The Florida anthropologist

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

Published by the FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.

VOLUME 63, NUMBER 2 June 2010

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THE FLORIDA oo

ANTHROPOLOGIST

Volume 63, Number 2
June 2010 1nvcE 19A

TABLE OF CONTENTS

From the Editors

ARTICLES

A New Economic Framework for Colonial Spanish Outposts:
An Ethnohistoric Example from Presidios Santa Maria de Galve and Isla de Santa Rosa.
Amanda D. Roberts Thompson

Archaeological Signature of a U.S. Army Cavalry or Mounted Infantry Camp.
Naval Air Station Pensacola
Gregory A. Mikell

FAS 2010 ANNUAL MEETING

Florida Anthropological Society 2010 Award Recipients

Abstracts of the Florida Anthropological Society 2010 Meeting

OBITUARY

John Henry Hann. Bonnie G. McEwan

0
0
O

About the Authors

Cover: Top- Graph documenting the instances when Spanish colonial Presidios Santa Maria de Galve and Isla de
Santa Rosa received supplies through the external formal economy. See the Roberts Thompson article on page 61 for
more information. Center- Federal General Service uniform coat and sleeve or vest buttons recovered from 8ES 1442.
See the Mikell article starting on page 79 for more information. Bottom- The Southwest Florida Archaeological
Society logo. See page 99 for a recap of the 2010 FAS annual meeting.

Published by the
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.
ISSN 0015-3893

FROM THE EDITORS

It was great seeing everyone at the 2010 FAS conference
in Fort Myers. Kudos to the Southwest Florida Archaeological
Society (SWFAS)! SWFAS did a fantastic job organizing
the conference and were a gracious host to archaeological
enthusiasts who came pouring in from all over Florida. The
assortment of papers, field trips, and poster presentations this
year impressed everyone, and all of us enjoyed the conference
hotel and its location in historic (and charming) downtown Fort
Myers. The FAC Stewards of Heritage Awards Presentation
and FAS reception at the Mound House Museum and the FAS
annual banquet and award presentation were both extremely
enjoyable. Keynote speaker Jerald Milanich's presentation
on the Alanson Skinner expeditions in South Florida during
the 1910s included an overview of a series of incredible
photographs of people and places across the Everglades
at the turn of the century. Finally, congratulations must be
paid to William C. Lazarus award winner Anne Reynolds and
Florida Anthropological Society Board of Directors award
winner Ryan Wheeler. All FAS members know that both of
these individuals are more than deserving of this recognition
for their very different and important roles as advocates for
Florida archaeology as well as for being great friends of the
Florida Anthropological Society. Thank you Anne and Ryan!
We are already looking forward to the 2011 FAS conference,
to be hosted by the Central Florida Anthropological Society in
Orlando's historic College Park neighborhood.
Our first article is from Amanda Roberts Thompson and
focuses on the Spanish colonial economy in late seventeenth
and early eighteenth century Florida. Using the ethnohistoric
and archaeological records, Roberts Thompson develops a
methodological framework by which to examine the formal
and informal economic systems in operation at two Spanish
colonial period Presidios in Pensacola. The editors would like
to note that Ms. Roberts Thompson's article presents one aspect
of a larger program of work conducted for the completion of
her M.A. degree at the University of West Florida. An early
draft of this work was presented at the 2009 FAS conference
in Pensacola, Florida, and we hope that its publication will
encourage student presenters to turn those papers into
manuscript submissions for the Florida Anthropologist. The
editors hope that Ms. Roberts Thompson might tell any of
you that the peer review process was relatively painless and
that she received helpful critiques and suggestions from the
reviewers of her manuscript. Once again we ask our readership
to send in those manuscripts so that we can all benefit from the
work you've been doing!

The next article is from long time FAS member and
regular journal contributor Gregory Mikell. Mr. Mikell's
latest contribution focuses on the difficult task of identifying
and evaluating the often ephemeral material signature of
Florida's Civil War encampments. Mikell approaches the
topic via an examination of the material remains associated
with the men of a Federal cavalry camp who resided within
the boundaries of what is today Naval Air Station Pensacola.
Historical documentation coupled with the archaeological
evidence suggests that these remains are associated with the
14"' Regiment Cavalry, New York, Company M and the 2nd
New York "Veteran" Calvary or the I1 Florida Calvary from
1863 to 1865.
Roberts Thompson and Mikell's articles are followed by
the abstracts from presented papers and other events at this
year's FAS conference and a summary of this year's FAS
award winners. Lastly, we are saddened to include an obituary
for Dr. John H. Hann. A true gentleman and scholar, Dr. Hann
was one of Florida's most prolific ethnohistorians and an
authority on historic period Native American populations of
Florida. Dr. Hann's legacy will live on through the generations
of Floridians and researchers who will continue to be
enlightened and inspired by his body of work.
The upcoming September issue of the FA will feature a
follow up from Alan Brech and J.F. Lanham to their 2007 article
on the Ais Indians of east central Florida and the location of
their principal town along the Indian River. The Ais people are
one of many understudied groups from Florida's past whose
cultural contributions and merits have first come to light for
the public in the pages of this journal.
Finally, none of us can disregard the ongoing disastrous
oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. The spill is a threat not only
to the quality of life of many modern Floridians, but to our
ability to study and appreciate those who have come before us
and whose memories are bound up in delicate archaeological
strata. The editors of this journal encourage the readership to
join them in channeling their frustrations over this terrible
situation into positive contemplation and positive action. Many
members of FAS are already strong voices and advocates for
Florida's fragile cultural heritage and we will continue to look
to you for constructive examples.

Happy Reading!

Deborah Mullins and Andrea White

VOL. 63(2) Ti-ir FLORILiA ANTHRoPoLoGIsI

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARY

JUNE 2010

VOL. 63(2)

60 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2010 VOL. 63(2)

ERRATUM: GLASS BEAD FRAGMENT FROM THE BLUEBERRY SITE

Authors Scott Mitchell and George Luer would like to correct an error in their article in the March 2010 issue of The
Florida Anthropologist. In our article, on pages 27 and 33, we mistakenly attribute "a single broken blue glass bead" to Burial
Mound A. Instead, the bead fragment (Field Specimen 766) came from another area of the Blueberry site (8HG678), approximately
40 m southeast of Mound A, where it was found in Shovel Test 596 (Butler 2008:41, Figures 3.0 and 18). This correction does not
alter our interpretations of Metal Tablet #59.
In addition, Anne Reynolds informs us that some materials from the trench in Mound A (such as sherds, a rounded piece of
pumice, an L-shaped chert tool, lithic flakes, and fragments of animal bone, including turtle shell) actually came from intact mound
deposit (rather than spoil). These materials were found when the looter trench was cut back slightly. Blueberry site archaeologist
David Butler also adds that a 2008 reference in our article should read "Butler and Knox" rather than "Knox and Butler."

Reference Cited

Butler, David S. B.
2008 The Blueberry Site Phase I Excavation: A Case Study In Goal Oriented Public Archaeology. Pp. 198. Conducted for Anne
Reynolds and Reynolds Fruit Company, Inc., by Earthmovers Archaeological Consultants, LLC, Orlando, Florida.

A NEW ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK FOR COLONIAL SPANISH OUTPOSTS: AN ETHNOHISTORIC
EXAMPLE FROM PRESIDIOS SANTA MARIA DE GALVE AND ISLA DE SANTA ROSA

AMANDA D. ROBERTS THOMPSON

329 Oak Hill Drive, Westerville, Ohio 43081
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Spanish settlements of Florida were in a precarious
position from the moment of their establishment. Colonists
had economic problems due to Spain's trade policies. The
Crown prohibited them from trading with foreigners and
expected them to exist off the Spanish supply system. All
goods in the supply system were sent from Spanish suppliers
in New Spain (McLachlan 1940:11). New Spain, through the
economic support of cities from Veracruz to Mexico City,
was the Spanish Crown's center of commerce. Between
these cities were import/export manufacturing centers for
agriculture, animal husbandry, mining, and other merchandise.
This network formed the colonial mercantile system, which
transferred considerable quantities of money and goods
across the country and to the colonies (McAlister 1984:372).
The monopolistic attitude of Spanish commerce was for the
Crown to control all forms of colonial trade. The only legal
route of exchange was trade with other Spanish citizens or
vessels (Haring 1964; Croft 1989:294; Christelow 1942:309;
Liss 1983:9; Walker 1979:12-14; Ford 1939; Parry 1966:253-
254; McAlister 1984:374-375; Lang 1975:47). Yet, the web of
administrative policies and agencies designed by the Crown
to keep control of New World commerce was not effective.
Spain could not maintain authority over such a large area nor
provide colonies with all of the goods necessary for survival.
More specifically, colonial Spanish outposts experienced
problems related to delays of shipments, high prices of goods,
high shipping costs, and inferior supplies (TePaske 1964:97).
Problems such as these led to the development of unique legal
and illegal activities within colonial settlements and spurred
individuals to participate in numerous actions to support their
economic interests.
Efforts to provide a working economic framework for
colonial systems in Florida that considers the contribution
and affect of illegal practices have not been forthcoming.
Therefore, a new approach to understanding the multifaceted
interplay between legal and illegal economies in colonial
Spanish Florida is needed. In complex colonial settlements
such as in Spanish Florida, it is important to consider all ways
in which individuals provided for everyday life. In order to
illustrate and establish a better understanding of this economic
reality, I turn to ethnohistoric data such as official commercial
records, personal accounts and letters from Presidios Santa
Maria de Galve and Isla de Santa Rosa, two Spanish outposts in
Pensacola, Florida. Ethnohistoric information provides basic
knowledge regarding the Spanish colonial economy because

historical documents record not only the exchange of goods,
but also encompass a mosaic of social contexts and meanings
concerning economic activities. By constructing an economic
framework that uses ethnohistoric information, it is possible to
establish broad economic patterns for Spanish outposts.

Economic Systems in Florida

Before proceeding to my case study, I present a brief
introduction to the context of colonial economic systems
in Florida. Specifically, I present an overview of economic
systems according to formal and informal spheres and apply
those concepts to colonial circumstances in Spanish Florida
(Figure 1). I separate the formal economy into internal and
external economic subcategories. All actions within the
internal and external subdivisions comprise the Spanish formal
economy. Whereas the formal economy has two subcategories,
the informal economy has only one subcategory, the alternative
economy. Informal economic actions within this case study
fall under the alternative economy. Dividing economic actions
into these categories provides a way to examine economies
according to the differing social and political scales within
colonial settlements.

Formal Economy

The formal economy involves government-sanctioned
control of labor over the production, distribution and marketing
of goods (Castells and Portes 1989:15, 31; Dannhaeuser
1989:228). Activities within the formal economy are legal and
occur according to the policies of the ruling government, such
as the governmental regulations over labor and the subsequent
production and exchange of goods. Generally, the primary
differences between the formal and informal economies refer
to the production and exchange of goods. More specifically,
formal activities have a regulated process of production and
exchange, while the production and exchange processes of
the informal economy are unregulated (Castells and Portes
1989:15).
The Spanish mercantile system was founded on the idea
that control of its entire commercial system was needed to
exclude foreign competition and to ensure that all exports
were sent exclusively to Spain. The Spanish Crown created
a monopoly of the colonial mercantile system by making
itself the primary source of supplies to colonial settlements.

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

VOL. 63(2)

JUNE 2010

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

The Colonial Spanish Economy

Formal Econoimy

External Economy

Veracruz Havana San Marcos

Internal Economy

Informal Economy

Alternative Economy

Open Contraband Trade Clandestine Contraband Trade

Native American Spanish Local
Trade and Food Production
Production

French French, British, hDtch &
Other Europeans

I illustration by author ,
Figure 1. The colonial economic system in Florida.

Colonists in Spanish Florida could not manufacture
merchandise for external distribution because the Spanish
formal economy required all goods to be sent to the settlement
(McLachlan 1940:11). In order to manage the complexity of
its mercantile enterprise, the Spanish Crown established an
administrative system to maintain control over its colonial
commercial interests. The administrative system was
hierarchical, with the king of Spain overseeing all activities.
Under the king was the Council of the Indies, which presided
over the legislative, financial, judicial, military, ecclesiastical,
and commercial spheres of Spanish colonies. Structured like
a supreme court with an advisory council, the Council of the
Indies answered only to the king. The positions of governors
and viceroys were immediate representatives of the king and
supervised the civil and military matters in the Americas. The
viceroys of New Spain and Peru were the highest bureaucratic
officials in the New World under the Council of the Indies.
Among other responsibilities, the viceroy of New Spain was
responsible for supplying the colonies. The formal economy
in New Spain centered on the production, distribution and
exchange of merchandise for use within Spanish colonies. The
formal economy can be separated into external and internal
categories.
External Formal Economy. The external economy
represents goods received through officially sanctioned
Spanish suppliers such as those located in Havana and
Veracruz. The viceroy issued orders so that the appropriate
salary payments and goods for rations were sent to colonial

Florida in the form of the situado (Lang 1975:30-35; Parry
1966:194; Phelan 1960:50-51). The situado was the Spanish
method of providing colonists with supplies in the form of
money, food, military arms, building materials, and clothing
(Bushnell 1981:57, 63-64; 1994:44). Theoretically, supplies
from New Spain would be sufficient to maintain the residents.
However, in Mexico the viceroy would sometimes delay
payment and shipping and would only allow Florida just
enough funds for survival (TePaske 1964:42-43). In general,
supply shipments were unreliable and often carried spoiled
goods or inadequate supplies to feed the colonists. Food
was subject to rapid spoilage because of the humid climate
in Veracruz, on vessels in route to Florida, and in the storage
warehouses of Florida's settlements (Clune et al. 2003:67). To
supplement the situado, the Spanish Crown allowed residents
to attain goods through the internal formal economy.
Internal Formal Economy. The internal formal economy
of Florida's Spanish outposts primarily centered on acquiring
goods through the food production and trade relationships with
the local Native American groups as well as through small-scale
agriculture, animal husbandry, foraging, hunting, fishing, and
export economies (John Worth, personal communication 2008).
It was common practice for the Spanish, upon establishing
settlements, to use Native American labor for agricultural
production. Spanish officials knew the benefits of establishing
good trade relations with Indian groups. Likewise, Native
Americans were probably aware of the potential advantages
that European trade could bring. By maintaining bonds with

2010 VOL. 63(2)

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK FOR COLONIAL SPANISH OUTPOSTS

Native American populations, the Spanish were provided with
a legal source of goods, which included trade and subsistence
items (Bushnell 1994; Milanich 2006; Worth 1998). Other
components in the internal formal economy revolved around
the production of local goods by the Spanish themselves. The
Spanish carried out gardening, animal husbandry, foraging,
hunting, and fishing as supplementary subsistence practices
to Native American agricultural production. Obtaining goods
or money through local export economies was an additional
component of the internal economy. Utilizing readily available
resources and establishing a system of export economies
provided a legal source of additional goods and income for
Spanish colonists.

Informal Economy

The informal economy was comprised of the small-
scale production of diverse goods and the individuals
that participated in the commerce and transport of those
goods. These activities occurred outside of regulations and
bureaucracies of the formal system (Smith 1989:295; Thomas
1992:4). Through the informal sector, a complementary
or parallel network developed as a reaction to the formal
economy. This adaptation often formed in response to a crisis,
such as a shortage or restricted access to goods, and involved
the production, trade, or bartering of goods through illegal
means (Lomnitz 1988:42-46; Smith 1989:294). The exchange
actions that occurred within the informal economy consisted
of the same goods distributed in an unregulated way (Lang and
Richardson 1978:177-180). The primary distinction between
the informal and formal relies not on the goods themselves,
but rather on the production and exchange processes of the
goods. The informal economy is, therefore, both dependant
on and independent of the formal system of exchange (Smith
1989:315-317).
Alternative Economy. I define alternative economies as
actions that exist under the constraints of the formal economy
and occur within the sphere of the informal. The economic
activities of Spanish Florida do not fit directly under the
definitions of the informal economy. For the most part,
Spanish outposts in Florida were bigger consumers rather
than contributors to the informal economy in New Spain. The
Spanish in Florida did not provide a marketable economy
outside the formal regulations set down by the Spanish
government and were not directly involved in the production
or transportation of exportable goods to other areas of New
Spain. Further, colonies in Florida were located on the edge
of Spanish territory and did not contribute substantially to the
abundance of legal and illegal activity that occurred in the
major cities of New Spain. Instead, the settlements were on
the receiving end of the functioning informal system that that
flourished in New Spain and the rest of the colonial world.
Individuals of Florida's colonies seeking to survive within the
limited formal economic system developed actions alternative
to the formal system. These actions created an alternative
economy that developed as a facet of the informal sector. The
alternative economy illustrates the range of choices available
to colonists and the inevitable restrictions of those decisions.

Alternative economic actions consist of illegally obtained
goods from the informal economy via two types of contraband
trade- open and clandestine contraband trade. Colonists used
these forms of contraband trade to be on the receiving end of
the informal economy.
Traditional definitions of terms describing illicit activity
do not fit this particular study; therefore, new definitions of
illicit exchange are necessary. Two factors appear to frame
contraband activities in colonial Florida. First, contraband
trade occurred both with and without the authority of local
Spanish officials. Secondly, contraband trade occurred
according to the need or desire for commodities within the
settlement. The way in which Spanish individuals sought
out additional goods structures the definitions of contraband
activity within this framework. I developed the definitions of
open and clandestine contraband trade based on these factors.
Open contraband trade is illicit exchange that occurred through
the arena of official jurisdiction for the sole purpose of selling
or obtaining goods necessary for the survival of community.
Clandestine contraband trade is illicit exchange done with or
without knowledge of Spanish officials to acquire or sell any
type of merchandise.

Historical Context of Santa Maria
and Isla de Santa Rosa

Santa Maria de Galve and Isla de Santa Rosa provide an
ideal way through which to recognize the above economic
framework. After the discovery of the Americas, European
powers desired territorial expansion. Spain established a
presence along the Gulf and the Atlantic coasts, while the
English established a presence along the middle Atlantic.
During the same period, the French expanded into Canada,
the Great Lakes area, and along the Gulf Coast. The French
presence in the Gulf distressed the Spanish who wanted to
prevent further encroachment on their New World territories.
The strategic setting of Pensacola and its surrounding bay
became the location of the settlements of Presidio Santa Maria
de Galve (1698-1719) and Presidio Isla de Santa Rosa (1722-
1756) (Figure 2).
After arriving in November of 1698, immediate
construction began at Santa Maria de Galve. The primary
architectural components of the settlement were the fort, the
village and numerous other associated structures, including
the church, barracks, hospital, and warehouse. Due to the
War of Spanish Succession, the British and their native allies
repeatedly attacked the garrison, and the population abandoned
the village in 1704 moving to the safety of the fort until 1713.
At the end of the war, the occupants reoccupied the village
(Bense and Wilson 1999; Clune 2003:21). The garrison was
maintained until events in Europe relating to the War of the
Quadruple Alliance led the French to capture Santa Maria in
1719 (Clune et al. 2003:80).
Pensacola was returned to Spain at the end of the war in
1722, but little remained of the fortifications of Santa Maria
(Clune 2003:23). Plans were immediately enacted for new
reinforcements, composed of a fort, church and village, on
Santa Rosa Island (Clune et al. 2003: 82; Clune et al. 2006:31,

ROBERTS TOlOMPSON

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

Figure 2. Location of Presidio Santa Maria de Galve and Presidio Isla de Santa Rosa.

34; Coker 1999:15-16). The architecture of the fort and village
at Santa Rosa underwent several iterations, due to the many
hurricanes that occurred throughout its occupation (Bense
2004; Clune et al. 2006). The devastation from the hurricanes
and the inadequate supply system finally wore down the
residents of Santa Rosa (Clune et al. 2003: 82; Clune et al.
2006:42). There was a major hurricane in 1752, and in 1754
the population began the slow move to the mainland; however,
it was not until 1756 that the presidio transferred officially to
the mainland (Worth 2008:11).
The presidios had a diverse cultural and ethnic community
with individuals of various ethnicities, status, rank, occupation
and gender including military personnel, convict laborers,

various ecclesiastical men, civilians, some women and
families, foreigners, servants, African slaves and Native
Americans (Bense 2004; Clune et al. 2003:25-26). Santa Maria
and Santa Rosa were to receive all of its supplies through the
formal economy. On the margin of Spain's control, colonists
at Pensacola were in a precarious position from the moment of
their establishment, suffering from the political fluctuations of
Spain and the neglectful royal administrators responsible for
ensuring reliable supply ships. Perhaps the greatest difficulty
that the colonists faced was the hardship from insufficient
internal and external formal economies (Clune et al. 2006:26;
Bushnell 1981:64, 1994:44). The separation and isolation from
Spain allowed some flexibility within local economic spheres.

2010 VOL. 63(2)

ROBERTS THOMPSON EoNoMIc FRAMEWORK FOR COLONIAL SPANISH OUTPOSTS

Colonists adapted to the fluid nature of colonial interactions
by skirting away from Spanish trade and delving more heavily
into the trading networks of other European countries.

Santa Maria de Galve and Isla de Santa Rosa's
Formal Economy

External Formal Economy

The situado was the primary component of the external
formal economy for Pensacola. Early in Santa Maria's
occupation, the situado supplies were to come from the
Apalachee province and Cuba. This arrangement, however,
proved impractical, and as a result, Veracruz provided the
situado for both (Clune et al. 2003:54; Worth 2008:2). The
practice of receiving supplies from Veracruz continued
throughout the occupation of Santa Rosa as well. As stated
previously, Spanish officials in New Spain determined supply
shipments and dispatched supplies from Veracruz based on the
population and salary of individuals at the presidio. Spanish
officials in Veracruz would not send extra goods unless
specifically requested by Spanish officials from the presidios.
The presidios in Pensacola did not have a direct representative
in the form of a situadista who would lobby for their needs
nor did the presidios have a gasto de indios (Indian situado)
which would provide a fund for Indian expenses. A situadista
demonstrated the needs of the colonists to Spanish officials
in Veracruz, while the gasto de indios accounted for the
needs of the Native Americans (Bushnell 1994:108; Worth
1998:135-143). Without a situadista or a gasto de indios,
communicating essential and needed goods for the presidios
Pensacola was difficult.
It appears that the processing of requests for goods
occurred as the need arose, a situation that perhaps contributed
to the slow response of Veracruz to Santa Maria and Santa
Rosa and the resulting problem with unreliable supplies
(Chatelaine 1941:21; Clune et al 2003:53). There are 26

documented instances in which Santa Maria and Santa Rosa
received supplies through the external economy (Figure 3).
However, there are other instances -where either the arrival
of the situado is unknown or it is unclear if the supplies
received constituted the situado (Table 1) (Martinez 1699;
Oria 1699; Arriola 1700a; Arriola 1701; Arriola 1702; Arriola
1703; Aguilar 1713; Guzman 1705; Guzman 1709a; Mendo
de Urbina 1706; Mendo de Urbina 1709; Garcia de Vinuessa
1706; Garcia de Vinuessa 1708; Moscoso 1708; Moscoso
1709; Dias 1709; Spanish Crown 1705; Almonacid 1712a;
Salinas Varona 1712a; Salinas Varona 1713a; Salinas Varona
1713b; Riasco 1712; Rowland and Sanders 1929: 60; Kerrigan
1951; 359,375; Wauchope 1723; Escobar 1734; Escobar
1735a; Escobar 1735b; Escobar 1736; Vizarron 1737). The
situados were sent from Veracruz with provisions and salary
payments that were supposed to last until the next situado.
Nevertheless, delays in the situados often occurred and once
the ships arrived at the presidio, the provisions were many
times spoiled or inadequate to support the population in the
garrison (Antonio 1737; Brasseaux 1979:73). The documents
indicate gaps in which residents were left without supplies.
It appears residents turned to the internal formal economy to
supplement the external formal economy when the situado
was late or inadequate.

Internal Formal Economy

The internal formal economy centered on the production
of goods within Spanish outposts, but the economic self-
sufficiency of Pensacola's presidios plagued the Spanish
government from the start. Although there are few documents
that detail instances of the internal formal economy, the
ethnohistoric record generally demonstrates the failure of the
internal formal economy to provide goods. Spanish officials
in Pensacola realized that they could not live off the food
production and trade relationships from Native American
groups. Nor could they survive off the small-scale agriculture,

Figure 3. Documented instances of the external formal economy.

Number of
Situado
Shipments

IM 170517 170SM1709 1712M713 17 I I_ 72 I I

yeargap 2yergap 3yergap 4yeargap 17 yeargap34
1 year gap 2 year gap 3 year gap 4yeargap 10 year gap

No recorded
shipments
after 1736

ROBERTS THOMPSON

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK FOR COLONIAL SPANISH OUTPOSTS

THF LORDA NTII~oo~oisT2010 VOL. 63(2'

Table 1. Documented instances of the external formal economy.

Date Instances of External Formal Economy
1699, April 9 Pensacola received situado supplies from Apalachee
1699, May 21 Siluado ship sent from Havana
1700, January 29 Pensacola received situado
1700, November Pensacola received aid-unknown if.sitllado
1701, July 13 Pensacola received situado
1702, June 16 Pensacola received situa/do for 9 months
1703, June Pensacola received situado for 6 months
1703, November 20 Pensacola received situado for 6 months
1704, May 16 Pensacola received situado for 6 months
1705, June 1 Pensacola received situado
1706, August 28 Pensacola received situado for 8 months
1708, January 28 Pensacola received all its supplies-unknown ifsituado
1708, August 31 Pensacola received siluado for 3 months
1708, November 5 Pensacola received situado
1709, February 10 Pensacola possibly received situado
1709, August 11 Pensacola received situado
1709, October 29 Pensacola received situado
1712. February 18 Pensacola received situado
1712, March Pensacola received situado
1712, June 29 Pensacola received situado for 6 months
1712, October Situado ship sent from Veracruz, arrival unknown
1713, January 1 Pensacola received situado for 3 months
1713, February 6 Pensacola received situado
1713, August 25 Pensacola received sitluado
1714, February 13 Situado ship sent from Veracruz, arrival unknown
1717, August Pensacola received situado
1718, July 26 Pensacola received siluado
1723, January 18 Pensacola received situado for 4 months
1734, March I Pensacola received situado for 8 months
1735, February 23 Pensacola received situado for 8 months
1735, May 29 Pensacola received situado for 4 months
1736, July 26 Pensacola received situado for 8 months
1737, April Situado ship sent from Veracruz, arrival unknown

foraging, animal husbandry, hunting, fishing and export
economies from their surrounding resources, all of which were
part of the internal formal economy.
The available documents suggest that the internal
economic practice of procuring food and trade goods from
Native American groups did not frequently occur during the
occupations of Santa Maria de Galve and Isla de Santa Rosa.
Spanish officials assumed that they would use the labor from the
local Native American population for agricultural production
centers, but by the time of Santa Maria's establishment in 1698
there were no longer any Native American villages around
the bay (Harris 2003:268). Although the Spanish planned to
receive food supplies from the Apalachee mission Indians,
establishing a local Native American production center was
a priority. Andres de Arriola, Santa Maria's first governor,
wanted to find Native American laborers to assist with the
presidio and its functions (Childers and Cotter 1998:87).
Pensacola officials attempted to persuade Native Americans
to stay near the garrison. These attempts did not work, leaving
a primary component of the typical internal formal economy
relatively nonexistent for Pensacola. However, despite the fact
that there were not substantial Native American populations
to support the presidios through food production, the sporadic
presence of groups in Pensacola and settlements near Mobile
provided residents with the opportunity to trade. Although the

ethnohistoric evidence for trade between Native Americans
and Spaniards during Santa Rosa's occupation is poor, trade
most likely occurred frequently.
Historical documents indicate that there were few
instances of small-scale agriculture in Pensacola. In general, it
appears that residents could not produce food through small-
scale agriculture. Original reports regarding Pensacola Bay by
the Mexican scientist Carlos Sigiienza y G6ngora stated that
the bay contained a wide variety of plants and animals. The
initial plan for colonists to establish agriculture did not last,
for efforts at growing crops proved unsuccessful (Childers
and Cotter 1998:91; Clune 2003:52; Griffen 1959:243-246).
Attempts at farming occurred as early as 1700, when Captain
Juan Jordan de Reina and several of his men planted a garden
near his house that contained pumpkins, watermelons,
cantaloupes, wheat, maize, and radishes, but the harvest
yielded little. Around the same time, priests planted another
garden of cantaloupes, pumpkins, watermelons, radishes,
beans, and maize, but it also yielded little. According to the
documents, the failure of the gardens was because of the poor
soil and irrigation (Arriola 1700b; Martinez 1700). After these
initial attempts, the historical record does not detail many
instances of farming at Santa Maria and Santa Rosa, although
there were small farms on the Perdido River. Haciendas were
established at the very end of Santa Rosa's occupation and

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0 102 Vot. 63(2

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK FOR COLONIAL SPANISH OUTPOSTS

residents often made trips to the mainland (Griffen 1959:246).
Farming presumably occurred throughout the Santa Maria and
Santa Rosa occupations, albeit on a small scale (Clune et al.
2003:52-53; Clune et al. 2006:42).
Internal formal economic practices, such as foraging,
animal husbandry, hunting, fishing and export economies,
are evident in the available documents from Santa Maria and
Santa Rosa and appear to have occurred infrequently. A few
documented cases support this interpretation. It seems that
residents practiced foraging as a last resort when other food
sources were unavailable. For example, foraging occurred
throughout the first winter at Santa Maria when residents
collected and ate locally available nuts and berries (Clune et
al. 2003:58; Coker and Childers 1998:21). In October of 1700,
residents ate acorns and tree roots to supplement their diet
when the supply ships were late (Serrano y Perea 1700).
While many shipments of live sheep and chickens
sent to Pensacola died en route, a few did survive, perhaps
leading to some small-scale animal husbandry practiced at the
presidios (Griffen 1959:246). However, the practice of animal
husbandry never fully developed due to events surrounding
the War of Spanish Succession. Records indicate that there
were some cattle, hogs, and sheep kept before the war, but
this practice appears to have stopped after attacks forced the
population inside the fort (Harris 1999:29). The war also
prevented the Apalachee from providing cattle to the residents
of Santa Maria and Santa Rosa (Childers and Cotter 1998:91).
Similar to foraging and animal husbandry, fishing was
intermittently practiced at Santa Maria or Santa Rosa (Clune
et al. 2003:59; Delangez 1937:148). A letter written to the
viceroy in 1699, describes how there was a lack of fish in the
bay during the winter months, but that there were fish caught
during the warmer months (Martinez 1699). Fishing nets were
also included on lists for Santa Maria. Fishing also occurred
throughout Santa Rosa's occupation. In 1745, there was a
dispute over a license issued to a Frenchman to construct a
fishery on the Perdido River; it appears that two Spaniards
claimed rights over the area because of their previous fishing
in that area (Cruzat y Gongora 1746). Evidence of fishing is
demonstrated by records showing a Spaniard received pay as a
fisherman in 1752 (Gtiemes y Horcasitas 1752).
In 1705, officials ordered the Spanish at Pensacola to hunt
the buffalo that roamed the region to supplement their diet when
supply ships were late. By 1708, the Spanish were hiring French
hunters to hunt for them, with money owed to the hunters in
1711 and 1712. Evidence of hunting is seen from 1713, when
several Spanish soldiers and Apalachee Indians went looking
for buffalo (Hann and McEwan 1998:106; Childers and Coker
1998:91-92; Clune et al. 2003:58; Rucker 1992:114). A letter
written in 1737 stated that the men of the presidio hunted for
wild game in the woods when the meat from the supplies ran
out (Harris et al 2006:210; Pintado 1737). Hunting continued
throughout the occupation of Santa Rosa, with a small fort
constructed on the mainland to protect the colonists while they
utilized nearby resources. Occasionally, individuals were paid
to hunt when supplies were low (Eschbach 2007:212).
The internal formal economic practice of a local Spanish
export economy was also apparent in documents. The first

sign of a local export economy carried out at Santa Maria
occurred in 1702 with the export of lumber to Veracruz, but
the timber industry lasted until only 1712. Harvesting and
transporting the timber was arduous, with only four shipments
delivered to Veracruz. While the men at Santa Maria earned
some money from the shipments, it does not appear to have
brought in enough money to contribute substantially to the
internal formal economy at Santa Maria (Childers and Cotter
1998:77-83; Hunter 2000:6-20). Maintaining a profitable and
sustainable export economy did not occur during Santa Rosa's
occupation either. At Santa Rosa, there were attempts at a
few local export industries. Abundant clay resources found in
Pensacola led to an order to produce brick on the mainland for
the construction of a small fort on Santa Rosa Island, but this
order was as far as brick production went (Eschbach 2007:213;
Uruefia 1753a; Uruefa 1753b; Wauchope 1723). It appears that
Santa Rosa also provided occasional shipments of lumber to
Veracruz for ship construction. Tar and turpentine exports also
occurred, with the Royal Havana Company shipping over 300
barrels of naval stores out of Pensacola (Eschbach 2007:213;
Yarza y Ascona 1750; Uruefia 1741). For the most part, export
industries were minimal and provided neither sufficient goods
nor income.
The ethnohistoric record for Santa Maria and Santa
Rosa demonstrates the inadequacies of the formal economy.
The documents reveal the difficulty that the residents of
Pensacola had in procuring supplies through the external
and internal formal economy. The lack of Native Americans
in the Pensacola left colonists without a local agricultural
production center and reliable trade relationships. Colonists
were placed in a situation even more dependent on the situado
for provisions, but the external formal economy could not
provide reliable supplies. Although there were efforts at
Santa Maria and Santa Rosa to grow foodstuffs and practice
animal husbandry, conditions were not favorable for these
subsistence strategies and attempts were not successful. While
utilized to some extent, the internal economic strategies of
foraging, fishing, hunting and local export economies did
not provide enough subsistence to supplement supplies from
the external formal economy. As Susan Pickman (1980:60)
states, "ineffective policies and procedures, inability to
provide security and actual interference with local society and
economies ... persuaded Spanish colonists to deal where they
could." The legal alternatives to obtaining supplies within the
system imposed by the Spanish Crown simply did not work
for residents in Pensacola. As a result, individual choices
turned away from the formal economy of Spain's unreliable
mercantilism and towards the more readily available options
offered through illegal trade.

Santa Maria de Galve and Isla de Santa Rosa's Informal
Economy

Alternative Economy

There does not appear to have been much activity in
colonial Pensacola that would fall under the definitions of the
informal economy. As previously discussed, informal economic

ROBERTS THOMPSON

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

Table 2. Documented instances of open contraband trade.

Date Instances of Open Contraband Trade
1702, June Pensacola received supplies from the French
1703, May 29 Pensacola received guns and gunflints from the French
1704, March 6 Pensacola received flour and money from the French
1704, March 10 Pensacola received flour from the French
1704, June 5 Pensacola received flintlock muskets from the French
1704, D r 20 Pensacola received flour, meat, flintlock muskets and
1704, December 20
rapiers from the French
Pensacola received flour, meat, guns, gunflints and
1705, January 20 rapiers from the French
1706, September Pensacola received flour from the French
1707, June Pensacola received flour from the French
1708, September 7 Pensacola received flour and meat from the French
1709, August 18 (?) Pensacola received maize from the French
1709, August 25 Pensacola received flour and maize from the French
1710, May Pensacola received maize from the French
1711 Pensacola received meat from the French
1711 Pensacola received flour from the French
1711, April 14 Pensacola received maize from the French
1711, November 8 Pensacola received flour, meat, frijoles from the French
1711, November 28 Pensacola received maize from the French
1712, March 6 Pensacola received meat from the French
1712, April 20 Pensacola received flour, meat, frijoles from the French
1713, June Pensacola received flour and frijoles from the French
1713, August 28 Pensacola received flour from the French
1713, August 30 Pensacola received flour from the French
1713, October 26 Pensacola received flour from the French
1714, September Pensacola received flour from the French
Pensacola received flour, maize, vegetables, meat.
1734, October 8 hogs, aguardiente, tallow candles, white wine, bear
fat, tanned deer skins, tallow, hafted saws from the
French
Pensacola received flour, lard, frijoles and rice from
1749, May the French

5
4
3 Instances of
Open Contraband
2 Trade

4 1734 1749

19 year gap No Open Contraband
Recorded after 1749

Figure 4. Documented instances of open contraband trade.

S

4 year gap

2010 VOL. 63(2)

ROBERTS THOMPSON ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK FOR COLONIAL SPANISH OUTPOSTS
r ~1

No instances
after 1749 1
12 year gap 1736
1735
1734
10 year gap---
1723
4 year gap --- 71
1718
1717
2 year gap 1714
1713
1712
1711
1710
1709
1708
1707
1706
1705
1704
1703
1702
1701
1700
1699

-- -
-

- ~ ~ I. -

External Economy

Open Contraband
Trade

2

Figure 5. Documented instances of the external formal economy and open contraband trade.

activities involve the illegal production and exchange of legal
goods. There were not any exportable resources in Pensacola
and residents were not able to produce goods or merchandise for
themselves or to sell or trade. As a result, individuals adapted
and utilized alternative economic strategies to supplement the
inadequate formal economy, leading to the active alternative
economic activity that occurred throughout the occupations of
Santa Maria and Santa Rosa. This contraband exchange took
the forms of open contraband and clandestine contraband trade.
Open and clandestine transactions took place either locally in
the Pensacola and Mobile area or regionally in Veracruz.
Historical documentation indicates several instances of
open contraband trade that occurred at Santa Maria de Galve
and Isla de Santa Rosa. It appears that residents of both
presidios carried on open contraband trade with their closest
neighbor, the French settlement at Mobile. The ethnohistoric
record, as seen in Figure 4 and Table 2, demonstrates that there
was an active exchange of open contraband trade between
Pensacola and the French (Alencastre Norofia y Silva 1713;
Almonacid 1712b; Arriolal704; Aguilar 1714; Dias 1709;
Escobar 1735a; Franco 1704; Garcia de Vinuessa 1706; Garcia
de Vinuessa 1708; Guzman 1705; Guzman 1709b; Hessain
1705; Junta General 1705; Junta General 1709; Mendo de
Urbina 1706; Mendo de Urbina 1709; Mendo de Urbina 1713;
Moscoso 1708; Moscoso 1709; Morales 1710; Quiroga y
Losada 1711; Salinas Varona 1712a; Salinas Varona 1712b;
Salinas Varona 1713b; Salinas Varona 1713c; Pez 1708; Clune
et a. 2003:61; Ford 1939; Higginbotham 1977:146-147, 265;
Johnson 1999; Johnson 2003; LeHarpe 1971:57; Rowland and
Sanders 1929:60; Miller Surry 1968:419, 421,426). The open

contraband trade appeared to consist mostly of comestible
items but also commonly included munitions, implements
(objects or tools used for construction, agriculture, maritime
activities, etc.) and lighting-related merchandise. The Spanish
took advantage of the availability of French goods when they
were in need of food and other merchandise; often they utilized
open contraband trade between situado shipments (Figure 5).
Although open contraband trade is directly contradictory to
the Crown's official attitude towards trade with foreigners, the
open contraband trade that occurred throughout Santa Maria
and Santa Rosa's occupations was a necessary economic action
that allowed the Spanish presence, however meager, to remain
in northwestern Florida. The trade relationships established
through open contraband transactions facilitated the ease with
which Pensacola inserted itself into the clandestine contraband
market (Clune et al. 2003:57-68; Johnson 1999).
The ethnohistoric record indicates that individuals used
various means to accomplish clandestine contraband trade.
Clandestine contraband trade could occur at any time and in
any location as long as there were willing participants. The
majority of documents detail occurrences in the Gulf Coast
region rather than exclusively in Pensacola. However, the
documents do provide a picture of how clandestine contraband
trade was conducted in the colonial world. Clandestine
contraband trade appeared to have commonly occurred
though people or vessels entering strategic ports, such as
Pensacola, Veracruz, Mobile, Havana and other colonial ports
to engage in illicit activity. It appears that any type of good
could be and was exchanged through clandestine contraband
trade (Table 3) (Alencastre Norofia y Silva 1711; Council of

ROBERTS THOMPSON

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK FOR COLONIAL SPANISH OUTPOSTS

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2010 VOL. 63(2~

Table 3. Documented instances of clandestine contraband trade.

Date Instances of Clandestine Contraband Trade
38 vessels anchored at Massacre Island to participate in
clandestine contraband trade
80 vessels anchored in Veracruz to participate in clandestine
1705-1708
contraband trade
1706 French vessel was sent to Pensacola to participate in
clandestine contraband trade
8 French vessel arrived in Pensacola to conduct clandestine
contraband trade
171, M h French vessel had goods intended for clandestine contraband
1711, March
trade seized by Spanish officials
1711, Jy Viceroy gave permission to over 70 foreign vessels to enter
71, Juy Veracruz to participate in clandestine contraband trade
177 French vessel and Spanish merchants conducted clandestine
contraband trade in a small town near Veracruz
English vessel had goods intended for clandestine contraband
1719, May .
1719, May trade seized by Spanish officials
J Spanish vessel arrived at Mobile to participate in clandestine
contraband trade
French vessel entered the port of Pensacola to participate in
1723, January
1723, J y clandestine contraband trade
13, J y French canoe arrived in Pensacola to participate in clandestine
1723,January
contraband trade
13, F y French vessel entered the port of Pensacola to participate in
1723, February
clandestine contraband trade
1724 English vessel had goods intended for clandestine contraband
trade seized by Spanish officials
1724 Spaniards at Dauphin Island set up future clandestine
contraband trade transactions
1724 Spanish and French individuals participated in clandestine
contraband trade
Travelers arrived in Pensacola to participate in clandestine
contraband trade
Foreign vessel arrived in Veracruz to participate in
1741, May 8 clandestine contraband trade

1749 60 vessels moved along the Mississippi River to participate in
clandestine contraband trade

Table 4. Possible instances of clandestine contraband trade.

Date Instances of Possible Clandestine Contraband Trade
Pensacola chartered French ship to go to Veracruz to
1702, January
1702areport on bad conditions in presidio
4, Je 2 Pensacola chartered French ship to go to Veracruz to
1704, June 27
solicit supplies
3, A t 28 Pensacola chartered French ship to go to Veracruz to
1713, August 28 s
solicit supplies
Pensacola chartered French ship to go to Veracruz to
1715, November
solicit supplies
Pensacola chartered French ship to go to Veracruz to
1736, June 16 u
solicit supplies

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2010 VOL. 63(2)

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK FOR COLONIAL SPANISH OUTPOSTS

the Indies 1711; Chaise 1724:333-349; Diron D'Artaguiette
1710; Devin 1724; Governor and Royal Officials 1741; Royal
Officials 1720; Royal Officials 1725; Pez 1708; Wauchope
1723;Yarza y Ascona 1750; Ford 1939:136-37; Gregory et al.
2004:65-77; Higginbotham 1977:265; Johnson 1999:28, 53,
57; Le Harpe 1971:57, 123; McWilliams 1981:204-205).
Clandestine contraband trade may have also occurred
when there was a chartering of foreign vessels to Veracruz
by Pensacola authorities to report on the lack of supplies.
Documents indicate that officials from Santa Maria and Santa
Rosa would charter ships from the French to go to Veracruz to
inform the Spanish officials there that supplies at Pensacola
were running low (Table 4) (Alencastre Norofia y Silva 1713;
Escobar 1735c; Mota Cadillac 1715; Estaca 1705; LeHarpe
1971:28). While this action was practical on the part of
Pensacola colonists, the main reason for these trips may have
been to participate in clandestine contraband activity. However,
while the available documents do not indicate that clandestine
contraband trade actually occurred, chartering a foreign vessel
may be considered possible evidence of clandestine trade.
Such chartering of vessels would have provided an easy
opportunity for individuals, Spanish or otherwise, to engage
in clandestine contraband trade.
The historical documents that describe open and
clandestine contraband trade show the frequent instances of
illicit activity at Pensacola. It appears that open and clandestine
contraband trade maintained the alternative economy of Santa
Maria and Santa Rosa, but there are minimal documented
instances in which it occurred in the historical record. Despite
having few historic documents, the available evidence
demonstrates that contraband activity was not separate from
the normal economy of Santa Maria and Santa Rosa, but rather
a part of it.

Conclusions

My primary objective was to provide a preliminary
characterization of an economic framework that could be
applied to colonial Spanish outposts. By using ethnohistoric
data from Santa Maria de Galve and Isla de Santa Rosa, I
have demonstrated that Spain's mercantile system influenced
economic choices within the settlements. Spain created a
complex economic situation for its colonies with an unreliable
supply system and official policies against colonial trade with
other Europeans. Due to Spain's policies, actions within the
settlements of Santa Maria and Santa Rosa included both
formal and informal economic systems.
Evidence suggests that residents in Pensacola attempted
to use internal formal economic strategies to supplement the
external formal economy of the situado. Yet, both internal
and external economies could not provide adequate goods
for occupants of the presidios. Since Santa Maria and Santa
Rosa were a part of the larger Spanish formal system, the
relationships between the settlements and the Spanish Empire,
especially those between Spain and other European countries,
affected economic choices in the presidios. Disruptions in
the political situation in Spain and elsewhere could influence
the formal supply system, providing occasional opportunities

for other European countries to participate in commerce with
Santa Maria and Santa Rosa. When the formal economy did
not provide adequate goods, the residents of Santa Maria and
Santa Rosa turned to other methods to supply themselves not
only with basic supplies, but also with luxury goods. England,
France, Holland, Portugal, and the Netherlands all presented
Spanish colonies with such illicit economic opportunities
(Skowronek 1984:7). Evidence suggests that individuals of
Santa Maria and Santa Rosa engaged in economic activity
through all available opportunities.
The framework presented here is applied specifically
to presidios in Pensacola, Florida; however, the economic
concepts could be applied cross-regionally to other Spanish
outposts. Individuals in all colonial settlements actively sought
goods from all economic sources and through both formal
and informal economies. However, the formal and informal
economies of other colonial outposts may or may not have
been similar to the experience of Santa Maria and Santa Rosa.
The scale and degree of how Spanish settlements relied on
the formal and informal economy may have varied according
to specific social, cultural and political characteristics of each
outpost. Deagan (2007:114) states that "although all of the
Spanish colonies were subject to the same economic policies
and trade restrictions, the circumstances of individual places
shaped the actual configurations of illicit trade." Applying the
same economic framework to other colonial situations would
reveal broader economic trends concerning how individuals
made choices concerning both legal and illegal forms of trade.

Acknowledgements

Numerous individuals gave indispensable assistance
with this project. I would like to thank John Worth, Elizabeth
Benchley, and Jay Clune, for their helpful comments and
insights. Victor Thompson also provided useful comments on
earlier drafts of this manuscript. I would also like to express
thanks to James Cusick and Bruce Chappell of the P.K Yonge
Library of Florida History, for their assistance with the
archival materials. I would like to further express my gratitude
to James Cusick, for providing me with the microfilm that was
central to this research. I would also like to thank Dean Debolt
and Jessica Chapman of Special Collections at University
of West Florida, for their assistance with the microfilm. The
Anthropology Department and Archaeology Institute of the
University of West Florida provided me with the materials
that made this project possible. Finally, Deborah Mullins and
Andrea White provided much assistance with preparing this
manuscript. The author is solely responsible for any errors,
omissions, or gaffes.

References Cited

Aguilar, Gaspar Guillen
1713 Letter to Fernando de Alencastre Norofia y Silva,
Duke of Linares, February 7. Archivo General de
Indias (AGI) Mexico 486A. Translation by R. Wayne
Childers on file, Archaeology Institute, University of
West Florida, Pensacola.

ROEFRTS THOMPSON

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

1714 Letter to Fernando de Alencastre Norofia y Silva,
Duke of Linares, February 18. AGI Mexico
486A. Translation by R. Wayne Childers on file,
Archaeology Institute, University of West Florida,
Pensacola.

Alencastre Norofia y Silva, Fernando de
1711 Letter to the Spanish Crown, March 4. AGI Mexico
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Archaeology Institute, University of West Florida,
Pensacola.
1713 Letter to Gregorio de Salinas Varona, August 28. AGI
Mexico 486A. Translation by R. Wayne Childers
on file, Archaeology Institute, University of West
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Almonacid, Bernardino Joseph de
1712a Relation and receipt of supplies, March 4. AGI
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on file, Archaeology Institute, University of West
Florida, Pensacola.
1712b Letter to Fernando de Alencastre Noroia y Silva, Duke
of Linares, March 7. AGI Contaduria 803. Translation
by R. Wayne Childers on file, Archaeology Institute,
University of West Florida, Pensacola.

Antonio, Juan
1737 Letter to don Mateo Pable Diaz, Marqu6s de
Torrenueva, September 15. AGI Mexico 2445.
Translation by R. Wayne Childers on file, Archaeology
Institute, University of West Florida, Pensacola.

Arriola, Andr6s de
1700a Letter to Jose Sarmeinto Valladares, Conde de
Moctezuma y de Tula, February. AHN Estado
2315. Translation by R. Wayne Childers on file,
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Pensacola.
1700b Report to the Spanish Crown. Archivo Historico
National (AHN) Estado 2315. Translation by R.
Wayne Childers on file, Archaeology Institute,
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1701 Letter to the Senor Secretary of the Council,
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2010 VOL. 63(2)

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Franco, Joseph Phelix
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ROBERTS THOMPSON

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

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2010 VOL. 63(2)

ROBERTS THOMPSON EcoNoMic FRAME~~ORK FOR COLoNI&L SPANISH OUTPOSTS

Junta General
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Translation by R. Wayne Childers on file, Archaeology
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Kerrigan, Anthony
1951 Barcia : Chronological History of the Continent of
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Martinez, Francisco
1699 Letter to the Pedro Nunez de Prado, Conde de
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University of West Florida, Pensacola.
1700 Reply to Joseph de Guzman, February 27. AHN
Estado 2315. Translation by R. Wayne Childers
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Mendo de Urbina, Juan
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University of West Florida, Pensacola.
1709 Report, March 4. AGI Mexico 633. Translation by
R. Wayne Childers on file, Archaeology Institute,
University of West Florida, Pensacola.
1713 Letter to Fernando de Alencastre Norofia y Silva,

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Moscoso. Sebastian
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University of West Florida, Pensacola.
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618. Translation by R. Wayne Childers on file,

ROBERTS THOMPSON

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK FOR COLONIAL SPANISH OUTPOSTS

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

Archaeology Institute, University of West Florida,
Pensacola.

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2010 VOL. 63(2)

ROBERTS THOMPSON ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK fOR COLONIAL SPANISH Oui~osus

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ROBERTS THOMPSON

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK FOR COLONIAL SPANISH OUTPOSTS

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ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A U.S. ARMY CAVALRY OR MOUNTED INFANTRY CAMP
NAVAL AIR STATION PENSACOLA

GREGORY A. MIKELL

Panamerican Consultants, Inc. 4430 Yarmouth Place, Pensacola, Florida 32514
E-mail: gmikell] (i@earthlink.net

In late 2004 and early 2005, Panamerican Consultants,
Inc. (PCI) documented archaeological evidence of a Civil
War Union cavalry or mounted infantry encampment during
the Phase I archaeological resources survey and Phase II
testing and evaluation of the Cabaniss Crescent housing area
on Naval Air Station Pensacola (NASP). Within the housing
area, Civil War era artifacts and features were documented
in test units, shovel tests, and surface exposures clustered
within a park and playground area, as well as the yards of
adjacent residential units. Based on similarities in materials,
the Cabaniss Crescent remains are considered to be associated
with a previously recorded Union cavalry camp site, 8ES 1442.
The site was originally recorded in 1988 approximately 100
meters to the west-northwest of Cabaniss Crescent, but was
reportedly destroyed by construction (UWF 1988). The results
of PCI's investigations indicate otherwise and are particularly
interesting, given the dearth of Civil War archaeological
contexts in West Florida.
In May 1862, about nine months after failing to dislodge
Union forces from Fort Pickens and gain control of Pensacola,
the Confederate army evacuated the Pensacola Navy Yard
and Fort Barrancas, leaving them under Federal control. By
the end of 1862, the Union army had hundreds of soldiers
stationed at Fort Barrancas, the Navy Yard, and in camps in
proximity to both. The number of Union troops would only
increase as the war progressed. Historical records (HPA 1986;
Pearce 2000; U.S. War Department 1893), documentation
of amateur artifact collection activities (UWF 1988), and
limited archaeological investigation (Braley 1979; Mikell et
al 2005a-c; Olvey 2001; UWF 1988; Whitley and Mullins
1999; USACE 1992, 1995; Will 2002) indicate that Federal
cavalry and other army units camped near the Navy Yard, Fort
Barrancas, and the town of Warrington (Figure 1) during the
Civil War. This area is now part of Naval Air Station Pensacola
(NASP). In 1864, the named camps included Camp Asboth,
Camp Barrancas, Fort Barrancas, and Camp Roberts (U.S.
War Department 1893:973).
Only scattered evidence of these encampments has ever
been documented, however, due in large part to a lack of
archaeological investigations and disturbance from pre-1980s
development on the properties where the sites were located
(Mikell et al. 2005 a-c; Olvey et al. 2001; Will 2002:32-33).
PCI documented evidence related to the previously recorded
site of a Civil War Federal cavalry encampment, 8ES1442,
during Phase I survey (2004) and Phase II investigation (2005)

of the Cabaniss Crescent Navy family housing at NASP (Hardy,
Heck, and Moore 2004, Mikell et al. 2005c). In the housing
area, Civil War era military artifacts and mid-nineteenth
century domestic artifacts were recovered and subsurface
features were documented in test units, shovel tests, and surface
exposures within and adjacent to a park and playground area
(Figures 2 and 3). 8ES 1442 was originally recorded about 100
meters west-northwest of Cabaniss Crescent (UWF 1988) and
was reported to have been destroyed by construction of a child
care facility in the 1980s (Olvey et al. 2001; Will 2002:32-33).
Artifacts recovered by Mikell et al. (2'" 11'ic include various
types of ammunition including .54 caliber "Burnside" and
.52 caliber "Spencer" carbine bullets and casings, .44 caliber
Lefaucheux pinfire cartridge bullets, .44 caliber "Army" Colt
or Remington revolver bullets, .36 caliber Colt or Remington
"Navy" revolver bullets, and percussion caps. Other military
items recovered include uniform buttons, Federal Model 1858
canteens, a bayonet fragment, iron strap and knapsack buckles,
and brass hardware. These artifacts suggest a Civil War context
for much of the materials recovered at Cabaniss Crescent.
Non-military materials recovered in direct association with
military materials included dark olive-green and soda lime
bottle glass, pearlware and early transfer-print whiteware
ceramics, machine-cut iron nails, other metal objects and
metal fragments, and faunal remains. The ammunition
recovered was virtually identical to that recovered from the
original location of the site (UWF 1988). Based on limited
testing, artifact recovery, and similarities between the Cabaniss
Crescent materials and those originally recorded for 8ES1442
(ammunition, uniform buttons, etc.), it was determined that
the Cabaniss Crescent materials were associated with the
originally defined encampment site (8ES1442) rather than
constituting a separate distinct site (HHM 2004; Mikell et
al 2005c). Therefore, it was determined that site 8ES1442
is much larger than originally recorded, extending over 150
meters to the east of the originally recorded location.

Results of Field Investigations

Controlled surface collection identified three discrete
surface scatter areas within the playground area depicted in
Figures 2 and 3. Surface Scatter Areas 1-3 (SA 1-3) were
identified on the basis of potential nineteenth century glass and/
or ceramics or military materials such as shell casings (Table
1). Following the identification of SA 1-3, shovel testing and

VOL. 63(2) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST JUNE 2010

VOL. 63(2)

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

JUNE 2010

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

Figure 1. Adaptation of detail from "A correct map of Pensacola Bay showing topography
of the coast, Fort Pickens, U.S. Navy Yard, and all other fortifications from the latest
Government surveys" by Jacob Weiss, circa 1856. Base map courtesy of Florida Center
for Instructional Technology, University of South Florida (http://fcit.usf.edu/florida/maps/
pages/3700/f3796/f3796.htm).

Figure 2. Map of the portion of 8ES1442 showing test units, surface areas (SA 1-3) and shovel tests
containing Civil War era and 19th century materials (solid circles).

3356 ^ L133515

housing

project boundary

2010 VOL. 63(2)

Table 1. Civil War era, diagnostic early to mid-nineteenth, and potential mid-nineteenth century
artifacts recovered from shovel tests and surface areas within 8ES1442.

Count Artifact Description
Surface Area 1 (approximately 12 m by 5 m)
>30 brick and unidentified ferrous metal fragments
2 undecorated pearlware plate fragments
2 undecorated whiteware plate fragments
1 gray-glazed stoneware container fragment
9 glass bottle and container fragments: clear (3), soda-lime (3), aquamarine (1), dark olive
green (1)
3 soda-lime window glass
Surface Area 2 (approximately 8 m diameter)
1 undecorated pearlware plate fragments
1 undecorated whiteware plate fragments
1 hand-painted (blue leaf design) pearlware plate fragment
1 undecorated porcelain tea cup fragment
2 gray and brown-glazed stoneware container fragments
13 glass bottle and container fragments: clear (2), soda-lime (2), aquamarine (3), light olive
green (1), dark olive green (5)
3 soda-lime window glass
Surface Area 3 (approximately 4 m diameter)
1 .54 caliber brass or copper Burnside carbine cartridge case
1 brass tent grommet
1 iron knapsack or other equipment buckle
8 glass bottle fragments: soda-lime (3), aquamarine (3), dark olive green (2)
1 soda-lime window glass
All Shovel Tests Combined
1 .44 caliber Lefaucheux revolver bullets, unfired
1 .36 caliber "Johnston and Dow Patent Ammunition" (bullet) for Colt Model 1860 or
Remington Model 1861 "Navy" revolvers, unfired
S .44 caliber Colt Arms Co. Colt Model 1860 or Remington Model 1861 "Army" revolver
bullet, unfired
3 .54 caliber Burnside carbine bullets, unfired
3 .54 caliber brass or copper Burnside carbine cartridge casing fragments
1 .52 caliber Spencer carbine copper cartridge casing, unfired
1 brass or copper percussion cap, expended
30 machine-cut iron nails and nail fragments
2 machine-cut iron spikes
6 soda-lime window glass sherds
1 blue on white transfer print pearlware sherd
16 Bristol-glazed stoneware sherds
24 dark and medium olive green bottle fragments, one dip-molded wine bottle base
17 soda-lime bottle and container fragments, one square bottle fragment with embossed
"diamond" design
3 amber bottle fragments, one neck fragment with applied-tooled (mineral) finish
3 clear, patinated bottle glass
1 kaolin tobacco pipe stem fragment

MIKELL

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A CIVIL WAR CAMP

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2010 VOL. 63(2)

Figure 3. Photograph of the playground area with Test Unit 1 excavation underway. View is to northeast.

Table 2. Civil War era, diagnostic early to mid-nineteenth, and potential
artifacts recovered from Test Units 3, 4 and 5, 8ES1442.

Test Unit 2
1 brass tent (?) grommet
24 machine-cut nails
5 undecorated (3) and blue transfer-printed (2) pearlware
6 dark olive green bottle fragments
Test Unit 3
5 brass/copper fragments (possible ammunition shell casing fragments)
5 brass hardware (possibly military)
1 brass lock plate fragment
11 brass pocket watch housing and parts
27 machine-cut iron nails and nail fragments
7 clear (5) and aquamarine (2) window glass fragments
1 molded pearlware
8 dark and medium olive green bottle glass
5 soda-lime bottle and container glass
4 amber bottle glass
I patinated clear bottle glass
Test Unit 5
1 .54 caliber Burnside carbine brass or copper cartridge casing fragment, expended
I cup-molded dark olive green bottle base fragment
11 soda-lime bottle glass
7 machine-cut iron nails and nail fragments
3 hand-made brick fragments

mid-nineteenth century

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2010 VOL. 63(2)

M IKELL ARCHAFOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A Ci~ii. WAR CAMP

test unit excavation was completed. Shovel tests were 50 cm2
(n=106) and test units were 1- by 2-m (n-4) and 2-m'(n=l)
excavated in 10 cm arbitrary levels and screened using 1/4-
inch mesh. Test unit placement was based on shovel testing
results and feature matrix was sampled for fine screening.
Shovel testing outside the park and playground space
indicated that although disturbance is widespread, nineteenth
century artifacts and Civil War era ammunition were present
(Figure 2). Shovel testing within the newly defined boundaries
of 8ES1442 resulted in the recovery of several Civil War era
artifacts (Table 1), including a .44 caliber bullet manufactured
by Colt Arms Company for the Model 1860 "Army" Colt
revolver, a .36 caliber "Johnston and Dow Patent Ammunition"
bullet made for Colt Model 1860 and Remington Model 1861
"Navy" revolvers, a .44 caliber Lefaucheux pin-fire bullet,
a .52 caliber Spencer carbine bullet cartridge case, and .54
caliber Burnside bullets (n=3) and cartridge case fragments
(n=3).
At total of five test units were then excavated on the site
within the housing area (Figure 2). While each of the units
yielded nineteenth century materials, some of which could
certainly have been associated with the Federal camp, only
Test Units 1 and 4 contained intact Civil War era deposits and
features; these will be described here. Test Unit 1, a 2-m2 unit,
was placed adjacent to both a survey shovel test that yielded
Civil War era ammunition and SA 1, where it appeared likely
that intact deposits and Civil War-related features would be
present. Test Unit 1 did not disappoint, as an array of Civil War
era ammunition and military hardware was recovered from the
upper 30 cm of the unit (Stratum I and II) and four features
(Features 1-4) were completely or partially excavated and

documented (Figures 4-6). Like Test Unit 1, the excavation of
Test Unit 4 also yielded intact deposits containing Civil War
era materials. The placement of Test Unit 4 included a portion
of SA 3 and subsumed the materials on the ground surface
within level 1. Test Unit 4 also yielded a substantial array of
Civil War era military artifacts recovered from a thin midden
deposit and two Civil War era features (Features 5 and 7) that
were completely or partially excavated (Figures 7-9).
The soil stratigraphy of the test units was generally
simple, consisting of two or three strata except where features
or disturbance was present. Each of the nineteenth century
features appeared at the interface of Stratum I and II at
approximately 15-20 cm below datum (cmbd) and extended
into Stratum II or Stratum III to various depths. A thin midden
deposit was excavated in Test Unit 4 (Stratum II). Each of the
features documented in Test Units I and 4 is described below.
Although Test Units 2, 3, and 5 were excavated in what turned
out to be disturbed areas with more complex strata and no
intact features or midden present, nineteenth century artifacts
that could be associated with the Civil War encampment
were recovered from each (Table 2). The Civil War era and
general nineteenth century artifacts that were recovered are
summarized in Tables 1-4. Table 1 (surface collection and
shovel tests) and Table 2 (Test Units 2, 3, and 5) summarize
only diagnostic and potential Civil War era materials, while
Tables 3 and 4 summarize all artifacts recovered from Test
Units I and 4, respectively, by stratum and feature.
Feature 1. Feature 1 was a circular refuse pit (Figure 5)
located in the southwest-central portion of Test Unit 1. It was
primarily identified by its contents, which included an iron
horseshoe, a complete soda-lime molded glass ink well with

Figure 4. Photograph Test Unit 1 nearing completion. View is to southeast, note Feature
2 (a) Feature 3 (b), canteen in Feature 3 fill (c) and unit stratigraphy (Stratum I and II).
Features 2 and 3 are brick-filled refuse pits.

MIKELL

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A CIVIL, WAR CAMP

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2010 VOL.63(2)

N 8ES1442
I light yellowish brown sand mottled with gray (2 5Y 6/1) sand Test Unit 1
II yellowish brown sand mottled with light brownish gray (10YR 6/2) sand
Feature 1 yellowish brown sand Base of Level 2,
Feature 2 dark yellowish brown sand plan view
Feature 3: yellowish brown sand o 10 20 cm
Feature 4 black sand moltled with brown sand

Figure 5. Plan drawing of Test Unit 1 at 20 cmbd.

a rough pontil scar on its base, and a complete two-piece, post
bottom, aquamarine glass pickle bottle (Table 3). The matrix
of Feature 1 consisted of mottled yellowish brown sand and
the artifacts it contained were virtually stacked upright in
the pit with the horseshoe at 20 cmbd, the ink well below
the horseshoe and the pickle bottle below the ink well. The
refuse pit was approximately 40 cm in diameter at 20 cmbd
and extended into Stratum Ill to 59 cmbd.
Feature 2. Feature 2 was a brick-filled refuse pit located
along the south wall of Test Unit I near its southwest corner
(Figures 4 and 5). Within the unit, Feature 2 was a portion of
an ovoid pit extending from the base of Stratum 1 (20 cmbd)
into Stratum III to 72 cmbd on the south wall profile. Feature 2
contained brick and mortar, including numerous whole, hand-
made bricks (at least 18). Other artifacts in the pit (Table 3)
included machine-cut nail fragments (n=l 1); clear (n=l) and
soda-lime (n=l) window glass, a large portion of a cast iron
stove door decorated with interlocking "fleur de lis" designs,
dark olive green (n=3), light olive green (n=2), and patinated
clear or white (n=l) bottle glass, a brass leather equipment

rivet (n-1), and an iron "socket" bayonet distal end fragment
(n=l).
Feature 3. Feature 3 was also a brick-filled refuse pit,
located in the central portion of the Test Unit 1 (Figures 4-6).
Feature 3 primarily consisted of a concentration of hand-
made bricks and brick and mortar fragments in a bell-shaped
pit that extended from the base of Stratum I at 20 cmbd well
into Stratum III at 72 cmbd. At 20 cmbd, Feature 3 was an
oval pit measuring 73 by 63 cm. Other artifacts within
Feature 3 include a complete, but dented and partially split
Federal Model 1858 canteen from the base of the brick filled
pit (Figure 6), a wrought iron door hook or crane eye, iron
knapsack or equipment buckle, machine-cut nail fragments
(n=5), iron strap fragments (n=7), a barrel hoop, dark olive
green bottle glass (n=5), clear window glass (n=2), and whole
brickS (Table 3).
Feature 4. Feature 4 was a small, oval, basin-shaped,
mottled dark stained area situated near the northeast corer of
Test Unit 1 (Figure 5). Feature 4, which was a small trash pit,
appeared near the base of Stratum I at 20 cmbd and extended

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

2010 VOL. 63(2)

MIKELL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF ,~ Ci~ IL WAR CAMP

Figure 6. Close up view of Feature 3 (bisected) in Test Unit 1. Feature 3
fill included handmade bricks and brick and mortar fragments, as well as
other artifacts including the Federal Model 1858 canteen visible near the
base of the brick on the left side.

A4 ---

III

20-II Feature 5

40- e al can Feature 7 bnck
cartecn

I: very dark grayish brown (10YR 3/2) sand 8ES1442
II- yellowish brown (10YR 5/4) sand midden mottled with pale brown (10YR 6/3) 0 o1 20cm Test Unit 4
III. yellowish brown (10YR 5/8) sand West profile
Feature 5: yellowish brown (10YR 5/8) sand mottled with pale brown (10YR 6/3)
Feature 7: very dark gray (10YR 3/1) sand motlled with yellowish brown (10YR 514)

Figure 7. Profile drawing of Test Unit 4, west wall. Note stratigraphy and Features 5 and 7.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A CIVIL WAR CAMP

MIKELL

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

Table 3. All artifacts recovered from Test Unit 1, 8ES1442, by Stratum and Feature.
Stratum Stratum Fea. Fea. Fea. Fea. Artit Dcr
I 2 3Artifact Description
I II 1 2 3 4
Kitchen Group
4 2 pearlware (plain)
4 1 stoneware (Bristol, brown glazed)
2 whiteware (fancy edge molded, plain)
20 12 amber bottle glass
15 amethyst bottle glass
I aquamarine bottle glass
1 brown bottle glass
37 2 1 clear bottle glass
6 4 1 3 5 dark olive green bottle glass
1 dark olive green bottle neck fragment with applied-
tooled (mineral or oil) finish
5 emerald green bottle glass
1 light green bottle glass
2 light olive green bottle glass
10 medium olive green bottle glass
12 1 3 2 soda-lime bottle glass
Architectural Group
1 brass cut nail fragments
1 brass cut spike
29 3 6 iron machine-cut nail
108 1 11 3 11 iron machine-cut nail fragments
1 iron wire nail fragments
2 iron nail fragments, indeterminate
36 1 2 clear window glass
20 6 1 soda-lime window glass
Activities, Arms, Bone, Clothing, Furniture, Personal, and Tobacco Pipe Groups
1 brass bullet, 30.06 Spitzer
1 lead bullet, .36 caliber Colt revolver
1 3 lead bullet, .44 caliber Johnston and Dow Patent
1 lead bullet, .44 caliber Lafaucheux
1 1 lead bullet, .52 caliber Spencer carbine
4 6 lead bullet, .54 caliber Burnside carbine, 2 unfired with
partial cartridge casing, 2 have been altered (cut, shaped)
1 lead bullet, indeterminate
I brass shell casing, .54 caliber Burnside carbine,
S expended
1 1 brass shell casing, .52 caliber Spencer carbine, unfired, 1
complete cartridge and bullet
I complete cartridge and bullet.52 caliber Spencer carbine,
unfired
2 brass shell casing fragment
2 brass percussion cap, expended
1 iron gun part fragment
1 rnbyntfamn

2010 VOL. 63(2)

iron bayonet fragment

1

MIKELL ARCHAEOL O(.ICAL SIGNATURE OF A CI~ IL WAR CA~w

Table 3 (continued).

Stratum
I

Stratum
II

All artifacts recovered from Test Unit 1, 8ES1442, by Stratum and Feature.
Fea. Fea. Fea. Fea.Artifact Description
,2 .Artifact Description
I 2 *3 4

1 brass equipment rivet
1 brass wire nail/rivet
1 1 iron equipment or knapsack buckle
1 tin and ferrous metal canteen, Federal model 1858
1 1 brass button, Federal General Staff/General Service
3 1 1 button, 4-hole non-military (bone [1], ferrous metal
[n=2], milk glass [n=l])
4 brass/copper fragment, indeterminate
6 8 ferrous metal fragment, indeterminate
1 lead, indeterminate
ferrous metal barrel hoop
1 1 clear glass, lamp chimney
1 _glass "cat's eye" toy marble
1 iron fastener
I iron horse shoe
1 iron stove part with "Fleur de Lis" design
1 7 iron strap fragments
3 clay tobacco pipe bowl fragment
8 25 animal bone, food refuse

Figure 8. Plan view photograph of the north end of Test Figure 9. Photograph of the northern portion of Test Unit
Unit 4 at 20 cmbd. Note Feature 5 (a), Feature 7 (b), stove 4 with Feature 5 base bisected at 25 cmbd. Note Feature
pipe (c), exposed brick and Burnside carbine shell casing 5 (a), Feature 7 (b), stove pipe (c), exposed brick and
(d), and food can within Feature 5 (e). Burnside carbine shell casing (d), and food can (e).

MIKELL

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A CIVIL WAR CAMP

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

Table 4. All artifacts recovered from Test Unit 4, 8ES1442, by Stratum and Feature.

Stratum Stratum Stratum Fea. Fea. Artist
I II IIArtifact description
Kitchen Group
1 whiteware (plain)
15 17 2 amber bottle glass
I amethyst bottle glass
7 2 aquamarine bottle and container glass
6 2 1* clear bottle and molded tumbler* glass
1 cobalt blue container glass
dark olive green bottle glass (*1 bottle neck fragment
with applied-tooled finish)
22 light green bottle glass
6 3 light olive green bottle glass
21 9* medium olive green bottle glass (*1 embossed diamond
pattern decanter body fragment)
3 18 soda-lime bottle glass
1 clear glass, bottle stopper
1 glass, indeterminate melted
steel, kitchen utensil (spoon) handle fragment
S>100 tin can fragments, 5 with flanged lip
Architectural Group
7 brass machine-cut nail fragments
S1copper machine-cut nail/tack
1 copper sheet metal fragment
10 12 7 6 iron machine-cut nail
69 84 7 20 11 iron machine-cut nail fragments
1 iron wire nail
1 iron door hinge plate
1 1 iron wood screw
84 33 1 clear window glass
13 9 2 soda-lime glass window glass
38 7 wood board fragment
Activities, Arms, Bone, Clothing, Furniture, Personal, and Tobacco Pipe Groups
3 lead bullet, .44 caliber Lafaucheux
1 lead bullet, .44 caliber, Colt Model 1860
1 brass shell casing, .52 caliber Spencer carbine
2 5 8 brass shell casing, .54 caliber Burnside carbine, expended
7 6 brass shell casing fragment
7 6* brass percussion cap, expended (*1 unfired marked "SB")
1 iron Burnside carbine side plate
2 iron gun parts, trigger mechanism fragments
1 brass gun cleaning brush head
1 tin and ferrous metal canteen, Federal model 1858
I "brass decorative powder flask plate, hunting scene
Sbrass equipment rivets for saddles or other leather
Equipment, 4 with attached leather fragments
2 3 1 1 iron equipment or knapsack buckles
4 2 2 1 bras, tent grommet
brass button, Federal General Staff and General Service
3 4 1 buttons, 3 "Scovill Mfg. Co." and 2 "Scovill Extra"
backstamps (Stratum I and II)
3 3 1 button, 4-hole non-military (ferrous metal, milk glass)
1 _1 brass cartridge box or holster finials

2010 VOL. 63(2)

Table 4 (continued). All artifacts recovered from Test Unit 4, 8ES1442, by Stratum and Feature.
Stratum Stratum Stratum Fea Fea.tifact Description
Artifact Description
I II III 5 7
1 brass/copper fragment, indeterminate
3 brass tacks (furniture tacks?)
2 5 clay pipe bowl and stem fragments, 2 distinct bowls
8 ferrous metal fragment, indeterminate
1 ferrous metal straight razor blade fragment
4 clear lamp chimney glass
6 iron fragment, indeterminate
1 iron stove pipe strap
15 1 1 lead alloy stove pipe fragments
17 15 1 lead, indeterminate
I resinous material with canvas impression
4 21 42 animal bone food refuse
1* 16 carbonized botanical remains: peach pit (Stratum 11) and
wood (Feature 5)

to 30 cmbd into Stratum II. Feature 4 contained a bone 4-hole
button, brass machine-cut nail, iron machine-cut nails and nail
fragments (n=17), ferrous metal fragments (n=8), and small
fragments of animal bone (Table 3).
Feature 5. Feature 5, in Test Unit 4, was an oblong, trough-
like refuse pit identified in the northwest-central portion of the
unit within a thin midden deposit (Stratum II) and adjacent to
a stove pipe (Figures 7-9). The refuse pit appeared to have two
components. The most obvious was a circular bowl-shaped
pit "core" containing dark grayish brown and yellowish
brown sand and refuse measuring approximately 35-40 cm in
diameter where it was clearly evident at the base of Stratum I
(about 15 cmbd) and which extended to 38 cmbd into Stratum
III. The second component was a trough-like area containing
mottled yellowish brown and pale brown sand with brick and
mortar fragments and other artifacts extended under the stove
pipe to the west wall of the unit. The entire feature covered an
area approximately 50 cm by 60 cm and was oriented from
the darker stained area at the west-northwest to the west wall
where it reached to a maximum depth of 42 cmbd. Table 4
summarizes the materials recovered from Feature 5 and the
surrounding matrix. A ferrous metal food can was situated on
the west wall of the unit within the mottled portion of Feature
5 and several thin, ferrous metal (can) fragments were also
recovered. Feature 5 artifacts include several Civil War era
military items, including .54 caliber Burnside carbine shell
casings (n=8), Federal brass uniform buttons (n=7), and an
iron knapsack or equipment buckle. Non-military artifacts
include domestic items, such as a single tumbler fragment,
amber bottle glass (n=2), melted glass (n=7), faunal remains
(food bone, n=37), iron button, kaolin smoking pipe fragments
(n=5), architectural materials that include machine-cut
nails (n=27), soda-lime window glass (n=2), the stove pipe
mentioned above, wood board fragments (n=7), and hand-
made brick (n=13) (see Table 4). While Feature 5 appeared
to be intrusive into the midden (as well as Stratum III), the
artifacts recovered from the pit feature clearly place it in a
Civil War era context.

Feature 6. Feature 6, also located in Test Unit 4 (Figure
7) was a small oval post mold that contained wood fragments
and a wire nail. The post feature is dated to the late nineteenth
to twentieth century and is not thought to related to the Civil
War era component.
Feature 7. Feature 7, located within Test Unit 4, was an
irregular, bell-shaped refuse pit containing primarily brick and
mortar fragments. Feature 7 was located within Stratum II in
the northwestern portion of the unit (Figures 7-9), but was not
discernable as a refuse pit until it was excavated and its shape
(profile) evident on the west wall of the unit. The refuse pit
contained mottled very dark gray and yellowish brown sand,
brick and mortar fragments, machine-cut nails, and a Federal
Model 1858 canteen (Table 4), which was exposed on the unit
west wall near its base and was left in place (Figure 10). Like
Feature 5, this refuse pit cut through or was part of the midden
deposit and intruded into Stratum Ill.

Figure 10. Photograph of Federal Model 1858 canteen in
base of Feature 7.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A CIVIL WAR CAMP

MIKELL

TIlE FLORIDA ANTHRoPoLo.Is I 2010 VOL.63(2)

Civil War Era Artifacts and Related Materials

Civil War-related nineteenth century materials were
primarily identified by their association with Civil War era
ammunition and military hardware. The types of ammunition
(carbine and pistol) are typical of what might be expected in
a cavalry or mounted infantry unit encampment. While use
of several of the military artifact types recovered continued
after the end of Civil War in 1865 (e.g., Burnside carbines and
Model 1858 canteens were used through the 1870s, Spencer
carbines through the 1880s, and general service buttons
of the type recovered through 1900), there is no record of
Federal troops being stationed at 8ES1442 after the Federal
occupation ended and Post Barrancas (U.S. Army) was
formally re-established in 1865 (HPA 1986: Pearce 2000).
These military artifacts establish a Civil War context and non-
military nineteenth century materials associated with them
(particularly in features) are regarded as items associated
with the encampment. The nineteenth century, non-military
artifacts are defined here as items that can not specifically
identified as military arms or equipage and include bottles,
ceramics, architectural materials, and the like. The recovered
artifacts are classified and discussed below as either military
or non-military and are further classified according to South's
"functional groups" (South 1977): Activities, Architectural,
Amns, Bone, Clothing, Furniture, Kitchen, Personal, and
Tobacco Groups. In the discussion that follows, the materials
described are from all contexts, both surface and excavated.

Ailitarltv Artiflcts

As would be expected in a temporary camp, numerous
military articles were left behind by the occupants. The military
artifacts are classified primarily within the Arms and Activity
Groups and provide information about the soldiers who left
the materials behind. The identifiable military artifacts are
summarized here with details on the more pertinent types
recovered.
Military Arms Group. The 8ES 1442 Arms Group category
(see Figures 11-13) includes ammunition (bullets and cartridge
casings), percussion caps, gun parts, and gun cleaning or repair
tools. Five types of ammunition were recovered at 8ES1442:
.54 caliber Burnside carbine and .52 caliber Spencer carbine
ammunition, .44 and .36 caliber revolver ammunition, and .44
caliber Lefaucheux revolver ammunition (Figure 11). Burnside
carbine ammunition is the most common type recovered
(n 30), followed by Spencer carbine ammunition (n-9), .44
caliber bullets for Colt Model 1860 or Remington Model 1861
"Army" revolvers (n=6), Lefaucheux revolver bullets (n=5),
and .36 caliber Colt Model 1860 or Remington Model 1861
"Navy" revolver bullets (n=2). These types of ammunition are
associated with weapons commonly carried by cavalry units
and the presence of Spencer carbine and Lefaucheux revolvers
is indicative of Federal cavalry personnel (Coates and Thomas
1990; Pritchard _,o., Todd 1974). Johnston and Dow Patent
(n=4) and Colt Arms Company (n=2) bullets designed for
Colt and Remington revolvers were among the .36 and .44

Figure 11. Selected ammunition recovered from 8ES1442.
Top row (L-R): .36 caliber Colt/Remington (1), .44 caliber
Colt/Remington (2), and .44 Lefaucheux revolver bullets;
bottom row (L-R): .54 caliber Burnside carbine (3) and .52
caliber Spencer carbine (2) bullets; bottom left: Burnside
carbine bullet casing.

., %!.

. . ;,

Figure 12. Burnside carbine side plate
Test Unit 4, level 2.

recovered from

Figure 13. Selected percussion caps (top row) and brass
carbine cleaning brush head recovered from Test Units 1
and 4.

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

2010 VOL. 63(2)

Mi K ELL ARCHAEOI OGIC Al SIGNATURE OF A Civii. WAR CAMP

caliber ammunition specimens recovered. Both Johnston and
Dow and Colt Arms Company had contacts with the Federal
government to produce arms and ammunition during the Civil
War (Thomas and Coates 1990).
None of the bullets recovered had been fired and had
impacted a solid object, suggesting much of the ammunition
recovered had been lost or discarded in camp or discarded
when the camp was abandoned. One complete unfired Spencer
carbine round was recovered and none of the Spencer carbine
shell casing bases (n=6) showed evidence of being fired. A
total of three unfired Burnside carbine bullets with partial
shell casing attached were recovered. Altered bullets were
also recovered: two Burnside carbine bullets were altered (one
cut to a distal cone shape and one with the distal end filed or
ground flat) and one .44 Colt Arms Company revolver bullet
had apparent human bite marks. Several Burnside carbine shell
casings (n-14) and all but one of the percussion caps (n= 16)
were expended, however, indicating that the firing of weapons
did occur in the camp. Identifiable gun parts recovered
include a Burnside carbine side plate (Figure 12) and trigger
mechanism parts, and a brass carbine cleaning brush head
(Figure 13). One distal bayonet fragment was also recovered
and is classified as a Military/Arms Group item, though it may
have been a personal item and not government issue.
Military Activities and Clothing Groups. Other military
articles recovered are generally classified as Activities or
Clothing Group artifacts (Figures 14-16). A variety of military

artifacts recovered from 8ES1442 are included in the Activities
Group, including brass cartridge box or holster finials (n=2),
brass leather equipment (saddle and accoutrement) rivets
(n 11), brass tent grommets (n=9), brass or copper hardware
such as nails, tacks, and wood screws (n=18) likely from
ammunition boxes and weapons, iron equipment buckles
(n-10), Federal Model 1858 canteens (n=2), and one iron
horseshoe. Clothing Group artifacts consist of brass military
uniform buttons (n=11). Each of the brass uniform buttons
recovered is a Federal General Staff or General Service
button. With the exception of one coat button, the specimens
recovered are either smaller sleeve or vest buttons. Four of
the buttons recovered have "Scovill Mfg Co Waterbury" or
"Scovill Extra" backstamps indicating a manufacture date
between 1850 and 1900 (McGuinn and Bazelon 2001). The
saddle and leather accoutrement rivets are small (6 to 8 mm
diameter, 8 to 10 mm length) and brass rivets of this size were
commonly used on saddles, sword belts, and other leather
equipment where riveting was regarded as superior to stitching
and corrosion was a concern (Todd 1974:236-239). Four rivet
specimens recovered retained leather fragments. Although
grommets have varied uses, brass grommets were common to
Federal issue tents because they would not rust and damage
the canvas facing (Todd 1974). The majority of the iron
equipment buckles appear to be knapsack or equipment strap
buckles. Both Federal Model 1858 canteens are made of tin
(corroded) with a pewter mouth piece (cork closure), which

Figure 14. Selected buttons and buckles recovered from Figure 15. Selected equipage recovered from 8ES1442.
8ES1442. Top row (L-R): Federal General Service uniform Top row (L-R): brass cartridge box or holster finial, brass
coat (L) and sleeve or vest buttons (3); middle row: 4-hole or copper rivets (3); middle row: brass tent grommets (2);
iron buttons; bottom row: iron equipment buckles, bottom rows: brass or copper hardware.

MIKELL

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A CIVil, WAR CAMP

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

Figure 16. Federal Model 1858 canteen recovered from
Test Unit 1, Feature 3.

has not corroded. The canteen recovered from Feature 3 was
dented and partially split, perhaps prior to discard.

Non-Militariy (Domestic) Artifacts

Artifacts in the groups included in this category are
generally domestic artifacts that date to the mid-nineteenth
century and appear to have been associated with daily domestic
processes that took place in the camp. All recovered artifacts
that could be dated to the late nineteenth century have been
excluded from this category. While there were later materials
introduced into the non-feature proveniences excavated and
collected, it should be noted that relatively few were identified
unless in disturbed contexts such as Test Units 2, 3, and 5.
A range of activities could have resulted in the non-military
domestic artifact assemblage, but primary among them were
subsistence (Kitchen and Bone Groups), non-architectural
housing items (Furniture Group), personal hygiene and
grooming activities (Personal Group), both military and
non-military clothing related items (Clothing Group), and
recreation or relaxation activities (Activities and Tobacco
Groups). Artifacts within each of these groups are discussed
here.
Non-Military Activities Group. Non-military items in the
Activities Group, which were associated with the military
activities and materials in the camp, were also recovered. The
non-military artifacts included in the Activities Group that
are most likely associated with the Federal camp include an
iron barrel hoop, iron strap fragments (n=7), and a molded
octagon-based soda-lime ink well bottle with an open

Figure 17. Soda-lime glass "umbrella" ink bottle recovered
from Test Unit 1, Feature 1. Note octagon-shaped base.

pontil scar on its base (Figure 17). The ink well bottle type,
commonly known as an "umbrella ink bottle," is similar to
examples recovered from other Union camps (Lord 1975:16)
and in a refuse pit associated with the 1834 Pensacola Naval
Hospital located nearby (Mikell et al. 2005a). Umbrella ink
bottles were manufactured between 1830 and 1900, but were
most common between 1850 and 1880 (SHA 2009).
Non-Military Architectural Group. Living quarters for the
troops in camp was a major concern that was often addressed
with military supplies and local materials and this is reflected
by much of the Architectural Group material recovered from
8ES1442. Tents were the main source of camp housing and
there is evidence at 8ES1442 that rather elaborate tent quarters,
such as those depicted in Figure 18 (from Pritchard 2003:101),
were erected on the site using boards and nails to build walls
and flooring, wooden doors with glass windows, and brick and
barrels for chimneys. In long-term Civil War camps, a variety
of structures were erected utilizing materials that reflected the
ingenuity of the soldiers and the materials available.
In the case of 8ES1442, Federal soldiers could have
easily obtained brick, wood boards and doors (with windows),
nails, and other building materials from the nearby town of
Warrington to improve their living conditions. Warrington had
been damaged in the 1862 artillery bombardment of the Navy
Yard and Fort Barrancas and was largely abandoned during the
Federal occupation (Pearce 2000). There is no documentary
evidence of other nineteenth century structures in the 8ES 1442

2010 VOL. 63(2)

iihL+++

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A CIVIL WAR CAMP

Figure 18. Photograph of a "Camp near Pensacola." From Civil War Weapons and Equipment by Russ A. Pritchard, Jr.
(2003: 101), courtesy of Lyons Press.

site area. Although 8ES1442 is in the vicinity of the historic
town of Warrington, a close look at the 1860s Jacob Weiss
map (Figure I) indicates that there were no structures or
homesteads deemed substantial enough to be mapped in the
area immediately prior to outbreak of the war. As an apparent
result of quarters improvement activity in the camp, hundreds
of whole hand-made bricks and brick fragments, which could
have easily been scavenged from damaged and abandoned
houses in Warrington, were left on the site, as documented
in Test Units I and 4. Also in Test Units 1 and 4, numerous
machine-cut iron nails and nail fragments (n=142) and
clear and soda-lime window glass fragments (n-210) were
recovered, which are common nineteenth century architectural
materials. Other Architectural Group artifacts associated with
Civil War contexts in Test Units 1 and 4 include a wrought
iron door hook or crane eye, a door hinge fragment, and wood
board fragments (n=45).
Non-Military Arms Group. The domestic Arms Group
includes only one artifact, a decorative powder flask cover,
which depicts a hunting scene (Figure 19). This civilian
artifact was recovered from a Civil War era context (Feature 5),
however. Although the flask cover is clearly not government
issue, it appears to have been associated with one of the
soldiers residing at 8ES1442.
Kitchen and Bone Groups (Non-Militari). Artifacts in
these groups includes ceramic vessel fragments, bottle and
container glass for food and drink, tableware, kitchenware and
food remains, including both faunal and botanical remains.
Ceramics were apparently in short supply at 8ES1442 as
less than 50 pearlware, whiteware, and porcelain sherds
were recovered from within the site boundaries. It should be
noted, however, that many of the pearlware (n= 10), whiteware
(n=15), stoneware (n=7), and all of the porcelain sherds (n=8)
were recovered from surface or disturbed contexts in Test SA

Figure 19. Decorative powder flask cover recovered from
Test Unit 4, Feature 5.

3 and Unit 2. Kitchen Group ceramics recovered in direct
Civil War contexts include only six pearlware sherds and
three whiteware sherds. It is quite likely that ceramic wares
were also procured from abandoned homes in Warrington
and the Navy Yard. The presence of pearlware, well after its
terminal date for manufacture (about 1820), in a military camp
may be accounted for in this way since it is unlikely that the
Federal government supplied troops with "old pottery", if they
supplied pottery at all.
Glass Kitchen Group artifacts consist primarily of bottle
fragments, which are likely the remains of liquor, wine, and
food bottles. A variety of bottle glass types were recovered
including dark olive green (n=130), medium and light olive
green (n=19), amber (n=73), soda-lime (n=51), aquamarine
(n=9), and clear (n=123) glass bottle and container fragments.

MIKELL

THE LORDA ATHRPOLOIST2010 VOL. 63(2)

While much of the clear glass could be temporally associated
with Civil War camp activities, only that recovered in Test
Units 1 and 4 (n=51) is considered to be directly associated.
An aquamarine, two-piece post bottom mold pickle bottle orjar
was the only complete glass food container recovered (Feature
1). Other identifiable bottle fragments with morphological
attributes associated with the mid-nineteenth century are dark
olive green three-piece dip molded bottle bases (n=2) and a
dark olive green applied-tooled (mineral or oil) finish bottle
neck fragment.
Furniture Group (Non-Military). Only a few artifacts are
included in the Furniture Group. Among these are a large iron
stove door fragment decorated with interlocking "fleur de lis"
designs (Feature 2), the non-ferrous sheet metal stove pipe and
iron stove pipe strap found in Test Unit 4, and brass tacks (n=3).
While there was likely furniture such as cots, chairs, tables,
and benches in camp, no furniture hinges, knobs, and handles
were recovered archaeologically. In addition to government
issued camp furniture, such as cots and tables, furniture items
in camp such as a cast iron stove, could have been acquired
locally and either abandoned or transported elsewhere at the
end of the camp occupation.
Non-Military Clothing Group. Apparent mid-nineteenth
century Clothing Group artifacts, exclusive of military uniform
buttons, include only a small number of specimens. Included
are iron or other ferrous metal 4-hole buttons (n=6) and one
bone 4-hole button, as well as a brass clothing or shoe/boot
rivet. Other Clothing Group items include artifacts, such as
molded and decorated (n=3) and plain white (n=4) glass four-
hole buttons and brass button snaps (n-2), that may or may not
be associated with mid-nineteenth century contexts since these
items were manufactured into the twentieth century.
Personal and Tobacco Groups. The Tobacco group
includes smoking pipe fragments, which were likely personal
items rather than communal. Clay tobacco pipe fragments
recovered include molded (n=3) and plain (n=5) bowl
fragments and stem fragments (n=3). Five of the clay pipe
fragments, representing at least two distinct pipes, were
recovered from Feature 5, but none of the bowl fragments was
large enough to allow for identification as to the manufacturer.
The Personal Group artifacts include a ferrous metal straight-
razor blade fragment (Test Unit 4) and fragments of a brass
pocket watch case (Test Unit 3). Although the pocket watch
fragments were recovered from a disturbed context, one
fragment is stamped with the letters "WAL..." which may be a
Waltham Watch Company maker's mark. The Waltham Watch
Company began production of packet watches in the 1850s
(Costa 2004); if this was a Waltham watch, it could have been
associated with the Civil War encampment.

Historic Documentation Related to
the 8ES1442 Materials

The importance of the types of ammunition recovered
at 8ES1442 can not be overstated. The ammunition, which
is all either carbine or revolver ammunition, is indicative
of weapons and ammunition used primarily by the Federal
cavalry or mounted infantry during the Civil War. Five types

of weapons were identified at 8ES1442: .54 Burnside and
.52 caliber Spencer carbines, .44 and .36 Colt Model 1860 or
Remington Model 1861 revolvers, and .44 caliber Lefaucheux
revolvers. Burnside carbines were manufactured beginning
in 1861, with more than 50,000 issued to the Union cavalry,
although captured Burnsides were also widely used by the
Confederate cavalry (Coates and Thomas 1990:38). Spencer
carbines were not issued until late 1863, but proved to be
the most widely issued shoulder arm of the War, with over
95,000 issued to the U.S. cavalry. Although occasionally
captured and used by Confederate forces, the unique Spencer
rim-fire cartridge proved to be too expensive and difficult for
Confederate manufacturing facilities to produce (Coates and
Thomas 1990:48). It is well documented that a few Confederate
officers (General "Stonewall" Jackson, for example) carried
Lefaucheux revolvers, but very few, if any, were purchased by
the Confederacy. Nearly 12,000 were issued to Union troops,
mainly to those serving in the western theater (Coates and
Thomas 1990:59), which included Pensacola and the West
Florida District (Pearce 2000). Colt and Remington .44 caliber
"Army" and .36 caliber "Navy" revolvers were widely issued
to Federal infantry, artillery, cavalry officers, and enlisted
personnel.
Five Federal cavalry units are on record as being stationed
at "Barrancas" and the Pensacola Navy Yard, which was also
referred to as the Warrington Navy Yard during the Civil War
era (Pearce 2000; Haines 1993:98). These units include the
1st Florida Cavalry (December 1863-November 1865), the 1st
Louisiana Cavalry (February and March 1865), the 2nd Maine
Cavalry (August 1864-December 1865), the 2nd New York
Veteran Cavalry (February and March 1865) and Company
M of the 14th New York Cavalry (September 1863-February
1865). The term "Barrancas" is a general term for the location
of both Fort Barrancas and Post Barrancas. Post Barrancas
included the Barrancas Barracks, which inexplicably was not
burned which was the case of the other larger facilities in
the area during the 1862 Confederate evacuation, and Union
forces occupied the barracks facility thereafter (U.S. Naval
War Records Office 1904:479). The 2nd Maine Cavalry was
stationed at "Fort Barrancas" (Whitman and True 1865:566)
and correspondence indicates that Company M of the 14th
New York was stationed at "Camp Asboth, Barrancas" (U.S.
War Department 1891:386-387, 1893). There are no readily
available records for placing the locations of camps for the
other cavalry units (1st Florida and 1st Louisiana) other than
the general location of Fort Barrancas and/or Post Barrancas.
Company M, 14th New York and 1st Florida were encamped,
concurrently for the most part, in the project area for the
longest periods.
Although records summaries are not comprehensive, the
2nd and 14th New York units were issued both .54 caliber
Burnside carbines and .44 caliber "Army" Colt revolvers
(Bilby 1996; Coates and Thomas 1990:93-95; Edwards 1962).
Of the cavalry units present in the Pensacola area, only the
2nd New York was issued the Spencer carbine, but they were
only present in the area for two months. Archaeologically
recovered ammunition implies that either or both of the
New York units are the most likely occupants of 8ES1442;

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

0 102 Vot. 63(2)

Mi KELL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A CI~ IL WAR CAMP

however, because no weapons issue records were located for
the 2nd Maine and the 1st Florida, this interpretation remains
a working hypothesis. The presence of brick, nails, window
glass, and other architectural materials in both general refuse
deposits and refuse pit features indicates that substantial
effort went into the establishment of the quarters in the camp.
The construction of brick and wood boarded facades likely
indicates that the camp was semi-permanent and occupied
over a somewhat lengthy period. Figure 18 (from Pritchard
2003:101) depicts such an encampment. The photograph,
which could be of the camp that once occupied site 8ES1442,
is identified only as "Union camp near Pensacola, Florida"
(Lynch, personal communication 2004). The photograph
(Figure 18) depicts two "tents" with a wooden board facing
and doors with windows, and a brick chimney with a barrel for
a hood. Such structures could easily result in brick and mortar,
wood board fragments, nails, window glass, tent grommets,
and barrel hoops included among their remains.
Records indicate that the 14th Regiment Cavalry, New
York, Company M was assigned to the Department of the
Gulf in September 1863 and was detached to "Fort Barrancas,
District of West Florida" between September 1863 and
February 1865 (civilwararchives.com 2004: New York State
Military Museum and Veterans Research Center 2004: U.S.
War Department 1891:277 and 386-387, 1896:260). These
records indicate that Company M, which included two to three
officers and 70 to 80 enlisted men, was stationed at "Camp
Asboth, Barrancas" for 18 months a period that included two
winters. Similarly, the 1st Florida Cavalry, which was formed
in Pensacola, was stationed at "Barrancas" over a period
of 23 months (U.S. War Department 1891:277, 1896:260)
that also included two winters. In response to cold winter
weather, quarters such as those depicted in Figure 18 could
have been constructed with materials from the nearby town of
Warrington, which was largely abandoned and in ruin during
the Civil War (Pearce 2000).
An excerpt from Phisterer (1912) indicates that "...the
2nd Maine cavalry, upon return to their camp at Barrancas,
was relieved by the detachment [Company M] of the 14th
New York cavalry from their station [camp] at Warrington ..."
An excerpt from the diary of Private E. B. Root, Company H
of the 2nd New York Cavalry (Merklee 1997) also implies that
the camp was regarded as being closer to Warrington than Fort
Barrancas. Private Root wrote:

February 19th, 1865, we picked up and embarked
for New Orleans. We anchored the night of the 20th
and 21st in Speton. March 1st, left New Orleans for
Lake Ponchatrain, stayed in a big white house until the
sixth, we then embarked for Pennsacola, Alabama [?].
On the 7th, past Fort Poisel, Fort Gaines, Fort
Morgan in Mobile Bay.
We run into Navy Cove, Mobile Point. Stayed
until the 11th. We then embarked on the steam boat
Alabama.
Disembarked at night at 6 o'clock. There we
found three forts: Fort Pickens, Fort Barrancant, Fort
Morea.

March 9th, 1865, left Warrentown for Pennsacola,
the distance of eight miles.

The Phisterer excerpt and Private Root's comments of March
9, 1865 indicate that the camp, probably Camp Asboth, was
near the town of Warrington, rather that Fort Barrancas, Post
Barrancas, or the Old Navy Hospital ground where the infantry
was encamped (Pearce 2000:187-188).

Discussion

To this last point there is no conclusive proof, but the
combined archaeological and historical evidence suggests
that site 8ES1442 may have been the camp of Company M
of the 14th New York Cavalry and, temporarily, the 2nd New
York "Veteran" Cavalry. If this is the case, site 8ES1442 is the
remains of "Camp Asboth." Alternatively, 8ES1442 may also
represent the remains of the 1st Florida Cavalry camp. The
apparent "permanency" of the camp housing (tents) where
bricks, boards, barrels, windows, and stoves were utilized
indicates winter occupation(s) and that Company M, 14th
New York and 1st Florida were more likely to have resided
there, since each spent two winters encamped at "Barrancas".
The refuse pits in Test Unit 1 appear to have formed as a result
of the dismantling of quarters and the refuse disposal features
in Test Unit 4 were dug into existing midden, which indicates
they were also likely associated with the abandonment of
the camp. The midden deposit and refuse pits in Test Unit 4
could represent a dump area, possibly located between tents,
or a refuse heap that accumulated prior to the process of camp
abandonment.
Although it would have been preferable to have recovered
artifacts or found camp location maps and documentation
that would have clearly indicated what can only here be
deduced, 8ES1442 provides evidence of life in the camp of
the Federal cavalry while in Pensacola during the Civil War.
The site represents a camp where men sought to reconstruct
the comforts of home to the extent possible while stationed
in northwest Florida. The materials recovered reflect both the
daily activities that took place and the processes related to
dismantling and abandoning the camp. The evidence derived
from the investigation of 8ES1442 provides an excellent
example of the archaeological signature associated with a
Federal cavalry camp from the Civil war period.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the U.S Navy for their support of this
project, especially Len Winter at CIV NAVFAC SE, JAXS for
his review. I would also like to acknowledge Hardy, Heck, and
Moore, Inc. for their support. I would also like to thank the
University of South Florida's Florida Center for Instructional
Technology for use of the base map in Figure 1 and Lyons
Press for permission use the cavalry camp photograph used
in Figure 18. Last, but not least, I would like to thank the
reviewers and the editors of The Florida Anthropologist for
their efforts in getting this paper into print.

MIKELL

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SIGNATURE OF A CIVIL WAR CAMP

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

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MIKELL

98 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2010 VOL. 63(2)

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FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
2010 AWARD RECIPIENTS

Editors' Note: This year, there was no nomination for the Ripley Bullen Aw

Anne Reynolds and FAS President Bob Austin.

WILLIAM C. LAZARUS AWARD

Anne Reynolds was honored with the William C. Lazarus
Memorial Award at the FAS 62nd Annual Meeting in Fort
Myers. She was nominated by Joanne Talley, FAS Treasurer.
Anne has made significant contributions to historic
preservation in the State of Florida. She has reported sites and
encouraged their recordation. She played an important role
in Scott Mitchell's inventory of 130 archaeological sites in
Highlands County in 1995 (52 of which were newly recorded).
She has published new information, such as an article about a
ceramic effigy head in The Florida Anthropologist in 2003.
In community education, Anne has contributed in many
ways. She helped establish an FAS chapter, the Kissimmee
Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy (KVAHC),
in 1992. She has been a speaker to many organizations about
archaeology. Anne has mentored students and involved
them in field and laboratory activities, including students
from Walker Memorial Junior Academy, in Avon Park, and
Rollins College, in Winter Park. Anne has worked tirelessly
to protect sites, even acquiring the Blueberry site and funding
its investigation. She also funded an educational poster
illustrated by Scott Mitchell, titled "Prehistoric Technology of
the Florida Indians."
Anne has provided leadership, inspiration, and guidance
to many citizens interested in archaeology, anthropology, and
historic preservation in Florida. She is serving her third term
on the Board of Trustees of South Florida Community College
(SFCC), and she helped establish the Museum of Florida Art
and Culture at SFCC. Anne has been active in FAS for many

ard and an Arthur Lee FAS Chapter Award was not presented.
years. She has served as an FAS Director and was instrumental
in hosting the FAS 59th Annual Meeting in Sebring in 2007.
Anne has fostered cooperation among all archaeologists,
professional and avocational. She has worked closely
with professional archaeologists, such as David Butler,
Scott Mitchell, and Robert Austin, and with avocational
archaeologists, such as Chuck and Jane Wilde, Gordon Davis,
and many more.
Finally, Anne has contributed to improving the image of
archaeology in Florida. She is vice chairman of the Highlands
County Historic Preservation Commission. Anne also serves
as a Director for the Trail of Florida's Indian Heritage.
FAS President Robert Austin presented Anne with a
plaque that reads:
"The Florida Anthropological Society William
C. Lazarus Award presented to Anne Reynolds for
outstanding efforts to protect and to study the Blueberry
site, to educate people of all ages about archaeology,
and for her support of KVAHC and preservation in
Highlands County, May 8, 2010."

Ryan Wheeler and FAS President Bob Austin.

FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
BOARD OF DIRECTORS AWARD

The FAS Board, at a regular meeting on November
14, 2009, voted to recognize Ryan Wheeler for a decade of
outstanding work with the Miami Circle.
Ryan's efforts go beyond his job as State Archaeologist
and Chief of the Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research,
in Tallahassee.

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Through Ryan's dedication, he has done much to
spearhead progress at the Miami Circle. He began with a
research design and excavations in the fall of 1999, followed
by his report of findings in July 2000.
In 2001, Ryan prepared a nomination of the Miami Circle
to the National Register of Historic Places, and he successfully
defended its listing in early 2002.
Meanwhile, Ryan served as a consultant for a permanent
exhibition on the prehistory of southern Florida and the Miami
Circle, which opened at the Historical Museum of Southern
Florida in Miami in September 2002.
In 2004, Ryan began work to nominate the Miami Circle
as a National Historic Landmark, which was ultimately
recognized by the U.S. Secretary of the Interior in early 2009.
Ryan has written outstanding scientific articles about the
Miami Circle's bone and shell artifacts, about its holes cut into
limestone, and about its pumice artifacts and their sources.
He has encouraged scholars to do other scientific studies, and
he edited and assembled them in three special issues of The
Florida Anthropologist in 2000, 2004, and 2006.
Ryan has worked to develop the Miami Circle as a passive
park by securing grant funds, working to maintain the property
and its seawall, writing management plans, and working with
bureaucrats, elected officials, Native Americans, engineers,
landscape architects, artists, a citizen planning group, and
fellow archaeologists.
On August 14, 2009, the Historical Museum of Southern
Florida and the Florida Department of State held a ground
breaking ceremony for the new Miami Circle Park. Speakers
included the Florida Secretary of State and the mayor and
commissioners from the City of Miami.
At the FAS 62nd Annual Meeting in Fort Myers, FAS
President Robert Austin presented Ryan with a plaque that
reads:
"The Florida Anthropological Society Board
of Directors honors Ryan J. Wheeler for work with
the Miami Circle, including scientific publications,
a major museum exhibition, listing on the National
Register, designation as a National Historic
Landmark, and development as a park, May 8, 2010."

Pat Balanzategui accepts the award for Bill Lucas from
FAS President Bob Austin.

FAS CERTIFICATE OF ACHIEVEMENT

Individual FAS chapters honor members for outstanding
service. This year, FAS President Robert Austin presented a
single certificate.

Emerald Coast Archaeological Society (ECAS)

BILL LUCAS

Bill is a charter member of ECAS. He has worked
tirelessly as Secretary of our chapter, and he has served as
our Newsletter Editor. Bill's dedication has been essential to
the success of ECAS during the last eight years. We also are
proud that Bill has served as a Director on the FAS Board.
Bill has organized and led demonstration digs during
several Florida Archaeology Months, and these have helped
to educate our community about archaeology. Bill's other
outreach efforts have included work at several local museums
as well as presentations to local organizations and libraries.
ECAS would like to thank Bill for generously giving his
time, talent, and resources. He has helped to educate the public
about archaeology and its role in studying and preserving our
past in the Florida panhandle.

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

2010 VOL. 63(2)

ABSTRACTS OF THE

FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
2010 MEETING

Vera Cruz and Santa Cruz: The Search for Two Mocama
Indian Villages
KEITH ASHLEY AND ROBERT THUNEN (UNIVERSITY OF NORTH
FLORIDA)

In 2009 the University of North Florida tested two
archeological sites within the Timucuan Ecological and
Historic Preserve. First, we searched for the location of
the indigenous Mocama village and mission visit of Vera
Cruz (ca. 1587-1630) at the Cedar Point West site. Next, we
moved to the Cedar Point site and continued excavations
at the relocated Mocama mission of Santa Cruz v San
Buenaventura de Guadalquini (ca. 1684-1696). This paper
presents background information on the two villages and
discusses the results of our summer field school.

Tribal Archaeology: Introducing the Fort Shackelford
Location Project
BACKIIOUSE, PAUL N. (SEMINOLE TRIBE 01 FLORIDA TRIBAL
HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE) AND ANNETTE SNAPP (FLORIDA
GULF COAST UNIVERSITY)

A program of research for investigation of Fort Shackelford,
a Third Seminole War War Fort, suspected to be located
on what is today the Seminole Indian Big Cypress
Reservation is reported. The development of this unique
interdisciplinary project is examined with reference to its
relevance for building new, and we believe vital, linkages
between archaeologists, Native American communities,
and students. The pedagogic results of the project are
qualitatively examined and it is argued such programs,
while being difficult to initiate, can be extremely rewarding
experiences for all the participants.

A Predictive Modeling Using Time-Specific Criteria at
Avon Park Air Force Range, Florida
BEASLEY, VIRGIL ROY III (GEO-MARINE, INC., RETIRED) AND
KATHY COUTURIER (AVON PARK AIR FORCE RANGE)

There is a long history of using predictive models as
management tools at military installations. At Avon Park
Air Force Range in Florida's Kissimmee Valley, such
models have been designed and tested for nearly two
decades. In that time, it has become clear that there are
serious flaws with the extant approach. Most glaring is
the treatment of the environment as a static phenomenon;

modern conditions are the datum for all reconstruction. We
are developing an alternative which uses a Multi Criteria
Evaluation methodology combined with the acquisition
of multiple paleo-environmental proxies to create time-
specific probability models as landscape management tools.

An Archaeological Overview of the Ten Thousand Islands
BERIAULT, JOIN G. AND ROBERT S. CARR (ARCHAEOLOGICAL
AND HISTORICAL CONSERVANCY, INC.)

Recent archaeological surveys and excavations conducted
across the Ten Thousand Islands have yielded important
data on shell mound complexes in regard to site complexity
and infrasite variability. This paper features site maps,
aerial photographs, and the results of ground truthing. It
also compares ceramic type variability across the area with
other parts of South Florida. This data indicates that the
Ten Thousand Islands area represents a distinctive cultural
assemblage in South Florida.

Birdman, Birdwoman: Queering Archeology at Lake
Jackson
BLOCH, LEE (NEW COLLEGE OF FLORIDA)

Discussion of Falcon Hero iconography in Mississippian
cultures has been divided by opposed understandings of
the deity's gender. Many archeologists argue (or sometimes
assume) that the Falcon Heroes uniformly represent a
male deity. However, feminist scholars point out that
some Falcon Heroes appear to have breasts, suggesting
that these represent "Birdwomen." Yet this division
reflects assumptions about the binary nature of gender and
confusion of gender with sex. The ambiguous Falcon Heroes
may actually represent a third-gender, or "two-spirit"
tradition. This paper focuses on the "Dancing Birdman"
breastplate found in the Lake Jackson site, contextualizing
the historical production of two-spirit subjectivities within
gendered political structures.

Recognizing, Analyzing and Applying Post Molds Toward
Archaeological Investigations
BUTLER, DAVID (FULL SAIL UNIVERSITY) AND JESSICA BUTLER

This paper will present evidence from the Blueberry Site
(8HG678) detailing the identification and analysis of

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post molds. This paper will explore the archaeological
investigation of this significant category of archaeological
features.

Tension and Resolution: Cultural Geography at the
Time of the Third Seminole War
CANCEL, JUAN AND LANIE SWANSON (SEMINOLE TRIBE OF
FLORIDA TRIBAL HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE)

The application of Historical GIS is discussed for its
relevance to the analysis and interpretation of the cultural
geography of South Florida during the mid-nineteenth
century. The development of a comprehensive GIS for the
investigation of the suspected Fort Shackelford site preceded
the development of a suite of non-invasive remote-sensing
archaeometric techniques which were deployed to try to
ascertain the location of the fort's footprint. The application
of Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR), metal detecting, and
subsequent analysis of the data strongly suggested the
location of the former fort was in the vicinity of a concrete
marker set during the 1940s.

Sinking Slowly: Results of the 2009 Field School at Fort
Shackelford
ECIIEVERRY, DAVID, HOPE HAWKINS, AND JULIE LABAIL
(SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA TRIBAL HISTORIC PRESERVATION
OFFICE)

Commencing a field campaign in the early part of the
wet season, on the edge of the Everglades, is not a task
for the faint hearted. Results of the 2009 field season at
the suspected Fort Shackelford site are reported. Artifacts
recovered from excavations are consistent with an early
to mid-nineteenth century date and provide details, not
available from historical sources, about the lives of the
military personnel stationed at the fort. A complex history
of post occupation disturbance suggests that this landscape
continues to be important for the welfare of the tribe in
modern times.

Undecorated, Unmolded, and Mismatched: Exploring
Frontier Florida Through 19th Century Ceramics at the
Pine Level Site
FUTCH, JANA J. (UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA)

From 1886 to 1887 Pine Level, Florida was a county
seat, first for Manatee County, and then for newly created
DeSoto County. Gone today, this former town would have
held an important place in the history of Florida. However,
beyond the enumeration of government buildings and
businesses likely to have existed there, little is known
about the people who came to live and work in Pine Level.
This paper will explore the lives of residents through the
whiteware, ironstone, and porcelain ceramics they left

behind, demonstrating that these artifacts have the ability
to contribute of our understanding of frontier Florida.

Test Excavations on the 27-Meter Ledge, Little Salt
Spring, 2008-2009
GIFFOKD, JOHN A. (RSMAS, UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI)

Three lxlm test excavations were completed on the south
side of the 27-Meter Ledge at Little Salt Spring (8Sol0)
in 2008. In 2009 five lxlm squares were laid out on its
north side, mapped, and prepared for future excavation.
The data collected during these two seasons are ambiguous:
they show more evidence for human actively on the Ledge,
but one C-14 date indicates it is of late rather than
early Paleoindian age. Details of the date samples and
stratigraphy will be presented.

St. Augustine Archaeology Camp: Past, Present and
Future
GRAFFT-WEISS, AMBER (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY
NLIWORK, NORTHEAST REGION) AND CATHERINE CULVER (CITY
oi S AUGUSTINE'S DEPARTMENT OF HERITAGE TOURISM)

For the past three years, the City of St. Augustine has
offered an archaeology camp for rising 4th and 5th grade
students. While the camp results from cooperation between
the City's Department of Heritage Tourism and the Florida
Public Archaeology Network, it also depends on support
from the City's Archaeology Program. Each one-week
camp offers hands-on activities and site excavation to
teach kids principles of archaeology. Three years of trial
and error drive adaptation of the program as we strive to
create a more enriching experience. Ultimately, we hope
that campers will leave as students and stewards of our
archaeological resources.

Analysis of Two Middle Archaic Compound Artifacts
from the Lower Basin of Little Salt Spring (8S018),
Sarasota County, Florida
KOSKI, STEVEN H. (UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI), LEE A. NEWSOM
(PENN STATE UNIVERSITY) AND JOHN A. GIFFORD (RSMAS,
UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI)

During 2005 fieldwork on the lower east slope of the basin at
Little Salt Spring, eight 4 x 4 meter units were hand-fanned
to locate wooden stakes known to be embedded in sandy
clay below a thin unconsolidated deposit. Six stakes were
identified, two were recovered, and one was radiocarbon
dated. In the process, numerous artifacts of stone, shell,
bone, and wood were recovered from the unconsolidated
sediment. Two were compound tools: an incised bone "atlatl
handle" and limestone "banner stone," each with drilled
holes containing wooden shafts. This paper describes the
results of the analysis of the dated artifacts and preliminary
interpretations.

2010 VOL. 63(2)

ABSTRACTS OF THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY 2010 MEETING

Bringing Back The Ruby Gill House, A 1920s Pineland
Landmark
MARQUARDT, WILLIAM (FLORIDA MUSEUM OF NATURAL
HISTORY), LINDA STEVENSON (LINDA STEVENSON ARCHITECTS,
INC.), DALE SCHNEIDER (DALE SCHNEIDER, INC.), GLADYS
SCHNEIDER AND KAREN WALKER (FLORIDA MUSEUM OF
NATURAL HISTORY)

The Ruby Gill House was purchased in 2001 by Lee
County and leased to the Randell Research Center for use
as offices, laboratories, and lodging for visiting scholars.
In August 2004, it was severely damaged by Hurricane
Charley. Using funds provided by the Randell Research
Center and Florida Museum of Natural History, private
gifts, and grants for the Lee County Historic Preservation
Board, Tourist Development Council, Arts and Attractions
Fund, and the Southwest Florida Community Foundation,
we have stabilized and rehabilitated the Gill House and
developed a preservation plan for the neighboring Pineland
Post Office.

Going Green 2010 Report: Analyzing High School
Recycling Behavior Through Applied Anthropology
McCLURE, MICHAEL AND BLAKE O'CONNER (HILLSBOROUGH
COUNTY SCHOOL DISTRICT HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT)

After receiving an NEA Foundation Student Achievement
Grant, Freedom High School's archaeology students are
conducting a school wide garbology project to analyze the
cost associated with food and material waste in public high
schools. With current education budget cuts facing Florida
public schools, the project hopes to use archaeological
methods to shed light on ways school districts can save
money by reducing food waste. The most recent results of
the archaeological research will be presented in addition
to the development and implementation of the applied
anthropology recycling program at Freedom High School.

Message in a Bottle: What Historic Bottles Can Tell
us About the African-American Central Avenue
Community in Tampa
McVEY, SHANNON L. AND JULIE H. R. SACCENTE (UNIVERSITY
OF SOUTH FLORIDA)

Perry Harvey Sr. Park in Tampa is the location of the once
vibrant African-American Central Avenue community.
This community, which thrived in the mid-1900s, was a
business hub that included restaurants, shops, offices and
homes. Archaeological investigations by the University of
South Florida in 2003 revealed a dense feature interpreted
as a bottle dump. Subsequent analysis of this feature has
identified thousands of glass shards, including more than
one thousand diagnostic fragments and whole bottles. This
paper highlights the predominance of liquor, soda, and
medicine bottles and discusses the individual and group
identity represented by these common household items.

Three Cemeteries and a Funeral: Preliminary Results of
GPR Testing at the Huguenot, Tolomato, and National
Cemeteries in St. Augustine (and the Basilica to boot!)
MILLER, SARAH E. (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK,
NORTHEAST REGION), AMBER GRAFFT-WEISS (FLORIDA PUBLIC
ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, NORTHEAST REGION) AND RICHARD
ESTABROOK (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, CENTRAL
REGION)

The Northeast FPAN Center conducted small scale surveys
of three cemeteries in downtown St. Augustine. In exchange
for access to Tolomato Cemetery, the Catholic Diocese
requested the Center look for the crypt of beloved Menorcan
figure Father Camps in the Basilica. The project resulted
into new insights on burial practices in St. Augustine, but
more importantly offered access to new audiences, many
of whom volunteered and participated in the culminating
T'Omb it May Concern historic cemetery conference. This
paper will provide the preliminary results of the survey and
discuss the affordances and constraints of using GPR as an
outreach tool.

Florida Curation Survey: The Size and Nature of
Florida's Uncurated Archaeological Collections
MILLER, JAMES AND RYAN WHEELER (FLORIDA BUREAU OF
ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH)

The Florida Curation Survey, conduction by the Bureau of
Archaeological Research, is the first comprehensive analysis
of uncurated collection and records. Previous survey
received limited response and underestimated the scope
of the problem. Contact with 66 archaeologists outside of
government, museum or university programs revealed some
6,000 standard boxes of material and records not in curation
facilities. The long-term lack of uniform curation policies
has resulted in many collections that are unavailable for
future study of display. The paper will discuss the current
backlog, the future projected accumulation, the space and
cost implications, and possible approaches to addressing
curation challenges.

Before We Went to the Moon: Developing a Historic
Context for Kennedy Space Center
NEWMAN, CHRISTINE (ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONSULTANTS, INC.)

In 1961, many families learned that their homes and land on
North Merritt Island in Brevard County would be purchased
by the U.S. Government. Homesteads, established towns,
farms and groves, fish camps, and hunting lodges would
be cleared from the landscape to make room for a new
NASA launch site. An historic context and historic period
archaeological site location predictive model was developed
for Kennedy Space Center by ACI in order to help preserve
many of the sites. The results of this work, as well as testing
in one of the more intriguing areas, the Canaveral Club,
will be discussed.

Tiw FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2010 VOL. 63(2~

Out of the Land of Forgetfulness: Archaeological
Investigations at Bulow Plantation, Florida
O'SULLIVAN, REBECCA (UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA)

Developed in the early 1800s Bulow Plantation, near
Flagler Beach, Florida, is a prime example of the thriving
sugar industry of East Florida prior to the Second Seminole
War. Today, the most visible remnant of the plantation is the
large coquina block sugar mill, but the foundations several
other structures have also been located. Using historical
research and minimally invasive archaeological techniques
such as terrestrial and aerial LiDAR, pedestrian survey, and
remote sensing it is hoped that a clearer view will emerge
of how past relations of power and control were manifested
in the cultural landscape of Bulow Plantation.

What's The Point? Standardizing Middle and Late
Woodland Projectile Point Identification (with an
example from Kolomoki)
PLUCKHAHN, THOMAS J. AND SEAN P. NORMAN (UNIVERSITY OF
SOUTH FLORIDA)

Middle and Late Woodland period projectile point
assemblages of the Gulf Coast and adjacent interior regions
of Florida, Georgia, and Alabama, are comprised of a
variety of point forms: from spikes, to ovates, to expanding
stemmed forms, to large and small triangular. Subtle
gradation between many of these forms, coupled with
regional and state parochialism, have resulted in an excess
of formal types. We use an assemblage of more than 200
projectile points from the Kolomoki site as a foundation
for sorting through these types, offering suggestions for
standardization of type distinctions based primarily on
metric dimensions of hating areas.

Integrating Experimental and Field Archaeobotany:
Preliminary Results of Hickory Thermal Alteration and
the St. Catherines Island Shell Ring
RUHL, DONNA L., MELISSA AYVAZ AND ELIZABETH OLSON
(FLORIDA MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY)

Provisional data on hickory nuts (Carva sp.) recovered from
the St. Catherines Island Archaic Shell Ring is extensive.
This well preserved site stimulated many questions
regarding how thermal alteration studies might aid us in
better interpreting plant husbandry practices, prehistoric
plant use and impacts on the landscape in unique island
communities. Preliminary findings integrating experimental
results with the archaeological data support hypotheses
of processing activities and question optimal foraging
strategies at this site. These archaeobotanical data sets lend
themselves to interpretation beyond subsistence and form

an important comparative data set for similar southeastern
U.S. sites.

Maritime Landscapes of Complexity: Prehistoric Shell
Works of The Ten Thousand Islands, Florida
SCHWADRON, MARGO (NATIONAL PARK SERVICE'S SOUTHEAST
ARCHAEOLOGICAL CENTER-SEAC)

The Ten Thousand Islands (TTI) is a vastly under-surveyed
region containing hundreds of prehistoric shell midden
and mound sites, including elaborate shell works sites.
This paper presents results and interpretations of a multi-
year investigation, focusing on prehistoric shell works
landscapes and changing settlement-patterns in the region
over time, suggesting that the maritime culture of the
TTI constructed purposeful, meaningful landscapes that
reflected changing social organization.

The Lost Cemetery: A Unique View of Oakland's Early
African American Community
SKINNER, JENA (UNIVERSITY OF CENTRAL FLORIDA) AND JASON
WENZEL (VALENCIA COMMUNITY COLLEGE)

Recently rediscovered after over a half century of
abandonment, the Old Oakland African American Cemetery
(80R9567) has provided a unique research opportunity to
learn more about the lives of some of the workers associated
with the railroad and citrus industries in west Orange County
as well as the cultural history of Oakland's early African
American community. The cemetery contains a series of
unique markers that may symbolize vestigial religious
practices. A comparative analysis with the predominately
white Oakland Cemetery (80R8119) provides insight
into the social, economic, health and religious differences
between the town's early Euro American and African
American residents.

THE WADDELLS MILL POND SITE (8JA65), JACKSON
COUNTY, FLORIDA: HIGHLIGHTS OF FORT WALTON PERIOD
CERAMICS
TESAR, LOUIS D. (FLORIDA BUREAU OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL
RESEARCH)

The Waddells Mill Pond Site (8JA65), with Native
American cultural remains dating from early Archaic to
Seminole times, is most noted for its Swift Creek and Fort
Walton components. This presentation is limited to a brief
review of Fort Walton period ceramics. It highlights vessel
forms and the utility of John Scarry's Fort Walton type-
variety system.

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

2010 VOL. 63(2)

ABSTRACTS OF THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY 2010 MEETING 105

An Unusual Burial Site in St. Johns County
WENTZ, RACHEL K. (FLORIDA PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY
NETWORK, EAST CENTRAL REGION) AND ROBIN MOORE (ST.
JOHNS COUNTY)

During a survey of an undeveloped oak hammock along
the Matanzas River in St. Johns County, archaeologists
recorded a large prehistoric site extending approximately
16 acres. The site is multi-component, ranging in dates from
the Early Archaic period to the proto-historic. The dominant
ceramic type is St. John's Check stamped indicating a
major occupation during the Mississippian period when
the Timucuan lived in villages adjacent to marine resources
in Northeast Florida. The dominant geographic feature
is a central knoll which contained the heaviest artifact
concentrations and secondary burials. The unusual nature
of the burials, which contained multiple individuals of
varying age, is the focus of this investigation.

Guarding the Guardian: Preservation and Public
Archaeology at Dry Tortugas National Park
WILLIAMS, MICHELE, CRISTAL LYNN GEIGER (FLORIDA PUBLIC
ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, SOUTHEAST REGION) AND MELISSA
MEMORY (EVERGLADES AND DRY TORTUGAS NATIONAL PARKS)

Dry Tortugas National Park is located 70 miles west of Key
West, and it is home to Ft. Jefferson which is the largest
masonry structure in the western hemisphere. Preservation
efforts in the Park have focused on the architectural,
terrestrial, and submerged cultural resources. In 2009 and
2010, National Park Service, Florida Public Archaeology
Network, and Florida Anthropological Society cooperated
on Florida Archaeology Month activities to bring public
archaeology to Garden Key. Our paper provides a brief
history of cultural resource management at Dry Tortugas
National Park and discusses the 2009 and 2010 public
archaeology events at the Park.

Archaeological Investigations into Domestic and
Institutional Space in Historic Oakland
WENZEL, JASON (VALENCIA COMMUNITY COLLEGE)

This paper will present an update on recent archaeological
investigations in Oakland, a town 10 miles west of Orlando
in Orange County. Artifact analysis from the Chambless-
Hull House (80R9836) provides insight into how ethnicity,
class and time may have shaped consumer choices towards
self-medication, foodways and other aspects of culture.
Preliminary investigations at the Territo House-Oakland
Hotel (80R9973) provide insight into aspects of the area's
early tourism industry and its interaction with Lake Apopka.

Further, a discussion of how the Oakland Archaeology
Project is supporting the cultural history and environmental
education programs of the Oakland Nature Preserve will be
presented.

Local Governments in Reach: Discussing Preservation
(Panel)
Moderators:
JEFF MOATES AND ZAIDA E. DARLEY (FLORIDA PUBLIC
ARCHAEOLOGY NETWORK, WEST CENTRAL REGION)

Panelists:

MARION ALMY (ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONSULTANTS, INC.),
MYLES BLAND (BLAND AND ASSOCIATES, INC.), MATTHEW
DEFELICE (COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY & HISTORY RESEARCH,
INC.), ROBIN MOORE (HISTORIC RESOURCES MANAGER, ST.
JOHNS COUNTY), JODI PRACHT (CONSULTING ARCHAEOLOGIST
FOR SARASOTA COUNTY), JEFF RANSOM (MIAMI-DADE
COUNTY ARCHAEOLOGIST), DR. CLIFFORD SMITH (HISTORIC
PRESERVATION, CITY OF SARASOTA) AND MICHAEL R. WOOD
(AICP, PLANNING CONSULTANT)

Florida has witnessed years of rapid growth, which has
increasingly threatened cultural resources. Oftentimes, focus
at a local level is critical to safeguard resource preservation.
Local governments have the power to implement measures
that help protect historic and archaeological resources.
Yet, gaps in protection and preservation plans are apparent
throughout the state. This forum will provide a variety of
perspectives from professionals working for or within local
government to discuss policies that are now in place, and
offer ideas to close some of the gaps to better protect our
buried past from disappearing forever. This panel discussion
is sponsored by FPAN and FAC.

Chapters of the Florida Anthropological Society

10 5

1. Ancient Ones Archaeological Society of North Central Florida
2902 NW 104th Court, Unit A, Gainesville, FL 32606

2. Archaeological Society of Southern Florida 15
2495 N.W. 35th Ave., Miami, FL 33142

3. Central Florida Anthropological Society
P.O. Box 947544, Maitland, FL 32794

4. Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 1563, Pinellas Park, FL 33780 '

5. Emerald Coast Archaeological Society
c/o Indian Temple Mound Museum 4
139 Miracle Strip Pkwy SE. Fort Walton Beach, 32548

6. Gold Coast Anthropological Society
PO Box 11052, Fort Lauderdale, FL 33339 8

7. Indian River Anthropological Society 14
3705 S. Tropical Trail, Merritt Island, FL 32952 1

8. Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy
195 Huntley Oaks Blvd., Lake Placid, FL 33852 16

9. Panhandle Archaeological Society at Tallahassee
P.O. Box 20026, Tallahassee, FL 32316

10. Pensacola Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 13251, Pensacola, FL 32591 13

11. St. Augustine Archaeological Association
P.O. Box 1301, St. Augustine, FL 32085

12. Southeast Florida Archaeological Society
P.O Box 2875, Stuart, FL 34995

13. Southwest Florida Archaeological Society '.
P.O. Box 9965, Naples, FL 34101 0 ,

14. Time Sifters Archaeology Society
P.O. Box 25642, Sarasota, FL 34277

15. Volusia Anthropological Society
P.O. Box 1881, Ormond Beach, FL 32175

16. Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 7797, North Port, FL 34287

OBITUARY

JOHN HENRY HANN
1926-2009

John H. Hann. Courtesy of Bonnie McEwen and the Florida Bureau of
Archaeological Research. Photo editing by Roy Lett.

John H. Hann passed away on Saturday, November 7,
at Tallahassee Memorial Hospital's Rehabilitation Center
following a short illness.
John was the Senior Historian at Mission San Luis since
1984 and helped lay the foundation for this unprecedented
project. He was a prolific scholar widely recognized as an
expert in Native American studies and Spanish colonization.

John's numerous award-winning books included Apalachee:
The Land between the Rivers (1988), Missions to the Calusa
(1991), A History ofthe Timucua Indians and Missions (1996),
The Apalachee Indians and Mission San Luis (with Bonnie G.
McEwan) (1998), An Early Florida Adventure Story by Fray
Andres de San Miguel (2000), Indians of Central and South
Florida, 1513-1763 (2003), and The Native American World

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

VOL. 63(2)

JUNE 2010

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST

Beyond Apalachee: West Florida and the Chattahoochee
Valley (2006). He is the only historian to have won the Florida
Historical Society's award for the best book on Florida history
four times.
John was born in Lowell, MA on July 2, 1926. As a
young man he entered the Seminary of the Oblates of Mary
Immaculate in Tewksbury, MA where he was ordained and
then served as a missionary in Brazil. It was at this time
that John became fluent in Portuguese and interested in
colonial societies. Following his missionary work in Brazil
he separated from the Oblates returning to the United States
where he attended George Washington and the University of
Texas. He was awarded a PhD in Latin American Studies
from the University of Texas studying under the distinguished
Latin American scholar Nettie Lee Benson who became his
mentor and to whom he credited his career path.
He came to Tallahassee to teach at Florida State University
(FSU) where he was an Assistant Professor of History for
seven years. Afterward he held temporary faculty positions at
Florida Atlantic University and New Mexico State University.
John was subsequently hired by the Florida Department of
State for whom he worked for 32 years, the last 25 of which
were at Mission San Luis. He deeply touched the lives of
everyone at the Mission, and remained close to Ed and Mary
Keuchel whom he first met at FSU, as well as Neil and Nancy
MacCauley of Micanopy.

John was preceded in death by his parents Rosella
Woods Hann and John J. Hann, and by his sister Kathleen M.
FitzGerald of Nashua, NH. He is survived by his sister Edna
McNamara and brother-in-law and Donald McNamara of
Lowell, MS, five nephews (Michael J. McNamara, Daniel J.
McNamara, David J. FitzGerald, Raymond J. FitzGerald, and
Kevin P. FitzGerald), four nieces (Patricia Gardner, Colleen
Morrow, Pamela Blanchette, and Nancy West) and 17 grand
nieces and grand nephews.

BONNIE G. McEWAN

MISSION SAN LuIS
2100 WEST TENNESSEE STREET
TALLAHASSEE, FL 32304
E-MAIL: BMCEWAN@DOS.STATE.FL. US

2010 VOL. 63(2)

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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 111

About the Authors:

Bonnie McEwan is the Excutive Directior of Mission San Luis. She has conducted research in the Southeast, California,
Spain, and the Caribbean. She is editor of The Spanish Missions of La Florida (1993), Indians of the Greater Southeast
(2000), and with John H. Hann, Apalachee Indians and Mission San Luis (1998).

Greg Mikell is an RPA and Senior Archaeologist with Panamerican Consultants, Inc. Having lived and worked in northwest
Florida and the Southeast since the 1980s, Greg has an extensive background in northwest Florida prehistoric and historic
archaeology and regards his work at Pensacola NAS on sites like 8ES 1442 to be among the most rewarding and interesting
of his career.

Amanda D. Roberts Thompson received her M.A. from the University of West Florida in 2009, where she focused on his-
torical archaeology and ethnohistory. She has been involved in projects in Fiji, Mexico, Florida, Georgia, Michigan and
Ohio.

FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.
POST OFFICE BOX 12563
PENSACOLA, FL 32591-2563

NON-PROFIT
U.S. POSTAGE
PAID
TALLAHASSEE, FL
PERMIT NO. 236

ADDRESS SERVICE REQUESTED

CONTENTS

ARTICLES

A New Economic Framework for Colonial Spanish Outposts: An Ethnohistoric Example from Presidios
Santa Maria de Galve and Isla de Santa Rosa.
Amanda D. Roberts Thompson

Archaeological Signature of a U.S. Army Cavalry or Mounted Infantry Camp
Naval Air Station Pensacola.
Gregory A. Mikell

FAS 2010 An\ AL MEETING

Florida Anthropological Society 2010 Award Recipients

Abstracts of the Florida Anthropological Society 2010 Meeting

OBITUARY

John Henry Hann. Bonnie G. McEwxan

Cover: Top- Graph documenting the instances w hen Spanish colonial Presidios Santa Maria de Gal e and Isla de Santa Rosa
received supplies through the external formal economy. See the Roberts Thompson article on page 61 for more information.
Center- Federal General Senrice uniform coat and sleeve or vest buttons recovered from 8ES1442. See the Mikell article
starting on page 79 for more information. Bottom- The Southw est Florida Archaeological Society logo. See page 99 for a
recap of the 2010 FAS annual meeting.

Copyright 2010 by the
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY. INC.
ISSN 0015-3893

	Front Cover
	Table of Contents
	From the editors
	A New Economic Framework for Colonial...
	Archaeological Signature of a U.S....
	Florida Anthropological Society...
	Abstracts of the Florida Anthropological...
	Obituary: John Henry Hann,...
	Back Matter
	About the Authors
	Back Cover

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