The Florida anthropologist

Material Information

The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title:
Fla. anthropol.
Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Place of Publication:
Florida Anthropological Society.
Publication Date:
Quarterly[<Mar. 1975- >]
Two no. a year[ FORMER 1948-]
v.68 no.1-2, March-June, 2015
Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 24 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )


Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- May 1948-

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University of Florida
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Copyright [Florida Anthropologist Society, Inc.] Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
01569447 ( OCLC )
56028409 ( LCCN )
0015-3893 ( ISSN )

Full Text
The Florida Anthropologist
Published by the Florida Anthropological Society
Volume 68 Number 1-2 March-June 2015

The Florida Anthropologist is published by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc., P.O. Box 12563, Pensacola, FL 32591 Subscription is by membership in the Society. Membership is NOT restricted to residents of the State of Florida nor to the United States of America. Membership may be initiated at any time during the year, and covers the ensuing twelve month period. Dues shall be payable on the anniversary of the initial dues payment. Members shall receive copies of all publications distributed by the Society during the 12 months of their membership year. Annual dues are as follows: student $15, individual $30, family $35, institutional $30, sustaining $100 or more, patron $1000 or more, and benefactor $2500. Foreign subscriptions are an additional $25 U.S. to cover added postage and handling costs for individual, family, or institutional membership categories. Copies of the journal will only be sent to members with current paid dues. Please contact the Editors for information on recent back issues.
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Volume 68 Number 1-2 March-June 2015


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Welcome to the March-June 2015 issue of The Florida Anthropologist. This issue includes three articles, a summary of the 2015 awards presented at the 67th annual Florida Anthropological Society meeting in May, and an In Memoriam.
The first article featured in this issue is co-written by Gregory Mikell and Steve Harris. This article is focused on Spanish artifacts recovered from the Fort Walton and contact period site 8WL38, located on Fourmile Point in the Choctawatchee Bay region of northwest Florida. Their discussion mainly centers on one of the Spanish artifacts recovered from this site, specifically a wrought iron rivet argued to have been part of a rudder from a small Spanish sailing vessel. Mikell and Harris make a case in the article for the possible Spanish vessel type with which the rivet could have been associated and detail which Spaniards they believe likely could have been responsible for the presence of the rivet and the other Spanish artifacts recovered from 8WL38. Their article builds from articles previously authored by Mikell that were published in the Journal, the most recent one of which was featured in the December 2013 issue.
The second article in this issue is authored by Matthew Rooney and centers on his research into the living spaces of late nineteenth to early twentieth-century Ybor City cigar factory workers. In this article, Rooney investigates and documents the extant fluctuations in family house sizes of a sample area for the city's cigar workers through time, and demonstrates how these fluctuations are linked to the shifting economic fortunes of the workers themselves. Rooney's analysis includes the bringing together of various datasets in a Geographic Information System (GIS) including historic Sanborn Company fire insurance maps for multiple years and measurable county parcel data, and he examines these data in light of contemporaneous demographic information culled from city directories. With these datasets, Rooney illustrates a correlation between timing of the economic rise, peak, and decline of the Ybor City cigar workers from the late nineteenth through early twentieth centuries and shifts in the sizes of their living spaces. Rooney relates these apparent dwelling fluctuations to broader economic changes that occurred in Ybor City itself and beyond.
The final article of the issue is by David Birnbaum. With this article, Birnbaum presents his detailed analysis of a corpus of Malabar tradition ceramics recovered as part of the Fox Lake Sanctuary Archaeological Project organized and directed by Tom Penders. The ceramics of his study derive from three different sites situated in the Sanctuary, located in northern Brevard County. Specifically, Birnbaum's study of these

assemblages is comparative and focuses on detailing the extant variation among the assemblages in terms of ceramic type, rim sherd attributes, and inferred vessel forms. Birnbaum's comparative analysis is complemented by a presentation of new radiocarbon data for one of the three sites included in his study, and that stem from test excavations completed as part of the Fox Lake Sanctuary Archaeological Project.
In addition to these three articles, this issue includes a summary of the individual and chapter awards presented at this year's Florida Anthropological Society meeting held in Sarasota. We extend congratulations to this year's award winners!
Finally, the issue closes with an In Memoriam piece honoring former FAS President and avocational archaeologist John W. "Jack" Thompson who passed away last year.
We hope that you enjoy this issue!
Jeffrey P. Du Vernay
Julie Rogers Saccente


MA CH-JtuNE 2015

VOL. 68(1-2)


'Panamerican Consultants, Inc., 4430 Yarmouth Pl., Pensacola, Florida 32514 Email: 2102 Doctors Dr., Suite 1, Dothan, Alabama 36301 Email:

It is curious how many paths "following the evidence" can take one down. A case in point is the Spanish artifacts from archaeological site 8WL38 on Fourmile Point (Figure 1). From the time of their excavation and collection in the 1990s, six metal artifacts have led to many paths of inquiry (Mikell 1994, 1997, 2013). The combination of artifact types, what they represent in terms of possible events, and who may have left them has come into sharper focus as a result. In this paper, we first detail the Spanish artifacts from 8WL38 and the contexts of their recovery and then follow the evidence as to how they became part of the archaeological record at 8WL38.

The importance of one of the 8WL38 artifacts, a likely pintle and gudgeon (rudder) rivet is discussed and followed by a description of the vessel types it could have been associated with. Then we describe the Spaniards who most likely left the artifacts, and why we consider them the most likely candidates based on the types of seafaring vessels they were known to have sailed, according to historic accounts. We then conclude with two sections dealing with an accounting of the ships in the sixteenth-century Spanish fleets recorded (and often misinterpreted) as having been on the north-central Gulf Coast and west Florida.

Figure 1. Map of Fourmile Point showing all recorded Fort Walton sites labeled with State site numbers.


VOL. 68 (1-2)



Spanish Artifacts from 8WL38 and the Contexts of their Recovery
8WL38 has yielded well-documented evidence of the Spanish presence in the Choctawhatchee Bay region, and potentially at the site or on Fourmile Point, in the early sixteenth century (Mikell 1994, 1997, 2013). This site is associated with a cemetery site (8WL9) where Clarence B. Moore (1918) and Charles Fairbanks (1965) also recovered European materials in association with late Fort Walton burials. Fourmile Point is host to numerous Fort Walton sites, including multiple village shell middens. Together with other Fort Walton sites on Fourmile Point (Figures 1 and 2), 8WL38 and 8WL9 demonstrate the prominence of a principal Fort Walton settlement on the point and there is circumstantial, but compelling evidence to indicate that Spaniards from the Hernando de Soto (1539-1543) or TristAn de Luna (15591561) expeditions may have visited the settlement (Mikell 2013).
In 1994 and 1997, Mikell reported on his work at site 8WL38 and in 2013, he summarized the previous findings, reported on an additional Spanish artifact, and presented a reevaluation of the previously recovered materials (Mikell 1994, 1997, 2013). Site 8WL38 is a large Fort Walton village and midden site arranged around a clearly defined plaza, with a distinct "midden mound" deposit located on the east side of

the plaza (Figure 3). The midden mound contained evidence of ritual deposition of materials likely used in ceremony, such as communal feasting, and the presence of the Spanish in the area as reflected in the recovery of six metal artifacts. The midden mound also yielded evidence (post features) associated with rectangular, raised platform wooden structures on its eastern, or outside, margins. As noted by Mikell (2013:37):
The ceremonial aspects of 8WL38 are a critical
element and distinguish the site as a place of importance and possibly of important people. In the initial investigation of 8WL38, Charles Fairbanks (1958) suggested that a shell ring enclosure was present; this was likely the ring of elevated [oyster] shell middens around the plaza area [that includes the midden mound]. The evidence of ceremonial activities, communal feasting, and ritual disposal of various materials, primarily between A.D. 1300 and A.D. 1550, indicates an indelible link, in terms of ceremonial materials and contexts, as well as implied temporal association, between 8WL38 and
the Hogtown Bayou cemetery (8WL9).
With the exception of the crossbow bow string hook, the metal artifacts from 8WL38 were recovered in direct association or adjacent to clear evidence of ceremonial activity

Figure 2. S.T. Walker's map showing the locations of aboriginal sites around Choctawhatchee Bay (Walker 1885). Note the location of "Four Mile Pt." on the south-central shore of the bay.


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Figure 3. 8WL38 site map with and enlarged detail of the midden mound and depicting the approximate recovery locations of the Spanish artifacts described herein, as well as other notable associated features. (Redrawn from Mikell 1994: Figure




evident in the midden mound: the buckle appears to have been part of a ceremonial cache or medicine bundle intentionally placed in the midden mound (Mikell 1994) and the rivet, spike, and strap or hardware plate fragment were from areas within and on the slope of the midden mound where ritual feasting and disposal non-utilitarian items and pottery in quantity is evident (Mikell 1994, 1997, 2013). The contextual association of the majority of the Spanish artifacts from 8WL38 with ceremonial deposition behavior has significant implications for the manner in which the objects were viewed by the natives who last possessed them. While it cannot be conclusively demonstrated, the apparent ritualized use and disposal of these objects (with the exception of the crossbow bow string hook) very likely reflects an amazement with and appreciation of the power of objects never or rarely seen before that were suddenly interjected into the native world by humans not seen before. Not only is ritual disposal or sacrifice evident at 8WL38, the deposition of Spanish artifacts in burials at the nearby "Cemetery on Hogtown Bayou" (8WL9) as apparent status or power symbols was also documented by Moore (1918:537539). We cannot know the worldview of the inhabitants or the nature of their interaction with the Spanish, but once in the possession of the residents of the Fourmile Point, the ultimate primary deposition of the artifacts is associated with ceremony and ritual. Figure 3 presents a detail of the midden mound and 8WL38 site map that depicts the locations of the Spanish artifacts and other significant features of the midden mound. Table 1 provides a descriptive account of materials and data directly associated with the Spanish artifacts, and Figures 4-6 depict the artifacts. Table 2 summarizes all documented Spanish artifacts from 8WL38 and 8WL9.
What the 8WL38 Rivet Appears to Represent
As indicated by Mikell (2013:40-41), the wrought iron rivet appears to be from the pintle and gudgeon rudder assembly (Figure 7) of a small sailing vessel. Whereas Mikell suggested it could be from a vessel such as a chalupa, a more in depth literature search, an examination of Spanish plan drawings for ship construction (Figure 8), and consultations with individuals with extensive expertise (such as co-author Steve Harris) together indicate that it is too long to be from a chalupa rudder assembly, but that it is the proper length to be from a "bergantin" rudder pintle assembly (Figure 9). Based on the plans (see Figure 8) for early seventeenth-century bergantins as depicted in the Livro de traces de carpinataria, a shipbuilding treatise composed by Manoel Fernandez dated to 1616 (Academia de Marinha, Lisboa 1989), inferences can be made for sixteenth-century bergantin rudders. In the 1616 bergantin plans, which do not show the rudder, the keel and sternpost are approximately 5 in wide and the typical rudder would be the same width or slightly less wide in order to reduce turbulence (Freeman 1978; Mott 1997:113-114, 133135). Smith (1993:91) indicates that Tom6 Cano, a Spanish navigator and the author of a 1611 nautical treatise (see Castro 2000), "recommended that the rudder be fashioned slightly thicker than the sternpost, so that the ship heeled on tack with

the rudder slightly flexed to hold course, the water would run smoothly over both." However, as Castro (2008:67) states, the sixteenth and seventeenth-century treatises were often "not written by shipwrights and do not seem to have been written for shipwrights... these texts are far from codifying such ships" and other sources indicate the convention that a deep, narrow rudder is more efficient than a wide, shallow one (Freeman 1978; Mott 1997). We proceed here on the notion that a rudder fin no wider than the keel, stempost, and deadwood components of the stern was the conventional design in sixteenth-century Iberian ship building.
By the fifteenth century, the pintle and gudgeon rudder assembly system became more common to European ship building with the development of the sternpost as an extension of the keel and was readily adapted to galley type ships (Mott 1997). Wood pegging (treenails, often wedged) was a major fastening method in sixteenth-century ship building, but forged iron fasteners such as through and forelock rivets and bolts, drift bolts (clinched at the proximal end only), and nails and spikes (Figure 10) were also used for joining timbers and planks. Nails and through rivets were integral components of pintle and gudgeon assemblies (McCarthy 2005). Aside from the rudder assembly and other areas on the hull and decks where fouling or catching objects (or people) on a protruding fastener was a problem, forelock rivets or clinched rivets (bolts) were typically used. In fact, Smith (1993:67) indicates that forelock bolts were among the most common fastenings on sixteenth-century Iberian ships. Arnold and Weddle (1978) identified "forelock bolts," "drift bolts," "tacks, nails, and spikes," and "through bolts" or rivets from the 1554 wrecks of the Spanish fleet at Padre Island. Similar fasteners were recovered from the Emanuel Point wrecks in Pensacola Bay (Smith et al. 1995; 1998).
The basic pintle attachment to the rudder blade described as follows serves to illustrate the process and some advantages of the through-riveted pintle:
The rivets were fitted through the center of the
planks to allow them to swell across their width. The strapping was held as tight as possible with clamps before fastening with drift bolts through the blade.
This is also a method of strengthening and preventing warp. The problem with this method is making sure that the holes for the bolts are perfectly centered, all the way through. The external strapping can be rebated flush, however, it is often left proud on old ships and one theory is that the strapping left proud
actually helps with turning ability (Day 2003:151).
A rudder fin no wider than the keel and sternpost or deadwood to which it is attached using flush rivets certainly facilitates the "fine run at the stern" by reducing drag and turbulence (Mott 1997:135-136).
The 8WL38 rivet is a "through-fastening rivet" with both ends "clinched," which is also known as "double-clenched bolt" (McCarthy 2005:181-182). The terms bolt and rivet are used interchangeably in the literature, so to simplify we are


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Table 1. Description of 8WL38 Spanish Artifacts and Associated Data.
Artifact / Feature Provenience Context Description Other Data /
Description Associated C4 Dates

[fl: light weight brass buckle (clothing/shoe?); 2.85 (L) x 2.7 cm(W) (11/16 x 11/32 in); one end bent/ broken frame end, prong missing, bar intact
[Dwrought iron strap/hardware plate fragment with attached nail; strap is 4.02
(L) x 2.54 (W) x .46 cm (T) (12/3 x 1 x / in.)
M] wrought iron flush rivet (pintle/rudder rivet); 13.1 cm (L) x 1.0-1.1 cm (5 3/16 x 7/16 in.); shaft interior length (inside rivet heads)=12.5 cm/4 7/8 in.
0 wrought iron bipointed cylindrical object (rope splicing tool or worked stock?); 19.7 cm (L) x 0.9 cm (max D) (73/4 x 5/16 in.)
[1 wrought iron goat's foot lever bow string hook (crossbow); 7.2 cm (L) x
0.42 (hook arm W / 0.85 cm (max W at hook) (213/16 x 5/16 to 11/16 in. with in. fastening hole (D)
[R feasting refuse cache (deer bone and ceramic vessel fragments)

Block 1 (NE) Unit 35 Feature 2b 23 cmbd NW lm2 unit
Block 4 (W) Units 27-28 26 cmbd SW Unit 27 (lm2)
Block 7 (SW) Unit 50 21 cmbd NW /4, lm2 unit
Block 7 (NE) Unit 47 19 cmbd NW lm2 unit
surface along shoreline
Block 7 (NE) Unit 49 F Feature 8 15-22 cmbd N 1m2 unit (50 x 70 cm area)

Midden Mound:
ceremonial cache (8 x 12 cm) within dense shell midden (dense oyster shell, vertebrate faunal material, ceramics; cache contained stingray spines (22), ceramic discs (n=2, one engraved), Olive shell beads (n=2), an altered alligator dermal scute, a fragment of a turtle shell gorget or pendant
Midden Mound:
within dense shell midden (dense oyster shell, vertebrate faunal material, ceramics on east slope of midden mound
Midden Mound:
within dense shell midden (dense oyster shell, vertebrate faunal material, ceramics on east slope of midden mound; located less than 2.5 m SW of ritual feasting refuse cache (Feature 8)
Midden Mound:
within dense shell midden (dense oyster shell, vertebrate faunal material, ceramics on east slope of midden mound; located less than 2 m NE of ritual feasting refuse cache (Feature 8)
central portion of site on shoreline; possibly associated with eroded midden deposit; as noted in Mikell (2013) this is the only known 16th century crossbow part, aside from metal bolt or quarrel tips, recovered in the Southeast
Midden Mound:
cache of deer bone beneath large lake Jackson Plain (rim) and Point Washington Incised vessel fragments; MNI of 5 deer represented by whole/ fragmented femur (11), humeri (6), tibiae (6), ulna (1), lumbar vertebrae
(9), scapulae (2), and fiat bone (16)

cache located at same approx. depth (18-23 cm) and 12 cm to west of a fire pit/ hearth debris pit (Feature 2a) yielding a date of Cal A.D. 1468-1552 ; feasting refuse cache (Feature 8) located approx. 5 m to SW
located about 10 m east of Feature 2
located less than 8 m NW of Feature 7 (ash/charcoal lens in black sand midden; Unit 1) yielding a date of Cal A.D. 1442-1527; located about 5 m south of Feature 2
located about 3 m SW of Feature 2 and less than 11 m NW of Feature 7
recovered in 1998 following Hurricane Georges storm surge
located approx. 5 m SW of Feature 2/2b cache at same approx. depth, Feature 2 yielded a date of Cal A.D. 1468-1552; also located within 10 m of Feature 7 (Cal date A.D. 1442-1527) and other Spanish artifacts




Table 1. Continued.

Artifact / Feature Provenience Context Description Other Data /
Description Associated C14 Dates
[ post hole/molds (45) asso- Blocks 4 and 8 east slope of Midden Mound: these features appear to predate
ciated with one and possibly Features 3, 17-66 Structure 1 post molds indicate an sixteenth-century contexts based on two rectangular, raised floor variable, 30-68 approx. 3.4 m (9 ft.) x 4.8 m (16 ft.) Feature 3 date (cal A.D. 1189-1330) structures and refuse/fire pits cmbd raised floor structure; Structure 2
(5) (comer only exposed) located adjacent to (NW) of Structure 1; associated refuse/fire pits
N: ash & charcoal lens in Unit I east slope of Midden Mound: within Feature 7 charcoal yielded a date of
black sand midden below Feature 7 dense shell midden (dense oyster Cal A.D. 1442-1527
shell midden 33-44 cmbd shell, vertebrate faunal material,
(max) ceramics on east slope of midden
NW '/4, lm2 unit mound about 5 m SSW of Block 8/ structure(s)

Figure 4. Photograph of the Spanish artifacts recovered from 8WL38: a: light-weight brass equipment or clothing (cf. breeches) buckle, b: goat's foot crossbow lever bowstring hook, c: high-carbon iron bipointed shaft object, d: wrought iron rivet.

Figure 5. Photographic comparison of the "small brass buckle" (L) from the Emanuel Point shipwreck, Smith et al. (1998) with the 8WL38 buckle.

Figure 6. Close up of two sides of the 8WL38 rivet.


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Table 2. Summary of known Spanish artifacts from Fourmile Point sites. Site Artifact Class Artifact Description
8WL9 metal, domestic tool a pair of iron(?) scissors (Moore 1918)
8WL9 glass, adornment vaguely described glass beads (Moore 1918)
8WL9 glass, adornment blue glass bead (small, Ichetucknee-like?) (Fairbanks 1965)
8WL38 metal, clothing or shoes light weight brass buckle(Mikell 1994)
8WL38 metal, iron stock, tool (?) bipointed, round (?), high carbon iron spike-like object
8WL38 metal, hardware square wrought iron rivet for wooden implement
8WL38 metal, hardware wrought iron nail fragment
8WL38 metal, hardware flat iron strap or hardware plate
8WL38 metal, military weapon part wrought iron goat's foot crossbow bowstring hook

/ 11

1: Pintle Assembly 2: Gudgeon Assembly 3: Rudder Fin 4: Sternpost 5: Hull Planking

Figure 7. Schematic drawings of pintle and gudgeon assembly with components. A: System for fitting pintle and gudgeons to a 90-gun ship (ca. 1780), adapted from Lavery (1987:11); B: Pintle and gudgeon system, adapted from Garba (2008).

using the term "rivet." The 8WL38 rivet is 13.1 cm (5 5/16 in.) in overall length, with an interior shaft length (inside the rivet heads) of 12.5 cm or 4 7/8 inches. With two pintle plates (one on each side of the wooden rudder fin) between '/4 and -inch thick, assuming they were not inset in the wood rudder fin, the rivet would have been fitted to a rudder fin that was slightly more than 4 inches wide, or less than one inch narrower than the 1616 bergantin keel. Unfortunately, the 1616 plans do not depict the rudder assembly, but the rudder of this bergantin would have been similar to that of other Mediterranean galley-type vessels as shown in Figure 8. The 8WL38 rivet specimen is a flush rivet, meaning that the ends were clinched or malleated to be as flush against the pintle as possible, both to reduce drag on the rudder and to avoid fouling the rudder with foreign objects such as vegetation that would impair steering. As seen in Figures 4 and 6, the rivet has one end that is slightly convex (right end in Figure 4d, left end in Figure 6) and one end that is virtually flat. In consultation with Mission San Luis de Talimali blacksmith, John Pfund, it was determined that the convex end was likely prepared when the rivet was forged and the flat end was clinched (battered) after insertion through the pintle plates and rudder fin. It could not be determined if the flat end was hot- or coldhammered during clinching. If the 8WL38 rivet is from a bergantin pintle assembly, it is a potentially diagnostic artifact with implications as to what
Spaniards may have been at Fourmile Point.
The Bergantin and Why it was the Vessel of
Choice for Coastal Exploration
Bergantins were shallow-drafted, galleylike (galleass) craft that were both rowed and I sailed with fore-and-aft lateen sail rigs (Figure
11). Related to and essentially smaller versions of the galley, bergantins were the smallest of



r /T

Figure 8. Facsimile of an original plan drawing of a bergantin from the 1616 Livro de tra~as de carpinataria (Academia de Marinha, Lisboa 1989).
the small-oared warships (galiots, fustas, and bergantins) used in the Mediterranean in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (Konstam 2002:19-20). In the galley battles of the Renaissance Mediterranean, the bergantin served primarily as ship-to-ship or land-to-ship transport vessels ferrying men and supplies, for amphibious landings, or as fast attack vessels only when necessary (Konstam 2002). The small galley class of vessels was an efficient class for many purposes, particularly in shallower waters. The Spanish brought them to the New World in the early fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. As Turner (2014) states "The bergantin has been documented as serving with fleets of exploration and discovery, and was used as fast attack craft in the Carib Wars, as a blockading craft during Cortez's siege of Mexico City, and to a lesser degree for coastal trade from the earliest Spanish period in the New World (Smith 1993:24).
Although not constructed by strict convention to a specific size, bergantins were "slim, fast vessel[s]," 40-60 feet long, with a beam of 10 feet or less, and a draft less than 3 feet; they typically had 10-15 oars per side, pulled by single oarsmen, with larger bergantins carrying up to 30 oarsmen and 20 soldiers (Konstam 2002:20). If steering was lost due to rudder damage or the wind was not favorable, the bergantin could be powered and steered by the oarsmen. Bergantins rarely carried large ordnance, but are known to have carried a limited number of swivel guns as a bow battery. As seen in Figures 8 and 11, the bergantin decking system consisted of small fore and aft decks, a center-line catwalk in the hull, and outriggers that provided additional platforms for soldiers,

Figure 9. Photographic detail of the rudder system on a scaled model of the bergantin San Cristdbal used during the 1513 Ponce de Leon expedition to La Florida. The bergantin model, built by author Steve Harris in 2012, is based on the plans depicted in Figure 8.
warding off attacking small craft, and a mechanical advantage in rowing. The after deck provided for a "cabin" for personnel and storage, and a framed cover could be erected on it to provide additional shelter. The aft cabin on the San Crist6bal model (see Figures 9 and 11) and the 1616 plans (see Figure 8) would have been 19 feet long and 5 / feet high.
There is no doubt, that, of the ships that the Spanish had in their service during the sixteenth-century explorations of the northern Gulf Coast and elsewhere in the New World, the bergantin was an ideal ship for coastal exploration. For its size and carrying capacity, the bergantin had a very shallow draft and this would have been an advantage when entering uncharted shallow bays and other waterways of unknown depths with in little or unexplored lands, such as Choctawhatchee Bay in the sixteenth century. Examples of bergantins used in the New World include those of the Christopher Columbus expeditions (Sam Turner, personal communication), the 1513 Ponce de Le6n expedition (Fuson 2000:98), the 1539-1542 Hernando de Soto expedition (Clayton et al. 1993; Irving 1857; Varner and Varner 1962), the 1559-1561 Tristdn de Luna expedition (Priestly 2010), and during the late sixteenth century at St. Augustine (Meide et al. 2010:409-4 10; Sam Turner, personal

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Figure 10. A: Illustration of a variety of ship's fastenings and the rods and bars from which they were forged: 1: nails and tacks; 2: forelock bolts; 3: square through bolts/rivets; 4: bar stock; 5: rod stock, adapted from McCarthy (2005: Figure 63). B: Illustrated mounting of a through bolt in pintle brace or plate and clinching to create a flush rivet, adapted from McCarthy (2005:38).

communication). It was also recorded by Cabeza de Vaca in his 1537 account that the stranded members of the 1528 Pinfilo Narvaez expedition wished to build bergantins to escape the Apalachee and go to New Spain (Mexico), but lacked the time and resources (Worth n.d.). A bergantin was also towed behind a galleon to the Philippines in 1565 from Acapulco for inter-island trade when the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade was established (Fish 2011). Smith et al. (2014) also indicate that the bergantin was an integral part of sixteenth-century Spanish shipping and exploration in South America as well.
The Spaniards Most Likely Associated with the 8WL38 Artifacts
During the 1539-1540 winter encampment at Apalachee (Ewen and Hann 1998), Hemando de Soto ordered Diego Maldonado to take two ships with which he was to explore the coast of Florida for a distance of one hundred leagues to the west of Aute (Apalachee Bay or St. Marks), and map out its bays and inlets. Maldonado explored and chose Pensacola Bay, or "Ochuse," as a rendezvous point for re-supply expeditions from Cuba. Repeated attempts to establish contact with Soto's

lost expedition failed (Dysart 1999:62; Smith et al. 1995; Worth 2014a).
Describing Maldonado's exploration of the coast, Garcilaso de la Vega (1993) wrote: "Taking the two brigantines [bergantins] that the accountant Juan de Anasco had left there [Aute]; he [Maldonado] was to go along the coast toward the west for a distance of one hundred leagues and observe and reconnoiter with all care and diligence the ports, inlets, coves, bays, creeks, and rivers that he might find, and shoals along the coast ..." (Clayton et al. 1993:244). Under these orders, Maldonado may have been obliged to enter Choctawhatchee Bay if he saw it and was able to safely do so. Furthermore, in his translations of Vega and an unidentified Portuguese narrator, Irving (1857:186-187) wrote the following:
[Maldonado] coasted along to the west for
seventy leagues when he discovered a very beautiful harbor called Achusi [Ochuse]. It was land locked and completely sheltered from all winds ample enough for a fleet to ride in and its shores so bold that a vessel might anchor near the land. The natives invited him on shore with many proffers of hospitality. Seeing he mistrusted them they came without hesitation




Figure 11. Photograph of the scaled model of the bergantin San Crist6bal used during the 1513 Ponce de Lkon expedition to La Florida. The bergantin model, built by author Steve Harris in 2012, is based on the plans depicted in Figure 8.

on board of the brigantines [bergantins] and traded with the Spaniards, bringing them whatever they demanded. This friendly intercourse gave Maldonado opportunities to go about in his small boats to take
soundings and note all the advantages of the bay.
As we note in this paper, the mistranslation of "bergantin," "bergantine," "vergantin," or "vergantine" in various translations of Spanish documents and chronicles as "brigantine" is inaccurate and misleading. It is a fact of naval history that the "brigantine," a ship larger than a bergantin, had not been developed in its classic design by the sixteenth century (Gardiner and Unger 2000) and was not considered part of the Spanish fleet (Smith 1993). Therefore, it can be assumed that Maldonado, indeed, sailed at least one bergantin, and it is possible that he or his men sailed into Choctawhatchee Bay and may have been on Fourmile Point.
Varner and Varner (1962:631) also misused the term brigantine in their translation of Garcilaso de la Vega's accounts. When Maldonado returned to Aute from exploring the coast and discovering Achusi (Ochuse), Soto sent him to Havana with "the two brigantines [bergantins] under his command" and he was to return with Gomez Arias in the autumn of 1540 to resupply the expedition. Maldonado and Arias did so, "but failing to find the Governor [Soto] there, [they] departed in the brigantines [bergantins], each on his own, and sailed along the coast in opposite directions to see if the Spaniards had appeared at some place to the east or the west. Wherever they arrived, they left signs on the trees; and in the hollows of trees they placed written messages ..." (Varner

and Varner 1962:631-632). In 1541 and 1542 Maldonado and Arias returned to Achusi in desperate attempts to locate the Soto entrada when they undoubtedly searched beyond Pensacola Bay. Again, it is certain that Maldonado (and Arias) had ample opportunity, the means, and the motivation to be on Choctawhatchee Bay and make contact with the aboriginal inhabitants during their searches for Soto.
Lavazares and Luna
In September, 1558, Luis de Velasco, the Viceroy of New Spain, in preparation for what would culminate in the Tristdn de Luna expedition, dispatched Guido de Lavazares (Bazares) from Veracruz with three small vessels to select a suitable harbor on the coast of La Florida (Hoffman 1990:155; Lowery 1901:356; Priestly 2010:xxvii). Priestly (2010:xxvii) stated that Lavazares (Bazares) set out with a "bark [barca] and a foist [fusta] to make the preliminary reconnaissance ..." Early in the voyage, the flotilla entered a large bay, which Lavazares named the bay "Bahia Filipina" (Mobile Bay) and described it as "the largest and most commodious in all that coast" (Hoffman 1990:155). From there, Lavazares attempted to continue eastward, but on at least two occasions, the flotilla was only able to reach the vicinity of Choctawhatchee Bay. Bad weather and opposing winds prevented them from entering Pensacola Bay (Weddle 1985:259) and there is no indication that they actually entered Choctawhatchee Bay.
Lavazares recommended Bahia Filipina for settlement, but later that same year, Juan de Renteria and Gonzalo Gay6n inspected Lavazares' Bahia Filipina but preferred another bay they called "Polonza" (presumably Pensacola Bay). Gay6n

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served as pilot for Renteria and later as chief pilot for Luna, but there is no record or mention of the types of vessel that Gay6n piloted. According to Gay6n, they discovered the port of Polonza, the port of Filipina, the coast of Apalache, and the Costa de Medanos (Padre Island) (Weddle 1985:259, 264). Less than a year later, Tristdn de Luna arrived to settle Pensacola Bay, which he knew as "Ochuse" (Weddle, 1985:258-259, 264; Worth 2014b).
The term that Priestley used to describe one of Lavazares' vessels, "foist," is of potential importance here. A foist orfusta is quite similar to a bergantin (Figure 12), but is somewhat larger. The other vessel mentioned, "bark" or "barca," likely would have been a batel or chalupa (boat). Typically thefusta would be 60-70 feet in length, whereas the bergantin was 40-60 feet in length; both are in galley class of vessels and shallow draft ships. There are no known surviving records or plans of a.fusta (Konstam 2002:120) to indicate that the keel and sternpost, and concomitantly the rudder, would be larger (wider) than that of a bergantin, but this would be assumed to be the case. This would cast doubt on Lavazares having been on Choctawhatchee Bay, but it is believed that he was in the vicinity and could have been. Until documentation is ascertained to eliminate the 8WL38 rivet from consideration as being associated with a fusta or it can be demonstrated that the vessel was actually a bergantin, Lavazares remains a candidate.
The disastrous story of the Luna colony at Ochuse and the failures of the expedition will not be recounted here. What is important to note about the effort to colonize Ochuse and hold the port on Pensacola Bay are the proximity to and accessibility to Choctawhatchee Bay, the opportunity and potential need to explore the Choctawhatchee, and the documentation that the expedition had vessels described in various places as

Figure 12. Portuguese fusta, likely off the southwest coast (Malabar) or the Spice Islands." Illustrated fusta by Jan Huy Linschoten (Library of Congress 2015). Image adapted from Li Congress image file

"bergantin" or "vergantine" in The Luna Papers (Priestly 2010). The virtually identical buckles from the Emanuel Point I shipwreck associated with the Luna expedition (Smith et al. 1995; 1998) and 8WL38 (Mikell 2013, see Figure 5 above) is also an important line of evidence.
The terms "bergantin" or "vergantine" are used in The Luna Papers numerous times, but in each case, the English translation uses the term brigantine (Priestley 2010: Vol. I, 9497, 114-115, 122-125, 140-141, 154-155; Vol. 11, 166-167). In several ways, this is a very misleading error as a brigantine (of the seventeenth century) was typically a 50 to 200-ton vessel usually 100 feet in length of more (Gardiner and Unger 2000)not as suitable a vessel for coastal exploration. Notably in The Luna Papers, the bergantin is described in terms of shallowdraft vessel for inland waterway exploration. In a May, 1560 letter from Velasco to Luna, the construction and use of two "vergantines" is discussed, partially in the context of having "... the necessary deck; that it is to be used in navigating the rivers, in learning what is on them, and in taking from the port [Ochuse] to the towns [up the Alabama River] the supplies and food they may need, and bringing down to the port maize and whatever else there may be in the land" (Priestly 2010:9495). In a June, 1560, reply to Luna's decision to move from Nanipacana to Coosa, the "master of the Camp," Jorje Ceron, refers to "vergantines y barcos" [bergantines and barks] as vessels used to "search for them [food and other provisions] on the rivers, inlets, and swamps ..." (Priestley 2010:114-115). The bergantin was considered crucial to the survival of the colonists to the point that in June 1560, Luna was petitioned to "refrain from his project of sending the brigantine [bergantin] away to La Havana for supplies, lest they perish before its return" (Worth in Priestly 201 0:xliv).
The Luna colonization attempt took place over a twoyear period and given the fact that few of the expected resources needed to sustain the colony were found at Ochuse, there would have likely been a consistent attempt to explore and obtain needed or desired materials. There are two events that appear to be situations that would foster exploration and the search for food, resources, and riches. When the colonization effort was moved inland to Nanipacana in 1560, a "small garrison"
was left behind, and when Angel de Villafafie came to discharge Luna in 1561, he left a detachment of fifty men at Ochuse (Smith et al. 1995; Priestly 2010). During the entirety of the Luna event at Ochuse, it would have been possible, and seems likely, that some of the men reconnoitered Santa Rosa Sound, which may have appeared somewhat like a river, to Choctawhatchee Bay and could have had an encounter with the residents of Fourmile Point. While there is no conclusive evidence that any members of the Luna expedition entered of India Choctawhatchee Bay, it was certainly possible ygen van from Ochuse in a bergantin, which we know they library of had.




The similarity in the buckles from the Emanuel Point 1 wreck and the 8WL38 specimen provide an additional, inconclusive link between Fourmile Point and the Luna expedition (see Figure 5; Mikell 2013:40). These buckles do not compare well with buckles from later Spanish sites such as the eighteenth-century Spanish Fort San Jos6 on St. Joseph Peninsula (Saccente 2013). Luna personally financed a significant portion of the expedition to Ochuse and was loaned other money by the Spanish Crown (Priestly 2010:142-143, 182-193, 196-197,204-211,214-215), increasing the likelihood that equipment was obtained in "bulk" and that uniformity would be increased compared to variable provisioning from various sources. While a direct association of the 8WL38 buckle specimen with the Emanuel Point I wreck and Luna is not possible, the likelihood that it is such a similar buckle from different exploratory and expeditionary events seems low, particularly given the variation in buckle forms and styles of the time (Powell 2008). The crossbow bowstring hook from 8WL38 could also be seen as additional associative evidence since it is known from the Emanuel Point I wreck that the Luna expedition had crossbow bolts or quarrels in their possession at Ochuse (Smith et al. 1995, 1998).
Lost in Translation: Sixteenth-Century Iberian Galley
Vessels in the New World
In addition to exploring the potential of the 8WL38 rivet and other artifacts, we have the opportunity here to highlight the small Iberian galley-type vessels and their role in the exploration and initial settlement of the New World. We are not the only ones concerned with this issue (Turner 2014). As noted, the terms "bergantin" or "vergantine" are translated in several works as brigantine. This is a misleading interpretation of the bergantin as described above. The brigantine is defined by Henderson (2005) as a two-masted sailing ship with square rigging on the foremast and fore-and-aft rigging on the mainmast and was a generally larger, deeper draft vessel than a bergantin. The term "brigantine" appears to have originated with two-masted ships, also powered by oars (galleass), which were generally similar to bergantins and fustas, that sea brigands (pirates) used for raiding in the Mediterranean before and during the sixteenth century. The Italian word brigantino, meaning brigand or brigandage, which refers to the life and practice of brigands (highway robbery and plunder), not the class of ship they used, is thought to be the root of the term brigantine. As a vessel preferred by coastal pirates, it is evident that this is how the brigantine got its name (Dear and Kemp 2006; Henderson 2005). However, the term brigantine, as it came to be used by the seventeenth-century onward, refers to the northern European-decked vessels that were strictly sailing ships. The brigantines' gaff-rigged mainsail (Figure 13) distinguished it from the completely square-rigged brig and brigantines with square topsails above the gaffed mainsail were called true brigantines, whereas those with no square sails at all on the mainmast were called hermaphrodite brigs or brig-schooners (Dear and Kemp 2006; Henderson 2005).
Whereas the evolution of fustas and bergantins from

the small Mediterranean galleys of earlier centuries may be traceable in the origins of the term brigantine and in the development of gaffed sails from lateen sails, the classically defined brigantine has little to do with the Spanish bergantin in the sixteenth-century New World. By the seventeenth century, the brigantine was a fully decked ship that was generally larger than a sloop or schooner, but was constructed in various sizes, displacing from 30 to 150 tons (Konstam 2003). The Spanish use of the term fragata may also be considered a source of confusion because it is often translated into English as "frigate" and may be derived from any of the following fregata (Italian); fregat (Dutch); fregate (French); or fragata (Spanish, Catalan, Portuguese). As with the brigantine, the term frigate is believed to have originated in the Mediterranean before the sixteenth century, referring to a lighter galleass type of ship powered by oars and sails and built for speed and maneuverability (Henderson 2005). By the seventeenth century, as war ships were beginning to evolve as more discernible types or classes, frigate became a term for a single-decked ship, or rather, a single gun-decked ship, with an upper, or "weather"' deck. The first of these built by the English may have been the Constant Warwick, built in 1646 and referred to as a "frigate" (Martin 2014). The complete etymology of the terms brigantine and frigate is unknown, but the classic build of the brigantine and frigate are not in the galley tradition and are not correctly or usefully applied to the sixteenth-century Spanish bergantin and fragata.
Summary and Conclusions
The 8WL38 rivet seems to have taken on a life of its own. Interpretation of this artifact has moved from a suspected Spanish "piece of iron [bar] stock ... battered at both ends" (Mikell 1997:3-5), to a possible rudder rivet associated with a small boat such as a chalupa (Mikell 2013:41), to what appears to be a pintle and gudgeon assembly flush rivet from a specific type of sixteenth-century Spanish ship, the bergantin, which was well-suited for the environmental context (coastal-shallow bay) in which it was recovered. Combined with documentary evidence, this simple artifact has become virtually diagnostic of both the ship type it came from and those Spaniards who may have left it to be deposited, apparently in ceremonial or ritual behavior by the aboriginal residents of Fort Walton site 8WL38. Then, viewing the 8WL38 rivet in association with the other Spanish artifacts from the site, particularly the brass buckle that is virtually identical to one from the Emanuel Point shipwreck, an association of these artifacts with the Luna expedition to Ochuse is compelling. With increasing knowledge and the improved accessibility to data and expertise, progression of the interpretation of this artifact results from "following the evidence."
There are, of course, other candidates for association with the 8WL38 artifacts (Mikell 2013), however, the likelihood that the rivet is from a bergantin narrows the list to three that can be identified by records and documents. Maldonado's exploration of the northern Gulf Coast west of Apalachee Bay/ St. Marks and the return visits to Ochuse and nearby areas are

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Figure 13. Dated 1822, in this painting, Johannes Christiaan S depicts brigantines in the Netherlands with square and gaff-ri Photograph of the painting courtesy of the Dordrecht Mu Netherlands. Image adapted from https://www.dordrechtsmusei Dordrechts. Inset is a classic seventeenth-eighteenth century brig privateer (illustration by Tony Bryan in Konstam 2003).
a prime consideration as it known that that Maldonado had the bergantin at his disposal. Lavazares could also have been on Choctawhatchee Bay, but if he was sailing afusta and a bark, the likelihood is diminished. Certainly, during the time Luna's men were at Ochuse, the need and opportunity to explore and obtain resources was great. For any of these events, access to Choctawhatchee Bay via Santa Rosa Sound, which may have appeared to be like a river to the early Spanish there, was entirely within the realm of exploring the coast, bays, rivers, and other aspects of the natural and cultural landscape.
The fact that weapons (crossbow), clothing or light equipment (buckle), other fasteners (iron strap or hardware plate and nail), and tools or iron stock (bipointed spike) are represented in the Spanish assemblage at 8WL38 (Mikell 2013) along with a potential pintle and gudgeon assembly flush rivet from a bergantin, the absence of shipwrecks in the area raises the question of how and why these materials are on this particular site in the numbers they potentially represent (there could be more). The ritual disposal of these materials potentially addresses this issue, but there are other considerations, particularly concerning how they came to Fourmile Point. It is pertinent to note here again, that Moore (1918:537) and Fairbanks (1965) have described a pair of iron scissors and glass beads recovered from the nearby Fort Walton cemetery on Fourmile Point, 8WL9 (Moore's Cemetery on Hogtown Bayou). The types of Spanish artifacts on the Fourmile Point sites (see Table 2) are not typical trade items (Brain 1975; Waselkov 2009) and predate Spanish colonization and established trade; this is compelling evidence that the Spanish were actually on Choctawhatchee Bay and possibly Fourmile Point. The prospect of a sixteenth-century Spanish presence on Choctawhatchee Bay, as speculative as it currently may be, will remain a viable explanation until additional data contradict it.

If these materials came to Fourmile Point via
down-the-line trade, and this is entirely possible, their presence is an indicator of the importance or prominence of the Fort Walton settlement there
- (Mikell 2013). Vis-A-vis, a prominent or paramount
-_ settlement could be an attractant to Spanish
exploring coastal northwest Florida or searching for food and other resources. Should a shipwreck of the appropriate timeframe be documented elsewhere in Choctawhatchee Bay, Santa Rosa Sound, or the nearby shallow waters of the Gulf of Mexico, a salvage and trade scenario would be plausible. In terms of early down-the-line Native trade of European artifacts (late fifteenth-early seventeenth centuries), it is plausible that artifact dispersal patterns could result in greater numbers of chotel particular trade items nearer their source (or place gging. of manufacture) or in the hands of those with the seum, ability to accumulate them (Ehrhardt 2005; Hally and Smith 2010; Waselkov 2009). In this scenario, antine the Fourmile Point Fort Walton settlement is either
near a source of metal artifacts (and certainly not a place of manufacture) or was a magnate for them. All that can be said at this point is that the "artifacts fell into native hands in one way or another-some as gifts, some probably stolen, some lost or discarded by Spaniards and found by Indians, and others perhaps taken as trophies in battle" (Waselkov 2009:102).
The nature of any Spanish-Native American interaction that may have occurred on Choctawhatchee Bay or Fourmile Point cannot be gauged by the types of Spanish artifacts known. However, it is plausible, particularly given the array of artifact types (especially a rudder assembly part or parts and a part from a military weapon), that some type of interaction took place whereby the Spanish lost goods and even potentially the rudder of a ship. It is also plausible that the ritualized disposal of the Spanish artifacts represents not only the status of the 8WL9 burials that contained Spanish items, but also their ceremonial use in communal event(s) or attempts retain or dispose of the "power" vested in the objects and their bearers. Either in friendly interaction or conflict, by running aground or by way of a storm, it is apparent that Spaniards associated with Maldonado or the Luna expedition interacted with the residents of Fourmile Point and may have been physically present there.
There are several people to thank for their input on this paper. Roger Smith initially indicated what the rivet might be and provided great reference materials. Greg Cook and John Bratten, provided insights, comparative artifact photographs, and conservation of the Spanish artifacts from 8WL38. Sam Turner graciously shared knowledge and insights on the bergantin. We would like to thank the editorial staff and the reviewers for their efforts in getting this paper to press.



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Department of Anthropology, University of South Florida 4202 East Fowler Avenue, SOC] 07, Tampa, Florida 33620 Email: mrooneyl @maiL usf edu

Ybor City, which sits near the northern expanse of Tampa Bay in central Florida, was a cigar manufacturing center that operated during the last decade of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century and was home to a diverse immigrant working class population drawn primarily from Cuba, Spain, and Italy. These workers were attracted to the city by cigar manufacturers who offered competitive wages and luxurious homes in exchange for their labor. These immigrant workers brought their own radical politics to the cigar center and clashed vibrantly with increasingly ruthless owners who defended their investments mercilessly (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:67). Both classes were attempting to survive and improve their economic situations, and these attempts brought them into conflict with each other.
Questions naturally arising from an economic exploration of the rise and fall of this production center include queries into the lifestyle of the working masses and how their fortunes changed over time. What were working class living standards? When were these increasing? When did they decrease? Did these standards hit a peak and start to decline? What political events are tied to these economic shifts?
One way to find answers to these questions is to use the traditional archaeological method of analyzing living spaces. Unfortunately, many of the dwellings occupied by the workers of Ybor City have been destroyed or have collapsed and been replaced by newer structures that often hide what remains of these spaces. A traditional archaeological survey of the area would be tremendously slow and inefficient; however, using modem Geographic Information Systems (GIS) technology, it is possible to quickly and efficiently analyze historical maps of the area and perform a spatial analysis of the land formerly occupied by working class families. In this way, archaeology can be used to strengthen previous historical research while helping to better illustrate the actual material conditions that people in the past survived. The work of historians can then be more vigorously brought to life in a new dimension.
This study investigates changes in single-family houses occupied by Ybor City's working class over time, focusing primarily on the area of these living spaces but also noting trends in single vs. multiple family occupancy. My assumption is that the quality of workers' economic situations fluctuated somewhat in accordance with the sizes of their dwellings. Three years have been chosen to illustrate an arc that includes the rising fortunes of these families, their apogee, and their eventual decline: 1899, 1915, and 1925. This will be done by using GIS to georeference historic fire insurance maps with

measurable county parcel data and measure the amount of living space found in houses occupied by families within the same 18-block sample each year. This spatial data will then be connected to demographic information drawn from concurrent city directories-information that will show how many families were living in each house and what the occupation of the head of each household was. In this way I will use space as an indicator of economic status and show how the fortunes of Ybor City's workers changed over time. This information will then be compared with what historians have already recorded in order to support or reject what they have written.
Before laying out the methods and results, I will review some of the major works that have been published on the history of Ybor City, especially on cigar workers. I will then outline a brief history of Ybor City with a focus on the living conditions of the working class population and its struggles with the factory owners and city legislators. I will subsequently describe all of my methods and provide detailed results before inferring trends among the data. I will conclude with a discussion of the implications and how these data relate to the historical record before reviewing future research directions.
The Historiography of Ybor City
One of the most important academic works concerning the history of Ybor City is the doctoral dissertation of Loy Glenn Westfall (1977). Westfall's (1977:vii) subject matter is threefold: "the evolution of the tobacco industry in Cuba; Ybor, the man; and the influence of the clear Havana tobacco industry in Florida." Westfall uses the personage of Vicente Martinez Ybor, the manufacturer who founded the city, to connect all three of these subjects together. He (1977:ix) writes that during the period when Ybor and other cigar manufacturers began establishing themselves in Florida, "the clear Havana industry quickly became one of the most important industries [in the] state." According to Westfall (1977:ix), this brought the Cuban cigar industry into direct conflict with the interests of the American Tobacco Company, but, despite its attempts to quash the Florida manufacturers with tariff restrictions, "The Cuban, Italian and Spanish laborers who moved to Florida supplied the industry with cheap labor in the South, where immigration was not commonplace." This allowed Ybor and other Cuban cigar manufacturers to prosper into the twentieth century (Westfall 1977:ix). As a result, Westfall (1977:ix) explains, "Florida became a leading Southern manufacturing state by 1900."


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In later years, Westfall compiled what is known as the "Cigar City Trilogy" of books, which focus on the cigar industry's development in Key West (1997), Marti City (2000a), and Ybor City (2000b) respectively. Westfall (2000b:ix) writes that "nationalistic perspectives and ethnocentrism have long skewed historical writings and interpretations" and that late nineteenth-century Cuban-American history "has been clouded by several self-serving issues surrounding the CubanSpanish-American War." Here he (1997:ix) seeks to present new data to help redefine historic people and events while at the same time filling important gaps that he had left in his original dissertation. He writes that this means rejecting America's nationalistic perspective and introducing characters such as Josd Marti and Ignacio Haya as well as dmigr6 communities in Jacksonville and St. Augustine (Westfall 2000b:ix). The work also reflects Westfall's decades of work with the Ybor City State Museum as well as the Florida Historical Society and other such organizations (Westfall 1997:84). All three books are published on glossy paper and are full of color photographs and diagrams that make for a fantastic presentation to both a public audience and academics looking for strong research.
A second important historian who has contributed to the development of Ybor City's history is Robert P. Ingalls (1988), who researched the development of urban vigilantism in Tampa. He (Ingalls 1988:xvii) writes that "as early as the 1850s, Tampa experienced vigilante movements," a tradition that carried on into the 1940s. Ingalls (1988:87-115) includes an entire chapter on "The Cossacks of Tampa," a citizen's committee made up of anonymous vigilantes and allies of the business community who fought against labor agitators and strike actions with violence and in some cases death. In one of the more disturbing episodes outlined by Ingalls (1988:96), this group seized two Italian immigrants who had been arrested in West Tampa by police and hanged them"Officials soon found Albano and Ficarrotta. Still handcuffed together, they were hanging from a giant oak tree in a wooded area near where they had been abducted." Ingalls supplements his material with a thorough study of Ybor City's history with a focus on labor strife and immigrant movements.
Another important academic volume was written by Gary Mormino and George Pozzetta (1987:3), who write that "Ybor City still breathes an air of romance." After visiting the city in the late 1970s and performing interviews with some of the residents, the two historians decided to focus on the interactions between immigrant groups in historic Ybor City, particularly Italian immigrants and other "Latin" ethnic groups who found themselves in the burgeoning metropolis. As part of their analysis, they (1987:7) use ethnography to examine the oldworld origins of immigrant groups who came to the United States. In fact, a great deal of the early part of this book contains information about the situation in Italy, where products were becoming less competitive due to the expropriation of freeworld markets and peasants were increasingly being squeezed by landlords, forcing them to immigrate to the New World in order to find better living conditions (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:22). Despite its romanticized aspects, the work contains

an abundance of valuable information about the struggles fought by working class leaders throughout the city's history.
A different approach to the cigar city's history can be found in the work of Araceli Tinajero (2010), who examines lectores, educated men who were brought to cigar factories all over the Caribbean and the eastern United States to read literature and news articles to laboring cigar rollers who wished to receive both entertainment and education. Tinajero (2010:xvii) began his initial research with interviews with still living lectores in Cuba, where the occupation is still celebrated and practiced, but was resigned to use similar historical material already perused by the previous academics when it came to the practice in the United States. However, the information gleaned from still-thriving cigar centers provides a fresh look at what historic Ybor City might have been like. For example, Tinajero (2010:xv) discovered that even small workshops for female tobacco strippers had their own lectores, workshops that also existed in Tampa where a large number of the women worked under similar circumstances.
While disasters such as the Great Ybor City Fire of 1895 destroyed much of the information that may have been useful to historical analyses, there still exist many other primary sources which can be combed for information to demonstrate how people lived. These include the Sanborn Fire Insurance maps and Tampa city directories that this research is based on as well as the Historic American Building Survey records that are kept at the St. Petersburg campus of University of South Florida, Ybor City Museum records, and federal census records.
A Working Class History of Ybor City
Ybor City's history can be divided into at least three distinct phases based on material remains and the makeup of the population: 1886 to 1899, 1899 to 1920, and 1920 to 1939 (Pluckhahn and Weisman 2013:22-23). The first phase is characterized by the initial establishment of the cigar city and the early efforts of factory owners to bring workers to the new metropolis that they had constructed. The second phase, which began in 1899, marked the beginning of a prolonged period of labor strife in the city. These turbulent years saw the rise and fall of several labor organizations and the resulting reaction of the employers to form corporate alliances. Severe defeats of working class militarism during and following World War I set the tone of the third phase beginning in 1920, which is characterized by increased corporatism and mechanization following the end of World War I (Pluckhahn and Weisman 2013:22-23). The resulting economic decimation and weakening of labor organizations contributed to a marked decline in living conditions for the majority of workers. After the Second World War, Ybor City ceased to be a significant manufacturing center and became an impoverished economic region that was decimated by interstate construction and renewal projects that drove many of the last workers from their homes.
The history of Ybor City begins in 1886 with the efforts by cigar factory owners and capitalists during the later nineteenth


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century to find appropriate locations for production. One group of entrepreneurs in particular saw the wetlands that sat beside the small town of Tampa as an ideal location for cigar manufacturing, due to its humid conditions and lack of labor organization. Cigar manufacturing in the United States was performed primarily in Key West, where 21 cigar factories rolled out millions of cigars in the 1870s (Lastra 2006:5). Key West was an ideal location due to its proximity to Cuba, the primary source of tobacco for the industry, but labor militancy was a problem for the venture capitalists who owned and operated the factories (Lastra 2006:5). Therefore, one of the leading manufacturers, Vicente Martinez Ybor, gathered his colleagues and searched for a safer venue. Ybor himself had emigrated from Spain to Cuba in 1832 and by 1853 had begun producing his own brand of cigars in his own factories (Westfall 1977:viii). The discovery of Ybor's support of Cuban revolutionaries during the Ten Years War (1868-1878) forced him to flee Havana (Westfall 1977:viii).
Ybor first opened a factory in Key West and then expanded production to New York City, but the experienced and highly populated trade unions of the northeastern United States quickly crippled his factory with strikes (Lastra 2006:5). Upon returning to Key West, Ybor met with another capitalist, Gavino Guti~rrez, who was interested in establishing a Guava production center in Tampa (Lastra 2006:6). Gutidrrez had recently made a trip to Tampa Bay and brought back descriptions of a port that offered a quick route to the tobacco plantations of western Cuba as well as a tropical climate that contained an extraordinary amount of humid air beneficial to the processing of tobacco leaves (Lastra 2006:7). By this time, Tampa had also acquired a fully operational railroad that connected the bay area to the rest of the United States and its consumers (Lastra 2006:9).
The city officials of Tampa had set about transforming the small town of Tampa into a "productive metropolis" during the early 1880s and were looking for wealthy capitalists to bring their manufacturing businesses to the area (Lastra 2006:11). Therefore, when Ybor and his fellow cigar manufacturer Ignacio Haya began negotiating factory locations, the Board of Trade promised to place Tampa's police force at their disposal to prevent militant labor agitation and strike actions from interrupting the productivity of their new factories. When the owners of cigar factories complained to the Tampa Board of Trade about labor "interference" early in 1887, the board approved the use of local vigilantes to fight back against the radical labor movement (Ingalls 1988:37-38). According to Ingalls (1988:38), they appointed a 15-man "vigilance committee" of prominent citizens who could take the law into their own hands.
In order to draw cigar workers to the new "Ybor City," the factory owners offered inexpensive houses that were unavailable to the workers in Cuba or even in Key West (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:67). The initial set of houses built in 1886 were built from local hard-pine lumber and were set on a foundation of brick pillars in order to raise the houses out of the wet ground that was full of insects and rodents (Westfall 2000b:42). According to Westfall (2000b:42), "the cottages

had high ceilings to allow better ventilation, and windows were spaced to allow the maximum amount of natural air flow to cool off the interiors in the stifling summer months." Each of these houses had two or three rooms, white picket fences, and family-shared outside privies (Westfall 2000b:44). In this way, cigar manufacturers were able to offer affordable housing and thus maintain a stable working force; these houses were luxurious in comparison with northern industrial towns, and immigrant workers in Ybor City became independent house owners who were not as economically controlled (Westfall 2000b:43). One example of the luxury that was afforded to these workers can be seen where one Tennessee contractor collected $81,000 through the furnishing of 1,100 windows blinds for workers' homes between 1886 and 1887 alone (Westfall 2000b:43). By May of 1886, Ybor and his partners had constructed 89 such houses, including 33 two-story family dwellings (Westfall 2000b:43-44).
Many of the initial inhabitants were of Spanish and Cuban descent and were seeking shelter from the civil war that erupted in Cuba in 1868 (Westfall 1997:6). They were joined by people of other ethnic groups including AfroCubans and Chinese, but the largest swelling of the immigrant population came in the first few years of the twentieth century, when Italian communities uprooted by political turmoil in Sicily began relocating to the burgeoning factory city (Westfall 2000b:78). Ybor City became the home of a unique conflagration of immigrants in the U.S. south that was very different from the ethnic communities that typically populated northern U.S. cities.
Unfortunately for Ybor and his colleagues, the move to Tampa did not allow them to escape labor radicalism. A street scene and caf6 culture had sprung up between the factories, providing workers and professional revolutionaries a stage to intermix and exchange ideas and grievances. Cuban revolutionaries began to establish political parties in solidarity with freedom fighters back on the island (Lastra 2006:27), and lectores included socialist news publications and theoretical treatises alongside their philosophical literature. In fact, cigar workers were the ones who hired and paid the lectores in addition to selecting what they would read (Ingalls 1988:34). The workers were therefore actively seeking a revolutionary education. Between 1887 and 1894, 23 factory walkouts occurred, caused by anything from minor complaints such as brittle tobacco to more dire issues like the nonpayment of wages (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:114).
As a result of the heightened consciousness of equality among Ybor City's working class, wages were in many cases much higher than those of other factory workers across the United States (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:108). Prior to the 1920s, a cigar worker who passed through an apprenticeship could expect to make 16 to 18 dollars per week, with some making as high as 22 dollars per week (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:108). These wages were not limited to male workers; female workers in Ybor City were seven times more likely to hold a job than women in northern cities like Philadelphia and reportedly earned upwards of 20 dollars each week (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:108). In addition, because of the level of



skill involved, workers were able to set their own schedules; all of this was due to the high quality of the finished product and the price of cigars.
The 1890s saw an increasing amount of radicalization among the working masses of Ybor City, especially the Cuban workers who followed closely the events that would turn into a revolution back on their former island home--a home that remained a Spanish colonial possession. However, Cuban immigrants in Ybor City were not passive bystanders in that conflict. Ybor City became the training grounds for organization around Cuban independence, attracting the attention of renowned Cuban revolutionaries seeking support in the United States (Perez 1995:ix). The most well-known and revered proponent for Cuban independence was Jos6 Marti, who helped found a section of the Cuban Patriotic League (CPL) in Ybor City. Membership in the league not only required Cuban ethnicity but also working class identification (Pdrez 1995:ix). While the cigar workers had already established small scale collectives with the goal of protecting their jobs and wages, the formation of the league drew these small satellites into a larger and grander scheme and developed increased cohesion and class consciousness between workers. Beyond the immediate goal of achieving independence in Cuba, such organizing gave cigar workers in Ybor City a heightened sense of community and an entire array of methods to use in upcoming labor battles that would rock the city during the first decade of the twentieth century (Prrez 1995:x). This increased consciousness also supported the drive for better wages, housing, and general living conditions.
The year 1889 saw a decisive shift in the nature of worker-owner relations in Ybor City. During this year, 4,000 unorganized cigar workers went on strike in response to a new weight system in the factories, a system they saw as challenging both their integrity as workers and as a way to place more control over their labor. Unlike other industrial workers throughout the United States, cigar workers had a high level of control over their workplace. This was due both to the nature of their labor and the traditions that surrounded their craft (Ingalls 1988:33). Wages were based on a system of "piecework," where cigar makers were paid a price for every set of 1,000 cigars they produced. While machine workers could be exploited using this system by forcing them to speed up production, Cuban cigar makers who produced handmade cigars were able to set the pace of their work and even determine their own hours (Ingalls 1988:33). According to Ingalls (1988:33), "Individual workers arrived and departed when they chose. Custom dictated that coffee be served at the benches and that workers be permitted the unrestricted smoking of the company's cigars while in the factory." Ingalls (1988:33-34) also writes that cigar workers had little supervision: "As late as 1939, a study of Tampa's cigar industry emphasized that 'the foreman is prohibited by custom from making but one inspection trip each day through the plant."' With so much power during this early period of Ybor City's history, therefore, workers were able to force the factory owners to give in to all of their demands, including a uniform level of wages that prevented workers of different

factories from competing with each other, ice water provided to them at will, and the use of wood instead of coal to warm their work spaces (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:115). These were victories that virtually no other group of workers was able to achieve at this time.
The exhilaration of winning what has become known as the "weight strike" pushed the formation of an independent labor union called "La Resistencia" by its members, an organization which exceeded 2,000 members by November of 1900 (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:116). In contradiction to the American Federation of Labor (AFL)'s method of organizing only skilled workers and dividing them along trade lines, La Resistencia organized all cigar workers, and rejected the AFL's injunction against dual unionism (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:116). In addition to traditional forms of labor union militancy, cigar workers used mobility as a way to control labor in different cigar manufacturing communities. Workers frequently left their jobs to visit friends and relatives in both Key West and Havana. If conditions in one city were unfavorable, workers would show their displeasure with their feet by relocating elsewhere (Westfall 1997:63). Westfall (1997:63) comments that "worker mobility was astounding in comparison to the relatively permanent residence of northern laborers."
While the weight strike was a huge success for the workers, it also frightened the owners enough to precipitate the formation of large cigar trusts, binding together Tampa's major factory owners and establishing a more formidable opponent for labor leaders to assail (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:116). Therefore, when a 14-month strike ensued following an attempt by La Resistencia to establish a closed shop in Tampa, the owners responded with mass evictions and street violence. Local business leaders even went so far as to abduct 13 labor leaders and place them on a steamer bound for Honduras with death threats should they ever return (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:117). By late 1901, the strike and the union had both collapsed (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:118).
After the failure of La Resistencia, the local chapter of the AFL, Cigar Makers International Union (CMIU), was left as the main organization for working class labor negotiation, attracting 3,000 members by 1905 and another 3,000 by 1910 (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:118). However, the CMIU officials were hostile to radicals, who they claimed disrupted union meetings and violently attacked the leadership (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:118). Many of these radicals were attached to the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and purportedly received a visit from the famous William "Big Bill" Haywood in 1908 (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:119).
A second general strike occurred in 1910 when one of the larger cigar trusts began terminating the employment of CMIU workers in an effort to test their open shop demands and acquire more power over the foundering labor movement. By August, 12,000 cigar workers had found themselves unemployed, resulting in a strike meeting of over 5,000 demonstrators (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:120). The following month, a bookkeeper was killed by two shots fired from a crowd of strikers surrounding a factory, sending citizens into a frenzy


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which resulted in the lynching of the two men responsible, as described above by Ingalls. The mob justice in turn resulted in more violence with a factory in West Tampa being burned to the ground by arsonists in October (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:120). The factories reopened shortly after this protected by armed patrols that came to be known by local socialists as the "Cossacks of Tampa" (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:121).
The 19 10 strike lasted for seven months before the CMIU called off the action in the face of the might of the trusts backed by city officials (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:125). As the prominence of the CMIU subsequently faded into the shadows, the IWW local took its place as the leading labor organization in early 1911. The IWW leadership consistently fought against the CMIU leadership over the next several years, especially over political differences when the AFL local began supporting the United States government during World War I (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:126).
As the European powers began mobilizing in 1914, the world economy started to fluctuate more rapidly. The situation in the United States especially worsened in 1916 as pressure mounted for the Americans to join in on the side of the Allied Powers. The cigar factory owners in Ybor City used this opportunity to squeeze the workers in response to rising costs by introducing new molds and machines to replace fully trained cigar workers and employing untrained and less costly laborers to operate them (Westfall 2000b:49). They also began to oppose wage increases more aggressively and consistently broke agreements on the standardized rates for cigar sizes. These attacks on the working class of Ybor City paralleled the skyrocketing cost of living, impoverishing workers who had seen their fortunes increase over the previous decade (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:127). The installation of newer cigar making machines grew exponentially during this period, and lectores were legally barred from Tampa factories after 1931 (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:128).
A second qualitative change had taken place by 1920. Those who returned to Ybor City following the war returned to a very different place. Many could not find work, and those who did found their wages less than satisfactory. Radical ideology and socialism had also fallen under more concentrated attack following the Red Scare which spread across the country in the wake of the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. The U.S. Justice Department had even begun scrutinizing the labor radicals who remained in Ybor City following the war, searching for communists and spies among those "hiding" under the Socialist Party banner (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:129).
Although the factory owners had defeated the radical labor movement in Tampa, their victory was short-lived. At this time, the local business community abandoned manufacturing in favor of tourism for their primary source of revenue. Rather than reporting on strike activity and walkouts, which still continued on a smaller scale, the media began using a policy of "silence by all" in order to brighten the image of Tampa as an ocean-side paradise (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:130). A final general strike occurred in 1931 while the cigar industry and its workers were being ravaged by what has come to be known as the Great Depression. Concurrently, cigars had lost

their appeal as the popularity of cigarettes increased, fatally wounding the industry (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:131). As profitability fell, the workers were forced to pay for it by losing their jobs and accepting lower wages. Again the general strike was defeated.
Like much of the United States, the post-World War II boom brought drastic changes both to how workers perceived themselves and to socially acceptable living conditions. A thoroughlybureaucratized federal government was increasingly involving itself in the strengthening of infrastructure and made big pushes in the establishment of suburban areas within major cities. Whereas ethnic ties to neighborhoods had brought communities together, the separation of family units into freeze-dried track homes snipped many social connections. Tampa was no exception (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:299).
By the time World War II had erupted, many of Ybor City's young adults were second or even third generation Americans, and many of them, especially the large number of Italian Americans who disliked Benito Mussolini, joined their fellow Americans in what they were led to believe was the dispelling of fascism in Europe (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:298). Upon returning, they found that their living conditions and wages were still stagnating and continuing to decline, inspiring the majority of them to look for habitation elsewhere. The establishment of a new suburban area in West Tampa, known as "Town 'n' Country," drew many of the working class families away from the cigar hub to a location where they could live in newer, more luxurious housing while still maintaining a sufficient level of Latin flavor in their community (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:300).
By the 1960s, Ybor City had become very impoverished. In 1962, the City of Tampa began an urban renewal agency which sought to "rehabilitate" and "redevelop" such areas. Bulldozers began to rip through the buildings, destroying 660 structures which housed 1,100 families. One hundred more families were displaced by the construction of Interstate Highway 4 through the northern section of the city, eradicating what many considered to be their cultural homeland (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:306). Ybor City was cut roughly in half, demonstrating just how devastating interstate construction could be to surrounding communities. While the city and state governments had efficiently removed the dilapidated housing structures, nothing was done to replace them or move families or businesses back into Ybor City. A total of 100 acres of land had been razed, but these were never "renewed" (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:307).
Today, few of the buildings stand to display the city's former glory. A handful of signs have been placed near landmark locations where tourists can stand on the remnants of a once proud working class community. The city is now known by Tampa Bay area residents for its decadent weekend night life and night club scene, serving as a place for young people to lose all of their inhibitions while a growing homeless population begs to scrape up enough change for another day of sustenance and shelter. The former Ferlita Bakery serves as a state museum and sits beside one of the oldest surviving cigar factories in the city. Private individuals are also known to




give walking tours to purportedly haunted locales while they entertain their audiences with folklore and anecdotes that have survived the fall of the city.
Data Collection Methods
In order to obtain physical information about Ybor City's working class, neighborhoods surrounding major cigar factories were selected and examined. With the use of historic maps and directories, information about the number of families living in each house as well as the number of square meters actually occupied by each individual family has been laid out and studied. Measurements of individual houses were obtained by georeferencing historic maps to modem county information and aerial photographs. The resulting material gives insight into the actual living spaces occupied by the working masses of Ybor City.
Historical data exist in several sources, but two of the most important are the details which were collected in fire insurance maps, created by the Sanborn Company throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and city directories, published by A. E. Sholes & Co. in 1899 and by R. L. Polk & Co. beginning in 1905. Both resources are archived in the University of South Florida library's special collections. The fire insurance maps include layouts of entire cities which display the locations and sizes of buildings, including houses, as well as the materials used for construction and descriptions of what each building was used for. When this information is studied in conjunction with data recorded in city directories, which include the occupations of each head of household, the living spaces of working class families can be analyzed with a decent measure of precision.
Reliance upon surviving sources, such as these, creates limitations based on their availability and the frequency with which their data was collected. The University of Florida has published digital scans of Sanborn maps recording Ybor City for the years 1889, 1892, 1895, 1899, 1903, and 1915. Not only do these maps not extend into the 1 920s, but the city directories (with the exception of a lone volume published in 1899) do not exist prior to 1905. This meant that conjoining data could only be collected for the years 1899 and 1915, which only allow observance of the first two phases of development. Exploration of the archives at University of South Florida, however, produced the discovery of a 1915 Sanbom map which had been altered and updated until the year 1925, adding a year from the aforementioned third phase to the data. Thus, the sample timeline reaches from 1899 to 1925.
The entire area of the city lies beyond the scope of this research project, especially since the city grew to larger sizes in the later years of the sample. Therefore, specific blocks were selected based on the assumed concentration of working class neighborhoods around cigar factories. Two sets of nine blocks were selected, each consisting of a factory block and eight surrounding blocks. The factory built by Ybor, which was one of the first two factories established during the founding of

the city, sits at the center of the first set of blocks (Figure 1). The factory that sits at the center of the second set of blocks is the one that sits beside the old Ferlita Bakery. However, it changed owners and names several times during the sample period. To avoid confusion, the name of this factory during 1925, "Nordac's Cigar Factory," will be used regardless of the point in time being described (Figure 2). Throughout the rest of this paper, these two square areas will be referred to as "Ybor Factory Center" and "Nordac Factory Center." The sample thus consists of eighteen blocks.
The first step in the data collection was to record the desired information from the Sanborn maps. I compiled information for each structure in the sample including the number of the map sheet, the number of the block, the street name, the address number, the description, the construction material, and the number of stories. The second step was to measure the relative size of each dwelling. Using GIS I was able to georeference these historic maps using county parcel data, thus attaching the maps to a real measureable scale that allowed me to find the approximate number of square meters in each house. These measurements are not 100 percent accurate, due to the fact that the incredibly small scale makes a millimeter equal to several meters in real space. Additionally, in the case of some two story houses, a slightly less accurate measurement has been recorded, due to the fact that the second story may have not had the exact same number of square meters as the ground level. This means that in such instances I have potentially overestimated the space contained in each structure. I also found it necessary to georeference each of the maps to the others to make sure that the data collected were both accurate and consistent. All of the measurements taken were recorded in a separate spreadsheet column alongside each address and were rounded to the nearest thousandth of a meter.
I was then able to cross-reference the addresses with information found in the city directories for each year in order to find out information about occupancy. In many cases, households contained more than one family, especially during the third phase year of 1925. In these cases, I took the number of square meters recorded for each house, and divided this number by the number of families residi 'ng within. For example, in 1925, three families lived in a house located at 1916 10th Ave that measured 166.22 in2. Therefore, each family residing at this address has been recorded as occupying an approximated allotment of 55.41 in2. I was thus able to estimate the mean square meters occupied per family and illustrate how this changed over a period of 26 years.
Finally, using data found in the city directories, I was able to further specify the average living space per family based on occupation. Since the main focus of this study has been placed on the cigar industry and due to the fact that the majority of workers were cigar makers, I was able to compare the average amount of living space occupied by these cigar workers with those obtained by others. This also allowed for the discovery


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80 Meters I I I

Georeferencing the Ybor Factory Center Source: 1915 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map, Floridiana Collection,
University of South Florida Library Adapted by Matthew P. Rooney Date: June 1, 2015

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SYbor Factory

Figure 1. "Ybor Factory Center" (Sanborn Fire Insurance Map, Floridiana Collection, University of South Florida Library).


Georeferencing the Nordac Factory Center Source: 1915 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map, Floridiana Collection,
University of South Florida Library Adapted by Matthew P. Rooney Date: June 1, 2015

Figure 2. "Nordac Factory Center" (Sanborn Fire Insurance Map, Floridiana Collection, University of South Florida Library).

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1 i"r


of any big business owners residing amongst the working populace.
The most glaring limitation of this study has been inadequate household information. At best, directory entries list only the heads of household and the given names of their spouses. In the case of people marked as "colored" in the directories, the names of spouses are generally not listed. Therefore, the study is limited to considering each head of household as one family unit without taking into account unlisted spouses, children, and other relatives who may have been residing within individual households. Some of these heads of household may have lived alone, and others may have been accompanied by a dozen family members. It also follows that any occupations held by undocumented people are also unlisted. Many widows, especially those found in the 1925 directories after the massive loss of life during World War I, are listed along with an occupation, so it should be inferred that many spouses and even children also brought incomes to their families. The existence of female and child labor within Ybor City's cigar factories has already been well documented by historians (Greenbaum 1986; Lastra 2006; Mormino and Pozzetta 1987).
In order to strengthen my argument that there was indeed significant change between the years 1899 and 1925, 1 performed a Kruskal-Wallis non-parametric test on the data. This test was used in favor of a parametric test because the data contain too many extreme values for an analysis of the data about the means to provide any meaningful insights. The null hypothesis for this test is that the distribution of square meters per family was the same across all three sample years.
Data Analysis
Phase One: 1899
In 1899, many of the houses that were erected during the foundational period of Ybor City still stood around the factories. This "shotgun" house design, described above, was previously used to house slave families on large plantations in the Caribbean, featuring construction designed to confine occupants to a minimal amount of space while using a minimal amount of construction materials and maximizing airflow. Although some of these structures still remain in Ybor City and West Tampa, this resulted in the significantly short life spans and collapses of these houses by the first decade of the twentieth century (Mormnino and Pozzetta 1987:234).
The sample for this year contained 130 different dwellings, 80 of which were located in the Ybor Factory Center (Table 1). The Nordac Factory Center, which lay to the north and east of Ybor's factory, became more densely populated later in the city's development, and its growth seems to coincide with the influx of Italian immigrants during the first decade of the twentieth century. Likely as a result of the smaller house design, all houses contained one family each. This point is of paramount importance when considered in relation to the exponentially higher numbers of multiple family homes found in the sample as time moved forward.

Table 1. Summary of living space occupied in 1899.
Sq. Std. Overall
1899 n Meters Dev. Diff.
Overall 130 101 49
By Center
Ybor Factor Center 80 111 56 9.90%
Nordac Factory Center 50 85 28 -15.84%
By Occupation
Cigar Maker 73 90 41 -10.09%
Cigar Packer 7 135 58 33.67%
Other 27 123 64 21.78%
The average size of the houses measured in 1899 was
found to be 10 1 in2, with a standard deviation of 49. However, workers residing around the older and more developed Ybor Factory Center enjoyed a larger amount of living space, an average of I111 m2 per family, while those workers who lived around the Nordac factory only averaged 85 m2 in their homes, nearly 24 percent less space than their Ybor Factory Center
Out of the 130 families, 107 were listed with their
occupation (Figure 3). Out of these heads of household, 73 were recorded as cigar makers and 7 were recorded as cigar packers while the remaining 27 were a variety of laborers, merchants, and craftspeople. The average cigar maker occupied less space than the average non-cigar maker and remarkably less than the average cigar packer. Cigar makers occupied an average of 90 m2 per family, more than 10 percent fewer than the overall average, while non-cigar makers lived on an average of 123 in2, over 20 percent more than the overall average for 1899. Cigar packers often occupied much larger spaces than other workers, especially cigar makers, with an average living space of 135 mn2. This was nearly 34 percent more than the overall average and 50 percent higher than the living space of the average cigar maker. This is unsurprising considering the fact that the packers, known as escogedores, were salaried workers usually selected from upper middle class Spanish families (Monnino and Pozzetta 1987:100). They placed elegant wrappers around each finished cigar and placed them in boxes ready to be shipped; they were responsible for making sure that the cigars were placed into the boxes in a visually appealing way and were required to identify dozens of different shades of tobacco colors in order to create a uniform appearance (Monnino and Pozzetta 1987:100). The skilled cigar makers were instead paid based on the number of cigars produced and usually earned less money (Mormino and
Pozzetta 1987:101)
Phase Two: 1915
By 1915, most if not all of the original houses within the
sample had been replaced with newer, larger homes, many with two floors. As this phase has already been characterized as one brimming with moderately successful labor struggles,




Figure 3. Comparison of living space according to occupation it
the existence of more available living space per family, especially for cigar makers, is not surprising. However, the growth achieved during this time may have been the result of other events not readily obvious in the historical record. By this time, the area surrounding the Nordac Factory had surpassed the Ybor Factory Center in the number of dwellings and families. However, the older Ybor center harbored more business and entertainment establishments, neither of which enter into this study. Generally, the cityscape looks relatively alien when compared to its 1899 self. In 1915, the total number of houses had escalated to 220, but this increase was entirely made in the Nordac Factory Center. The number of houses in the Ybor center remained the same while the number of houses around the Nordac Factory increased by over 180 percent to 143. By this time, the Italian immigrant community was well established in Ybor City, and although the surnames situated around the Nordac Factory seem to illustrate a dense Italian population, such speculation sits outside the limits of this study.
Although there were many boarding houses and multifamily apartment buildings by 1915, multiple families in single-family houses only begin to appear as a rarity in the sample. Only three appear in this sample, raising the total number of families to 223 (Table 2). All three houses appear in the Nordac Factory Center, where the majority of multiple family homes will also appear in 1925, leading to the possible future argument that a greater concentration of poverty existed in this region of the city than around the older part that was likely more populated by Cuban and Spanish immigrants.
The overall average living area per family increased by nearly 20 percent between 1899 and 1915 to 119 in2. Just as

18*49 U26 1r
200a 24 sCga akrsofe

listed (Figure 4). Out of this number, 118 were listed as cigar makers, while the remaining 72 were listed as holding a variety of vocations including numbers of clerks, merchants, and domestic workers. While cigar makers occupied less space on average than other workers in 1899, by 1915 they had actually surpassed the average amount of square meters per family held by non-cigar maker families. However, both groups fell very close to the overall average of 119, averaging 119 and 117 respectively. Again, the increase in living space for cigar makers could have been at least partially due to the fierce labor battles pitched by increasingly militant workers during the first decade and a half of the twentieth century. The pressure of a sustained and aggressive organization of workers probably brought higher wages and better living conditions for its members.
Table 2. Summary of living space occupied in 1915.
Sq. Std. Overall
1915 n Meters Dev. Diff.
Overall 223 119 66
By Center
Ybor Factor Center 80 111 60 -6.72%
Nordac Factory Center 143 123 69 3.36%
By Occupation
Cigar Maker 118 119 70 0%
Other 72 117 59 -1.68%

the number of houses around the Ybor Factory Center stagnated, the average square meters per family in this area also stayed the same. The average living space per family found for those living around the now burgeoning Nordac Factory Center, on the other hand, drastically increased to 123 in2, an increase of nearly 45 percent. Not only had the number of dwellings around the Nordac factory exceeded those found around the Ybor factory, the average number of square meters occupied by each Nordac family also exceeded those allotted to the Yhor families by more than 10 percent. This statistical increase is likely the result of more of the newer, larger houses being constructed in this area, whereas the older Ybor center had a higher concentration of the older, smaller dwellings leftover from Ybor City's initial establishment.
Out of the 223 families found in the sample, 190 had their occupation


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Cigar Makers Other

Figure 4. Comparison of living space according to occupation
Phase Three: 1925
The years between 1915 and 1925 saw a massive decrease in the living spaces occupied by workers, particularly cigar makers, living in Ybor City. Statistically speaking, all the inferred gains won by the struggling workers had been lost and actually turned back by the giant conglomerates that had by then begun operating the city's cigar industry. Increased use of machinery to replace traditional cigar makers also resulted in rises in unemployment and an accompanying lowering of wages (Westfall 2000b:49), which is here given physical expression in the material living conditions here assessed.
Geographically speaking, little had changed between 1915 and 1925. Most of the houses that existed during phase two were still standing and still occupied in 1925. In fact, even more of the older houses had been replaced by this time with much larger houses, numbering 234 altogether. However, the average living space for an individual family plunged to 96 m2, nearly 20 percent fewer than the 1915 high and more than five percent fewer than those occupied during 1899 when most workers lived in the original cottages.
The driver of this statistical anomaly was the existence of a vast number of multiple family homes in 1925. Up until this point in time, few or no multiple family homes existed in this sample. Gradually, by 1925, 76 of the 234 houses were harboring more than one family. Additionally, many of these multiple family homes housed more than two families, with some being occupied with as many as four or five families. In total there were actually 327 families living in 234 houses (Table 3). The majority of these multiple family homes were found in the Nordac Factory Center, where 218 families lived in 139 dwellings, 64 of which housed multiple families,

11o *6
96*8 181
12683 o
0 0
73 106

non-cigar maker heads of household
were listed as "tobacco strippers," a type of cigar factory job typically given to women (Mormino and Pozzetta 1987:107).
For these heads of household, many of whom the directory listed as widows, the average living space per family was much less than the overall average at 77 m2, more than 24 percent less than the overall average. Additionally, it is possible that some of these women were operating their homes as boarding houses to earn extra income, a common practice in Tampa and elsewhere at this time. This would also serve as an indicator of how Ybor City slowly transformed away from what Mormino and Pozzetta (1987:271) call a "male-dominated outpost of
The null hypothesis for the Kruskal-Wallis test performed
on this data is that the distribution of square meters per family was the same across all three sample years. I performed this
Table 3. Summary of living space occupied in 1925.
Sq. Std. Overall
1915 n Meters Dev. Diff.
Overall 327 96 50
By Center
Ybor Factor Center 109 104 58 8.33%
Nordac Factory Center 218 86 45 -10.42%
By Occupation
Cigar Maker 176 87 44 -9.38%
Tobacco Stipper 11 77 28 -19.79%
Other 82 101 61 5.21%

84 percent of the total number of multiple family homes. The large percentage of multiple family homes in the Nordac center also contributed to a lower average-square-meters-perfamily statistic than what was found in the Ybor center. Families living around the Nordac Factory occupied an average of 86 m2 each, over 20 percent less than the 104 m2 occupied by working class families residing near the Ybor factory. This was a large decrease in living conditions for the Nordac workers who had previously exceeded their Ybor counterparts in acquired living space in 1915.
Of the 327 families living in the sample area in 1925, 176 were listed as cigar makers while 93 others held various types of employment (Figure 5). Both groups inhabited average living spaces very close to the overall average with cigar makers averaging 87 m2 per family and others averaging 101 m2 per family. Eleven of the






Cigar Makers

Tobacco Strippers Occupation

Figure 5. Comparison of living space according to occupation in

test by importing the data into SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) and using the independent non-parametric test option. Using a significance level of 0.05, SPSS returned a p value of less than 0.001, which allowed me to reject the null hypothesis. A visual inspection of the data immediately makes it apparent where the difference lies (Figure 6). 4oHere it is clear that the distribution of data belonging to 1915 is significantly greater than the data for the other two years. Further exploratory data analysis finds that the mean square 3ometers for 1915 is more than 17 percent higher than 1899 and nearly 2 20 percent higher than 1925 (Table 4). n Essentially, the gains in living space acquired by 1915 were significant, 200]
and the losses befallen by 1925 were similarly significant.

The data collected and analyzed for 1889 illustrate in a spatial format what the initial conditions of Ybor City must have been like during the first phase on its development. Ybor and his partners had constructed affordable housing that allowed individual families to obtain independent living spaces

189 1915 1925
Figure 6. Comparison of living space according to year.

172 560
98 136 240 538 664
33 226 211 561
33 213
2560 494
81 236
0 596
030 0
310 539394
11 2 406 387
24 99

207 that allowed them relatively more
freedom and economic control than 208 other workers in the United States.
The maps support historical accounts that most of the houses were modest and contained two or three rooms in addition to space around each house 243 for a yard and a picket fence. The
18 directories show that most of these
0 residences had a single, male head-ofhousehold, supporting the arguments of historians who claim that the early years of Ybor City were familyoriented and male-dominated. The manufacturing town that Ybor and colleagues established seemed to be developing swimmingly.
However, the years between 1899 and 1920 saw a turbulent upsurge in class warfare between the workers and the owners of production in Ybor City.
011W Labor organization and strike activity
reached their heights during this period of time, and while the owners 1925. fought back viciously against these
movements, they were still moving economically in an upward trajectory and were therefore in a position to grant certain concessions to workers. These workers, many of whom had a strong sense of community and radical political influences, set better living conditions on


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Table 4. Summary of overall changes between 1899 and 1925.
Mean Sq. Std.
Year n Meters Dev. Change
1899 130 101 49
1915 223 119 66 17.82%
1925 327 96 50 -19.33%
their agenda, and the data collected and analyzed here for 1915 show that they were largely successful. While many people still lived in boarding houses and apartment buildings, many families were able to independently afford housing that gave them a larger amount of freedom than other workers living throughout the country. They fought for better wages and bigger houses, and they won.
By 1925, however, the situation had changed entirely. The world had passed through an imperialist war that had physically decimated the landscape of Europe but also had drastic effects on world economy. These effects were felt most bitterly by the working people of each country, who, unlike the wealthy owners of production, did not have reserves to fall back on in dire situations. The foundering workers provided the factory owners of Ybor City with an opportunity to impose the cuts necessary to maintain their growing profit. These attacks, coupled with advanced streamlining of the cigar industry and increasingly mechanized production and thus lower paying unskilled labor jobs, resulted in an obvious swing downward in the economic position of Ybor City's working class. This is illustrated in the data collected for 1925, which show that the gains made by militant workers during the first decade of the twentieth century had been virtually lost. The houses that they had established still stood, but the independent families that were able to occupy their own space now belonged to a time long passed. Now families had to cram themselves together into smaller spaces due to the fact that their wages were lower and the corporations that employed them had become too powerful for them to fight. The traditional cigar worker who demanded ice water and coffee had been replaced with whomever could operate a machine the quickest and cheapest.
The limitations of this study serve to demonstrate future research directions. One limitation is the sample size; the information that I have inferred may not apply to the rest of Ybor City. It is possible that these two neighborhoods were suffering isolated economic declines or heights during the periods studied. One future research direction could be to perform this research on a bigger sample to see if the same can be said of other neighborhoods. Another limitation is the lack of other historical documents such as census records to help determine family sizes and business records to determine wages and labor agreements. While census records clearly were taken, they were recorded at the beginning of each decade and are not reliable demographic indicators of years like 1915 and 1925. Other limitations include the lack of accuracy in measuring the exact amount of space occupied by families, the inability to find specifically how many individuals were living in each household, and the further lack of employment



information for all occupants.
Despite these limitations, the study still provides valuable information that supports the historical record and better illustrates what conditions were like on the ground. This type of research can therefore be performed on other Florida cities for which Sanbom maps are available or can be extended to other cities for which similar resources are available. Those interested in specific identities could focus these efforts on the lives of specific ethnic groups, gender groups, or on specific occupations such as cigar maker, cigar packer, or tobacco stripper. Future research could also focus on the owners of production rather than the workers, exploring what wealth may have been gained by individuals and corporations. For instance, by the 1900's, many of the cigar factories had been purchased by corporations whose owners lived in New York City rather than in Ybor City itself. Those owners who did have local dwellings often lived in other parts of Tampa. These neighborhoods could potentially be examined for comparison with those of workers.
Ultimately, this method of inquiry can be used to increase our general understanding of capitalist economy and the conditions endured by the working class. While this data cannot be used to infer general trends more broadly due to its limited scope, it still sheds light on possible outcomes of exploitation of labor for private profit. This study also confirms that living space can be used loosely as an indicator of economic prosperity and may also strengthen arguments that have been made solely on written documents. While most traditional archaeological projects are defined by the breaking of earth or the discovery of material culture, this work shows that primary source materials can also be approached and analyzed with archaeological methods and perspectives, unearthing a tremendous amount of Master's theses and doctoral dissertations that can be undertaken by students and researchers who wish to better uncover our past.
I would like to first thank Professors Thomas I Pluckhalm, Daniel Lende, and Christian Wells from the University of South Florida. The data marshalled for this paper were originally compiled for my undergraduate Honors thesis for the Department of Anthropology at the university, where Pluckhalm served as my faculty mentor and helped me develop my research design and proofread several drafts of my initial offering. Lende provided an Honors seminar and helped guide my presentation and theoretical foundation. Wells later assisted me with my selection of an appropriate statistical test and with the organization of my data tabulation and visualization. Also at the University of South Florida, I would like to thank the special collections office in the Tampa campus library whose members assisted me in my research of primary source documents. Additionally, I would like to thank the other students who underwent the Honors seminar with the Department of Anthropology for intellectual support.
I would also like to thank several people who provided


me with financial assistance throughout the period that this research was performed and prepared for publication. These include Akshay Ignatius, Alex Kawliche, Dave Honeycutt, Dave Ross, Erick Johnson, Jack Maguire, Moe Kletke, Peer Schnieber, Petey Mantice, and Rich Kay among others.
Finally, I would like to thank my mother, Dana Hicks, and my significant other, Jacqueline Schnieber, for both intellectual and financial support throughout the same period. Both regularly engaged with me in discussions about the material and helped me to develop my arguments and ideas. Both also provided necessary financial help that allowed me to perform my work in a comfortable environment. I would also like to thank my two children, Erin Rooney and Quinlan Rooney, for providing me with equally necessary drive and motivation to complete my work.
References Cited
Greenbaum, Susan D.
1986 Afro-Cubans in Ybor City: A Centennial History.
Ingalls, Robert P.
1988 Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa, 18821936. University Press of Florida, Gainesville.
Lastra, Frank Trebin
2006 Ybor City: The Making of a Landmark Town.
University of Tampa Press, Tampa.
Mormino, Gary Ross, and George E. Pozzetta 1987 The Immigrant World of Ybor City: Italians and their
Latin Neighbors in Tampa, 1885-1985. University of
Illinois Press, Urbana.
P6rez, Louis A.
1995 Josg Marti in the United States: the Florida
Experience. Tempe: ASU Center for Latin American
Studies, Arizona State University.
Pluckhahn, Thomas J., and Brent Weisman 2013 Public Archaeology and Public History in Ybor City.
Sponsored Research Proposal, University of South
Florida, Tampa.
Tinajero, Araceli
2010 Lector: A History of the Cigar Factory Reader
University of Texas Press.
Westfall, Loy Glenn
1977 Don Vicente Martinez Ybor, the Man and His Empire:
Development of the Clear Havana Industry in Cuba ad Florida in the Nineteenth Century. Dissertation
University of Florida.
1997 Key West, Cigar City, USA. Key West Cigar City
2000a Marti City: Florida's Cigar Ghost Town. Key West

Cigar City USA.
2000b Tampa Bay: Cradle of Cuban Liberty. Key West
Cigar City USA.


2015 68 (1-21

Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale, 3479 Faner Hall, Carbondale, Illinois 62901 E-mail:

This paper examines the prehistoric ceramics from the Fox Lake Sanctuary, an archaeological locale associated with the Malabar Tradition (ca. 500 B.C.-A.D. 1565) of the Indian River Region of east-central Florida (Figure 1). The pottery assemblages associated with the Fox Lake Sanctuary primarily include sherds of the St. Johns series, a pottery type characterized by a ceramic paste containing freshwater sponge spicules and varying amounts of fine-to-medium sand as temper. At the Fox Lake Sanctuary, plain wares comprise the majority of the assemblages and decorated sherds are rare. However, radiometric assays from one site in the Sanctuary (Table 1) indicate a Late Prehistoric occupation dating to the

Malabar II Period (ca. A.D. 750-1565). Traditionally, St. Johns Check Stamped pottery is thought to be temporally diagnostic of Late Prehistoric (St. Johns II or Malabar II Period) sites in this region, and sherds of this type would comprise a greater quantity of the assemblage; nevertheless, the ceramics from the Fox Lake Sanctuary exemplify the ubiquity of plain pottery at many Malabar II Period sites, illustrating a trend that is becoming recognized as characteristic of archaeological sites associated with the Malabar Tradition within the Indian River Region (Penders 2012a).
The pottery assemblages from three sites within the Fox Lake Sanctuary are analyzed to assess typological variation in

Figure 1. Map of St. Johns Culture Area, shaded in gray, with Indian River Region encircled. (Adapted from Milanich 1994)

0 50 100 20


VOL. 68 (1-2)


Table 1. AMS Radiocarbon Assays from Xavier's Knoll (8BR2510)
UGAMS Material Provenience Measured 14C 13C/12C Calibrated 2 Temporal Period
# Age (BP) Ratio Sigma (BC/AD)
9317a Bone TU-C, LV 2 (10-20 cmbd) 49020 AD 1413-1443 Malabar II
PTN25/PTE70, 18 cmbd
11583 Bone TU-A, LV 4 (30-40 cmbd) 30 880+20 -21.7 AD 1049-1084 Malabar II
cmbd 1123-1137
9318ch Shell TU-C, LV 4 (30-40 cmbd) 113020 AD 880-981 Malabar II
11581 Charcoal TU-G, LV 4 (30-40 cmbd) 1220+25 -26.0 AD 694-700 Malabar IbSE of Unit, 33 cmbd 708-747 Malabar Ila
11582 Charcoal TU-G, LV 8 (70-80 cmbd) 131025 -25.4 AD 657-724 Malabar IbFeature G-2 739-771 Malabar Ila
11585 Bone TU-D, LV 4 (30-40 cmbd) 140020 -21.3 AD 611-661 Malabar IbPTN 52/PTE 43, 33 cmbd Malabar Ila
11584 Bone TU-B, LV 5 (40-50 cmbd) 163025 -19.1 AD 351-367 Malabar Ia-lb
45 cmbd 381-469
11587 Bone TU-H, LV 5 (40-50 cmbd) 179020 -9.1 AD 137-259 Malabar Ia-lb
11586 Bone TU-E, LV 3 (20-30 cmbd) 1850-+20 -12.2 AD 87-104 Malabar Ia-lb
PTN50/PTE90, 25 cmbd 121-233
11579 Fiber-tempered TU-A, LV 8 (70-80 cmbd) 372025 -20.8 BC 2198-2162 Orange
Sherd 2152-2035

assemblage composition, as well as formal and morphological variation in the technological attributes of rim sherds. The analysis is framed within the orientation of practice theory advocated by previous research on technological style (Cordell and Habicht-Mauche 2012; Dobres 2000; Stark 1999), and aims to identify technological variation in accordance (or discordance) with temporal boundaries and the social affiliations of potters. As an analytical focus in this case study, technological style is conceptualized as observable variation in attributes related to the technical aspects of pottery manufacture (e.g., paste composition, temper constituents, rim shape, and vessel form) rather than aesthetic aspects such as surface decoration (Stark 1998). This method of characterizing variability in prehistoric ceramic technology will assist ongoing efforts to refine the regional Malabar Period chronology of the Indian River Region, in addition to having the potential to elucidate differences in communities of potters from varying social backgrounds and cultural affiliations. Furthermore, this analysis provides a means for

archaeologists to investigate prehistoric craft production and the social identities of potters by analyzing morphological and technological variation in terms of communities of practice (Bowser and Patton 2008; Dobres 2010; Stark 2006), or the social networks in which potters learn and hone their craft. By framing craft production as a technological behavior that is both socially and historically situated (Lave and Wenger 1991; Minar and Crown 2001), the analysis of ceramics offers the capability to extract social dimensions related to craft production from their material traces, such as networks of social learning and practice that formed the core facets of the identities and cultural affiliations of potters. Thus, this research agenda represents an effort to refine the temporality of the Malabar Tradition, to reconstruct communities of potters and characteristic production techniques, and to contribute to the identification of networks of common social identity among prehistoric populations in an often overlooked region of Florida's archaeological record.


2015 68 (1-2)


Throughout the history of Florida archaeology much research has been conducted within a culture-historical framework that focused the efforts of archaeologists toward establishing and organizing social entities such as archaeological cultures, traditions, and culture areas (Goggin 1949; Milanich and Fairbanks 1980; Milanich 1994; Webster 2008). The remarks of the early literature (e.g., Goggin 1952; Rouse 1951; Willey 1949) referring to the Indian River area as "culturally stunted," "backward," or "transitional" have fostered a rather short-sighted view of the research potential for this region. Over the years, the conventional nomenclature favored by this approach has perpetuated an inconsistency in the literature when referring to the prehistoric groups who once lived in the Indian River Region, specifically with regard to the spatial, temporal, material, and social boundaries of prehistoric populations occupying the area. Moreover, there is a distinct incongruence between this archaeological interpretation and the historical record. Hann's (1996, 2003) analyses of the historic records of early Spanish explorers provide insights regarding the many differences between the Ais who occupied the Indian River Region and the tribes of the St. Johns River Valley and northeastern Florida. He notes that the St. Johns ceramic tradition transcends the social, linguistic. and political boundaries between these tribes (Hann 2003:65). So whereas historians interpret the written documentation of distinct languages, political affiliations, domestic organization, and subsistence methods among the indigenous groups of this area of Florida, archaeologists are left with the widespread deposition of a single diagnostic ceramic type, St. Johns pottery (Goggin 1949; Milanich 1994; Milanich and Fairbanks 1980; Rouse 1951). However, the assignment of diagnostic artifact types to particular cultural units rests on the "assumption that formal stylistic variability follows normative principles," which poses a number of methodological issues including difficulties interpreting transitional, overlapping, or intermediate types and their distributions throughout space and time (Webster 2008:20-2 1). Taking this into consideration, this paper contends that the equation of the St. Johns ceramic type with a singular cultural entity is an oversimplification of prehistoric social realities and strives to eschew the reductionism of strict culture-historical models of Florida prehistory (sensu Ashley 2001; Eckert 2008; Minar 2001; Russo 1992; Stark et al. 2008; Wallis 2011).
Penders (201 2a) provided a synthesis of archaeological research in the Indian River Region including an overview of environmental characteristics of site locations, burial customs, subsistence strategies, regional chronology, and material culture. Penders (20 12a) interprets the material culture of the Malabar Tradition as exhibiting persistence through time. Plain wares are pervasive in prehistoric ceramic assemblages from the Malabar I Period until the historic period, despite the ceramic hallmark of the St. Johns Il/Malabar 11 Period being the introduction of St. Johns Check Stamped pottery (Goggin 1952:180; Rouse 1951). This interpretation brings to light a

core issue regarding the direct application of the conventional St. Johns regional chronology to the Indian River Region (Rouse 195 1). Within the St. Johns region, the advent of check stamped pottery is traditionally placed at around A.D. 750-800 (Milanich 1994:247), although some researchers suggest it does not enter the ceramic repertoire of St. Johns assemblages until around A.D. 900 or later (Ashley 2008, 2012; Penders 2012a). Regardless, the lack of radiocarbon dates from discrete temporal contexts at Malabar 11 Period sites leads to a degree of uncertainty as to whether the temporal periods of the St. Johns area are applicable to archaeological sites of the Malabar Tradition, and "the emerging consensus argues against direct use of the St. Johns ceramic chronology for the Indian River Region" (Penders 2012a:85).
Furthermore, the prevalence of St. Johns Check Stamped pottery in archaeological assemblages declines as one moves south through the Upper St. Johns and Indian River areas (Penders 2012a). While check stamped pottery typically comprises a majority of St. Johns II period assemblages in the Lower and Middle St. Johns River area, Cordell's analysis of pottery from a survey of sites within the Upper St. Johns River Basin suggested that check stamped wares could be expected to comprise a mere 8-20 percent of Malabar II period assemblages (Cordell 1985:127). This trend is of importance to the case study presented in this paper as St. Johns Check Stamped pottery comprises just 1.5 percent of the total weight of the ceramic assemblage from the Fox Lake Sanctuary. Currently there is a need for additional research on variation in ceramic technology in Malabar Period assemblages in order to illuminate the differential identities of prehistoric potters and to evaluate the applicability of the St. Johns chronology to archaeological sites in the Indian River area.
Case Study: Fox Lake Sanctuary "Area 6"
Fox Lake Sanctuary is a nature preserve located in northern Brevard County, Florida that is owned and managed by the Brevard County Environmentally Endangered Lands (EEL) Program (Figure 2). This locale serves as a viable case study for analyzing St. Johns pottery in the Indian River Region for many reasons, namely its proximity to the customary northern boundary of the Indian River Region! Upper St. Johns area and the abundance of St. Johns wares in the ceramic assemblage. The Sanctuary was purchased in 2007 and encompasses approximately 2,568 acres west of Interstate 95 in Titusville, Brevard County, Florida (de Seguin des Hons 2013). South Lake is the predominant permanent freshwater source within the property, but the Sanctuary is also situated near the headwaters of St. Johns River, approximately 6 kmn to the west. The areas surrounding Fox Lake Sanctuary may have been accessible prehistorically by canoe from the Upper St. Johns River, as historic maps indicate that South Lake was once indirectly connected to the St. Johns River via Salt Lake (Penders 2009). Nearly 8 km to the east are the brackish waters of the Indian River. The Atlantic Ocean is 28 kmn directly east of the Fox Lake Sanctuary if one crosses the Indian River and




Figure 2. General location of the Fox Lake Sanctuary, Brevard C
treks over Merritt Island, although taking a northeast route by canoe across the Indian River and Mosquito Lagoon reduces the distance.
Fox Lake Sanctuary is composed of nine different natural communities, although it consists primarily of wet prairie, floodplain swamp, mesic flatwoods, and scrubby flatwoods habitats (de Seguin des Hons 2013). Penders formulated a predictive model based on "high, medium, and low areas of archaeological potential" for prehistoric archaeological sites within the sanctuary (Penders 2009:29), with areas of high archaeological potential characterized by "rises in the natural topography which are covered with palm and hardwood hammock vegetation adjacent to ponds or seasonal ponds" (Penders 2009:64). A preliminary reconnaissance survey of the sanctuary found that, contrary to the USGS topographic maps, Fox Lake Sanctuary "Area 6" (hereafter referred to as FLS Area 6) located to the southwest of South Lake is actually comprised of three linear relict dune ridges composed of elevated, well-drained, sandy soil. Each of these three "dome-shaped" ridges contains a prehistoric archaeological

Fox Lake Sanctuary

site (Penders 2013:6) and the archaeological investigations at these three sites (8BR2509, 8BR2510, and 8BR2512) serve as the case
study presented in this paper (Figure 3).
The Fox Lake Sanctuary Archaeological Project was initiated by Tom Penders in 2010 as both a research and public archaeology program after consultation with the Brevard County EEL Program.
Penders conducted the project with support from a field crew consisting primarily of undergraduate anthropology students from the University of Central Florida and avocational volunteers from the Indian River Anthropological Society, as well as student volunteers from the University of Florida and the University of South Florida.
A Phase I survey consisting of subsurface shovel testing was conducted to locate sites, determine site boundaries, and identify concentrations of archaeological material warranting further investigation. Subsequent Phase II archaeological testing was oriented toward the recovery of prehistoric materials from areas where higher densities of cultural material were located, including pottery (Birnbaum 2013), lithic flakes and debitage (O'Neal 2013), and faunal remains (Lucas 2013). The investigations also aimed to document prehistoric features, and field methods included the collection of bulk column samples for flotation of botanical
remains and collection of special samples to
be submitted for radiometric dating (Penders county, Florida. 2013). Field investigations at the Fox Lake
Sanctuary are ongoing, and remain the principal focus of Penders' Space Coast Archaeological Research Foundation (SCARF).
This study focuses on the pottery recovered from the three sites in FLS Area 6 that were investigated over three field seasons from 2011-2013: Palm Hammock (8BR2509), Xavier's Knoll (8BR25 10), and Knight's Rise (8BR2512). The combined pottery assemblages from these small occupation sites yield a total of 5,543 sherds weighing 15,285.5 g. The results of a preliminary-stage ceramics analysis indicated that each of the three prehistoric sites located in FLS Area 6 contained multicomponent prehistoric occupations spanning the Orange Period to the Malabar Period, and at least one site, Xavier's Knoll, contained a stratified midden deposit representing an episodic occupation of the site (Birnbaum 2013).
Utilizing the lab space and instruments in the Center for Archaeological Investigations and the Department of Anthropology at Southern Illinois University at Carbondale, all

0 10 20 40


2015 68 (1-2)


Figure 3. Locations of archaeological sites in FLS Area 6 discussed in the text.

sherds were sorted into recognizable types based on microscopic paste identification and observable surface treatments (Cordell 1985, 2007). Both plain and incised varieties of fiber-tempered pottery are present at Palm Hammock and Xavier's Knoll, whereas the Knight's Rise assemblage only includes small fragments of fiber-tempered sherds. The St. Johns series is represented predominantly by plain wares including St. Johns Plain and Sandy St. Johns varieties. Generally, St. Johns paste would be described as having abundant (>30 percent) sponge spicules with occasional-to-common quartz sand of very fine to fine grain size, whereas sherds bearing common-to-abundant sand with frequent-to-common sponge spicules are classified as Sandy St. Johns (Ann Cordell, personal communication

2013). Very few sherds with surface decoration are present in each of the assemblages, though St. Johns Incised and St. Johns Check Stamped varieties are accounted for at each site. Sand-tempered pottery included in the three assemblages consists exclusively of plain wares. Excluding fiber-tempered pottery, the five primary types identified in each assemblage include St. Johns Plain, St. Johns Check Stamped, St. Johns Incised, Sandy St. Johns, and Sand-tempered Plain. Examples of a St. Johns Plain rim sherd from Xavier's Knoll and St. Johns Check Stamped body sherds from Palm Hammock are shown in Figure 4.
While sorting and cataloging the materials, all sherds were counted, weighed, and identified as rim, body, or base




Figure 4. Examples of (A) St. Johns Plain pottery from Xav (8BR2510) and (B) St. Johns Check Stamped Pottery from Palm
elements of a vessel. Rim sherds subsequently received more analytical scrutiny. Measurements were taken for orifice diameter using a radius chart and for rim thickness using a digital caliper. Lip morphology was classified along two criteria of lip shape (round or flat) and lip orientation (everted, inverted, or vertical). Vessel form (Simple, Globular, Open, or Unidentifiable) was inferred from the horizontal angle of the rim using a conservative approach that left many vessels classified as unidentifiable due to the fragmentary nature of the ceramics (Ann Cordell, personal communication 2013; see Rolland 2004; Willey 1949:496-497).
Variation in the attributes of rim sherds was quantitatively assessed between type and form categories at the intra-site and inter-site levels. The principal statistical test used to compare ratio-scale attribute measurements (rim diameter and rim thickness) for more than two samples is the one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA). Whereas the t-test compares the difference of two group means, ANOVA is capable of handling multiple comparisons dealing with more than two samples, yielding the F-statistic. Using the Welch version of ANOVA, the F-statistic is calculated without assuming equal variances between samples, then the Games-Howell post-hoc test adjusts the criteria for significance for multiple comparisons without assuming equality of variances. The Games-Howell test is included as an alternative to the more common Bonferroni adjustment, which assumes equal variances. For cases where

insufficient sample size prevents the calculation of Welch's ANOVA, the ratio-scale data are converted to ranks and the Kruskal-Wallis
analysis of variance for ranks is performed.
Ceramic attributes that comprise
categorical data (lip shape and lip orientation) were evaluated for association with ceramic types, vessel forms, or site assemblages using the Chi-Square statistic. Each of these tests were performed at the 95 percent confidence level, requiring a p-value of less than 0.05 to achieve statistical significance. Thus, when the ANOVA test comparing multiple samples yields a p-value greater than 0.05, there is no statistically significant difference among the samples and the samples are interpreted as being similar; conversely, when the ANOVA or post-hoc test yields a p-value that is less than 0.05, there is a statistically significant
difference between the samples.
Site Summaries and Laboratory Results
Palm Hammock (8BR2509)
Located on the bank of South Lake, Palm Hammock is the southernmost site within ier's Knoll FLS Area 6. A total of 64 shovel tests were Hammock excavated at Palm Hammock of which 29
contained cultural material. Phase I subsurface shovel testing was completed during the 2011 field season and field crews returned to the site in 2013 to excavate a total of five 2 x 2 meter test units. The site measures approximately 50 x 50 m in size. There are no radiometric dates for this site at this time (Penders 2013).
Two features containing ceramic artifacts were documented at Palm Hammock. Feature A-1 was a sherd concentration located at a depth of 66-76 centimeters below datum. This feature contained many small fragments of fiber-tempered pottery and a few identifiable Orange Plain sherds, as well as one small St. Johns Plain sherd and a small unidentifiable sherd fragment. Feature C-2 was characterized as a seed concentration (Thomas Penders, personal communication 2013), though the matrix contained high amounts of St. Johns Plain pottery. Perhaps this particular vessel was used for storage.
The pottery assemblage from Palm Hammock includes a total of 2,449 sherds weighing 6,144.6 g (Table 2). Separated into primary ceramic series delineated by paste characterization, the assemblage includes spiculate St. Johns wares (n-1,257), Sand-tempered pottery (n-li), and fibertempered Orange series pottery (n=267). All sherds measuring less than 0.5-inch were classified as unidentifiable (n=904). Fired clay nodules (n-10) were also present in the recovered material. St. Johns Plain comprises an overwhelming majority of the spiculate-paste category (n=1,172), while Sandy St. Johns sherds comprise a small portion of the plain wares


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Table 2. Ceramic Assemblage Composition Site Type Count % Weight (g) %

Palm Hammock (8BR2509)

Xavier's Knoll (8BR25 10)

Knight's Rise (8BR25 12)

St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check Stamped St. Johns Incised Sand Tempered Plain Orange Plain Orange Incised UID
St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check Stamped St. Johns Incised Sand Tempered Plain Orange Plain Orange Incised ULD
St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check Stamped St. Johns Incised Sand Tempered Plain Orange Plain UID

68 13 3 11 265
904 11
1103 311 10 7

38 2729

47.86 2.78 0.53
0.12 0.45
10.82 0.08 36.91

40.42 11.40 0.37 0.26 1.69
11.14 0.18 33.16 1.39

124 33.97 53 14.52
11 3.01 6 1.64 10 2.74 15 4.11 146 40.00

4883.1 372.3 51.8 26.3 77.4
258.5 30.3
354.4 90.5
4530.8 1721.1
71.6 186.9 768.4
94.4 395.2 135.7 8038.6

0.84 0.43 1.26
4.21 0.49 5.77

21.41 1.67 0.89 2.33 9.56
4.92 1.69

(n=68). Further sub-dividing the primary paste categories by decorative mode demonstrates the predominance of plain wares in this assemblage.
Decorative modes found on the exterior surfaces of St. Johns sherds in this assemblage include the temporally diagnostic check stamping (n= 13) as well as linear incising (n-3). A single fabric marked St. Johns sherd was recorded as well, but this was only inferred after making a negative impression into a piece of clay from the eroded surface of the sherd. Sand-tempered pottery is exclusively plain, and will be referred to hereafter as Sand-tempered Plain. Lastly, the fibertempered portion of the assemblage is represented by Orange Plain (n=265) and Orange Incised (n--2) types.
Type distribution percentages are calculated from total weight in order to curtail issues related to the differential fragmentation of ceramic vessels (Orton 2000:52). By

weight, St. Johns Plain pottery comprises over 79 percent of the assemblage, and plain Sandy St. Johns sherds make up 6 percent of the total weight, while St. Johns Check Stamped and Incised varieties each comprise less than 1 percent of the total weight of the assemblage.
The Malabar Period portion of the assemblage, characterized by excluding unidentifiable sherd fragments, fiber tempered pottery, and ceramic artifacts classified as "Other" (e.g., fired clay nodules that were not considered pottery) consists of 1,268 sherds weighing 5,414.1 g. This assemblage is overwhelmingly comprised of plain pottery. Of the Malabar Period sherds, 98.5 percent are plain wares (St. Johns Plain, Sandy St. Johns, and Sand-tempered Plain), while just 1.5 percent of this portion of the assemblage bears surface decorations including check stamping and incising.

500.3 45.39

46.0 19.3 88.2 19.1

4.17 1.75 8.00 1.73 3.86




Sorting of rim sherds indicates that the Palm Hammock sample is mainly comprised of St. Johns Plain vessels (Table 3). Laboratory analyses show that St. Johns Plain vessels exhibit the widest range of orifice diameter measurements, but St. Johns Incised vessels are the largest on average (Table 4). St. Johns Plain rims also demonstrate the widest range of rim thickness measurements (Table 5). Round lip shapes outnumber flat lipped rims by a 5:1 ratio, and there are nearly 50 percent less everted lip profiles than either inverted or vertical lip orientations (Table 6).
A minimum vessel count of 84 was determined for this site (Table 7). Excluding the two Orange Period vessels, this leaves a minimum number of 82 vessels in the Malabar Period portion of the assemblage. As previously noted, estimated vessel forms in this study are described as simple, globular, or open (see Willey 1949:497), with 67 percent of the identifiable vessel forms estimated as simple bowl shapes.
Xavier s' Knoll (8BR251 0)
Surrounded by wetlands, Xavier's Knoll is located at the north end of the ridge in FLS Area 6. During the 2011 field season, a total of 73 shovel tests were completed at the site of

Table 3. Rim Sherds by Type. Site Type

Palm Hammock (8BR2509)

St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check Stamped St. Johns Incised

Sand Tempered Plaii Orange Plain Orange Incised

which 43 contained cultural material. Test excavations at this site began in 2011, and were completed in the 2012 season. A total of eight 1 x 2 meter units and one I x 1 meter unit were excavated at Xavier's Knoll. The site measures approximately 50 x 50 meters in size (Penders 2013).
Three features containing ceramic artifacts were identified at Xavier's Knoll. Features B-I, F-I, and G-1 were concentrations of potsherds. Features B3- 1 and F- 1 contained small amounts of St. Johns Plain and Sandy St. Johns ceramics, while Feature G- 1 contained a denser concentration of fibertempered sherds (n-63). Additionally, Feature G-2 appears to have been a possible hearth located adjacent to Feature G-1 (Penders 2013).
Ten samples were submitted for radiometric dating to the Center for Applied Isotopic Studies at the University of Georgia (see Table I), and consisted of six faunal bone elements, two charcoal samples, one shell sample, and intact fibers recovered from an Orange Plain sherd. Except for the single date associated with the Orange Period (3720 25 BP) the remaining assays fall within the Malabar Period (490 20 BP to 1850 20 BP; Calibrated 2-Sigma range of A.D. 87-1443).

2 2

83.9 5.7 2.3 2.3
3.4 1.1 1.1

425.3 34.1 39.4 26.3
33.4 10.8 15.7 623.1

St. Johns Plain 92
Sandy St. Johns 38
St. Johns Check Stamped 3
St. Johns Incised 4
Sand Tempered Plain 2
Orange Plain 12
Orange Incised 1

St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check Stamped St. Johns Incised Sand Tempered Plain TOTAL

60.5 618.4 25.0 297.4

2.0 2.6 1.3 7.9 0.7
28.6 7.1 7.1 7.1

39.4 18.1 158.2 3.9 1206.1
65.3 50.7
9.4 2.5 0.8 122.9


Xavier's Knoll (8BR25 10)

Knight's Rise (8BR25 12)


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Table 4. Rim Diameter (cm) by Type.
Site Type Minimum Maximum Mean Median
Palm Hammock St. Johns Plain 4 32 22.4 28
(813R2509) Sandy St. Johns 12 28 22.7 28
St. Johns Check Stamped 16 28 22 22
St. Johns Incised 28 32 30 30
Sand Tempered Plain 18 18 18 18
Orange Plain
Orange Incised
Xavier's Knoll St. Johns Plain 14 42 25 23
(8B3R25 10) Sandy St. Johns 8 48 24 22
St. Johns Check Stamped 16 38 26 24
St. Johns Incised 20 36 27 25
Sand Tempered Plain 24 24 24 24
Orange Plain 18 38 28 30
Orange Incised
Knight's Rise St. Johns Plain 16 36 28 30
(8BR25 12) Sandy St. Johns 16 18 17 17
St. Johns Check Stamped 8 8 8 8
St. Johns Incised
Sand Tempered Plain----

The pottery assemblage from Xavier's Knoll includes a total of 2,729 sherds weighing 8,038.6 g (see Table 2). Separated into primary ceramic series delineated by paste characterization, the assemblage includes spiculate St. Johns wares (n-=1,43 1), Sand-tempered pottery (n-46), and fibertempered Orange series pottery (n=309). All sherds measuring less than 0.5-inch were classified as unidentifiable (n=905). Fired clay nodules (n=36) were also present in the recovered material, as well as a fired clay object bearing incised marks. Further sub-dividing the primary paste categories by decorative mode demonstrates the predominance of plain wares in this assemblage. St. Johns Plain comprises an overwhelming majority of the spiculate-paste category (n= 1,103), although Sandy St. Johns sherds comprise a sizeable portion of the plain wares (n-3 11).
Decorative modes found on the exterior surfaces of St. Johns sherds in this assemblage include the temporally diagnostic check stamping (n--10) and linear incising (n--7). Again, Sand-tempered pottery is exclusively plain. Lastly, the fiber-tempered portion of the assemblage is represented by Orange Plain (n=304) and Orange Incised (n--5) types.
The Malabar Period portion of the assemblage from Xavier's Knoll consists of 1,477 sherds weighing 6,644.9 g. Type distributions by weight indicate that St. Johns Plain pottery comprises over 56 percent of the assemblage, and plain Sandy St. Johns sherds make up 21 percent of the total

weight. In contrast, St. Johns Incised sherds comprise less than 1 percent of the total weight of the assemblage, while St. Johns Check Stamped sherds comprise less than two percent.
Five sherds from Xavier's Knoll exhibit secondary usewear. A large Sandy St. Johns sherd recovered from Test Unit H at 38 cm below surface was used as an abrader, possibly for a bone awl (Thomas Penders, personal communication 2013). The St. Johns Plain (n=1I), Sandy St. Johns (n--l), St. Johns Check Stamped (n= 1), and Sand Tempered Plain (n=1l) utilized sherds have ground edges that could have been used for scraping or chopping functions in either food preparation or clay modeling during pottery production. An anomalous incised fired clay object was also recovered in Test Unit D between 40 and 50 cm. below surface, perhaps indicating pottery manufacturing activity at this location.
Sorting of rim sherds indicates that the St. Johns Plain type comprises the majority of the Xavier's Knoll sample (see Table 3). Laboratory analyses show that Sandy St. Johns rims exhibit the widest range of diameter measurements (see Table 4), though fiber-tempered sherds have the largest average and median diameter. St. Johns Plain rims exhibit the widest range of thickness measurements, but fiber-tempered rims are the thickest overall (see Table 5). This perhaps indicates a trend toward thinner vessel rims through time, though the Incised and Check Stamped vessels at this site tend to have relatively thick rims. Again, round lip shapes outnumber flat lipped rims



Table 5. Rim Thickness (mm) by Type.
Site Type Minimum Maximum Mean Median
Palm Hammock St. Johns Plain 3.6 13.9 5.9 5.7
(8BR2509) Sandy St. Johns 5.2 8.9 6.9 7.6
St. Johns Check Stamped 3.9 5.7 4.8 4.8
St. Johns Incised 5.8 6.9 6.4 6.4
Sand Tempered Plain 6.2 7.2 6.7 6.6
Orange Plain 9.0 9.0 9.0 9.0
Orange Incised 13.9 13.9 13.9 13.9
Xavier's Knoll St. Johns Plain 2.4 11.4 5.9 5.5
(8BR25 10) Sandy St. Johns 3.3 9.3 5.9 6.2
St. Johns Check Stamped 5.1 8.2 6.9 7.7
St. Johns Incised 5.9 10.2 7.2 6.3
Sand Tempered Plain 7.3 7.7 7.5 7.5
Orange Plain 5.2 12.1 8.1 7.8
Orange Incised 9.5 9.5 9.5 9.5
Knight's Rise St. Johns Plain 4.3 6.5 5.5 5.7
(8BR25 12) Sandy St. Johns 2.8 7.5 5.5 6.0
St. Johns Check Stamped 4.2 4.2 4.2 4.2
St. Johns Incised 5.4 5.4 5.4 5.4
Sand Tempered Plain -

approximately by a 5:1 ratio, but the ratio of everted, inverted, and vertical lip orientations is approximately 10:2:1 (see Table 6). A minimum vessel count of 147 was determined for the whole site, though excluding the Orange Period vessels, the MNV is reduced to 134 for the Malabar Period portion of the assemblage (see Table 7).
Knight's Rise (8BR25 12)
Knight's Rise is located between Palm Hammock and Xavier's Knoll in FLS Area 6. To the north, east and west are wetlands and 50 meters to the south is the Palm Hammock Site. Phase I testing began in 2013, with plans in place to return in 2015 in order to complete the survey and determine the site boundaries. At this time, a total of 58 shovel tests have been excavated of which 26 contain cultural material (Penders 2013).
Since Knight's Rise has only been subjected to Phase I surveying, the site assemblage is significantly smaller than the two sites previously discussed. The pottery assemblage from Knight's Rise includes a total of 365 sherds weighing 1, 102.3 g (see Table 2). Excluding fiber-tempered pottery, the Malabar Period assemblage from Knight's Rise consists of 204 sherds weighing 1,040.7 g including the same five primary types mentioned above. Sherd counts, total weights, and assemblage

percentages as available at this time are provided in Table 2. Only 14 rim sherds were recovered from Phase I subsurface survey work done at this site (see Table 3), but the ratio of St. Johns Plain to Sandy St. Johns vessels is much closer than the other sites in FLS Area 6.
Statistical Results

Intra-Site Variation

Concerning ceramic type categories, Welch's one-way ANOVA performed at the 0.05 significance level did not reveal significant intra-site variability for rim diameter between ceramic types for the three sites located in FLS Area 6. Similarly, no significant intra-site variability for rim thickness measurements between types were found for the three sites. When testing for variation in these attributes between vessel forms, however, Welch's one-way ANOVA revealed significant intra-site variation for rim diameter between vessel forms at Xavier's Knoll (F=9.294; p=.002). Multiple comparisons performed at the 0.05 significance level using the GamesHowell adjustment (Table 8) indicate significant differences in rim diameter between globular and simple vessels (p=.001) as well as between globular and open vessels (p=.024). In both cases, globular vessels are shown to have significantly smaller


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Table 6. Lip Morphology by Ceramic Type.
Site Ceramic Type Lip Lip Orientation TOTAL
Everted Inverted Vertical



Palm Hammock

St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check St. Johns Incised Sand Tempered Orange Plain Orange Incised St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check St. Johns Incised Sand Tempered Orange Plain Orange Incised St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check St. Johns Incised Sand Tempered

Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat
Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat N/A
Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat Round Flat

Xavier's Knoll Knight's Rise


Table 7. Vessel Count by Form and Type.

St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check St. St. Johns Incised Sand Tempered Plain Orange Plain Orange Incised

St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check St. St. Johns Incised Sand Tempered Plain Orange Plain Orange Incised

3 2 0 2 0 0 IL 37
% 44.1

51 19 2 4 1
11 0 L 88
YO 59.9

St. Johns Plain Sandy St. Johns St. Johns Check St. St. Johns Incised Sand Tempered Plain

Table 8. Games-Howell Adjusted Xavier's Knoll (8BR2510)

Comparisons of Rim Diameter by Vessel Form at

Vessel Form Mean Difference Std. Error Sig.
Simple Globular 7.021 1.753 .001*
Open -2.407 2.882 .691
Globular Simple -7.021 1.753 .001*
Open -9.429 3.009 .024*
Open Simple 2.407 2.882 .691
Globular 9.429 3.009 .024*
*The mean difference is significant at the 0.05 level using the Games-Howell adjustment.


Palm Hammock (8BR2509)

Xavier's Knoll (8BR25 10)

Knight's Rise (8BR2512)

50.0 28.6 7.1 7.1 7.1

6 1 0 0 0 0 0 7
6 4 0 0 0 0 0 10 6.8

0 1 1 1 1 29
4 0 0 1
0 1 30 20.4

5 2 2 3 1 1
92 33 3 4 2 12 1

83.3 5.9 2.4 2.4 3.6 1.2 1.2
62.6 22.4 2.0 2.7 1.4 8.2 0.7

2015 68 (1-2)


rin diameters, a trend that is to be expected for ves incurving walls or restricted orifices. Thus, this stati not contribute to our understanding of how ceramic te4 relates to identity, and is not anthropologically relev, argument. Aside from Xavier's Knoll, the other site demonstrate significant variation in this attribute amo forms. No significant intra-site variation for rim 1 between vessel forms was found at any site in FLS A
Within each site assemblage, associations bet' morphology and ceramic type are evaluated by pe non-directional Chi-Square tests at the 0.05 significar No significant associations between lip shape and cerE were identified for any of the sites in FLS Area 6. 1 significant associations between lip orientation and type are identified at Xavier's Knoll (X2=22.057; and Knight's Rise (X2=19.380; p=.013). Regardin forms, Chi-Square tests on the Palm Hammock as, revealed significant associations between lip shape ai form (X2=7.486; p=.024) as well as lip orientation ai form (x =15.931; p=.003). It should be noted, how( the samples from these sites do not yield evenly di contingency tables for either morphological attribi cell values less than 5 are common), and therefore s interpreted cautiously.
Inter-Site Variation
Welch's one-way ANOVA performed at t significance level does not identify significant variation for rim diameter between types among the t in FLS Area 6. Similarly, no significant inter-site was found for rim thickness between types, nor x significant inter-site variation in rim diameter betwe forms. The ANOVA does indicate a significant diffi the rim thickness measurement of open-form vessels the three sites (F=4.245; p=.044); however, convey thickness measurements to ranks and performing the Wallis analysis of variance for ranks reverses the (p=.268). In this case, the Games-Howell post hoc yields a decision to retain the null hypothesis
Table 9. Inter-Site Variation Form.

indicating there is no significant difference in the rim diameters of open vessels at FLS Area 6 (Table 9).
When comparing lip morphology within ceramic types across the three site assemblages using the Chi-Square test, no sites are found to have a significant association between type and lip shape. However, there is a significant association between site assemblage and lip orientation of St. Johns Plain vessels (X2=29.083; p<.001). When comparing lip morphology within vessel forms across the three site assemblages, there are significant associations between site assemblages and both lip shape (x2=8.340; p=.015) and lip orientation (X2=19.678; p=.001) of simple-shaped vessels.
Following the above evaluations of inter-site variation, if the individual site assemblages are then aggregated into one larger composite sample representing FLS Area 6 as a whole, analysis of variance can be conducted to assess "intra-locale" variation. While the ANOVA performed at the 0.05 confidence level for rim diameter measurements between ceramic types does not yield a significant result, the test indicates a significant difference in orifice diameter between forms (F=7.020; p=.004). The Games-Howell post hoc test indicates that the rim diameters of globular vessels are significantly smaller than both simple (p=.012) and open (p=.005) vessels. Once again, this is a result that should be expected as globular vessels have restricted orifices or incurving walls, whereas simple and open vessels do not have restricted mouths and will have either vertical or outslanted or outcurved walls.
For rim thickness measurement, the ANOVA does not find a significant difference between vessel forms. However, a significant difference in thickness between ceramic types is shown (F=3.465; p=.035), and the Games-Howell adjusted comparisons indicate a significant difference in rim thickness between the St. Johns Plain and Sand Tempered Plain types (p=.045), with Sand-tempered rims averaging 1.1 mm thicker than St. Johns Plain rims. It is dubious that such a minute difference in thickness is a result of a conscious differentiation in the manual skills of potters from different cultural backgrounds. This result is likely a factor of unequal sample sizes between type categories.

within Fox Lake Sanctuary, Rim Thickness by

Form F-statistic Sig.
Entire Assemblages F2, 32.067= 1.590 .220
Simple F2, 5.355= .011 .989
Globular F2, 11.474= 1.091 .368
Open F2, 1O.584= 4.245 .044*
Kruskal-Wallis Rank .268
Games-Howell Post Hoc .066
*The result is significant at the 0.05 level.




2015 68 (1-2)

Non-directional Chi-Square tests were performed at the 0.05 significance level to evaluate associations between lip morphology and ceramic type, as well as between lip morphology and vessel form for the collective FLS Area 6 assemblage. The only significant association identified is between vessel form and lip orientation (X 2=21.371; p<.001), an association that could be related to consideration of intended vessel function during production, or a product of differential sample sizes.
The ANOVA results cumulatively suggest an internal consistency in ceramic technology at the three sites in FLS Area 6. Because the significant differences in rim diameter between vessel forms reflect an expected result related to vessel function, and the single attribute difference between ceramic types may be ascribed to the small sample size of Sand-tempered Plain rims, it is reasonable to presume the assemblages from Palm Hammock, Xavier's Knoll, and Knight's Rise belong to the same population. In other words, I
-suggest that the ceramic assemblages at the three sites in FLS Area 6 were produced by potters of the same community of practice. Overall, there appears to be no association between vessel size or thickness and choice of temper or surface decoration within each site assemblage. The FLS Area 6 assemblages are both individually and collectively consistent in terms of the orifice size and rim thickness of vessels when compared between the various ceramic types and vessel forms.
The Chi-Square tests indicating associations between site assemblage and lip morphology do not necessarily agree with the data pertaining to numerical variables (rim diameter and rim thickness); however, the associations of certain lip morphologies with site assemblages may be attributed to varying sample sizes. Chi-Square associations between lip orientation and ceramic type were found at Xavier's Knoll and Knight's Rise. For Xavier's Knoll, uneven sample sizes between types with categorized lip orientations probably account for the significant result. St. Johns Plain is the dominant type in the assemblage, and over 60 percent of individuals with categorized lip orientations were of the St. Johns Plain type. Knight's Rise has an unusually small sample size compared with the other assemblages due to the extent of survey coverage, so this result should be interpreted with caution.
Significant associations between both lip morphology variables and vessel form were identified at Palm Hammock. The Palm Hammock assemblage has a distinct disparity between the number of rounded (n=48) and flat (n--3) lips for identifiable vessel forms, and over 60 percent of the identifiable vessels with categorized lip morphology are simple-shaped. Therefore, the significant Chi Square result may be triggered by the small sample size. The majority of simple vessels have vertical lip orientation (approximately 56 percent) while the majority of globular vessels have inverted lip orientation (approximately 82 percent). This association is somewhat of an expected result, as simple vessels with

vertical walls are shown to have, more often than not, this similar lip orientation while globular vessels with incurring walls are shown to have an inverted lip orientation. However, the fact that this association was not deemed significant at any other site assemblage leads to an interpretation that intended vessel form does not render an exclusive lip orientation. The result suggests that rounded lip morphology is associated with the simple bowl shaped vessel, but the counts for other vessel forms are so low that it renders the Chi-Square statistic suspicious in this case. Unfortunately, the small sample size and uneven distribution of cell counts in the Chi-Square contingency table prevents the calculation of the Fischer's Exact Test, which would be the preferable option.
Inter-site comparisons of numerical attribute measurements between Palm Hammock, Xavier's Knoll, and Knight's Rise provide a straightforward picture where each site assemblage can be said to belong to the same population. The "intra-locale" analysis of the collective FLS Area 6 assemblage, however, discerns a difference in rim thickness between St. Johns Plain and Sand Tempered Plain vessels, which could indicate a relationship between the tempering agents used in the ceramic paste with this aspect of vessel construction. It remains unclear whether this evidences two communities of practice (one using sand as temper and one harvesting sponge spicules), or if the same community of potters simply executed wall and rim formation differently based on the choice of temper.
The categorical data analysis indicates an association of site, ceramic type, and lip orientation such that the lip orientation of St. Johns Plain vessels is nonrandom depending on the site location. This result is likely attributed to the small sample size of potsherds from Knight's Rise, as this site was only investigated through shovel testing whereas the other sites underwent Phase I survey and subsequent Phase 11 test excavations. The extant zero-values of many cells in the ChiSquare contingency table for Knight's Rise skew the results of the test. Similarly, the lip morphology of simple vessels is found to differ from expected depending on the site location, which may simply be an artifact of there being more identifiable simple vessels than other forms in each assemblage. This is also the case with the analysis of the combined FLS Area 6 assemblage as a collective sample.
Perhaps the most noteworthy difference is between Xavier's Knoll and Palm Hammock, where the Xavier's Knoll assemblage exhibits a prevalence of everted lip orientation, whereas the majority of vessels from Palm Hammock have inverted and vertical lip profiles. The difference in this secondary morphological attribute can be interpreted as being related to the habitual technological practices of ceramic producers at these sites. Conversely, perhaps lip morphology is more readily related to vessel function, and represents a conscious manipulation of forming and finishing techniques during vessel manufacture. This second interpretation cannot be tested without a thorough investigation of vessel function, which may require residue analysis as complete cross-sections of pots are absent from the assemblage. If associations between lip morphology and vessel form could be related to intended


function, the morphological attributes could be categorized as an intentionally manipulated attribute of pottery manufacture rather than a manifestation of the routinized material habitus of a community of practice (Cordell and Habicht-Mauche 2012; Dobres 2000; Meskell 2005; Minar and Crown 2001).
Future Directions
Expansion ofthe dataset will augment the research potential for studies of ceramic technology and the regional chronology in the Indian River Region. By integrating materials from sites throughout the Indian River and the Upper and Middle St. Johns River Basins, far more ceramic data can be introduced to the quantitative analysis. The inclusion of additional sites will allow for comnparisonls of assemblages among sites with similar functions as well as between contrasting site types. Alternative approaches to attribute analyses could also provide complementary results. This study separated attribute analyses by ceramic type and vessel form. Vessel orifice measurement as an attribute was not found to vary significantly in most cases, so perhaps if this field were converted to a category alongside type and form, comparisons could be performed to evaluate variation in secondary morphological rim characteristics by vessel size. It is likely that additional patterns in variability could be discerned between small and large vessels.
Mineralogical and trace elemental characterizations would serve as supplemental lines of evidence to the morphological data analyzed in this study. Either of these methods would allow for the quantitative assessment of variation between samples. Thin section petrography would be the preferred method for the analysis of mineralogical constituents in ceramics (Cordell 2007; Stoltman 1991). The chemical composition of raw materials used in ceramic manufacture could be analyzed by a variety of archaeometric techniques designed to identify and quantify the elemental constituents of a sample. A pilot study is currently being conducted using a portable X-Ray Fluorescence (pXRF) spectrometer to quantify trace elemental variation in a sample of the Fox Lake pottery assemblage; however, this non-destructive method of analysis may compromise the level of detail offered by techniques in which the samples are homogenized (see Shugar 2013; Speakman et al. 2011). To complement the data yielded by this nondestructive method, future research may include other bulk sample analysis through Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis (INAA), or point-specific analysis of freshly broken sherd cross sections using Laser AblationInductively Coupled Plasma-Mass Spectrometry (LA-ICPMS). Since the geographic scale of the Fox Lake Sanctuary is rather finite, a regional comparative database will eventually have to be established to delineate various clay sources by their elemental signatures.
I have intentionally used a conservative approach in interpreting the statistical results of this study by offering counter-arguments to the anthropological interpretation of

some of the significant results, and by emphasizing issues with the quantitative mechanics of the tests, small sample sizes, and unevenly distributed pottery types within and between site assemblages. However, some of the results may highlight differences in vessel function rather than communities of potters. These data could provide meaningful insights into the variety of site functions in FLS Area 6. Overall, it seems that these sites functioned as temporary, seasonal camps that were periodically reoccupied by Malabar Period populations through the late prehistoric period, continuing the pattern of settlement and landscape use practiced by their Orange Period predecessors. The variation in lip morphology and vessel forms between the Palm Hammock and Xavier's Knoll sites may indicate slightly different uses of these neighboring sites. The predominance of simple vessels with everted lip profiles at Xavier's Knoll could indicate that this site was a primary habitation area where people prepared and consumed food, while the greater number of restricted vessels and inverted lip profiles at Palm Hammock might mean this site functioned as a temporary camp where foraged resources were stored and transported in ceramic vessels.
As mentioned above, the prevalence of plain pottery in the FLS Area 6 assemblages is characteristic of Malabar Period sites. Moreover, the rarity of decorated St. Johns sherds brings the diagnostic nature of the St. Johns Check Stamped variety into question for this area. Networks of exchange involving check stamped pottery could have developed later in time in the Indian River Region than in the province of the Timucuan-speaking tribes to the north. This would have a direct effect on our conceptualization of the Malabar regional chronology, as the introduction of St. Johns Check Stamped wares would indicate a much later date in the Indian River Region than previously understood. Within a midden context at Xavier's Knoll, St. Johns Check Stamped pottery occurs exclusively in the uppermost stratum, which is stratigraphically superimposed over a level containing only plain pottery. An AMS assay from the layer containing plain pottery yielded a calibrated calendar date range of A.D. 880-98 1, whereas the AMS assay from the upper layer containing check stamped pottery yielded a calibrated calendar date range of A.D. 14131443 (see Table 1). If these dates are taken as representative of the introduction of St. Johns Check Stamped pottery in the northernmost Malabar assemblages, then an adjustment of the chronology should be considered in which the date range for the Malabar 11 Period post-dates A.D. 1000 (see also Penders et al. 2009:524, 2012b:232). Of course, additional radiometric dates-preferably those obtained from reliable, discrete feature contexts-for Malabar I1 Period sites throughout the region are necessary in order to further support this notion.
Furthermore, the dearth of check stamped wares could mean that Malabar potters resisted the influx of technological change that occurred during the St. Johns I1 Period to the north, and asserted their "way of doing" (Dobres 2000) by exercising conservatism in ceramic production through time. Pauketat (2001:13) and others (Scarry 2001, 2010; Wagner 2010) describe resistance as the implementation of "contrary practices," including persistent methods of




subsistence, community organization, and material forms, despite having knowledge of alternatives. The collective resistance of groups of people represents the "establishment and negotiation of traditions... .of noncompliance" (Sassaman 2001:219). In contexts of indigenous cultural resistance, behaviors and material culture that were seen as crucial to identity were reproduced through daily practice (Wagner 20 10:109). The resistance of practices involved in the spheres of craft production would have served as an affirmation of the identity of Malabar populations in relation (or opposition) to the traditions and practices of encroaching neighbors to the north. By framing the technological and compositional variation in pottery assemblages as an index of cultural resistance, this research supports the idea that although the prehistoric populations of the Indian River Region shared in the production of St. Johns pottery, St. Johns and Malabar assemblages do not represent the same culture (Ashley and White 2012:24; Penders 2012b).
Completion of this study would not have been possible without the support of Tom Penders (Space Coast Archaeological Research Foundation) who supervised fieldwork and provided the materials from FLS for analysis; Ann Cordell (Florida Museum of Natural History, Ceramic Technology Laboratory) who generously donated her time to train me in paste identification using the binocular microscope; and Paul Welch (Department of Anthropology, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale) for stimulating my thinking and providing guidance for all things related to statistics. Thanks to Alice Muntz for helping refine the aesthetics of the figures used in this paper. Lastly, many thanks to the editors of The Florida Anthropologist and the reviewers of this manuscript for their insightful comments.
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At the Banquet of the FAS 67th Annual Meeting in Sarasota, FAS President Jeff Moates presented the Ripley P. Bullen Memorial Award to Steve Koski (Figure 1). The plaque is inscribed: "To Steve Koski for leadership and untiring work in good relations among avocational and professional archaeologists, May 30, 2015." Steve was nominated by Time Sifters Archaeology Society.
Steve has provided leadership to one of FAS's busiest chapters, the Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society (WMS/LSSAS). Besides serving as President, Steve has produced the chapter's newsletter for many years, including electronic editions. He is busy at every chapter meeting, working with speakers and members. Each March, Steve helps set up a display for Archaeology Month in the North Port Public Library. His efforts contributed greatly to WMS/LSSAS receiving the prestigious FAS Chapter Award in 2008.
Steve serves as Chapter Representative and regularly attends FAS board meetings. For many years at the Annual Banquet, he has photographed FAS Awards ceremonies. He

also networks with officials of the City of North Port and of Sarasota County. In 2014, Steve and WMS/LSSAS organized the FAS 66th Annual Meeting, in Punta Gorda. To top it off, the chapter raised $600 from a raffle at the meeting and then created $200 travel grants for students who present a paper or poster at the 2015 Annual Meeting in Sarasota.
For 10 years, beginning in 2004, Steve worked as Site Manager at Little Salt Spring Archaeological and Ecological Preserve, a 112 acre tract in North Port, Florida. At Little Salt Spring and Warm Mineral Springs, he has worked as an underwater archaeologist, although also doing terrestrial archaeology. At Little Salt Spring, Steve was a Research Associate with the University of Miami, teaching student divers and living on-site to protect the Spring. In that work, he collaborated with Dr. John Gifford of the Rosenstiel School of Marine and Atmospheric Science.
Steve has participated in cultural resource surveys across Florida, working many years for New South Associates, of Atlanta, Georgia, and Archaeological Consultants, of Sarasota. In 1988 and 1989, he coordinated many volunteers during emergency salvage excavations at the Manasota Key Cemetery. In 2000 and again in 2014, Steve worked with

Figure 1. Steve Koski receives the Bullen Award from FAS President Jeff Moates.

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volunteers at the Snake Island site at Venice Inlet. He has done similar efforts at Little Salt Spring and Warm Mineral Springs.
As a professional archaeologist, Steve has contributed to research and education. For example, he wrote a detailed report about Snake Island (2001), coauthored a study of spiculate clay with Ann Cordell (2003), and reported an incised antler artifact with John Gifford (2011). He has presented many scientific papers about Little Salt Spring, including six during the last 10 years at FAS annual meetings.
Steve is always enthusiastic. He is tireless in educating the public about the importance of Little Salt Spring and Warm Mineral Springs and the need to preserve them.
FAS is proud to present the Bullen Award to Steve Koski.
David Burns was honored with the prestigious William C. Lazarus Memorial Award at the FAS 67th Annual Meeting in Sarasota (Figure 2). FAS President Jeff Moates presented a plaque inscribed "To David Burns for outstanding work in field and lab, preservation and education, and as FAS President and long-time Newsletter Editor, May 30, 2015."
The Lazarus Award recognizes individuals who make outstanding contributions to archaeology, preservation, and public education, but who do not make a living doing archaeology. Dave Bums was nominated by Robert Austin of the Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society (CGCAS), with additional supporting letters from Sheila Stewart and Phyllis Kolianos, both CGCAS members.

In the Tampa Bay area and in Florida as a whole, Dave's contributions have been exceptional. In 1991, he joined CGCAS and volunteered at the Narvaez/Anderson Site in St. Petersburg, where he assisted in the field and in lab work that followed. His background as a professional geologist was valuable. Dave wrote the Geology and Environment section of the Narvaez/Anderson report, which was a basis for nominating this important site to the National Register of Historic Places. Since then, he has volunteered in almost every CGCAS field and lab project as well as projects by FPAN, SEARCH, and AWIARE. These include excavation of the West Williams site in Hillsborough County and the Bayshore Homes site in St. Petersburg.
For 13 years (1998 to 2013), Dave edited and produced the FAS Newsletter, interrupted only during the two terms he served as FAS President (2004 to 2006). He also served as CGCAS President (1996 to 1998, 2000 to 2002) and CGCAS Vice President (2002 to 2004). In addition, he worked 18 years as CGCAS Newsletter Editor (1996 to 2014).
As an FAS officer and as CGCAS Chapter Representative, Dave never missed an FAS Board meeting. For Florida Archaeology Month, he traveled to Tallahassee to defend grants, distributed posters and booklets, and participated enthusiastically during activities by CGCAS in the Tampa Bay area. During one period of his FAS presidency, Dave took on the Society's financial accounting until a new FAS Treasurer could be found. Both were huge jobs, but he accepted the extra responsibility without hesitation.

Figure 2. David Burns receives the Lazarus Award from FAS President Jeff Moates.


2014 VOL. 67(2-3)


In more recent years, Dave has volunteered on a weekly basis at the Weedon Island Cultural and Natural History Center, operated by the Pinellas County Department of Environmental Management, Environmental Lands Division. He donated time before and after the center was completed, receiving the "Volunteer of the Year" award from Pinellas County Government. Dave has worked with volunteers and the public in the center's archaeological and preservation programs as well as with university interns. He also serves on the Board of Directors of the Alliance for Weedon Island Archaeological Research and Education (AWIARE), of which he is a founding member.
Along with his contributions to archaeology, Dave is a gentleman. He is known for his good nature and hard work. He is always available and willing to help. Dave consistently shows respect and kindness, and has won the respect and affection of professional and avocational archaeologists across the state. FAS is honored to recognize Dave Burns' dedication, expertise, and generous spirit with the 2015 Lazarus Award.
The Panhandle Archaeological Society at Tallahassee (PAST) was honored as the 11 th recipient of the Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Award. At the Annual Banquet in Sarasota, FAS President Jeff Moates presented a plaque to PAST members, which was accepted by Beth Horvath (Figure 3). The plaque is inscribed: "For outstanding outreach, education, and site

stewardship, including Velda Mound and Wakulla Springs Lodge, May 30, 2015."
PAST represents the Tallahassee region (Leon and neighboring counties). PAST formed in 1999 and became affiliated with FAS in 2000. In 2003, the chapter hosted the FAS 55th Annual Meeting in Tallahassee. Recently, in May 2012, PAST hosted an enjoyable FAS 64th Annual Meeting. The 2012 Florida Archaeology Month poster promoted the meeting and Mission San Luis, where some activities were held.
PAST's early meetings were in various locations around Tallahassee. The US Forest Service, courtesy of USFS archeologist and long-time PAST member Rhonda Kimbrough, for several years hosted the group's meetings at its Tallahassee office. PAST then found a home at the B. Calvin Jones Center for Archaeology at the Governor Martin House. The group now holds its monthly meetings in the spacious main hall of the Martin House, always featuring an archaeology themed presentation that is free and open to the public, and is usually a "standing room only" event. The Governor Martin House serves as headquarters of the State of Florida's Bureau of Archaeological Research (BAR), and BAR staff have traditionally played an active role in PAST.
PAST has been busy in public outreach, routinely participating in community events. They include the annual Knap Fest at Ochlockonee River State Park and the recent 150th anniversary of the Battle of Natural Bridge. PAST members have worked for many years in a stewardship project

Figure 3. On behalf of PAST, Beth Horvath accepts the Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Award.


with BAR to clean up the Velda Mound property, which is now a public park. There, this important American Indian site is appreciated by surrounding residents and the wider public. Chapter members maintain an excellent website.
Members ofPAST have shovel-tested with Mary Glowacki of BAR in the Myers Park neighborhood, near the Governor Martin House, where they searched for traces of the De Soto Expedition. In 1987, evidence of the expedition's first winter encampment was found by the late archaeologist B. Calvin Jones on the grounds of the Governor Martin House. Celeste Ivory, a PAST member, created an attractive hand-screened poster to benefit PAST that was exhibited and sold with other posters supporting community organizations.
In 2008, PAST members assisted archaeologist Jim Dunbar of BAR at the Wakulla Springs Lodge site. PAST involvement in that project included giving tours to visitors as well as contributing many hours of field and lab work. Several PAST members were authors in a special issue of The Florida Anthropologist in 2012 (vol. 65, nos. 1-2) that is devoted to studies of the Paleoindian period in Florida, including articles about the Wakulla Springs Lodge site.
Congratulations to PAST for winning the 2015 Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Award!
FAS Jeff Moates presented the President's Award to Joanne Talley at the Annual Banquet in Sarasota (Figure 4). The plaque is inscribed: "To Joanne Talley for loyal service

to SEFAS, the FAS Board, and as Treasurer of FAS, May 30, 2015."
Joanne is a Florida native, born and raised in Stuart. She has lived in nearby Hobe Sound since 1963. Retiring in 2009, Joanne worked for 28 years at the Jupiter Island Club as a secretary to the members and for the Club's Board of Directors. She has been active in the citizen support organization, Friends of Jonathan Dickinson State Park. She also likes to read and to travel.
For the past 15 years, Joanne has worked as a volunteer for various archaeological projects in southeast Florida. She was involved in fieldwork in Palm Beach County with Ryan Wheeler at the Whitebelt Circle-Ditch in the Dupuis Reserve, and in Martin County with Mike Russso at the Joseph Reed Shell Ring, between Stuart and Hobe Sound, and with Theresa Schober at Mount Elizabeth in Jensen Beach. Joanne is a member and Trustee of the Southeast Florida Archaeological Society (SEFAS), and she serves as its Chapter Representative to the FAS Board. In 2006, she was active in organizing the FAS Annual Meeting in Stuart, hosted by SEFAS.
Joanne has served as FAS Treasurer since 2006. Her decade of service in this important position has been outstanding. She has provided essential continuity in keeping track of finances. She presents clear quarterly financial statements to the FAS Board and maintains daily operations, such as writing and mailing checks. She keeps track of accounts, balances the books, and works with an auditor on the Annual Review of finances. Joanne does this efficiently and modestly.

Figure 4. Joanne Talley receives the FAS President's Award from FAS President Jeff Moates.


2014 VOL. 67(2-3)

2014 AWARDS REcipENtis 55

FAS is pleased to honor Joanne for her vital role in the successful operation of the Society.
First Place: Nathan R. Lawres, a graduate student in archaeology at the University of Florida's Department of Anthropology, in Gainesville, was honored for his paper titled "The Monumentality of the Belle Glade Landscape: Pathways to Citation."
Second Place: Eric Prendergast, a graduate student in archaeology at the University of South Florida and the University of Pittsburgh, was recognized for his paper titled "Piecing it Together: Investigating a Damaged Site, Private Collection, and Archaic-aged Ochre Features in the Upper Apalachicola River Valley, NW Florida."
FAS Dorothy Moore Student Grant
FAS awarded this cash grant to Kristen Hall, a graduate student in archaeology at the University of Florida's Department of Anthropology, in Gainesville, for her proposed AMS radiocarbon date from the Melton site, in Alachua County. There, she is conducting a ceramic analysis of two burial mounds and an associated village with the goal of exploring early Weeden Island ritual during the Cades Pond period (A.D. 100 to 600).
Chuck and Jane Wilde Archaeological Research Prize
The Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy awarded this annual prize to Wendy Edwards, a recent B.A. graduate in anthropology at the University of South Florida-St. Petersburg, for her poster titled "Weedon Island: Determining Seasonal Occupation with Micromorphic Gastropods."
WMS/LSSAS Student Travel Grants
The WMS/LSSAS awarded two Student Travel Grants for expenses related to the FAS Annual Meeting.
One grant was to Jennifer Green, a graduate student at Florida Atlantic University, for her poster titled "A Reassessment of the Jupiter Inlet I Site: Archaeomalacological Data as a Paleoevironmental Indicator."
A second grant was to Jillian Okray, a graduate student studying historical archaeology at the University of West Florida, for her paper titled "History through Another Lens: Assessing the Elemental Variability of Artifacts Types through Portable X-Ray Florescence (pXRF) Spectrometry."


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John W. "Jack" Thompson passed away on January 28, 2014 in St. Louis, Missouri, preceded in death by his wife Dorothy L. "Dottie" (Hamill). Jack was past-president of the Florida Anthropological Society (FAS) and a committed avocational archaeologist.
Both Jack and Dottie were well known to the FAS community. Jack's contribution made an immediate impact, receiving the President's Award in 1996 (FAS 1996). Then, in recognition of his more than 20 years of service to the advancement of anthropology in Florida, including two terms as FAS President (2000-2002) and 10 years as Treasurer (1990-2000), Jack received FAS's William C. Lazarus Award in 2002 (FAS 2002). Jack and Dottie were also recognized with an honorary plaque for 25 years of devoted service to the organization in 2008 (FAS 2008). Their efforts were instrumental in the Southwest Florida Archaeological Society (SWFAS) receiving the 2004 Chapter Award for significant achievements in the study and preservation of south Florida archaeological resources (FAS 2004).
Jack and Dottie grew up in the Boston area. Fate determined their paths and futures would become interwoven. Their mothers were friends and would walk together in the community of Chelsea, infants in tow. By junior high, Jack and Dottie were school sweethearts and inseparable. Both smart and savvy, they were appointed as co-valedictorians in high school. After graduation, Jack received a scholarship to attend Tufts University through the Reserve Officers' Training Corps (ROTC). His undergraduate studies were interrupted when he was drafted for service in World War II. Stationed on the second USS Reuben James, Jack's military service involved escorting conveys in the Atlantic Ocean. When the ship made port in Miami Beach, Dottie travelled down to meet Jack and they married (Figure 1). After the war, Jack returned to finish his degree in Chemical Engineering at Tufts in 1945 and later, a bachelor's in Business Administration at Northeastern University (1953). He was an invited member of the Sigma Epsilon Rho Honor Society at Northeastern.
Initially hired by the Monsanto Company as a chemical engineer, Jack transitioned to become a senior human resources executive during his 34 years with the company. Ultimately based in St. Louis, he became an avocational archaeologist in the early 1970s. As a very competent man, Jack regularly attained positions of responsibility. Combined with his passion for history and archaeology, this is well illustrated by his active role as trustee of the Cahokia Mounds Museum Society (1977-

Figure 1. Jack and Dottie wed on July 6, 1943 at the Miami Beach Congregational Church. Also the anniversary of Dottie's parents, they considered it to be a day of good fortune.
1980) and the Missouri Archaeological Society (MAS). Jack served two terms as president of the MAS's St. Louis chapter
-the Mound City Archaeological Society (1980-1981). It was during this latter tenure that mention of Jack first appears in the records of the SWFAS. Having relocated to the Naples area that year, Jack was the November 19, 1981 speaker at the monthly SWFAS meeting on the topic of "Cahokia."
Jack was intrigued by the worked shell landscape of south Florida. He and Dottie became heavily involved in the then newly incorporated SWFAS. In addition to serving as directors of SVFAS, with Jack as President (1983), Treasurer (1984-1999), and Trustee (1982-2005) and Dottie as Trustee and Publicity Chair (1985-2002), they worked tirelessly to preserve south Florida's archaeological heritage in tandem with widespread development. SWFAS's early years saw salvage archaeology at the Archaic period Bay West site and many other projects in the area leading to over 100 sites recorded in the Florida Master Site File in the first 10 years (FAS 2004:237). During his tenure as President of SWFAS, Jack and the organization were steadfast in support of the retention of Jossyln Island in Pine Island Sound on the Florida



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Division of State Lands Conservation and Recreation Lands (CARL) program acquisition list. The purchase of Josslyn Island would eventually come to fruition in 1989.
On March 6, 1988, the Craighead Archaeological Laboratory opened on the grounds of the Collier County Museum in Naples. Housed in the former laboratory of the late Dr. Frank C. Craighead, this joint venture between SWFAS and the museum provided a place for archaeological analysis and public education, particularly during Florida Archaeology Month activities and the museum's Old Florida Festival. Jack was a key early contributor to the relocation and rehabilitation of the laboratory building. Soon after, SWFAS supported the comprehensive planning process in Collier County, which created an historical and archaeological preservation ordinance in 1991. It established Collier County's Historical and Archaeological Preservation Board (HAPB) on which Jack served as the first Chairman. In 1995, HAPB played a central role leading to salvage excavations at the Key Marco site, with the washing and sorting of artifacts supervised by Art Lee and Jack at the Craighead Laboratory (Widmer 1996: 10). Jack remained a board member of the HAPB through 2008.
In addition to numerous laboratory reports, Jack coauthored articles for The Florida Anthropologist about two SWFAS projects involving field recovery and analysis the Satin Leaf site on Hoff's Island (Lee et al. 1997) and Heineken Hammock in the Golden Gate area of east Naples (Lee et al. 1998). He served as Chair of the Laboratory Committee for SWEAS through 2008 and with Art Lee, was instrumental in the development of the Craighead Award presented by SWFAS to honor those who have made outstanding contributions in southwest Florida archaeology. At the instigation of the late Wayne "Bud" House, the Craighead Laboratory maintains an honor role for those contributing 200 hours. Jack Thompson's name is one of the first to be etched on the plaque, and could have been placed there many times over.
It was in 1990 that Jack was appointed as FAS Treasurer by then FAS President George Luer. Jack did excellent work as Treasurer, keeping the organization within budget and administering grants, providing stability and continuity that allowed FAS to thrive (Figure 2). After 10 years in this capacity, Jack took on the role of FAS President. Throughout this time, he also served as the FAS liaison to SWFAS and assisted with holding two annual conferences in Naples (1990) and Fort Myers (2000). Behind the scenes, he encouraged SWFAS to host the 2010 conference in Fort Myers as well. He failed to mention that he and Dottie would be back in St. Louis by then!
Jack and Dottie inspired all who knew them. Jack provided integrity and leadership for all of Florida Archaeology, and was looked up to by everyone in the field, professionals and avocationals alike. Jack Thompson was a generous, kind man, and will be missed greatly.
Jack is survived by his children Linda Kolander and Carl (Kathy) Thompson, grandchildren and great-grandchildren, his half-brother Richard (Nancy) Clarke, sister-in-law Marjorie Glazier, and numerous extended family members and friends.

Figure 2. Jack Thompson in 1992.

It is with great appreciation to Jack's brother Richard Clarke, Dottie's sister Marjorie Glazier, and Jack and Dottie's son and daughter-in-law Carl and Kathy Thompson for providing stories and family photographs. William Iseminger, Assistant Site Manager for Cahokia Mounds State Historic Site and Lori Belknap of the Cahokia Mounds Museum Society assisted with the dates of Jack's tenure with that organization. Kathryn Klein of Tufts University Office of Alumni Relations and Carla Kindt, Director of Development for Special Programs, College of Professional Studies at Northeastern University confirmed Jack's degree dates. Elizabeth Clement and Jan Gooding of the Craighead Lab researched past SWFAS newsletters for early SWFAS activities. Special thanks to George Luer for reading earlier drafts of this tribute and offering editorial assistance.
References Cited
Florida Anthropological Society 1996 Florida Anthropological Society 1996 Award
Recipients. The Florida Anthropologist 49(2): 102. 2002 Florida Anthropological Society 2002 Award
Recipients. The Florida Anthropologist 55(3-4):25 1. 2004 Florida Anthropological Society 2004 Award
Recipients. The Florida Anthropologist 57(3):23 7. 2008 Florida Anthropological Society 2008 Award
Recipients. The Florida Anthropologist 61 (3-4):20 1
Lee, Arthur R., John G. Beriault, Jean Belknap, Walter M. Buschelman, Annette L. Snapp, and John W. Thompson 1997 Salvage Excavations of an Archaic Period SpecialPurpose Site in Collier County. The Florida
Anthropologist 50(l):1 1-24.

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Lee, Arthur R., John G. Beriault, Jean Belknap, Walter M. Buschelman, John W. Thompson, and Carl B. Johnson 1998 Heineken Hammock, 8CR231: A Late Archaic
Corridor Site in Collier County. The Florida
Anthropologist 51 (4):223-239.
Widmer, Randolph J.
1996 Recent Excavations at the Key Marco Site, 8CR48,
Collier County, Florida. The Florida Anthropologist
1902 Florrie Court
North Fort Myers, FL 33917

About the Authors
Dr Steve Harris is a physician from Dothan, Alabama. From a life-long love of model ship building, Dr. Harris is a largely self-taught expert on Iberian ship construction of the 15th and 16th centuries. Dr. Harris has collaborated with Iberian ship experts and underwater archaeologist involved with these ships to "scratch-build" several scale-models from either original plans (the bergantin San Crist6bal) or archaeological remains (the Emanuel Point I shipwreck) for various museums and organizations, including the Florida Humanities Council, the Florida Public Archaeology Network and the University of West Florida Archaeology Institute. An interesting and detailed article on the models (including the San Crist6bal model) Dr. Harris built for the Viva Florida program of events can be seen in Seaways' Ships in Scale magazine (Vol. XXIV, No. 2; March-April 2013).
Gregory A. Mikell is an archaeologist who has spent his career primarily in northwest Florida and is known to regular readers of The Florida Anthropologist.
Matthew P Rooney is a graduate student in the Applied Anthropology program at the University of South Florida. His primary research areas are historic archaeology, applied archaeology, and labor history. He grew up in Los Angeles, California but has lived in Tampa, Florida for over ten years. He lives with his two children, Erin and Quinlan Rooney.
DavidBirnbaum received his B.A. in anthropology from the University of Central Florida and his M.A. in anthropology from Southern Illinois University, Carbondale. He currently works as a Field Archaeologist and Research Assistant at the Center for Archaeological Investigations at SIU Carbondale and as a Crew Chief/Field Director for various CRM companies in the Southeast and Midwest.

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