals represent Spanish artifact concentrations 220 Triangles represent
Meters shovel tests

Figure 3. 8AL100, Richardson/UF Village site. Site boundary, locations of 1970 Milanich excavations, and 2012-2013 shovel tests and excavation units at the site. All shovel tests within the noted boundary had artifacts present. Forged iron nails were located in the oval within the boundary noted for 2013 excavations at the site.

BOYER

NEW EXCAVATIONS AT RicHARDSON/UF VILLAGE 8AL100




THE LORDA ATHRPOLOIST2015 68 (3-4)

Figure 4. Iron artifacts, Richardson/UF Village site, 8AL 100. Left to right: forged iron nails (n=3); chainmail armor fragments (n=2); iron plate (possible horse tack); forged iron chisel; stirrup piece, ca. 1500-1550 (Deagan 2001:142).

Results
During the summer 2013 excavations, twelve units were excavated in the area where the forged iron nails were concentrated; eleven of those units, representing the area within the mission church structure, are shown in Figure 5. Unit I (N2982, E 2930.94) was excavated through the base of Level 4, or a total depth of 40 cm below datum (cmbd). At this level, the unit was found to contain multiple oblong features with a matrix of mottled brown soil and clay inclusions. Their long axes were oriented from NW SE, and the longest feature extended some 1.5 m across the unit (see Figure 5). Artifacts from this unit included very few Native American ceramics, as well as lithics and daub fragments, and a forged iron nail recovered from Level 3. These features are virtually identical to burial pit features reported and observed from known seventeenth-century mission sites (McEwan 1993:326, 328). Accordingly, excavation was halted within this unit and excavations proceeded in Units 2, 3, and 4 to better determine the nature and extent of the features.
Unit 2 (N2982, E 2934.94) was placed 4 m east of Unit I and was also excavated to the base of Level 4. In Levels 3 and 4, a rounded oblong feature, containing mottled brown soil, was observed in the southwestern corner of the unit (Figure 5). In the southeastern corner, a 20 cm square postmold was observed. In the northern half of the unit, smaller, rounded postmolds were visible. A blue heat-altered tubular bead,

dating to the early 1600's (Deagan 1987:114-116) was found in close association with the oblong southwest feature.
Unit 3 (N2978, E2934.94) was placed south of Unit 2. The base of Level 4 was also found to contain four oblong features laid out NW-SB, nearly identical in form to those in Unit I (Figures 5, 6). Few artifacts were recovered in Levels 3 and 4, suggesting the living surface may have been kept clean during the time the site was occupation. In the southern half of the unit, east of one of the oblong features, a circular feature was recorded whose function is uncertain.
Unit 4 (N2975, E293 8.4) was placed southeast of Unit 3 to determine if the oblong features continued in that direction. The unit was excavated to the base of Level 3, where multiple, overlapping oblong features, very similar in shape and size to those in previous units, were discovered (Figures 5, 7'). Based on visual inspection, these features appeared to contain larger quantities of limestone and clay than those observed in the other three units. As excavations into Level 4 were begun, in Feature 1, at the northwestern corner of the unit, human remains were encountered, specifically 24 teeth and tooth fragments at the eastern end of the feature (Figures 5, 8). The discovery of human remains confirmed that most if not all of the oblong features in the units represent burial pit features. Furthermore, some of the teeth were "shovel-shaped" incisors characteristic of Native American populations. Thirty centimeters east of Feature 1, among a cluster of other oblong features, a large dark brown stain (35 cm at its widest extent), clearly representing

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RICHARDSON / UF VILLAGE 8AL100
Feature Map Level 4 Church Structure

9

N

Northern Wall

Burial Pits

Western Wall

Center Line

Southern Wall

8

Darker Stains Represent Structual features, Burial Pit features all concentrated within church stucture.

/
Eastern Wall
0
10

Figure 5. Excavation units 1-10 and 12, summer 2013 excavations, Richardson/UF Village site.

/
0,~
/
*
1




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6. Unit 3, Level 4, Richardson

a postmold, was discovered (Figures 5, 8). This feature was bounded on its sides by large fragments of limestone, and the posthole associated with the postmold feature was lined with smaller fragments of limestone. These inclusions appear to have been placed for the purpose of bracing the base of the post in a manner similar to structural trenches lined with shell or clay reported from other colonial sites (Boyer 2005:70, 72; John E. Worth, personal communication 2013).
Once the oblong features were confirmed to be burial pits, their association with postmolds and nails strongly suggested the presence of a colonial mission church (McEwan 1993:322348). Pursuant to Florida Statute 872, the Division of Historical Resources was notified and a modified research strategy was adopted. The remainder of the excavations was directed at determining the horizontal extent of burials and associated structural features and their cultural affiliation; no bisection or profiling of any kind of features within the units would be performed. Any human remains recovered during excavation were to be re-buried in the precise locations where they were encountered and the units backfilled thereafter.
Following this modified strategy, Unit 5 (N2977, E2930.94) was placed to the southwest of Unit 3. This unit was excavated to the base of Level 3, where a heavy concentration of burial pit features were encountered, including portions of at

least nine burials (Figure 9). Seven human teeth were found in the features in the northeastern quadrant of the unit (see Figure 9), including a shovel-shaped incisor. In the southeastern quadrant of the unit, two postmolds with associated postholes (25 30 cm in width) intruded into one of the burial pits (see Figures 5, 9). These posts appeared to align NW SE, with the large postmold in Unit 4, suggesting these features represent a part of an interior structural partition or a series of roof supports. Native American and Spanish ceramics, including middle-style olive jar sherds, were found in Level 2.
Unit 6 (N2973, E2930.94) was placed 4 m south of Unit 5. It was excavated to the base of Level 3, where another burial pit feature was uncovered in the northeastern quadrant of the unit. Immediately west of this feature were two postmolds, the western one approximately 25 cm in diameter and the eastern one approximately 20 cm. South of these postmolds were two additional postmolds adjacent to each other. The southernmost of these latter two postmolds appeared to intrude on the other, suggesting it may have been a replacement or re-setting of the first (see Figure 5). The burial feature was pedestaled and the other three quadrants of the unit excavated to the base of Level 4. The western postmold continued to be visible at this depth. One of the two postmolds in the southern portion of the unit was no longer visible at this depth, suggesting it had not been

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Figure 7. Unit 4, Level 3, Richardson/UF Village Site, facing north.

Figure 8. Unit 4, Level 4, Richardson/UF Village site, facing north. Burial pit features and post stain with limestone "brace" on eastern side of unit.




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Figure 9. Unit 5, Level 3, Richardson/UF Village Site, facing north, burial pit and structural features. Burial pit features in this figure are more clearly visible than in Figure 5, due to scale.

set as deeply as the other. Artifacts recovered from this level included middle-style olive jar and Alachua ceramics.
Unit 7 (N2980, E2926.94) was placed southwest of Unit 1. This unit was first excavated to the base of Level 3. At this level, multiple postmolds were evident, but no burial pits were found. One cluster of posts, two with an associated posthole, was found in the southwestern quadrant of the unit (Figures 5, 10). To the east of this cluster, a larger postmold, 35 cm in diameter, was found. North and east ofthe first cluster, two more posts were found, forming a straight line running approximately 400 east of north. An additional postmold, isolated from the others, was observed in the northwestern portion of the unit. All features in the unit except the northwestern postmold appeared to form two walls, on an alignment that would give the associated structure an approximate NW-SE orientation, with the rear wall running NE-SW. Considered together, with the exception of the isolated postmold in the northwestern quadrant, all of these post features appeared to form a part of the same wall feature running NW-SE, with the isolated postmold possibly representing a wall bracing or other feature associated with the wall.
Unit 8 (N2970, E2930.94) was placed due south of Units 1, 5, and 6 to see if it would intersect the southern wall of the suspected church (see Figure 5). This unit was excavated to the base of Level 3. Numerous small fragments of limestone were

found throughout each level of this unit, and the concentration of artifacts was low, though both middle-style olive jar, and Native American ceramics and lithics, were found in Levels 1 and 2. At the base of Level 3, two postmolds, approximately 20 cm in diameter, were found to occupy the same posthole in the southwestern quadrant of the unit (see Figure 5). Also at this level, the soil appeared to be virtually sterile, with no clay inclusions or mottled soil. Based on these finds, this unit appeared to lie outside the southern wall of the building.
Unit 9 (N2984, E2938.94) was placed northeast of Unit 2 (see Figure 5). It was excavated to the base of Level 4 and was placed to incorporate a previously dug shovel test which had produced forged iron nails, and displayed a postmold in its profile. At the base of Level 4, two postmolds were uncovered, each 25 cm in diameter and with an associated posthole (see Figures 5). These posts, together with the post in the profile of the original shovel test, appeared to form a wall oriented at the same angle as the wall feature discovered in Units 4, 5, and 7, NW-SE. This alignment appears to represent a part of the northern wall of the structure.
Unit 10 (N297 1, E2946.94) was placed six meters east of Units 4 and 9 and ten and a half meters south, southeast of Unit 9 to determine the location of the structure's eastern wall (see Figure 5). This unit was excavated to the base of Level 4. At this level, six postmolds, 10-15 cm in diameter, were found.

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Figure 10. Unit 7, Level 3, Richardson/UF Village site structural features, facing north.

These post features were smaller and distinct from those postmolds in the previous units. All but two followed a curving arc rather than a line, suggesting they may have formed a part of a Native American structure, given the presence of similar features previously found at this site (Milanich 1972:39-41). The other two postmolds were side by side in the southwestern quadrant of the unit and did not appear to be part of the curved alignment. This unit included numerous Native American ceramics, as well as middle-style olive jar, Talaveran and Columbia Plain majolicas, and orange micaceous ware.
Unit 11 (N2986, E2930.94) was placed four meters north of Units 1, 5, 6 and 8 to determine if the features in Unit 9 represent the northern wall of the structure. If so, the wall feature should not be evident in Unit 11, based on its angle. This unit was excavated to the base of Level 4, where a series of dark brown and mottled brown stains were discovered. The nature of most of the stains was uncertain; however, the features on the eastern side of the unit appear to represent pits, possibly the edges of a garbage or daub-mixing pit, but neither daub nor other debris was evident in these features. Artifacts recovered from this unit included olive jar, Alachua tradition ceramics, and lithics, including a Pinellas point. Since this unit was outside the mission church structure, it was not included in Figure 5.
Unit 12 (N2974, E2942.94) was placed between Unit 10 and Unit 4 in an attempt to locate the eastern wall ofthe structure

(see Figure 5). This unit was first excavated to the base of Level 3; at this depth, a burial pit feature with associated human teeth was found in the northwestern quadrant (see Figure 5). The area of the burial feature contained small fragments of limestone and clay typical of the other pit features within the structure. However, two large postmolds (35 cm in diameter) were observed to the east of this feature. These two posts were aligned at 400 east of north identically to the western wall of the structure. Accordingly, the burial feature was pedestaled and the remainder of the unit excavated to the base of Level 4. At this level, the northernmost of the two features clearly had a large associated stain appearing to represent a part of the structural wall, possibly a part of a trench feature (see Figure 5). In addition, a dark brown pit feature with numerous clay and daub inclusions was found to the east of these features. This pit appeared to be a daub-mixing pit associated with the eastern wall of the structure.
At the close of excavations, pursuant to the modified research design agreed to by the State Archaeologist, all human remains recovered were returned to their original locations by provenience, and all units backfilled and sealed.

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Discussion and Analysis: The Composition and Identity of 8ALIO0
Let us now evaluate the data with respect to the five criteria for the contact-era town and mission of Potano established earlier in this paper. The Richardson/UF Village site appears to fulfill the first criterion, that of distance from the site of de Soto's Ocale. Based on current evidence, most scholars agree that the site of Hernando de Soto's town of Ocale is almost certainly located in southwestern Marion County or northwestern Sumter County (Boyer 2010:4047; Milanich and Hudson 1993:87-96). Specifically, the Car Top Mound site (8SM790) and the Will Hocker Mound site (8SM789), together with other sites in their vicinity, are strong candidates for the sites of Ocale and Uqueten respectively (Figure 11) described in the Ranjel account of the de Soto entrada (Boyer 2010:40-47, 2013; Clayton et al. 1993a:260262; Milanich and Hudson 1993:40-47). A day's travel for a group of horsemen and foot soldiers with the gear of that time should be approximately 24-32 km (15-20 mi) per day (John Worth, personal communication 2013). The RichardsoniUF Village site is located approximately 55 km (34 mi) north of the presumed site of de Soto's Ocale and thus would be within two day's travel of that site by the standards of the early sixteenth century.
As to the second criterion, that of the size of the Richardson/UF Village site relative to contemporaneous sites in the region, 8ALIOO covers more than fifteen acres based on the evidence uncovered so far (see Figure 3). The site is thus large enough to qualify as a principal town site of the Timucuan cultures of northern Florida (Boyer 2013; Milanich 1996:9-37; Worth 1998a:10-18). Furthermore, archaeological survey of the area shows that a number of smaller sites none larger than a single acre, based on shovel testing exist at distances between 0.8 to 10 km (0.5 to 6 mi) from the Richardson/UF Village site. At least two of them, the Richardson/High Ground site and the Swoap's Cache site (see Figure 1), have produced seventeenth-century Spanish artifacts, as well as Alachua tradition ceramics, suggesting that these sites were contemporaneous with 8AL100 (Boyer 2015:13-21). This patterning of sites, together with the size of 8AL 100 relative that of other sites nearby, strongly suggests that the Richardson/UF Village site represents a principal town with a series of satellite villages nearby.
With regard to the third criterion, that the site would be a settlement of the Alachua culture, the Richardson/UF Village site has long been considered one of the type sites for the Alachua ceramic tradition (Milanich 1972:38-49, 1994:339340). During the course of testing and excavations in 2012 and 2013, more than 52 percent of the total assemblage was composed of Alachua tradition ceramics, including diagnostic types such as Alachua Cob-Marked and Prairie Cord-Marked (Table 1). Furthermore, Pinellas points, diagnostic of the late precontact and early historic periods for this region (Purdy 1981:47-48), are the most common identifiable lithic artifact from the site and comprise nearly 32 percent of the classifiable

lithic types found during the 2012-2013 fieldwork (see Table 1).
Concerning the fourth and fifth criteria, the presence of sixteenth-century Spanish artifacts as well as seventeenthcentury Spanish artifacts and mission structural features, are satisfied by the Richardson/UF Village site. During the course of testing and excavation at the site, both early-style and middlestyle olive jar sherds were recovered. Since the distinctive rims and handles of early-style olive jars were not found in the assemblage (Deagan 1987:32-33), identification of the sherds was performed through measurement of the thickness of each sherd recovered. Early-style olive jars were constructed in "two longitudinal halves, each half separately thrown on a wheel, with the mouth and handles added afterward" (Deagan 1987:33). The walls of early-style olive jar sherds commonly measure "about 7mm in thickness" (Deagan 1987:33). "The walls of middle-style Olive Jars range from about 10 to 12 mm in thickness" (Deagan 1987:34); furthermore, these jars, rather than being thrown in two longitudinal halves, were made in a "compressed egg" shape with two parts joined at the shoulder (Deagan 1987:33). Early style olive jars were replaced by the middle-style form around 1570 (Deagan 1987:33) and thus are good markers for sites with components dating to the early contact period (Deagan 1987:33).
When analysis of the thickness and characteristics of the European ceramic assemblage from the Richardson/UF Village site was performed, it was determined that early-style olive jar sherds comprise represent 30 percent of the total assemblage of olive jar sherds from the site (Table 2) (Figure 12). Furthermore, fragments of iron armor and horseman's tack, appearing to date to the early sixteenth century, were found in addition to the more common forged iron nails on the site (see Figure 4). The stirrup piece recovered during excavations is very similar to illustrations of such pieces dating to the sixteenth century (Deagan 2001:142).
However, the sixteenth-century assemblage is dwarfed by the evidence associated with the much larger seventeenthcentury component at the site. The structure discovered during excavations in summer 2013 is unquestionably a Spanish mission church. Its rectangular shape, orientation with the long axis running northwest to southeast, and the associated human burials orientated northwest to southeast, are all identical to church structures documented at mission sites throughout the Southeast (Hoshower and Milanich 1993:217-227; Johnson 1993:145-158; Larsen 1993:322356; Shapiro and Vernon 1992:177-205; Thomas 1993:812; Weisman 1992:58-64). Seventeenth-century artifacts recovered from the site include middle-style olive jar (see Figure 12); Itchetucknee Blue and other glass beads, known to be associated with seventeenth-century mission sites; Columbia Plain, Talaveran-ware and Mexico City majolicas (Figure 13); orange micaceous ware sherds dating to between 1550 and 1650 (Deagan 1987:28) (Figure 14); and forged iron nails associated with colonial-era structures (Hann and McEwan 1998:48; Weisman 1992:111-113). The presence of a mission-style church absolutely identifies the Richardson/

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o
Richardson/UF Village Site 8AL100
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Figure 11. Locations of early contact/de Soto era sites in Marion and Alachua counties.




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Table 1. Native American artifact assemblage from the Richardson/UF Village Site, 8ALl00, 20122013 excavations.
Artifact Type Artifact % of Total Category % of Total
Count Count Weight Weight
(g)
Alachua Cob-Marked 412 8 1,906 12
Lochloosa Punctated 392 7 1237 8
Prairie Cord-Marked 18 <1 64.8 <1
Alachua Net-Impressed 9 < 1 44.5 <1
St. Johns Check-Stamped 124 2 250.5 2
St. Johns Plain 146 3 217.4 1
St. Johns Cord-Marked 2 <1 2.2 <1
St. Johns Punctated 3 <1 5.2 <1
St. Johns Simple Stamped 1 <1 1.8 <1
St. Johns Incised 2 <1 5.1 <1
St. Johns Complicated Stamped 1 <1 13.6 <1
Leon-Jefferson Ware 1 <1 7.0 <1
Sand-tempered plain 1,870 35 3,983.1 26
Sand-tempered burnished 17 <1 77.7 <1
Sand-tempered incised 42 1 112.7 1
Sand-tempered simple stamped 18 <1 61.7 <1
Sand-tempered check stamped 2 <1 7.5 <1
Sand-tempered complicated stamped 3 <1 2.5 <1
Sand-tempered roughened 8 <1 30.5 <1
Sand-tempered brushed 3 <1 18.9 <1
Grit-tempered plain 49 1 133.1 1
Limestone-tempered plain 1 <1 1.7 <1
Pinellas Points 33 1 46.1 <1
Archaic Stemmed Points 4 <1 21.7 <1
Chert blades/tools 43 1 897.4 6
Cores, chert 19 <1 1,096.2 7
Grinding stones/pestles 5 <1 446.0 3
Chert flakes 1,526 29 2,081.6 14
Chert fragments 300 6 1,561.4 10
Silicified coral flakes 17 <1 67.6 <1
Other lithic artifacts 104 2 785.1 5
Bone fragments 143 3 53.8 <1
Shell fragments, marine (quahog clam, whelk) 23 <1 37.3 <1
TOTAL: 5,341 100 15,278.7 100

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Table 2. European artifact assemblage from the Richardson/UF Village Site, 8ALl00, 2012-2013 excavations.
Artifact Type Artifact % of Total Category % of Total
Count Count Weight Weight
(g)
Early-style olive jar, green-glazed 4 4 11.8 2
Early-style olive jar, unglazed 3 3 13.2 2
Middle-style olive jar, green-glazed 3 3 14.5 2
Middle-style olive jar, unglazed 13 12 147.3 23
Columbia Plain majolica 4 4 26.9 4
Sevilla Blue on White majolica 1 1 0.6 <1
Itchetucknee Blue on White majolica 2 2 3.3 <1
Sevilla Blue on Blue majolica 4 4 2.6 <1
Talaveran series majolica, white 12 11 18.5 3
Mexico City White majolica 1 1 1.0 <1
Majolica paste fragment, type UID 1 1 0.5 <1
Orange micaceous ware 5 5 26.2 4
Black lead-glazed coarse earthenware 1 1 0.2 <1
European coarse earthenware, glazed 6 5 9.1 1
European coarse earthenware, unglazed 10 9 24.2 4
Porcelain, white 3 3 0.5 <1
Glass, dark green, colonial era 1 1 2.0 <1
Itchetucknee Blue Bead 1 1 0.2 <1
Heat-altered tubular beads, black, blue 2 2 0.5 <1
Iron nails, forged 16 15 91.6 14
Horse tack fragments, iron 2 2 133.2 20
Iron armor fragments, chainmail 4 4 3.2 <1
Iron chisel, forged 1 1 117.7 18
Brass/copper bell fragments 3 3 2.2 <1
Etched/riveted brass, function UID 2 2 2.3 <1
TOTAL: 105 100 653.3 100

UF Village site as a colonial Spanish mission site, rather than simply a visita or other mission-era site, as do the artifact types consistent with an early seventeenth-century occupation at the site (Deagan 1987:28-29, 172-174; Milanich 1972:38-49).
Based on the historical, geographical and archaeological evidence, the RichardsoniUF Village site represents the location of Soto's Potano as well as the site of the 1608 mission of San Buenaventura de Potano. In making this conclusion it is important to link the archaeological record with the human behavior that produced it. For that reason, the historical record of Potano will be discussed in the light of both the sixteenthcentury and seventeenth-century components at the site.
Sixteenth-century Potano: Chaos and Change
Both the Ranjel and the Elvas accounts specifically note that the army spent only a single night at Potano (Clayton et

al. 1993a: 66, 262). Furthermore, though Soto himself was briefly present at Potano, only part of his army was with him, including 150 soldiers, 50 on horse and 100 on foot (Clayton et al. 1993a: 66, 262). No major events are described during the single night's stay; in both accounts, the mention of Potano is almost cursory.
Since the mention of Potano is so brief in these accounts, the archaeological "signature" for the sixteenth century is likely to be very small at the site. In terms of human behavior, Soto and his men would have left little behind, particularly since the people of Potano may have simply abandoned the town when the Spanish arrived and returned there after they left. If so, it is unlikely that many beads or other "trade" items distributed by the entrada would be present at the town of Potano. Rather, it is more likely that sixteenth-century artifacts would consist of broken and discarded items such as ceramics and fragments of armor or horse tack precisely what has

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Figure 12. Early and middle style olive jar sherds, Richardson/UF Village site, 8AL100. Early style sherds (left photograph); middle style sherds (right photograph).

Figure 13. Majolicas, Richardson/UF Village site, 8AL100. Left: four sherds, Columbia Plain. Middle: Top two sherds, Talaveran series, white. Bottom sherd: Itchetucknee Blue on White. Right: Top four sherds: Sevilla Blue on Blue. Bottom sherd: Mexico City White.

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Figure 14. Orange micaceous ware sherds, Richardson/UF Village site, 8ALl00.

been recovered at 8AL100. And while one could argue that sixteenth-century artifacts could be present at the site due to later trade or shipwreck salvage, it is unlikely that such trade items would include broken European ceramics, particularly since Native Americans produced excellent ceramics of their own and had no need to trade for European ceramics (John Worth, personal communication 2014).
It may be objected that there were further contacts between the Potano and Europeans during the sixteenth century that should have left a stronger archaeological trace at the site, including the conflict between the French settlers allied with Outina who fought the Potano in 1564 (Hulton 1977:143-144; Laudonni~re 2001:76-77, 91), and the 1584 Spanish raid in which the principal town of the Potano was destroyed (Worth 1998a:28). However, the nature of such interactions suggests neither would have left noticeable amounts of sixteenthcentury European artifacts at the site, if any at all. In the case of the 1564 raids by Outina and the French, nothing in the texts suggests the conflict between the two Timucuan chiefdoms took place at the principal town of Potano; rather, the implication is that the conflict took place in a different location (Hulton 1977:143-144, Laudonnire 2001:76-77, 91). Furthermore, it is unlikely that trade between the French and

the Potano would have been taking place at this point, since the Potano are recorded as losing the conflict and retreating. For this reason, the French/Outina raids were unlikely to leave appreciable quantities of sixteenth-century artifacts at the site of Potano.
The same is true of the 1584 raid under Gutierre de Miranda:
Gutierre de Miranda was dispatched into the interior
with thirty-three Spanish soliders and a number of Timucuan Indian bearers under the direction of Tocoy's chief, Pedro Marquez. From the St. Johns River the Spanish force marched overland to the main town of Potano, where they burned the town to the ground, cut the cornfields, and killed some twenty Potano Indians in what was described later as a "slaughter". Later evidence indicates that in the aftermath of the assault, Potano's leader retreated several leagues westward into the interior with his people, abandoning the burned town site in favor of other locations northwest of
present-day Gainesville (Worth 1998a:27-28).
Considering the circumstances of the raid, it is unlikely it would leave sixteenth-century European artifacts. The language suggests a brief, destructive attack where the Spanish

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forces moved quickly to destroy the town and retreated just as quickly (John E. Worth, personal communication, 2014). It is worthy of note that Pinellas points, the type of point associated with Native American arrows of the time (Milanich 1994:340-341; Purdy 1981:47-48) are extremely common at the Richardson/UF Village site, forming 32 percent of the classifiable lithic artifacts from the site other than debitage. Their presence may partially be accounted for by the 1584 raid.
Thus, the sixteenth-century European assemblage from the site is consistent with what is known of European interactions with the Potano during this period. The brief presence of Hernando de Soto and a part of his army at Potano should have left an archaeological trace which is consistent with the actual sixteenth-century assemblage from the Richardson/UF Village site.
Seventeenth-century Potano: San Buenaventura de Potano and the Beginnings of Interior Missionization
As previously noted, the site of the original town of Potano was abandoned after the 1584 raid until 1601, when a teenaged chief of the Potano (15 or 16 years of age at the time) came to St. Augustine to request permission from Governor M~ndez de Cango to reoccupy the site of the town destroyed in 1584 (Worth 1998a:55-56). When permission was granted, and missionization requested, the site was resettled. By 1608, a mission dedicated to San Buenaventura, with a resident friar, was established at the site (Worth 1998a:60). The mission of San Buenaventura de Potano was occupied until at least 1616 and appears to be identical to the mission referred to as "Apalo" in the Or6 visitation documents of that year (Worth 1998a:60). The mission is described as having some 200 inhabitants at this time (Worth 1998a:60). This mission appears to have been abandoned by the early 1620's as demographic shifts affected the Timucuan mission provinces (Worth 1998a:27-28, 59-61, 1998b:8-37).
In light of the historical records concerning San Buenaventura de Potano, the archaeological evidence from the mission church discovered at the Richardson/UF Village site is intriguing. Seven of the 12 excavation units each 4 m2 dug during the summer 2013 fieldwork contained 21 human burials that is, 21 burials for 28 m2 of floor space excavated within the mission church. Based on the locations of the structural wall features associated with the burials, the length of the mission church was approximately 19 m, and the width of the structure 12.2 m, thus giving a total estimated floor space within the church structure of 231.8 In. Using these figures, the total estimated burial population within the Richardson/UF Village mission church would be 174 burials.
When one considers the total population recorded for the San Buenaventura de Potano mission, the size of this burial population is staggering. Even allowing for in-migration to the mission community and shifts in mission populations as the seventeenth century progressed (Worth 1998a:27-28, 5961, 1998b:8-37), the rate of mortality for San Buenaventura, based on the burial population of the Richardson/UF Village

site, would have been extraordinarily high if these projections are accurate. The missions to the Potano were literally the first founded by the Spanish west of the St. Johns River (Worth 1998a:55-61) and, thus, would have been among the first places in the interior where the effects of European disease and massive cultural disruption took place among the Native Americans of Florida. The archaeological evidence from the mission church burial population of 8AL 100 may be evidence of the severity of these effects on the people of the Potano chiefdom.
Equally intriguing is the artifact assemblage from the 2012-2013 work at 8ALlOO. As noted, slightly more than 52 percent of the Native American ceramic assemblage from the Richardson/UF Village site consists of Alachua tradition ceramics. Of the remaining Native American ceramic assemblage, some six percent consists of sand-tempered wares with varying surface treatments, and seven percent is predominantly St. Johns ceramics, including St. Johns CheckStamped. Significantly, Mission Red Filmed ceramics, Leon/ Jefferson wares, and Altamaha/San Marcos wares are almost completely absent among the Native American ceramics recovered during 2012-2013. A single sherd of Leon-Jefferson ware was found during the course of excavations (see Table 1). Altamaha/San Marcos wares at coastal mission and colonial sites, and Leon/Jefferson wares in the western mission area, are considered markers for the mission period and are widely known to be associated with changes in Native American cultures during missionization (McEwan 1993:91; Worth 2009:179-207).
Prior to the work performed during 2012-2013 at 8AL100, the only other mission site where such wares were largely absent was the Hutto/Martin site (8MR3447), located in southeastern Marion County, Florida, the site of the seventeenth-century Santa Lucia de Acuera mission and the likely site of the de Soto-era town of Acuera as well (Boyer 2010:320-324, 2014:50; Clayton et al. 1993a:261; Milanich and Hudson 1993:96-98). It is known from the historical record that mission Santa Lucia de Acuera was occupied from the late 1620's through the time of the Timucuan Rebellion in 1656, when it was abandoned (Boyer 2009:45-51, 2010:4856; Worth 1998a:69-71, 1998b:190). For the Hutto/Martin site, it is currently hypothesized that the relative absence of these wares was the result of a much greater degree of cultural conservatism, including traditional religious practice, among the Acuera than was present in other missionized Timucuan chiefdoms (Boyer 2010:342-343, 2014:50).
Archaeological evidence from the Hutto/Martin site appears to support the hypothesis that the Acuera adhered to traditional religious practice to a much greater degree than has been observed at other mission sites (Boyer 2010:317345, 2014:53,55). However, the archaeological evidence of Christian burials in numbers almost as large as the recorded population of the San Buenaventura de Potano mission at the Richardson/UF Village site, together with the historical evidence listing converts at the Potano missions (Worth 1998a:55-60), indicates that the Potano, unlike the Acuera, were faithful and practicing Catholics during the time of

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the San Buenaventura de Potano mission's existence. Yet the artifacts recovered from both sites present the same phenomenon the absence of "mission-era" ceramics such as Leon/Jefferson wares and Altamaha/San Marcos wares from both sites' ceramic assemblage. What accounts for this lack in the case of the Richardson/UF Village site?
It is important to recall that, in the case of most mission sites excavated to date, the sites' mission components date from the mid-to-late 1600's (McEwan 1993: xix-xx; Worth 1998a:44-76, 1998b:159-191). The San Buenaventura de Potano mission, on the other hand, is one of the first missions founded in northern peninsular Florida and was abandoned relatively early (Worth 1998a:55-61). For this reason, it seems most likely that the absence of Leon/Jefferson and Altamaha/ San Marcos wares from the Richardson/UF Village site is a function of time. Specifically, since the San Buenaventura mission was founded, occupied and abandoned so early, the site's Native American ceramic assemblage almost certainly predates the cultural transformations that led to the manufacture and use of such wares during the remainder of the mission period (Worth 1998b:36, 2009:179-207).
If this hypothesis is correct, the RichardsoniUF Village site provides the modem observer with a unique opportunity to study the beginning of cultural change during the mission period. If the absence of later mission wares is a function of the very early founding of the Potano missions in Florida's interior, (Hann 1988:113-117, 237-263, 1996:223-267; Worth 1998a:144-161, 1998b:1-37, 88-105) the data from 8AL 100 may provide a "baseline" of information against which data from later mission sites may be compared.
Conclusions and Avenues for Future Research
Historical, geographical, and archaeological evidence from the Richardson/UF Village site supports the following conclusions:
1) The Richardson/UF Village site is the site of the San
Buenaventura de Potano mission of the seventeenth
century.
2) It is also likely the site of the 1539 town of Potano as
recorded in the accounts of the Hernando de Soto entrada.
Given these conclusions, several avenues for future research may prove fruitful. The first is to locate the remaining Spanish mission structures that may be present at the site. As a doctrina with a resident friar, there is the likelihood that both a convento (friar's residence) and cocina (kitchen) are present at the site as well. The area around the church, using noninvasive testing as well as continued application of the Corsiglia method, may provide a more focused area for future excavations to discover these structures. Equally important will be determining patterns of Native American settlement, including the location of features typically associated with principal towns such as council houses (Shapiro and McEwan 1992:8-77). Since the town was destroyed, abandoned and re-

settled, it will also be fruitful to determine if areas of activity at the site shifted through time.
Related to the foregoing issue, the Richardson/UF Village site provides an excellent opportunity to study patterns of demographic and cultural change beginning at the outset of the missionization of interior Florida. As noted, at least two sites which also have seventeenth-century European components, the Richardson/High Ground site and the Swoap's Cache site, exist within a six-mile radius of 8AL 100 (see Figure 3). Given the identity of the Richardson/UF Village site as San Buenaventura de Potano, continuing studies of the site and its relationship to other contemporaneous sites in the area will provide a means to examine the ways in which the culture of the Potano began to transform within the larger framework of the Spanish colonial system in La Florida. Studies precisely dating the occupations at mission-era sites in this region would help archaeologists gain a detailed picture of demographic shifts in this region as the effects of colonization and missionization of the Potano took place.
Finally, given the likely identity of the Richardson/ UF Village site as the Potano of the 1539 de Soto entrada, regional studies of contact-era sites may allow for both a more detailed understanding of de Soto's route through Marion and Alachua Counties, as well as the interaction and relationships between Europeans and Native Americans in the early contact era. The site of de Soto's Acuera, by current evidence, is the Hutto/Martin site in southeastern Marion County (Boyer 2013; Milanich and Hudson 1993:96-98; Worth 1998a:69-71, 1998b: 190). Strong candidates for de Soto's Uqueten, Ocale, and Itaraholata have been located in the region as well (Boyer 2013; Hutchinson 2006:16). Continuation of studies at these sites to determine their nature, and the relationships between the two clearly identified sites in this region, would improve our understanding of the early contact period and the effects of the entrada on the Native American cultures of this area.
Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge with deep gratitude the work of my crew, volunteers, and students during the work performed at 8ALlOO in 2012 and 2013. Robin Corsiglia's development of the Corsiglia Method was instrumental in locating the mission church at the RichardsonUF Village site, and his maps and photographs of the site and others are critical to understanding their size and nature. Gerald Brinkley, RPA, helped enormously with the fieldwork, as did Lori Vaughn and Lauren Discoli, two of my students at the College of Central Florida who have gone on to successful studies in anthropology at the University of Florida. My students for the summer 2013 field school Zachary Seijas, Phillip Heinen, Angie Dunson-Thomas, and Jennifer Dunson did excellent work. My volunteers, including Ray Decker, Greg Anglin, and others, helped enormously as well. As always, Diane Davis did a fantastic job cleaning and preparing artifacts for analysis. My thanks to the students of Forest High School for their interest in and assistance with separation of artifacts

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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2015 68 (3-4'~

for analysis, including Zachary Harwell, Nicholas Griffin, Destiny Miller and Donald Smith.
My thanks to Gerald Brinkley, again, as well, for his insights as an archaeologist into the nature of the site, as well as Marvin Smith, Rochelle Marrinan, Nancy Marie White, and their students for their insights during visits to the site in summer 2013. My profound thanks to John E. Worth, of the University of West Florida, for his historical studies and insights into the nature and identity of 8AL100, and his generous willingness to assist in research, and to Edward Abshier ofAbshier Engineering for preparing the final version of the site's excavation map. I wish also to thank Kelly Roberts, of Pigeon, Roberts and Associates, for preparation of the topographic maps and images used here, as well as Amanda Bishop of Marion County's GIS Department for her work in preparing the GIS map used for Figure 11.
Finally, my sincere thanks to the landowners and people of Evinston, Florida, including Mr. Kay Richardson and Fred Wood, for their willingness to allow study of the site. My thanks also to Dr. Mary Glowacki, State Archaeologist, and Dr. Daniel Seinfeld, of the Florida Division of Historical Resources, for their help, insights and assistance concerning the discovery of the mission church.
References Cited
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2014 Missionization, Negotiation, and Belief: The Role
of the Acuera Chiefdom in Colonial SeventeenthCentury Florida. In Indigenous Landscapes and Spanish Missions: New Perspectives from Archaeology and Ethnohistory, edited by Lee M.

Panich and Tsim D. Schneider, pp. 41-56. University
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Deagan, Kathleen
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Beads. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington. 2001 Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida and the
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Hann, John H., and Bonnie G. McEwan 1998 The Apalachee Indians and Mission San Luis.
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Hulton, Paul
1977 The Work of Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues: A
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Hutchinson, Dale L.
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Contact: Disease and Depopulation in Central Gulf Coast Florida. University Presses of Florida,
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Johnson, Kenneth W.
1993 Mission Santa F6 de Toloca. In The Spanish Missions
of La Florida, edited by Bonnie G. McEwan, pp. 141
- 164. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville.
Larsen, Clark Spencer
1993 On the Frontier of Contact; Mission Bioarchaeology
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Laudonni~re, Ren6
2001 Three Voyages. Translated from the French and with
an Introduction and Notes by Charles E. Bennett.
University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.
McEwan, Bonnie G.
1993 The Spanish Missions of La Florida. University
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Milanich, Jerald T.
1972 Excavations at the Richardson Site: An Early 17th
Century Potano Indian Village. Florida Department of State: Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties,
Bulletin No. 2, pp. 35-61.
1994 Archaeology of Precolumbian Florida. University
Presses of Florida, Gainesville.
1996 The Timucua. Smithsonian Institution Press,
Washington.
Milanich, Jerald T., and Charles Hudson 1993 Hernando de Soto and the Indians of Florida.
University Presses of Florida, Gainesville.
Purdy, Barbara A.
1981 Florida s Prehistoric Stone Technology: A Study of
the Flintknapping Techniques of Early Florida Stone Implement Makers. University Presses of Florida,
Gainesville.
Shapiro, Gary, and Richard Vernon 1992 Archaeology at San Luis, Part Two: The Church
Complex. The Florida Anthropologist 6:177-226.
Thomas, David Hurst
1993 The Archaeology of Mission Santa Catalina de
Guale: Our First 15 Years. In The Spanish Missions of La Florida, edited by Bonnie G. McEwan, pp.
1-34. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville.

Weisman, Brent R.
1992 Excavations on the Franciscan Frontier: Archaeology
at the Fig Springs Mission. University Presses of
Florida, Gainesville.
Worth, John E.
1998a The Timucuan Chiefdoms of Spanish Florida, Volume
1: Assimilation. University Presses of Florida,
Gainesville.
1998b The Timucuan Chiefdoms of Spanish Florida, Volume
2: Resistance and Destruction. University Presses of
Florida, Gainesville.
2009 Ethnicity and Ceramics on the Southeastern Atlantic
Coast: An Ethnohistorical Analysis. In From Santa Elena to St. Augustine: Indigenous Ceramic Variability (A.D. 1400-1700), edited by Kathleen Deagan and David Hurst Thomas, pp. 179-207.
Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of
Natural History, Number 90, New York.

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WAS ST. JOHNS POTTERY MADE WITH SWAMP MUCK AS TEMPER? AN
EXPERIMENTAL ASSESSMENT
CHARLY LoLLIs, NEILL J. WALLIS, AND ANN S. CORDELL
Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611

St. Johns pottery is a distinctive Florida ware that occurs in abundance throughout peninsular Florida but rarely outside the state. The St. Johns series is defined by a fabric that contains abundant sponge spicules and a characteristic "chalky" feel when handled (Borremans and Shaak 1986; Goggin 1952:99; Holmes 1894:111-112). The origins of these qualities have been a topic of debate in Florida archaeology for many years (Borremans and Shaak 1986; Cordell and Koski 2003; Crusoe 1971; Espenshade 1983; Rolland and Bond 2003). Two opposing hypotheses have been proposed to explain the presence of spicules: "naturally-present" and "added-temper." Some argue that St. Johns pottery was produced with clays that had spicules naturally occurring within them (e.g., Borremans and Shaak 1986; Cordell and Koski 2003), while others claim that spicules were intentionally added as temper to enhance the working properties of the clay (e.g., Rolland and Bond 2003). Systematic attempts to collect clays with abundant sponge spicules have proven mostly unsuccessful, but have been mostly limited to Duval and Brevard Counties (Espenshade 1983; Rolland and Bond 2003). To our knowledge, no replication experiments have successfully recreated a paste (a.k.a. fabric) that has the soft "chalky" feel and abundant sponge spicules of St. Johns pottery.
The goal of this research is to better understand, through laboratory experiments, the process by which St. Johns series pottery was manufactured. Specifically, experiments were designed to test the possibility that added tempers imparted both the abundant sponge spicules and the chalky surface texture of the pottery. The soft chalky texture of St. Johns pottery is often attributed to the presence of freshwater sponge spicules in the clay (Borremans and Shaak 1986; Milanich 1994:246), but we argue that this relationship is one of correlation, not causation. A "chalky" feel in materials is imparted by the easy removal of extremely fine particles from the surface. For example, chalky substances such as chalk, talc, and gypsum can leave characteristic powdery residues on harder surfaces (such as chalkboards). The chalky texture of St. Johns pottery undoubtedly is also caused by particles exfoliating from sherd surfaces. Yet while spicules are among the particles sloughing off and removed when touched, their inherent shape imparts tactile qualities quite unlike the powdery residues of chalk, talc or gypsum. Spicules are silicate elements manufactured by freshwater sponges in their mesoderm and have needlelike structures that irritate the skin, much like fiberglass (Borremans and Shaak 1986; Cordell and Koski 2003:114). The needle-like structures of spicules are a well-known skin irritant for people working in mucky soils, a fact that is corroborated by our own personal experiences (Davis 1912).

Therefore, spicules seem a very unlikely source for the chalky texture of St. Johns pottery. We hypothesize that organic muck from shallow freshwater environments (e.g., bogs, ponds, and wetlands) is a likely candidate for tempering St. Johns pots. Muck consists of decayed, fine-grained organic matter that turns to a fine powdery ash when fired. This ash might have imparted the "chalky" (or "ashy") feel of the pottery while also contributing sponge spicules, which are often abundant in muck deposits (Conley and Schelske 1993; Davis 1912).
The replication experiment was conducted at the Florida Museum of Natural History Ceramic Technology Laboratory (FLMNH-CTL). Sediment samples from Florida archaeological sites were selected as the test materials. These included clays that are similar to St. Johns pottery in having a fine texture and low iron content, and muck and peat samples that are rich in sponge spicules. Raw clay samples and muck/peat samples were processed and combined in several different proportions to make clay test bars using molds in the lab. The bars were then broken into testing briquettes and fired to a series of increasing temperatures in the kiln. The experimental briquettes were compared to key characteristics of St. Johns pottery to determine if the experiment yielded successful replicas of St. Johns paste. These attributes include Mobs scratch hardness, surface and core coloring, oxidation, spicule abundance, grain size, and the subjective assessment of "chalky" texture.
Background
St. Johns series pottery-defined by abundant spicules and chalky texture-is found throughout peninsular Florida but is most abundant in Northeast Florida, particularly along the St Johns River, from which its name derives. The heartland of the St. Johns culture, and its accompanying St. Johns pottery, is along the St. Johns River from Orange and Brevard Counties in the south to Nassau County in the north (Goggin 1952:1517; but see Ashley (2008) regarding the timing of St Johns pottery in northern areas). The earliest chalky wares date to circa 1500 BC (Bullen 1971) and other vessels containing the characteristic sponge spicules occur even earlier in the Late Archaic Orange series (Cordell 2004). Classic St. Johns series vessels with abundant spicules were produced well into the historic era (e.g. Deagan 2009). A variety of types with this characteristic paste are defined by different surface treatments: St. Johns Plain (Goggin 1952:101-102), St. Johns Incised, Dunns Creek Red (both Goggin 1951:102), St. Johns Red on Buff (Goggin 1052:102-103), St. Johns Punctated, Oklawaha Plain, Oklawaha Incised (all Goggin 1952:103), St. Johns

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Check Stamped (Goggin 1952:103-104), St. Johns Simple Stamped (Goggin 1952:104-105), St. Johns Scored (Goggin 1952: 105:, St. Johns Pinched (Atkins and MacMahan 1967:136), Little Manatee Zoned Stamped (Willey 1949:443444), Little Manatee Shell Stamped (Willey 1949:444), and Papys Bayou series (Willey 1949:442-443). Typical St. Johns paste is compact with a "very fine" texture that contains 23 percent to 46 percent sponge spicules. Sherds characterized as St. Johns" with a "sandy" texture exhibit 17 percent to 27 percent sponge spicules and common quartz sand (Cordell 2007:123; Cordell and Koski 2003:120-121). Other characteristics of St. Johns pottery include a soft texture that can be scratched with a fingernail (Goggin 1952:101), white or grey surface color due to low iron content, dark black cores and sharp oxidation margins when viewed in cross section, and a high frequency of coil breaks. The soft texture and black coring together have been the basis for describing St. Johns as "low fired." Sometimes the pottery was fired at temperatures or durations insufficient to have eliminated plasticity (Cordell and Koski 2003:122; Ferguson 1951:23).
St. Johns series pottery was first defined by Holmes (1894:111-112), who described it as having the now-famous "chalky" texture. Almost a century later Borremans and Shaak became the first to attribute the characteristic texture to the sloughing off of abundant sponge spicules in the pottery fabric, coupled with low temperature or incomplete firing (Borremans and Shaak 1986:128). Their observation of the correlation between spicules and chalkiness in pottery established the widely assumed causal relationship between the two attributes. Following Borremans and Shaak (1986), prevailing wisdom has been that both spicules and the chalky texture that they supposedly impart to St. Johns vessels were natural constituents of clays used by aboriginal potters (e.g., the "naturally-present" hypothesis). This common assumption was called into question by Rolland and Bond (2003), who noted that no natural deposit of clay has ever yielded spicules in the abundance found in St. Johns pottery. Indeed, of more than 230 clay samples from various parts of Florida curated at the FLMNH-CTL, only three contain sufficient spicules to approximate the frequency of spicules found in "sandy St. Johns" pottery. One sample (C8Dull) has 18 percent spicules and comes from a midden context at the Grant Mound site (8DU14). This sample might represent a prepared (i.e., tempered) clay mass (Ashley et al. 2015; Cordell and Deagan 2013:113; Wallis and Cordell 2013:131; Wallis et al. 2014:137). Another sample (C8Vol) from near the Lake Monroe Outlet Midden (8VO53) contains 25 percent spicules (Cordell and Koski 2003). Finally, a sample from Putnam County (C8Pul) contains 9 percent spicules, but visually resembles thin sections of sandy St. Johns in composition (Wallis et al. 2015a).
Chris Espenshade (1983) supported the "naturallypresent" hypothesis by proposing that mucky, spiculate soils could have been used to make St. Johns pottery. Espenshade (1983) collected muck soils from near the Gauthier site (8BR193). Among the six samples that he collected, two were deemed suitable for making St. Johns pottery. Subsequent

observation of these samples by Ann Cordell determined that neither of the samples could have been viable constituents of St. Johns vessels (Cordell and Koski 2003; Rolland and Bond 2003:100). One sample (C8Brl5) did not contain any sponge spicules while the other (C8Brl6) contained frequent spicules, but was extremely friable and crumbled easily after drying and firing. This latter sample was recently thin sectioned and shows frequent to common sponge spicules, but its friability after firing indicates it contains insufficient clay for viable pottery making.
Rather than naturally occurring in clay deposits, Rolland and Bond (2003:101) drew on ethnographic examples in South America to suggest an alternative procedure for producing spiculate pottery that includes three parts. First, freshwater sponges were collected, dried, burned, and stored until needed. Next, secondary sandy clays were levigated, pounded, and ground into a fine powder. Finally, clays were rehydrated and the prepared spicules were added to the paste. Rolland and Bond (2003:101) noted that as a bio-silicate material, spicules act in the same way as other mineral tempers by enhancing technological attributes pertaining to forming, firing, and cooking performance (also see Borremans and Shaak 1986:130).
The current study investigates a hypothesis that combines the "naturally-present" and "added-temper" hypotheses. We hypothesize that mucky soils containing sponge spicules may have been added to processed clays that lacked sponge spicules in order to produce the characteristic St. Johns series pottery. This hypothesis is based on current understandings of clays and mucks in Florida in terms of their spicule content and performance characteristics. An abundance of spicules seems to be extremely unusual in clay deposits but common in mucky soils. Moreover, mucky soils occur throughout the Florida peninsula where St. Johns pottery is found and most of these are presumed to contain abundant spicules. While burned mucky soils turn to a powdery ash that exhibits the chalky texture of St. Johns pottery, un-amended mucky soils tend not to contain a high enough proportion of clay minerals to make viable pottery vessels (contra Espenshade 1983). Thus, potters may have combined the spicules and "chalkiness" of muck with fine clays in order to make St. Johns pottery.
Samples
All preparation and analysis was conducted at the FLMNH-CTL. Four samples were selected for replication experiments, two muck samples and two clay samples. Muck sample C8Di2 was collected from the freshwater pond (Area IX) at the Garden Patch site (8D14). The shallow freshwater pond is a natural feature of the archaeological site and was filled permanently with water by the third century cal BC (Wallis et al. 2015b). Another muck sample came from the Ruffin Pond site (8AL5655), a seventh century AD archaeological site within a sinkhole pond in Gainesville, Florida. Both muck samples were collected from relatively recent strata that date approximately to the last three centuries.

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LOLLIS, WALLIS, AND CORDELLSWMMUKATMPR

Clay sample C8Jel was collected from the Letchworth Mounds (8JE337) site near Tallahassee, Florida. Although located outside the geographical distribution of sites with abundant St. Johns pottery, the sample was selected from among curated clays because of its low iron content and relatively fine texture. It was also chosen because enough material was available in the lab to use in this experiment. An even finer commercial clay was also used in the experiment. Sample 8PuEPK is a commercial clay manufactured by Edgar Plastic Kaolin (EPK) that was donated by the UF Fine Arts Department and ultimately derives from a kaolin deposit in Putnam County. It is a refined, pure kaolin that comes in powdered form, with a median particle size of 1.36 microns (0.00136 mm) (http://edganninerals.com/EPK-Clay.html).
Methods
Grain size analysis.
Muck sample C8Di2 and clay sample C8Jel were each subject to grain size analysis. Grain size analysis was not conducted for the muck material from Ruffin Pond (8AL5655) because the quantity of the sample was too small. A 100g dry, unprocessed portion of each sample was soaked with water. The hydrated sample was then wet-sieved through a graduated series of 10 U.S.A. Standard Testing Sieves. The captured sediments were then dried, weighed, and bagged for analysis and curation. The finest fraction that passed through all sieves was captured in a basin. After the fine fraction settled to the bottom of the basin, excess water was siphoned off. The fine fraction was transferred to a beaker, allowed to dry, and bagged for curation.

Sample processing.

In order to achieve a fine consistency for controlled test bar preparation, samples were double bagged and pounded on the concrete floor using a stanchion and hammer. Afterwards, samples were screened through a 2.36 mm U.S.A. Standard Testing Sieve (#8) until amounts sufficient for test bar preparation were obtained. The control bar for clay C8JeI (Bar 8) was made from an unprocessed sample; that is, bars were made from the sample in its original Tabl wet state. Additional samples of C8JeI were dried and processed to be used later on in the experiments.
From our experiment, we concluded that the sa Letchworth clay sample and Garden Patch muck sample contained too many coarse aplastics (mostly quartz, in fine and medium sizes), relative to sponge spicule frequency for purposes of replicating St. Johns paste. Two hundred grams of the Letchworth clay (C8Jel) were dry sieved through the 0.425 mm (#40) screen to eliminate most of the excess aplastics. This yielded around 150g of "refined" C8Jel clay for making some of the test bars. Of the sieved samples from C8Di2 (Garden Patch muck), the .045 mm screen (# 325) was observed to contain the most spicules, but only

in amounts that would be characterized as low to moderate frequency in pottery. In order to increase the quantity and highest concentration of sponge spicules, 200 g of unrefined C8Di2 was wet sieved again such that the sediments that passed through a 0.106 mm screen (#140) and captured by the 0.045 mm (#325) could be used in making the experimental test bars as "refined muck."
Test bar preparation
Test clay bars were made following FLMNH-CTL protocols (Cordell and Wallis, n.d., adapted from Rice 1987). A 100 g sample of material was used except in cases when less material was available. Measured amounts of ultra-purified water were added to the sample until a workable plastic mass was achieved. The amount of water was recorded. The sample was kneaded and wedged until an even consistency was achieved and then pressed into a plastic template. After removal from the template, the bar was then marked with the clay bar number and scored five times using a probe to make six equal sized portions (which facilitated breaking of test briquettes after drying). Marks were made at 10 cm intervals on the bar using metric calipers and weighed for later calculations of Linear Drying Shrinkage (Rice 1987:71) and Water of Plasticity (Rice 1987:62). The wet bar was then covered with a damp paper towel and set to air dry for one week. Once the bar was fully air dried, it was put in the drying oven at 11 0C for one hour. After cooling, each bar was weighed, marked distances measured again, and then broken into test briquettes at the score marks. Water of Plasticity and Linear Drying shrinkage were calculated according to formulas presented below.

Test Bar Recipes

Seven test bars were made according to the following
recipes (Table 1). Test Bar 1 was 100 g of unrefined C8Di2 (muck). Test Bar 2 consisted of 50 g of unrefined C8Di2 (muck) and 50 g of unrefined C8Je1 (clay). Test Bar 3 was made of 25 g of unrefined C8Di2 (muck) and 75 g of unrefined
[e 1. Test bar recipes for this experiment. Clay Bar % of % of % of % of EPK
mple number C8Di2 C8Je1 8AL5655
1 100
2 50 50
3 25 75
4 50 50 refined
5 25 75 refined
6 50 refined 50
No.325
7 50 burned 50
8 100 1 1 1

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C8Jel (clay). Test Bar 4 contained 50 g of unrefined C8Di2 (muck) and 50 g of refined C8Je1 (clay). Test Bar 5 contained 25 g of unrefined C8Di2 (muck) and 75 g of refined C8Jel (clay). Test bar 6 contained 43 g of refined C8Di2 (muck) and 43 g of EPK (clay). Test Bar 7 consisted of 35 g of 8AL5655 (fired muck ash) and 35 g of EPK (clay). An eighth test bar of unrefined C8Jel clay was included for comparison.

Test Bar Firing

Mohs Hardness and Assessment of Chalky Texture
Scratch hardness was determined by the Mohs hardness scale. The subjective quality of chalkinesss" was assessed by the three authors by rubbing a finger across the surfaces of each test briquette.

Inspection ofPetrographic Thin Sections

Firing of all briquettes began at 275'C and was held for ten minutes with the kiln door slightly open to allow for any mechanically combined water to be eliminated. The kiln door was then shut for the remainder of the firings. Briquettes from each sample were fired to temperatures of 400'C, 5000C, 600'C, 700'C, and 800'C, with each temperature setting maintained for 30 minutes.
In addition to the test briquettes, a test nugget of unprocessed C8Di2 (Garden Patch muck) was fired at 600'C with the temperature maintained for thirty minutes. The 8AL5655 muck sample was fired at 800'C for six hours, allowing for the material to be fully burned and turned to ash before adding it as temper. Finally, thin sections of a portion of the 600'C briquette of each test bar and the C8Di2 fired nugget were obtained for petrographic analysis.
Surface and Core Coloring
Colors of briquette surfaces and cores were recorded using a Munsell soil color chart.

Ann Cordell examined thin sections of the samples with a petrographic microscope to estimate composition, particle size, and relative abundance of constituents. Four times and ten times magnifications were used for assessing relative abundance and particle size and 25x was used for identifying siliceous microfossils. Point counts were not carried out on the experimental study samples, but point count data are on file for C8Jel from another study (Cordell et al. 2015).
Results
Grain size analysis
The results of grain size analysis are given in Tables 2 and 3. For pond muck C8Di2, the principal constituents included in the coarser size classes were plant fibers and seed fragments (Table 2). The finer size classes consisted of abundant organic/dirt/clay clods and lesser amounts of quartz and plant remains. Sponge spicules or acicular (needle-shaped) grains were first observed in the 0.09 mm screen (#170), but in low

Table 2. Grain size analysis: particle size and composition data for C8Di2.
WENTWORTH SIEVE # DRY
WEIGHT (% PRINCIPAL CONSTITUENTS
SIZE (mm) wt in grams)
5
G <0.1 Plant fiber, other organic material
GRANULE(40
10
(0 <0.1 Plant fiber, seeds, seed fragments
(2.0)
VERY OARSE18
VERY COARSE (1.0) 0.3 Plant fiber, seeds, seed fragments
35
COARSE (0.5) 1.1 Plant fiber, organic/dirt/clay clods, fragmentary seeds, quartz
60
MEDIUM (025) 20.5 Organic/dirt/clay clods, plant remains, quartz
FINE 120 30.2 Organic/dirt/clay clods, quartz, plant remains
(0.125) ________ ____________________________ __VERY FINE 170 91 Organic/dirt/clay grains, quartz, plant remains low sponge spicule
(0.09) abundance
SILT 325 9.6 Organic/dirt/clay grains, quartz, low to moderate sponge spicule
(0.045) abundance
SILT-CLAY fine fraction 29 Dark gray flakes and powder but very silty with organics, quartz,
(<0.045) some spicules.

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frequency. Spicules were captured primarily in the .045 mm fraction (#325), but were still observed in the fine fraction. The majority (55 percent) of clay C8Jel was composed of the fine fraction (clay and silt), with the remainder composed primarily of quartz sand and lesser amounts of dark grains, sponge spicules, and plant fibers (Table 3). Sponge spicules were first observed in the silt screen, .045 mm (#325), but they were also observed in the fine fraction (.125 mm). As

Linear Drying shrinkage (%LDS) ranged from a low of 7.0 percent (Bar 3) to a high of 12.0 percent (Bar 6). Although the differences are minor, %LDS is positively correlated with the proportion of muck in the test bars with clay/muck mixtures.
Surface and Core Coloring
All samples except Bar 7 exhibited dark gray to black

Table 3. Grain size analysis: particle size and composition data for C8JeI.

mentioned, the quantity of the sample from Ruffin Pond (8AL5655) was insufficient for grain size analysis, but cursory microscopic examination revealed an abundance of sponge spicules. Particle size information about EPK is provided by the manufacturer (http://edgarminerals.com/EPK-Clay.html).
Water of Plasticity and Linear Drying Shrinkage
Water of Plasticity and Linear Drying shrinkage values are given in Table 4. Water of plasticity (%WP) ranges from a low end of 38.6 percent in Bar 5 to 95.4 percent in Bar 1. This high value is consistent with a %WP value obtained by Espenshade (1983:8 1) for one of his muck samples. The range of values is generally higher than those for many sandy clays in Florida (e.g., Cordell and Koski 2003:114). Accordingly, in the test bars prepared for the current study, the %WP increases in proportion to the amount of muck in the sample.

colors prior to firing (Table 5 and 6; Figures 1 and 2). All samples were low in iron and had surface Munsell colors of white or pink with increasing firing temperatures. A dark gray core was retained through the 600'C firing in Bars 1 through 6 and Bar 8. At 700'C the cores were eliminated for every sample except Bar 6, which retained a dark gray core at 700'C and a light gray core at 800'C. Only Bar 7 (commercial clay mixed with muck ash) lacked a dark core altogether, beginning as a white color prior to firing.
Mohs Hardness and Assessment of Chalky Texture
Mohs Hardness values are given in Table 7. All bars except Bar 8 were characterized by a Mohs Hardness near "1" at every firing temperature. Samples varied from < 1 to just > 1, such that all samples regardless of firing temperature ranged from talc to a fingernail in scratch hardness. These small differences

GRAIN SIZE ANALYSIS
WENTWORTH SIEVE # DRY
WEIGHT (% PRINCIPAL CONSTITUENTS
wt in grams)
0
GRANULE (4.0)
10
(0 <0.1 Plant material
(2.0)
VERY COARSE 18 <0.1 Quartz sand, dirt/clay clods, plant remains
35
COARSE (0.5) 0.6 Quartz sand, lesser dirt/organic/clay clods, plant remains
60
MEDIUM (0.25) 3.8 Quartz sand, lesser dark grains, plant remains
120
FINE (0.125) 17.9 Quartz sand, lesser dark grains, plant remains
170
VERY FINE (0.09) 11.4 Quartz sand, lesser dark grains, plant remains
325
SILT (0.045) 9.8 Quartz sand, lesser sponge spicules, dark grains
SILT-CLAY fine fraction 55 Dark gray clay with silty quartz and sponge spicules
______________ (<0.045) 1_____ _______________________

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Table 4. Water of Plasticity and Linear Drying Shrinkage Data.
WATER OF PLASTICITY %WP = wet test bar weight dry test bar weight x 100
WATER__ OFPLASTICITYdry test bar weight Amount
TEST Total initial water Water Of Plasticity
BAR dry weight (g) added Wet Test Bar Weight (g) Dry Test Bar Weight (g) (%)
(ml)
1 100 93 81.5 41.7 95.4
2 100 61 95.1 61.3 55.1
3 100 39 80.5 54.8 46.9
4 100 35 100.6 65.5 53.6
5 100 32 102.3 73.8 38.6
6 86 32 89.2 55.0 62.2
7 70 56 77.4 49.3 57.0
8 200 (2 bars) NA* 105.2(1); 114.8(2) 74.2g(1); 83.6g(2) 41.8(1); 37.3(2)
MEAN %WP 54.2
LINEAR DRYING SHRINKAGE %LDS = length wet length dry x 100
LINEAR__DRYINGSHRINKAGE _length wet TEST BAR Wet Length (cm) Dry Length (cm) %LDS
1 10.0 9.1 9.0
2 10.0 9.0 10.0
3 10.0 9.3 7.0
4 10.0 9.0 10.0
5 10.0 9.0 10.0
6 10.0 8.8 12.0
7 10.0 9.1 9.0
8 10.0 9.18(1),9.17(2) 8.2(1); 8.3(2)
MEAN %LDS 9.3

Table 5. Core color data table for all test bars.
Firing
temp./Briquette Test Bar 1 Test Bar 2 Test Bar 3 Test Bar 4 Test Bar 5 Test Bar 6 Test Bar 7 Test Bar 8
condition
Dry, unfired 7.5YR 10YR 4/1 7.5YR 4/1 10YR 4/1 2.5Y 4/1 GLEY 1 OYR 8/1 1OYR 3.5/1
2.75/1 4.5/N
400C 10YR 3/1 2.5YR 2.5/1 2.5Y 2.5/1 2.5Y 2.5/1 5Y 2.5/1 GLEY 1 2.5Y 7.5/1 1OYR 3/1
_________ ________ 3.5/N
500C 1OYR 4/1 2.5YR 3/1 2.5Y 3/1 2.5Y 3/1 2.5Y 3/1 2.5Y 3/1 10YR 10YR 3.5/1
8.25/2
600C 7.5 YR 8/1 10YR 3/1 7.5YR/1 2.5Y 3/1 1OYR 2/1 10YR 2/1 1OYR 8.5/1 1OYR 2.5/1
700C 7.5YR 8/2 2.5Y 8/1 2.5Y 8/1 2.5Y 8/1 2.5Y 8/1 2.5Y 3.5/1 10YR 2.5Y 6/1
8.75/1
800C 7.5YR 7/2 2.5Y 8/1 2.5Y 8/1 2.5Y 8/1 2.5Y 8/1 GLEY I 10YR 9/1 2.5Y 8.75/1
I_ I_ I_ I I I 7/N

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Table 6. Surface color data table for all test bars.
Firing
temp./Briquette Test Bar 1 Test Bar 2 Test Bar 3 Test Bar 4 Test Bar 5 Test Bar 6 Test Bar 7 Test Bar 8
condition
7.5YR GLEY 1
Dry, unfired 7.5YR 10YR 4/1 7.5YR 4/1 10OYR 4/1 2.5Y 4/1 GLEY 10YR 8/1 10YR 3.5/1
2.75/1 5/N
GLEY 1
400C 10YR 5/1 10OYR 4/1 10OYR 3/1 10YR 3/1 10YR 3/1 GLEY I 2.5Y 7.5/1 10OYR 3.5/1
4.5/N
10YR 8/1
500C (center) 7.5YR 7/1 10OYR 6/1 10OYR 7/1 10YR 5/1 10YR 6.5/1 IOYR 10YR 4.5/1
10OYR 6/1 8.25/2
(edges)
600C 7.5YR 8/2 7.5YR 8/1 2.5Y 8/1 7.5YR 8/1 10YR 8/1 10OYR 9/1.5 10OYR 8.5/1 2.5Y 8/1
10YR 7.5YR 10YR 10YR
700'C 7.5YR 8/3 7.5YR 8/2 10YR 7.YR YR IYR 9/2 YR 2.5Y 8.5/1
8.5/1 8.5/2 8.5/1 8.75/1
7.5YR 7.5YR
800'C 7.5YR 8/4 7.5YR 8/2 10OYR 9/1 107.5YR OYR 9/1 7.5YR 10YR 9/1 2.5Y 8.5/1
1_ 1 1 1 9.5/2 9.25/2

Figure 1. Surface colors for test bars 1 through 5. Image by Charly Lollis.

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Figure 2. Surface and core colors for test bars 6 and 7. Image by Charly Lollis.

Table 7. MOHS HARDNESS scale values for all test bars.
Firing Mohs Scratch Hardness
temp.Briquette Test Bar 1 Test Bar 2 Test Bar 3 Test Bar 4 Test Bar 5 Test Bar 6 Test Bar 7 Test Bar 8
condition
Dry, unfired < 1 < 1 < 1.25 < 1 < 1.25 < 1 < 1 < 1.25
400'C < 1 < 1 < 1.25 < 1 < 1.25 < 1 < 1 < 3
500C < 1 < 1 < 1.25 < 1 < 1.25 < 1 < 1 < 4
600'C < 1 < 1.25 < 1.25 < 1 < 1.25 < 1 < 1.25 < 4
700'C < 1 < 1.25 < 1.25 < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1.25 < 5
800C < 1 < 1.25 < 2 < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1.25 < 5

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are not considered significant. Bar 8, comprised of 100 percent C8Jel, became harder with increasing firing temperature and reached a maximum hardness (4-5, harder than fluorite but softer than apatite) at 700'C. In terms of the tactual qualities of briquette surfaces, all bars except Bar 8 have some degree of "chalky" texture. Test Bar 7, which contained 50 percent burned muck from 8AL5655 and 50 percent EPK (commercial clay), had the most pronounced "chalky" texture; however, the authors judge that this chalkiness is less pronounced than is typical of St. Johns pottery.
Inspection of Petrographic Thin Sections
The samples range from an estimated minimum of three percent spicules (Bars 1, 2, and 6) to a maximum of 10 to 20 percent spicules (Bar 7) (Table 8). Figures 3 through 7 provide photomicrographs of the test bars that were thin sectioned. Figure 8 illustrates a photomicrograph of a typical very fine St. Johns sherd that can be compared with the test bar figures. The muck originally chosen for its spicule content was shown to have just three percent sponge spicules (see Figure 3). The clay sample chosen for its low iron content (C8JeI) was found to include an estimated 10 to 20 percent spicules (see Table 8 and Figure 7) (the point count percentage was 10 percent, but it seems low when compared visually to thin sections of sandy St. Johns paste (e.g, Cordell 2007:119 [Figure 3a]) Therefore, the frequency of spicules in the samples is proportional to the amount of clay (C8Jel) that was used and inversely related to the amount of muck (C8Di2) that was used. All samples involving muck C8Di2 also contained quartz sand and diatoms. Bar 7, made of EPK clay and ashed muck from site 8AL5655 comes close to sandy St. Johns paste in estimated relative frequency of sponge spicules (e.g Cordell and Koski 2003: 121; Cordell 2007:12 1) (see Figure 6).
Discussion
Although none of the test bars perfectly approximated all the qualities of St. Johns pottery, the results of the experiment strongly support several ideas concerning the manufacture of this pottery type. First, higher frequencies of sponge spicules are not correlated with a "chalky" texture. Indeed, Bar 8 (100 percent C8Jel) contains 15 percent spicules, enough to approximate that of "sandy St. Johns," but the surface is the least "chalky" feeling of any of the test bars (Table 9). Conversely, the frequency of spicules in muck C8Di2 was in fact quite low (3 percent), but test bars with this admixture were invariably more "chalky" feeling than Bar 8. The most chalky test bar was Bar 7, and although this sample contained among the highest frequency of spicules (10 to 20 percent), it was also unique in containing the finest clay and burned muck ash rather than unburned muck. Either or both of the latter two attributes of Bar 7 may contribute to its chalkiness. It is possible that a relatively pure kaolinite like EPK naturally yields a softer, chalkier feel when fired. An additional possibility is that a temper of fully combusted muck ash produces a chalkier fabric than unburned muck. These potential correlations can

be evaluated through additional experiments with briquettes that further isolate the variables.
Second, and less reliant on subjective evaluation, muck tempers impart a softness to the test bars that is equivalent to that of St. Johns pottery. Compare, for instance, the hardness of unadulterated clay C8JeI (Bar 8) at every temperature above 4000C to the corresponding hardness of the test bars with mixtures of C8Jel and muck C8Di2 (Table 7). Even Test Bar 3, which contains only 25 percent muck C8Di2, can be scratched with a fingernail at all firing temperatures. Organic muck temper presumably can make even the hardest firing clays soft enough to scratch, thereby conforming to one of Goggin's (1952:101) key attributes in his definition of St. Johns pottery.
Third, muck could have been a major contributor to the typically dark reduced cores of St. Johns pottery. Many clayey soils naturally contain organic materials that are not oxidized in the interior portion of vessel cross-sections, leaving a dark core. Other clays, such as the commercial clay (EPK) used in this experiment, lack organics and fire to light colors even at low temperatures. Organic matter can be added to such clays through organic tempers or firing in a reducing atmosphere or "smudging" (Rice 1987:158). A reasonable hypothesis is that muck could have been added to light-firing, organic-devoid clays to produce organic-rich pastes that retain dark cores after firing. However, in our experiment with EPK we added fully oxidized ash, so this possibility could not be evaluated.
Perhaps if we had added an unburned sample of 8AL5655 to EPK clay-a white-firing clay that does not exhibit dark cores on its own-the result would have been a test bar with some of the characteristic coring of St. Johns pottery. With this approach, perhaps the organics from the muck would also turn to ash in the oxidized portion of the sample (along interior and exterior surfaces) resulting in a chalky texture. Adding unburned Ruffin Pond (8AL5655) muck to clays such as EPK is a logical next step for this experiment but we consumed the entire sample in our possession during the current analysis and must wait for another collecting expedition. Alternatively, muck ash could have been added to organic-rich clays without eliminating the dark cores that result after firing. As noted above, the ash of muck may yield chalkier pottery fabrics. We will need to compare the effects of burned and unburned muck from the same sample to evaluate these possibilities.
Finally, the paste of St. Johns pottery is finer and more compact than that of all but one of the test bars, Bar 7, which included the commercially prepared EPK clay. Using a relatively fine textured natural clay sample on hand at the FLMNH-CTL, we were not able to produce a paste that approximates St. Johns pottery. Even after extensive sieving and levigating, Bar 4 and Bar 5 contain larger and more abundant aplastic inclusions (mostly quartz) than what is typical in St. Johns sherds. Considering the laboratory tools that we had at our disposal-the tiniest of mesh sizes and beakers for levigating-it is difficult to surmise how this paste was achieved by native potters unless the raw clays exhibited extremely fine compositions.
Part of the difficulties in the replication experiment stem

LOLLis, WALLIS, AND CORDELL




Table 8. Thin section analysis for the 600'C briquettes.
Est Est Est % Gemmule or
Sample % % Sand sponge Diatom notes
# size sponge comments spicule (est % diatoms
silt sand spicules or presence)
8Di2 Very 5% pennate, 3% centric; penfired 3 3 fine to 3 Fragmented, 5-10 nate diatoms probably identinugget medium random fied as sponge spicules under
70x reflected light Very Fragmented,
CL 1 3 3 fine to 3 random 1 5 Pennate and centric, fragmented
medium
Very Fragmented,
CL2 3 5 fine to 10 random 1 3 Pennate and centric, fragmented
medium
Very Fragmented,
CL 3 3 5-10 fine to 10 random Pennate and centric, fragmented
medium
Very
Ve Fragmented,
CL4 3 5-10 fine to 5-10 random P 3 Pennate and centric, fragmented
medium
Very Fragmented,
CL 5 1-3 15 fine to 15 random Pennate and centric, fragmented
medium
Very Fragmented,
CL 6 5-10 5 fine to 3 random 1 3-5 Pennate and centric, fragmented
fine
Very Many relatively
CL 7 10 3-5 fine to 10-20 whbut 1- 3 Pennate and centric, fragmented
mediumwith some preferred orientation
Very Many relatively
Verywhole; random, but CL 8 2 30.5 fine to 10-20 with some
preferred orientation

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Figure 3. Photomicrograph of 600 'C briquette for test bar 1 taken at 250x, plain polarized light (PPL). The width of the image is ca. 0.3mm.

Figure 4. Photomicrograph of 6001C briquette for test bar 2 taken at 250x, PPL. The width of the image is ca. 0.3mm.

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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2015 68 (3-4)

Figure 5. Photomicrograph of 6001C briquette for test bar 6 taken at 250x, PPL. The width of the image is ca. 0.3mm.

Figure 6. Photomicrograph of 6000C briquette for test bar 7 taken at 250x, PPL. The width of the image is ca. 0.3mm. Note the higher frequency of sponge spicules and slight preferred orientation compared to previous figures.

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Figure 7. Photomicrograph of 6001C briquette for test bar 8 taken at 250x, PPL. The width of the image is ca. 0.3mm. Sponge spicule frequency seems higher than the 10 percent obtained from point counts. Some spicules show slight preferred orientation.

Figure 8. Photomicrograph of Very Fine St. Johns sherd. It was taken at 250x, PPL. The width of the image is ca. 0.3mm. The spicules show a preferred orientation.

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SWAMP MUCK AS TEMPER?




Table 9. Qualities of test bars fired at 6000C compared to St. Johns pottery. Test Bar Paste Texture Core Color Surface Color Hardness Chalkiness Spicule Frequency
I coarser equal equal equal less far less
2 coarser equal equal equal less less
3 coarser equal equal equal less less
4 coarser equal equal equal less less
5 coarser equal equal equal less slightly less
6 coarser equal equal equal less far less
7 slightly coarser lighter equal equal slightly less slightly less
8 coarser equal equal harder not chalky slightly less

from a poor choice of samples. While our intention had been to select a fine-grained clay without sponge spicules and add it to a muck sample with abundant spicules, our selections basically reversed these qualities. Indeed, clay C8Je 1 contained relatively abundant spicules compared to muck C8Di2, which contained few. This blunder could have been averted by thin section analysis of the samples prior to conducting the experiments. Unfortunately, we did not obtain thin sections of samples until after the experiment was completed.
Conclusions and Recommendations
The results of this experiment support the idea that organic muck may have been added to clay in order to achieve some of the characteristics of St. Johns pottery. The characteristic chalkiness and tactual softness of St. Johns pottery were produced by mixing muck samples into otherwise hard-firing and non-chalky clay. Presumably dark coring also can be produced by mixing muck into clays with otherwise lightfiring cores.
These tentative conclusions need corroboration with more extensive experimentation. We intend to obtain more muck samples that contain abundant spicules such as that from Ruffin Pond (8AL5655) and add them to fine clays such as EPK. Small coiled vessels could be made, rather than just briquettes, so that a preferred orientation of spicules found in St. Johns pottery might be replicated. Another line of testing concerns the effects of weathering and other post-depositional processes on the chalky texture of the pottery. Is it possible that our test bars were not as chalky as archaeological St. Johns pottery because they had not been eroded for hundreds or thousands of years? In other words, at the time of its production, St. Johns pottery may have been less chalky than the sherds that archaeologists examine today. Experiments that subject samples to abrasion and wet/dry cycles may help evaluate this possibility. In addition, controlled contextual and temporal comparisons of archaeological St. Johns wares may produce an answer.
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank Dr. Jerry Kidder for his help and instruction with soil sieving, processing, and making clay bars.

We would also like to thank Leslie Cecil and two anonymous reviewers, whose comments and suggestions improved this paper. The test briquettes produced from this project are curated at the FLMNH-CTL.
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2015 Field School Summaries

2015 University of North Florida Archaeological Field School
S. Lee Johns
The 2015 University of North Florida (UNF) archaeological field school consisted of two main parts: a five week session for UNF students and a two week session open to the public. The student field school began with a brief, two day site survey of Calypso Island (8DU 111 ), located on National Park Service land adjacent to the Fort Caroline National Memorial. The aim of this short project was to familiarize students with the process and shovel testing and to search the small island for cultural materials. Other than a few native pottery sherds and some chert flakes, no significant archaeological resources were recovered.
Focus then shifted to the Mill Cove Complex, a large St. Johns II site along the south bank of the St. Johns River in Jacksonville, roughly 10 miles (16 kin) west of the river's mouth. The complex incorporates two known sand burial features known as Grant and Shields mounds, which are positioned roughly 750 m apart. Between these two mounds is a village area consisting of diffuse refuse scatters, variable density shell middens, and at least one ritual midden known

as Kinzey's Knoll. Artifacts and radiometric assays date Mill Cove to cal. A.D. 900-1250.
The summer field school focused on locations near the eastern end of the Mill Cove Complex in the vicinity of Shields Mound (8DU12), a St. Johns 11 construction initially excavated by Clarence B. Moore in 1894 and 1895. UNF has been testing this part of the complex intermittently since 1999. Prior investigations have concentrated on Kinzey's Knoll, a ritual midden located 50 m northwest of the Shields Mound. The knoll has yielded large amounts of artifacts, faunal remains, and exotic material in the form of copper and stone.
An objective of the 2015 field school was to test possible domestic areas of the site away from Kinzey's Knoll. With this in mind, excavations were conducted in two areas along the bluff, situated about 100 m apart (Figure 1). In addition, an apron or ramp-like feature on the north side of Shields Mound was sampled. In total 12 1 x 2 m units and two I m squares were excavated.
Initial bluff excavations took place 200 m northwest of Shields Mound. A 1 x 5 m trench and two nearby 1 x 2 m units were dug. With depth, the stratigraphy ranged from light gray sand near the surface to a darker more organic soil to a light yellow brown sterile subsoil. Localized pockets or layers of densely packed oyster shell were encountered between 20

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and 40 cm below surface. Small amounts of modem material were recovered from the upper levels and live electrical wires associated with dock lighting was exposed and fortunately not damaged. Other than a few pieces of British-period stoneware, the dominant cultural materials within the shell midden included vertebrate faunal bone, St. Johns 11 (mostly plain and check stamped) and Ocmulgee Cord-marked pottery, and a Pinellas point.
The second phase of bluff excavations took place 150 m north of Shields Mound and approximately 80 m east of the first set of bluff units. Four 1 x 2 m units, forming a 4 x 2 m block, were dug to a depth of over one meter. Although a large number of sherds were recovered from the upper eight levels, limited quantities of discarded shell were present. Many of the sherds appeared smaller than those recovered from other units. A large shell-filled pit (Feature 32) was exposed at 93 cm. below surface. It measured 146 x 124 cm in plan and extended to a terminal depth of 170 cm below surface; the dense shell concentration reached a maximum depth of 144 cm below surface. A radiometric assay on shell from the feature produced a 1-sigma calibrated date ofA.D. 1130-1195.
Excavation of the Shields "ramp" on the north side of the mound consisted of an east-west oriented 1 x 7 mn trench; a single 1 x 2 m unit was placed 12 m north of the trench and off the ramp. The 2015 trench was placed approximately one meter southeast of a I x 5 m trench dug by UNF in 2009. As for stratigraphy, light gray sand transitioned to a 20-30 cm, thick layer of oyster shell beginning at a depth of about 20 cm, below surface. The matrix associated with the shell zone was yellow brown and lacked the organic coloring typical of other shell middens on site. St. Johns II and Ocmulgee pottery types were found throughout the shell-dense levels, along with mammal and fish faunal remains. A small chert core and a large modified whelk were located at a depth of 30 cm along the southern wall of the eastern portion of the trench. A 1-sigma calibrated date radiocarbon date on oyster shell from the shell layer was A.D. 1160-1220. At this time, it is unclear if the shell zone is deposited midden or construction fill.
Compared to previous excavations at Kinzey's Knoll, the bluff and ramp area excavations yielded much less cultural material, notably pottery and bone. Other than a few nonlocal chert artifacts, no exotic material was recovered this summer. Although no evidence of houses or other structures were identified, refuse from the bluff appears to represent typical domestic garbage, much different than that recovered from Kinzey's Knoll. At the completion of week five, the UNF student field school moved to the Cedar Point site (8DU8 1) to assist in a public field school (discussed below).
AIA-UNF-NPS Public Field School 2015
Melva Price
For two weeks in mid-June, the Jacksonville Society of the American Institute of Archaeology (AIA) sponsored a public archaeological field school. Hosted by the National Park Service Timucuan Ecological and Historic Preserve and

under the direction of University of North Florida (IJNF) archaeologist Keith Ashley, IJNF students joined local AlA members and the general public to excavate the Cedar Point site (8DU8 1). This archaeological site represents the location of the 1684-1696 Spanish mission of Santa Cruz de Guadalquini, occupied by Mocama Indians. In 1684, the mission's residents moved from the San Buenaventura mission on St. Simons Island, Georgia and established a new mission home on Black Hammock Island, Florida, which came to be known as Santa Cruz. The reason for relocating the mission was to protect the Mocama from English and Indian allied slavers based in Charles Town who preyed on the Spanish missions along the Atlantic coast of southeastern North America.
The goal of the public field school was to expand the horizontal limits of an excavation block (Block C) originally dug by UNF in 2009, 2011, and 2012. Previous excavations exposed a two-room rectangular structure that measured approximately 10 x 7 m; one room was daubed while the other appears to have been open or lightly walled. Funded by an Archaeological Institute of America Outreach Grant, fieldwork began on June 15 and continued until June 25 under the direction of Ashley. From 9 a.m. until 3 p.m., volunteers dug with shovels, carried buckets of dirt and artifacts to the screening area, screened bucket after bucket of material, and searched for and sorted artifacts, faunal remains, and plant remains. All of this activity took place during a heat wave with temperatures in the upper 90s.
Three areas were excavated and these included a 2 x 2 m unit placed 8 m east of Block C; a 6 x 3 mn block added to the north end of Block C; and a 5 x 5 m block contiguous with the western side of Block C (Figure 2). An area of burning was revealed in the northern expansion area that represents a continuation of a feature revealed in 2012. Three circular postholes were excavated in the eastern block, but how these relate to the earlier structure is uncertain at this time. Artifacts recovered during the field school included native made San Marcos pottery and colonowares, Spanish majolica (San Luis Polychrome and Puebla Polychrome), Spanish olive jar, modified bone and shell, and ceramic gaming disks. Moderate amounts of animal bone and shell refuse were also recovered.
Following fieldwork, a second phase of public participation took place in the UNF Archaeology Lab. There volunteers washed and sorted hundreds of bags of materials yielded by the previous two weeks of work. Some of AlA members are assisting with analysis, which is still ongoing. Those who attended both the site and the lab work received a good introduction to the field of archaeology.
The public field school was a success as more than 60 people participated, some working just one or two days and others working every day at the site. Several young people accompanied by their parent or grandparent got their first experience in the world of "Indiana Jones." Gone was the romantic world of the movies when the real world of dirt, bugs and heat confronted them. Members of 4-H also participated. The inspiration for the field school came from the AIA Jacksonville Society Outreach Committee as a means of promoting public understanding of archaeology. The project




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extended the limits of Block C and added to the data base for generating conclusions about life at the mission.
2015 Florida Museum of Natural History Alachua Field School on Orange Lake: Seven Sisters and Pine Landing
Kristen Hall
The 2015 Florida Museum of Natural History (FLMNH) Spring Field School was led by Dr. Neill Wallis and teaching assistants Kristen Hall and Hayley Singleton. Commuting two days a week to the site, the spring semester field school was a rigorous and inexpensive opportunity for undergraduate students to be introduced to archaeological field methods (Figure 3). The field school was conducted in an effort to identify and document Cades Pond and Alachua Tradition village settlements along the eastern shores of Orange Lake. Located approximately 20 miles from the University of Florida campus, extensive survey and some test unit excavation revealed two previously unrecorded habitation sites. Both sites are dominated by Alachua Tradition (ca. AD 700-1500) deposits.
The field school focused on a lake-side area close to several previously documented burial mounds. Directly to the west, the Richardson site (8ALlOO) contains a Potano (ca. AD 1600) village several hundred meters away from the shores of Orange Lake on a high bluff (Milanich 1972). In contrast to the higher elevation of the Richardson site, the field school study area on the eastern shore has a lower elevation

and somewhat poorly drained soils. The study area, once used for cattle pasture, is now dense with saw palmetto, greenbrier, max myrtle, and hickory (Figure 4). Two adjacent properties on Orange Lake were investigated while working closely with the local landowners. Without their exceptional stewardship and involvement the field school would not have been possible.
During the summer of 2014, minimal shovel testing and surface collection revealed a midden deposit about 100 mn from the marshy shore of Orange Lake which contained St. Johns, Alachua Cob Marked, and plain varieties of pottery along with lithic debitage and some faunal bone. The field school students surveyed the same area with shovel test pits on a 20 meter grid. After extensive shovel testing, areas with the greatest concentration of artifacts and least saturated by the nearby lake were further investigated with a series of 1 x,
2 m test units.
Four 1 x 2 and one I x I m units were used to create a block excavation in the area with the highest concentration of cultural materials. In recent memory, the property was used for cattle pasture with no significant ground disturbing activities. The stratigraphic profile consists of approximately 40-60 cm of very dark brown sand with dense sherds and lithic debitage over a light gray subsoil. The dominant cultural material of the units at the site (Seven Sisters) was pottery and lithic debitage with pre-Columbian faunal remains being virtually absent. This may have been due to poor preservation from repeated fluctuations of Orange Lake or because the site boundaries for Seven Sisters have not been completely delineated. A faunal deposit for the site may exist on an adjacent property




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Figure 3. The UF field crew after backfilling. From back to front and left to right. Kristen Hall, Elizabeth Sanders, Devon Anderson, Caroline McKinney, Joseph Waddell, John Stanton, Domenique Sorresso, Mason Branscome, Hayley Singleton, Angelo Canevari, Zoe Sieber, Joelys Gonzalez, and Cristina Jiron. Picture taken by project director Dr. Neill Wallis.

to the southeast yet to be surveyed. In the block excavation, a 1 m square-ish pit feature contained large pieces of charcoal and pottery sherds. A bulk sample was collected for further analysis and radiocarbon dating of the charred material. Deeper in the midden, some additional pottery types were recovered including notched rims, complicated stamped, and cross cord marked varieties.
Higher than normal lake levels due to frequent rains hindered excavation of the lower lying units in closer proximity to the shore. Some small pit-like features were documented in plan view, but could not be excavated due to the water table level. In a few cases, profiles and photographs of the units were postponed until the water receded. Approximately 10 m north of the large block excavation another test unit was excavated in a slightly higher area. In the first level of the unit a large Alachua Cob Marked rim sherd with dense soot was recovered. The soot was radiocarbon dated to cal. AD 1260 to 1295 which places the context within the Alachua Tradition. This rim sherd also represents the first directly dated Alachua Cob Marked pottery in Florida.
As some students excavated the Seven Sisters site, another crew surveyed the Pine Landing site immediately to the north. Like the Seven Sisters site, extensive shovel testing on a 20 m grid was completed as well as one test unit in a high density area. The Pine Landing site is most likely contemporaneous with the Seven Sisters site based on similar material culture. The midden deposit was not as dense as Seven Sisters and the

test unit terminated in approximately 50 cm.
In total eight 1 x 2 and one 1 x 1 m test units were excavated to investigate the middens at the Seven Sisters and Pine Landing sites. Documentation, processing, and analysis of the pottery and lithic debitage is underway at the FLMNH. The area surrounding Orange Lake has the potential to expand our knowledge of Alachua Tradition village settlement patterns. The low elevation of Seven Sisters and Pine Landing sites is atypical in comparison to the 70 percent of Alachua sites usually found on higher hills or ridges (Rolland 2012). This field school season was an essential first step in beginning to understand the archaeology surrounding Orange Lake and future research of the Alachua Tradition would greatly benefit from documentation and excavation of similar lacustrine, low lying sites.
Milanich, Jerald T.
1972 Excavations at the Richardson Site, Alachua County,
Florida: An Early 17th Century Potano Indian Village (with Notes on Potano Culture Change). Florida Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties Bulletin 2:3561
Rolland, Vicki
2012 Alachua of North-Central Florida. In Late Prehistoric
Florida: Archaeology at the Edge of the Mississippian

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Figure 4. Bird's eye view of the Seven Sisters site including the block excavation (TU 1, 5, 8, and 9) pictured left and TU 7 pictured right.

World, edited by K. H. Ashley and N. M. White, pp.
126-148. University Press of Florida, Gainesville.
University of West Florida 2015 Arcadia Mill Field School Summary
Adrianne Sams Walker, M.A., RPA
During summer 2015, Arcadia Mill Archaeological Site in Milton, FL hosted a section of the University of West Florida (UWF) terrestrial field school. This 10-week field school provided hands-on training in a wide variety of terrestrial archaeological field methods. Students learned about field techniques and principles including shovel testing and test unit excavation, mapping, proper documentation of field work, and research development. Graduate supervisory training was also a significant component of the UWF field school experience. In 2015, Principal Investigator Adrianne S. Walker was assisted by UWF graduate students Katherine Sims, Dani Mount, and Mia Zarbo.
Since 2009, Arcadia Mill has been a part of the UWF terrestrial field school program, focusing on the multiethnic community that lived and worked at the industrial site. During

its existence between 1817 and 1855, Arcadia developed into a multi-faceted operation that included a sawmill, a lumber mill with planning and lathing machines, the Arcadia Pail Factory, a textile mill, an experimental silk operation, and one of the first railroads chartered in territorial Florida. In addition, Arcadia included a thriving industrial village of mixed ethnicity including enslaved African Americans, Anglo-American laborers, and high-status Anglo-American managers.
Previous field school research focused on a domestic area north of the industrial complex that was inhabited by low-status individuals, likely to be enslaved African American laborers. In 2011, descendants of the Arcadia mill owner, E. E. Simpson, donated an undeveloped 3.05 acre lot on the bluff overlooking the mill complex. This lot contains the archaeological remains of the high-status residence at Arcadia Mill in addition to farmrelated outbuildings, a brick-lined well, and the remains of a low-status cabin that was likely used for enslaved housing. In 2012, the field school conducted a survey of the Simpson Lot and subsequent field schools focused on delineating the boundaries of the high-status residence. The Simpson house (ca. 1835-1935) consisted of a three-story Louisiana-style mansion with a brick-paved partial basement, veranda and main floor, and a second story.
The surrounding private parcels, particularly to the east,




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most likely contain the structural remains of enslaved housing for the laboring population. Limited testing conducted in 1988 revealed evenly distributed architectural material to thle east of the Simpson Lot; however, further investigation is necessary to identify the nature of the deposits. Private property owners to the southeast of the Simpson Lot agreed to a geophysical survey and limited testing of their adjacent, undeveloped 2.51 acre lot during summer 2015.
The north and west walls of the Simpson house brick basement were previously identified; therefore, the summer 2015 research design consisted of continuing to investigate the boundaries of the house in addition to conducting limited research on the adjacent private property to the southeast. The private property investigation included a geophysical survey of ground penetrating radar, gradiometer, and metal detecting and the excavation of one test unit based on the location of a circular gradiometer anomaly. The I x 1 mn test unit yielded a large, complex midden feature with evidence of burning that dates to the late nineteenth century. The feature yielded large concentrations of iron artifacts, oyster shell layers, whole and fragmentary bottles, and ceramic sherds. By the turn of the century, the Simpson Lot was referred to as Arcadia Farm since the family had begun farming the land and experimenting with horticulture. This midden feature dates to the Arcadia Farm period ca. 1890-1930 and does not directly relate to the current research focus of Arcadia Mill Archaeological Site.
The summer 2015 investigation of the Simpson house consisted of three shovel tests and 10 test units that varied in size. Soil probing identified subsurface brick features around

the possible southern boundary of the brick basement. Two shovel tests were excavated and expanded into units that were later expanded even more with adjacent units to fully expose the brick features. A total of four brick structural features were uncovered, consisting of two sets/pairs with brick curtains connecting them in the center (Figure 5). One pair resembles square brick piers, while the other pair are linear-shaped like a wall. The brick basement floor was associated with both sets, indicating the interior southern boundary of the basement. The opposing exterior side of the brick features revealed sterile subsoil.
The remaining excavation units focused on an area identified during the summer 2014 field season in the southwest portion of the house footprint. An articulated brick wall feature was uncovered in a profile during final documentation in 2014. This brick feature was re-exposed in 2015 and was investigated through a series of adjacent test units. The excavation of five test units revealed a square-shaped brick wall feature that is interpreted to be an ancillary chimney foundation, one of four that is visible in historic photographs. The summer 2015 research contributed to the goal of delineating the boundaries of the Simpson house, and it provided valuable data suggesting that the house footprint is larger than initially interpreted based on photographs (Figure 6).
Laboratory analysis is nearing completion through the fall semester lab course that is taken by many of the field school students. Preliminary interpretations are being drafted for conference presentations and future research design. We invite interested readers to follow the Arcadia Mill Field School blog, at www.arcadiamillvillage.blogspot.com.

oz iou, reature nuu, IDrlck wail ana curtain.

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A
""i T 160 M 29E
UN T 152 3386253.33N 492056,
FEATURE 500
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PLAN VIEW 22 JJLY 2015




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Figure 6. Students mapping Unit 155.

University of West Florida 2015 Campus Field School Summary
Cole Smith, JodiLyn Preston, Janene Johnston, and Ramie A. Gougeon, Ph.D.
As is becoming our custom, the University of West Florida (UWF) archaeological field school students undertook several distinct and rewarding research projects over the course of the 2015, 1.0-week summer field school. These programs were tailored to the terrestrial portion of UWF's unique combined terrestrial/maritime archaeological field school. The combined field school is specifically designed to accommodate the split training schedule of the participating students. For each five week half, students taking their terrestrial training participate in both an archaeological survey (Phase I) and an intensive testing (Phase I) project. At the end of five weeks, the first crew begins their maritime training while those who were on the water begin their Phase I and Phase II projects. One goal of the field school is to give the students hands-on training in a wide variety of archaeological field methods. As with all of UWF's archaeological field schools, students learn about and directly experience a variety of relevant archaeological field techniques and principles, from shovel testing and test unit excavation, to mapping, proper documentation of the work, and research development. Graduate supervisory training is also a critical component of the field school experience. In 2015, Principal Investigator Dr. Ramie Gougeon was assisted by UWF graduate students Cole Smith, Courtney Boren,

Hillary Jolly, Llew Kinison, Janene Johnston, and JodiLyn Preston.
This year the archaeological field school projects were organized around the Masters' theses questions of three of our graduate supervisory staff. First, the field school revisited the 2014 excavations at the Keyser Homestead (8SR01518) site near Chumuckla Springs in Escambia County, wrapping up the final leg of planned investigations at the site. The survey during this field season began with closely-spaced shovel tests in the southern portion of the project area, covering approximately 1.6 acres. As suspected, this area was largely devoid of cultural material, producing only five positive shovel tests which contained refined earthenwares and a single smallcaliber lead ball. The main focus of the investigation centered on the probable Creek homestead discovered in 2014, with a 2 x 2 m unit from the previous field season being reopened and an additional 2 x 2 m unit being opened nearby. The finds this year were consistent with those produced in previous phases, including a temporally narrow sample of historic brushed and plain Native American ceramics, prehistoric check-stamped ceramics, olive green glass, lead shot, gunflints, a single glass bead, and food remains in the form of burnt peach pits. We also excavated several hits from a metal detection survey conducted earlier in the spring, recovering additional lead shot, iron straps, kaolin pipe stem and bowl fragments, and the serpentine side plate of a mid-caliber trade musket. Representative sample of artifacts recovered during project are featured in Figure 7.
The second research project was undertaken on the UWF campus, both on and adjacent to Thompson's Bayou in an area




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known as Booker's Fish Camp. This camp was in operation in the mid-1900s immediately prior to the establishment of the university. UWF graduate student JodiLyn Preston established our research questions and directed field operations for this portion of the field school. The nature of this site and the research questions afforded the opportunity to conduct investigations in cooperation with the UWF maritime portion of the field school. Both side-scan sonar and magnetometer data was collected as part of the Phase I maritime survey of the bayou adjacent to the terrestrial portion of the site. The maritime survey was performed to determine the potential for submerged components to the site. The Phase I survey of the terrestrial portion was used to investigate the potential locations of buildings recorded in documentation and photographs from 1964. Due to the relatively recent nature of the site there was considerable evidence found on the surface, therefore a limited number of shovel test was performed. Phase 11 unit excavations were performed in areas with the highest potential of containing artifacts associated with the camp store and outhouse (Figure 8). A considerable portion of our efforts were focused on documenting and collection more than 500 surface artifacts, consisting predominantly of glass bottles and jars, however the assemblage includes metal, ceramic, shoes, and more.
The third research project was conducted at Natural Bridge Battlefield Historic State Park near Tallahassee, Florida. The site consists of multiple occupational components including a potentially significant Archaic site, as well as Woodland, Mississippian, and historic farmstead materials. However, this project focused on the 1865 Civil War battlefield. Fieldwork

(8SR1518).

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consisted of a metal detecting survey executed throughout the property, as well as a Phase 11 survey near two potential earthworks. UWF graduate student Janene Johnston developed the research questions and oversaw the metal detecting survey portion of the project. Metal detecting surveys have been shown to be the most effective way of identifying and analyzing battlefields. This method has so far allowed for the collection of approximately 900 artifacts related to the battle, including mini balls, cannonball fragments, round balls, canister shot, and rifle equipment. It also helped identify several terrain features that may have played a role in the conflict. The Phase II survey consisted of examining two potential earthworks on the property. A trench was placed across each one and select portions were excavated. Through this work, one of the earthworks was determined to be a more modem feature, while the other has to be closely analyzed. Field and lab work at this site are ongoing through Fall 2015.
Laboratory analysis is nearing completion, following the fall semester lab course taken by many of our field school students. We invite interested readers to "like" our Facebook page, which we will continue to update in the lead-up to our, 2016 field school season (https://www.facebook.com/ UWFCampusFieldSchool).
University of West Florida 2015 Colonial Frontiers Terrestrial Field School
Jillian Okray and Melissa Maynard
This past summer the University of West Florida Colonial Frontiers field school students returned to Mission San Joseph de Escambe to continue research into Florida's mission system. While Mission San Joseph de Escambe has undergone archaeological investigations for six years, many questions regarding life at the site remain a mystery. The mission, located in Molino, Florida on top of a natural bluff, was occupied by both Apalachee Indians, and Spanish friars and soldiers from 1741 until it was burned by Creek warriors in 1761.
One of the primary questions addressed this summer was to determine whether the residential structures present on the site followed the Apalachee pattern, which were circular, or the Spanish style, which were square. In an attempt to answer this question, efforts were concentrated on the probable structure that was identified during the previous field season when post boles and a central hearth were uncovered. If the structure followed the "roundhouse" pattern, it was expected to range from 6 to 8 mn from the central hearth. Three units were placed based on this theory and several post holes were excavated that were indicative that the structure followed the circular Apalachee style. However, this data will be examined in further detail to confirm precise size and internal configuration of the structure.
Over the years, investigations at Mission Escambe have focused on the highest area of the site where higher status artifacts have been discovered, this area is believed to be related to the mission's church. This summer the field school focused

efforts on continuing the investigation of a structure believed to be the church of the mission. Based on the location of a wall trench and line of posts discovered during the previous field season, an additional unit was opened in attempt to find the corner of the structure. This summer, a corner of the possible church was identified which will shed light on the shape and size of the structure.
While research at the site typically focuses on the mission component, investigations during the 2015 field season were expanded to cover the late nineteenth century mill component. Molino Mills was a steam powered sawmill, which operated from 1866 until it too was destroyed by fire in 1884 (Figure 9). Archaeological research relating to the mill focused on identifying the structural layout of industrial portion of the mill, located on the lower terrace of the site. While shovel tests were placed to locate the supporting structures and employee residences, these structures could not be conclusively identified. However, features integral to understanding the mill's operations and interior boundaries were discovered. As the majority of the mill structures were built upon the lower terrace of a natural bluff near the flood plain of the Escambia River, flooding and erosion was likely a common issue during the mill's operation. This summer archaeological evidence

Figure 9. Jen Knutson, Darby Gorin, and Melissa excavating the ruins of Molino Mills.




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of this problem and the mill inhabitants' solution to it were discovered. In response, the mill inhabitants built drainage trenches and used clay to stabilize, support, and protect their facilities and work spaces.
In addition to the archaeological investigations in Molino, the field school relocated for a week-long period to visit a Second Spanish Period Sawmill (1781-1821) site located along Spring Lake in Cantonment, Florida (Figure 10). Although documented, this site had never been excavated. Subsequently, the initial objective was to locate and positively identify the site.
The artifacts uncovered during the excavation appeared to date to the appropriate time period for the sawmi I I occupation. The area also matched landform descriptions on previous survey forms and the location also positively corresponded with historical maps. Based on this evidence, it is believed that the Spring Lake site has been accurately identified.
We next moved to understand the population that would have been living at the site. Records indicate the owners of the mill owned slaves both in their homes and at their additional sawmill occupation along nearby Clear Creek. Therefore, it is likely that forced labor was used at the Spring Lake site. Through the analysis of the lower class residential structure located on the site, it is hoped that this theory can be tested to reveal information regarding the inhabitants of the site.
Overall, the 2015 Colonial Frontiers field school was a major success for all students involved. Many questions regarding Mission Escambe, Molino Mills, and Spring Lake Sawmill were answered, while many new questions emerged. Students were given hands-on instruction in shovel test and unit excavation, in field artifact identification, soil identification, screening techniques, photography, field safety, and team work. Excavations at these sites were made possible by the generous help and support from the UWF Archaeology Institute, local landowners, and nearby companies. Over the summer, visitors were brought to the sites and tours were provided allowing students to learn the importance of a strong connection with the public and the invaluable insight these community members can provide.
Gulf Coast State College, Panama Hotel archaeological site, Bay County
Jason Wenzel
During the Spring 2015 semester, students of Gulf Coast State College's inaugural Introduction to Archaeology course were provided with an opportunity to directly engage in the archaeological research process to fulfill their course project requirement. In partnership with the Historical Society of Bay County and the Panama City Marine Institute, the students participated in an archaeological survey of a site in the heart of Downtown Panama City where two historic hotels once stood: the Panama Hotel (1912-1929) and the Edgewater Hotel (1933-1970). The Panama Hotel was one of several hotels that dotted the landscape of downtown Panama City during a time when the area served as the center of Bay County's early

Figure 10. Jodi Preston, Olivia Pitts, and Michelle Pigott clearing a trench across a structure wall at the Spring Lake sawmill.
tourism industry. In 1929, the Panama Hotel was destroyed by a fire and in 1933 the Edgewater Hotel was built on the same site. The later hotel operated during a period when much of the focus of visitation in Bay County shifted west to the newly developing Panama City Beach. During this time many of the downtown area hotels began to close and were subsequently
demolished, including the Edgewater Hotel in 1970.
The site of these two hotels has remained mostly vacant
since the Edgewater Hotel's demolishment serving primarily as a parking lot for the current property owner, the Panama City Marine Institute (founded in 1974) who has graciously provided Gulf Coast State College with the opportunity to
conduct the archaeological survey on site.
The primary goals of the project were to provide Gulf
Coast State College students with an opportunity to engage directly in archaeological research through service learning, and to attain knowledge about the development and operations of downtown Panama City's early tourism industry through
the study of material remains from the past.
A community archaeology day was held at the site on
March 14 as part of Florida Archaeology Month 2015. The public was invited to observe archaeology "in action" where both students and members of the Historical Society of Bay




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County provided visitors with information on the history of the site and the surrounding downtown area.
Through systematic shovel testing, a diverse variety of architectural and kitchen related artifacts were recovered including fragments of brick, masonry, metal, glass, ceramic, and faunal items (Figure 11). In addition, examination of the site's stratigraphy revealed a complex history of multiple episodes of construction, demolition, fire, and fill. The students had the opportunity to learn the basics of artifact identification and analysis as the recovered materials were processed in laboratory space in the college's new Advanced Technology Center. The artifacts will eventually be displayed at the Historical Society's new museum which opened in 2015 and is within close vicinity to the site in the Downtown area. Archaeological field work is planned to continue at the site in 2016.

figure II. esie I nompson, jonn freeman, alyna iuz, anu tsoD nurst snovei tesnng at me ranama Hotel (8BY1778) archaeological site.




About the Authors
Georgie M Luer is an archaeologist who is active discovering the past to make a better, more informed future. He enjoys sharing in this endeavor with fellow caring citizens and members of the Florida Anthropological Society
Todd and April Lumley are proud parents of 5 children, 4 girls and 1 boy. As a family, they enjoy camping, canoeing, and of course hiking the beach along St. George Sound.
Willett A. Boyer III is a seventh-generation Florida native whose research focuses on the late precontact, early contact, and mission eras in the region of Marion County, Florida, with a particular focus on the Timucuan-speaking cultures of the early historic period.
Charly Lollis graduated with a BA in Anthropology from the University of Florida. She has experience in southeastern archaeology volunteering and working on various excavations since 2013. She has additional lab and collections management experience at the Florida Museum of Natural History in Florida Archaeology as a collections assistant, intern, and volunteer. Her research interests include museum studies, curation, collections management, and classical world collections.
Neill J. Wallis is Assistant Curator in Archaeology at the Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida. He is the author of the The Swift Creek Gift: Vessel Exchange on the Atlantic Coast (2011, University of Alabama Press) and coeditor, with Asa Randall, of New Histories of PreColumbian Florida (2014, University Press of Florida).
Ann S. Cordell is a staff archaeologist at UF's Florida Museum of Natural History in Gainesville, FL. She manages FLMNH's Ceramic Technology Laboratory and conducts pottery analyses for FLMNH curators. She has studied prehistoric and historic aboriginal pottery from Florida, the southeastern US, and the Caribbean.







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Student: Regular: Family: Institutional: Sustaining: Patron: Benefactor:

$15 (with a copy of a current student ID) $30
$35 $30 $100 $1000 $2500

" Student membership is open to graduate, undergraduate, and high school students. A
photocopy of your current student ID must accompany payment
* Add $25 for foreign addresses
* Membership forms also are available at www.fasweb.org/membership.htm
* The Society publishes the journal The Florida Anthropoogist and newsletters, normally
quarterly and sponsors and annual meeting hosted by a local chapter.

Name: Address: City:
State: Zip:
Telephone: Email: FAS Chapter:
_ I agree to abide by the Code of Ethics of the Florida Anthropological Society
Mail to:
Florida Anthropological Society c/o Pat Balanzategui P.O. Box 1135 St. Augustine, FL 32085

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Chapters of the Florida Anthropological Society
11
1. Ancient Ones Archaeological Society of North Central Florida
2. Archaeological Society of Southern Florida
2495 N.W. 35th Ave., Miami, FL 33142
3. Central Florida Anthropological Society 3
P.O. Box 948083, Maitland, FL 32794
4. Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society 7
P.O. Box 1563, Pinellas Park, Fl 33780
5. Emerald Coast Archaeological Society
c/o Indian temple Mound Museum
139 Miracle Strip Pkwy SE, Fort Walton Beach, FL 32548
6. Gold Coast Anthropological Society
6720 E. Tropical Way, Plantation, FL 33317
7. Indian River Anthropological Society
P.O. Box 73, Cocoa, FL 32923
17
8. Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Ilistorical Conservancy
80 Bear Point Lane, Lake Placid, FL 33852
9. Panhandle Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 20026, Tallahassee, FL 32316 6
10. Pensacola Archaeological Society 1
P.O. Box 13251, Pensacola, FL 32591
11. St. Augustine Archaeological Association
P.O. Box 1301, St. Augustine, FL 32085
12. Southeast Florida Archaeological Society
816 St. Lucic Crescent, Stuart, FL 3994
13. Southwest Florida Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 9965, Naples, FL 34101
14. Time Sifters Archaeological Society 16. Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 5283, Sarasota, Fl. 34227 P.O. Box 7797, North Port, Ft34287
15. Volusia Anthropological Society 17. Palm Beach County Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 1881, Ormond Beach, FL 32174 9722 Alaska Circle, Boca Raton, FL 33434




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BACK ISSUES OF THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
ARE AVAILABLE FROM
DEBRA J. WELLS., M.A., RPA
BACK ISSUE COORDINATOR
debrajwells@aol.com
OR
1129 NW 143RD STREET JONESVILLE, FL 32669













FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC. JEFFREY P. Du VERNAY, PH.D. SCHOOL OF GEOSCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA 4202 EAST FOWLER AVENUE, NES 107 TAMPA, FL 33620

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PAID
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PERMIT NO. 801
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
FROM THE EDITORS
ARTICLES
A TABBED CIRCLE ARTIFACT FROM THE FLORIDA PANHANDLE GEORGE M LUER, TODD LUMLEY, AND APRIL LUMLEY
POTANO IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES: NEW EXCAVATIONS AT THE RICHARDSON/UF VILLAGE SrrE, 8AL100 WILLETA. BOYER, Ill
WAS ST. JOHNS POTTERY MADE WITH SWAMP MUCK AS TEMPER? AN EXPERIMENTAL ASSESSMENT CHARLY LOLLIS, NEILL J. WALLIS, AND ANN S. CORDELL
2015 FIELD SCHOOL SUMMARIES ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Copyright 2015 by the
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.
ISSN 0015-3893