Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 From the editors
 Refining the ceramic chronology...
 Reexamining an archaeological survey...
 The Thornhill Lake archaeological...
 An analysis of Seminole artifacts...
 2008 Florida field school...
 FAS 2008 award recipients
 Book reviews
 About the authors
 Back Cover

Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00205
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference: Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society
Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Publication Date: September-December 2008
Copyright Date: 2008
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00205
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltqf - AAA9403
oclc - 01569447
issn - 00153893
oclc - 1569447
lccn - 56028409
issn - 0015-3893

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Page 116
        Page 117
    Table of Contents
        Page 118
    From the editors
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
    Refining the ceramic chronology of northeastern Florida
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
    Reexamining an archaeological survey of Big Talbot Island
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
    The Thornhill Lake archaeological research project: 2005-2008
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
    An analysis of Seminole artifacts from the Paynes Town Site (8AL366), Alachua County, Florida
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
        Page 188
    2008 Florida field school summaries
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
    FAS 2008 award recipients
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
    Book reviews
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
    About the authors
        Page 219
    Back Cover
        Page 220
Full Text


VOLUME 61, NUMBER 3-4 September December 2008


Satills River

D Caal County
SSt Johns River


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NOTE: In addition to the above Editorial Review Board members, the review comments of others knowledgeable in a manuscript's
subject matter are solicited as part of our peer review process.



Volume 61 Number 3-4
September December 2008


From the Editors 119

Refining the Ceramic Chronology of Northeastern Florida. 123
Keith Ashley

Reexamining an Archaeological Survey of Big Talbot Island. 133
Keith Ashley and Robert L. Thunen

The Thornhill Lake Archaeological Research Project: 2005-2008. 149
Jon C. Endonino

An Analysis of Seminole Artifacts from the Paynes Town Site (8AL366), Alachua County, Florida. 167
Jane Anne Blakney-Bailey




William M. Goza. Jeffrey M. Mitchem 205

Arthur R. Lee. George M. Luer 207


Chang-Rodriguez: Beyond Books and Borders: Garcilaso de la Vega and La Florida del Inca. John E. Worth 213

Simmons and Ogden: Gladesmen: Gator Hunters, Moonshiners, andSkiffers. Hope Black 214

White: Gulf Coast Archaeology: The Southeastern United States and Mexico. Wm. Brian Yates 215

Morrow and Gnecco: PaleoindianArchaeology: A Hemispheric Perspective. Robert J. Austin 216

About the Authors 219

Cover: (Left) The St. Marys region of northeast Florida, (Top Right) a topographic map of the Thornhill Lake
Complex, (Bottom Right) glass trade beads from the Paynes Town site. See articles for more information.

Copyright 2008 by the
ISSN 0015-3893



The Editors would like to open with a note of thanks to
the authors and peer reviewers who contributed to this volume
of The Florida Anthropologist. Your tolerance for repeated
cajoling with reference to edits and deadlines is rewarded
here, with a journal of quality articles and interesting project
updates that is a nice addition to the annals of the FA. As
Editors, we have sought to bring a varied selection of high
quality articles to the FAS community and we are again calling
on all of the professional and avocational readers of the FA to
submit manuscripts on their research.
The first article by Keith Ashley presents an updated
ceramic chronology of northeast Florida. Specifically focusing
on the St. Mary's region, Ashley begins with an overview
of how this area has been analytically subsumed under the
archaeological region of east and central Florida. Building
on earlier critiques of the St. Johns ceramic chronology from
Ripley Bullen, John Griffin, John Goggin, and William Sears,
and following from Michael Russo (1992), Ashley synthesizes
a host of older data with new findings and dates from working
archaeologists across north Florida to present a refined
aboriginal pottery chronological sequence for the region.
Two of the most significant attributes of Ashley's proposed
chronology are the subtraction of a recognizable St. Johns I
phase and an abbreviated St. Johns II phase. Archaeologists
working in the region are sure to benefit from this refined
chronological framework and we are pleased to include what
will certainly be another well-referenced contribution from
Keith Ashley to The Florida Anthropologist.
In our second article, Keith Ashley and co-author Buzz
Thunen continue their efforts in refining and presenting the
archaeological history of north Florida, summarizing here the
results from 1998 University of North Florida archaeological
research project at Big Talbot Island. In addition to presenting
analysis on their own comprehensive survey of the southern
third of Big Talbot Island, the authors also discuss the
findings from previous and under-reported investigations on
the island's cultural resources, including C.B. Moore's work
from the 1890s, avocational archaeologist William Jones'
efforts in 1960, and Florida Division of Historical Research
investigations in the 1970s. After recapping archaeological
research for the island, Ashley and Thunen turn to shell and
ceramic distribution analysis to try to understand how the
island was used through time. Utilizing the refined northeast
Florida ceramic chronology introduced above, the dispersal
of ceramic types are plotted across the lower portion of the
island. With the results of this spatial distribution analysis,
Ashley and Thunen have achieved a clearer understanding of
human settlement patterns and the use of the island from the

Woodland through the colonial periods and have set the stage
for further archaeological research.
Next up, Jon Endonino presents preliminary results of
the Thomhill Lake Archaeology Research Project (TLARP)
initiated for the purpose of gathering information related to
monumental architecture during the Archaic period in the St.
Johns River Valley. Much of Endonino's research has focused
on the Thornhill Lake Complex, a group of mounds and
midden deposits located in Volusia County and attributed to
the Mount Taylor people. Fieldwork for this project included
producing topographical maps that allow research questions to
be asked concerning social-spatial divisions within the site, as
well as in the identification of discrete use areas. Excavations
also yielded organic material for radiometric dating, and an
exciting contribution to Florida archaeology is the author's
documentation of the Thornhill Lake Complex as the oldest
mortuary mound complex yet known in Florida and the
Southeast, dating to between 5600 and 4600 cal. B.P. Based
on preliminary analysis and conclusions, Endonino proposes
to divide the Mount Taylor period into Early Mount Taylor
phase (7300-5600 cal. B.P.) and Thornhill Lake phase (5600-
4500 cal. B.P.). The newly described Thornhill Lake phase is
limited geographically and is characterized by the construction
of sand mortuary mounds and the rise and persistence of
interregional and intraregional exchanges as suggested by
the material culture. In a more general sense, Endonino's
work with TLARP contributes to our understanding of the
complexity of daily life for Archaic period Floridians residing
in the St. Johns River Valley.
The final article, by JaneAnne Blakney-Bailey, contextually
describes the material assemblage from the Seminole Indian site
of Paynes Town. Located just south of Gainesville, this site is
the only Seminole settlement archaeologically documented as
having been occupied by the Oconee band of Creeks and their
descendants. As one component of Blakney-Bailey's doctoral
research, her analysis of materials from the Paynes Town site
as presented here draws together archaeological and historical
evidence concerning the material and logistical reality of
Creek and Seminole Indians. The article is clearly written and
will serve as a guide to those interested in pursuing research on
these groups. Additionally, the bibliography will be especially
useful for researchers and includes reference to important
works that remain unpublished as theses, dissertations, or part
of the gray literature of cultural resource management reports.
Although the majority of known Seminole sites are located in
northeast Florida, the Seminoles have occupied nearly every
portion of the state during different times in history. Thus
this article will help other Florida arch Aeologists identify


VOL. 61(3-4)




and interpret the material culture from suspected Seminole
contexts statewide.
In this issue of the FA, the Editors are please to include
summaries of field research conducted by colleges and
universities across the state of Florida in 2008. These digests
were contributed by undergraduate field school students,
graduate student supervisors, and principal investigators and
highlight not only the diversity of research being carried out
in Florida, but the range of experiences available to students
and interested volunteers. The summaries also highlight the
vitality of the archaeological programs in our state and draw
attention to an educational experience that will be valued by
participants long past their brief time as students and in to their
professional lives where they may well serve as stewards of
Florida's cultural and environmental heritage. Thank you to all
of the participating programs and authors.
Congratulations and thanks are also extended to all of
the 2008 Florida Anthropological Society award winners, and
as well as to George Luer for the putting together the award
summaries included here and to Steve Koski for providing the
photographs included in those summaries. George Luer and
Jeffery Mitchem deserve additional thanks for providing the
thoughtful obituaries for William M. Goza and Arthur R. Lee,

respectively. William M. Goza and Arthur R. Lee were both
outstanding men and outstanding contributors and supporters
of the Florida archaeological community and their absence
is felt. Finally, thank you to the authors of our four book
reviews included in this volume: John Worth (Beyond Books
and Borders: Garcilaso de la Vega and La Florida del Inca),
Hope Black (Gladesmen: Gator Hunters, Moonshiners, and
Skiffers), Wm. Brian Yates (Gulf Coast Archaeology: The
Southeastern Unites States and Mexico), and Robert Austin
(Paleoindian Archaeology: A Hemispheric Perspective).
Please take the time to read their reviews.

Deborah R. Mullins
Andrea P. White

References Cited

Russo, Michael
1992 Chronologies and Cultures of the St. Marys Region
of Northeast Florida and Southeast Georgia. The
Florida Anthropologist 45:107-126.


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)

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Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of North Florida, 1 UNF Drive, Jacksonville, FL 32224-2659
Email: kashley@unf edu

Over the past decade and a half archaeologists have been
working diligently to establish a ceramic chronology specific
to northeastern Florida-an area I define narrowly as coastal
northern St. Johns, Duval, and Nassau counties (Figure 1). In a
way this has been an uphill climb because many archaeologists
continue to subsume northeastern Florida within the broader
boundaries of East and Central Florida, as defined by Milanich
(1994:xix). As a result, pottery types and ceramic trends
apparent in the St. Johns heartland are extended a priori to all
reaches of East and Central Florida, obscuring intraregional
ceramic differences (Milanich 1994:348). The situation,
however, is beginning to change. Greater attention to ceramic
paste characteristics, emphasis on pottery assemblages (not
just types), and a growing number ofradiometric dates are now
affording us the opportunity to refine the ceramic chronology
of northeastern Florida with more precision than ever before.
But this is still an ongoing process. In this brief paper I build
upon the work of earlier researchers (e.g., Bullen and Griffin
1952; Goggin 1952; Russo 1992; Sears 1957) and propose an
updated chronology for northeastern Florida, with emphasis
at this time placed squarely on the temporal aspect of pottery
types and assemblages.


In a 1992 article in The Florida Anthropologist Michael
Russo openly questioned the applicability of the long-
established St. Johns region ceramic chronology to northeastern
Florida and southeastern Georgia, an archaeological region
he coined St. Marys. The St. Marys region stretches from the
south side of the St. Johns River, Florida north to the Satilla
River, Georgia and includes northern St. Johns, Duval, and
Nassau counties, Florida and Camden County, Georgia.
Russo (1992:107) further stated that "[i]n terms of ceramic
chronology, subsistence, and settlement, the region displays a
unique culture history from those surrounding it." Befittingly
he eschewed the conventional "Orange (fiber-tempered) St.
Johns I (chalky plain dominated) St. Johns II (chalky plain and
check stamped)" ceramic sequence first alluded to by Wyman
(1875:52-56), later formally defined by Goggin (1952), and
refined by Milanich (1994; Milanich and Fairbanks 1980).
As discussed below, even after synthesizing and assessing a
variety of data by broad archaeological periods Russo was still
unable to partition his chronology of northeastern Florida into
distinct phases or subperiods based on ceramic, subsistence,
and social information. In the end he suggested that the mixing
of different pottery types might be reflective of local groups
"involved with more than one pottery tradition" (Russo

Interestingly, Russo was not the first researcher to
challenge the use of the St. Johns chronology in northeastern
Florida. In fact, similar arguments were made four decades
earlier, immediately following Goggin's (1952) seminal
publication on northern St. Johns archaeology. On the heels
of their non-systematic site survey of areas of Amelia Island
(Nassau County) in which they recorded 46 sites, Ripley
Bullen and John Griffin (1952:50) asserted that "in no case
is there an[y] suggestion of a plain chalky period (St. Johns I)
before the advent of [St. Johns] check stamping." They further
bemoaned the fact that they were unable to "correlate the
archaeological situation at Amelia Island" with the chronology
proposed by Goggin (1952) for the St. Johns area to the south
(Bullen and Griffin 1952:62). To Goggin's credit, however, he
too noted that "plain gritty wares" and "cord marked sherds"
distinguished St. Johns II sites in extreme northeastern Florida
from those to the south (Goggin 1952:56).
A few years later William Sears (1957) sank excavation
units into a series of shell middens on six sites (8DU58-62,
8DU66) along the south side of the lower St. Johns River. The
results led him to virtually the same conclusion as Bullen and
Griffin. He compared his site-specific seriations to the ceramic
chronology outlined by Goggin for the broader St. Johns region,
but failed to find a good fit. Sears (1957:2) thus concluded that
"due to the fact that the mouth ofthe St. Johns River seems to have
been on the boundary between the Georgia coast and Northern
St. Johns culture areas, we have replacement of, additions to,
or modifications of the ceramic complexes in all periods."
With respect to the Woodland period, rather than finding
a classic St. Johns I pottery assemblage, Sears' (1957:33)
excavations yielded a low incidence of St. Johns Plain sherds
in midden contexts dominated by sand tempered plainwares.
Dissatisfied with Goggin's chronology, Sears formulated a
region-specific ceramic sequence for the lower St. Johns region
based on ceramic seriations in the absence of radiocarbon
dates. His Woodland period ceramic chronology opened with
the Deptford complex, followed by a lengthy sand tempered
plain complex, and concluded with a sherd tempered complex
known as Colorinda. Swift Creek Complicated Stamped was
seen as a minor, yet persistent, part of the late sand tempered
plain complex. The St. Johns II complex supplanted Colorinda
and marked the beginning of the local Mississippi period,
which according to Sears terminated in the mid-sixteenth
A reading of the many archaeological survey and
excavation reports penned since Sears's work leaves one
somewhat perplexed with regard to the region's ceramic
chronology. The archaeological record reveals a l:)t of sand
tempered plain pottery mixed with small amounts of check


VOL. 61(3-4)




Figure 1. The St. Marys region.

stamped and complicated stamped wares along with some
chalky plainwares. But the one thing that stands out is that
there is only one reported secure context, with appreciable
quantities of pottery, in which St. Johns plainwares dominate
and it dates surprisingly to ca. 1000 B.C. (discussed below).
Also the dominance of sand tempered plainwares on sites in
northeastern Florida has typically been downplayed, since such
generic-looking wares provide little temporal aid. As a result,
sites have been assigned a cultural affiliation based on recovered
minority wares (e.g., Deptford, Swift Creek, St. Johns), with
It. Johns often given primacy. In fact, it is not uncommon to
see a Florida Site Form in which a northeastern Florida site
containing a single St. Johns Plain sherd is classified as having a
St. Johns I component. Other than citing Sears's aforementioned

comments and possibly noting that the area might represent a
frontier, transitional zone, or cultural ecotone, most authors
until Russo (1992) continued to present a local culture history
in which a classic St. Johns I period followed early Deptford.
Returning to the insightful-and often overlooked-
observations made years earlier by Sears, Bullen, Griffin,
and others, Russo (1992) took the next logical step and
systematically addressed many of the discrepancies between
existing chronologies and actual archaeological data. His study
further spotlighted the need for radiometric dates from secure
contexts for all cultural periods. In the 15 years since Russo's
eye-opening article the ceramic chronology of northeastern
Florida has been further honed and bolstered by more than
100 calibrated radiometric dates from sites throughout


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)

Table 1. Aboriginal ceramic chronology of northeastern Florida.

Late (Orange)

Sand tempered Plain'
Early Swift Creek
Late Swift Creek

St. Johns II
St. Marys II
San Pedro

2500- 1000/500 B.C.

500 B.C. A.D. 100
A.D. 100 300
A.D. 300 500
A.D. 500 850
A.D. 850 900

A.D. 900 1250/1300
A.D. 1250/1300-1450/1500*
A.D. 1450/1500 1625/1650*

San Pedro A.D. 1562 1625/1650*
San Marcos/Altamaha A.D. 1625/1650 1702*

'sand tempered plain dominates during this phase, although check stamped and complicated
stamped sherds occur in minor amounts
* ending and beginning dates for these phases are tentative

Nassau, Duval, and northern St. Johns counties'. Although
transitional dates between ceramic phases are in need of further
clarification, a solid sequence appears to be falling into place.
Building upon Russo's (1992) work and that of other
archaeologists currently working in the region, I attempt to
outline the Late Archaic chronology as best as possible with
available evidence and to divide the Woodland and Mississippi
periods into ceramic phases2. It must be kept in mind, however,
that partitioning ceramic assemblages into neatly stacked
vertical blocks can conceal short-term, stochastic events
and mask episodes of cultural pluralism. Although slightly
modified and better dated, the Woodland through Mississippi
period ceramic chronology forwarded here is strikingly similar
to that first suggested by Sears fifty years ago (1957:30). Vis-
A-vis the accepted St. Johns region chronology (Milanich
1994:247), I believe the two most salient aspects of the
proposed northeastern Florida sequence are the recognition
that there is no St. Johns I phase and that the St. Johns II phase
is temporally restricted to A.D. 900-1250/1300 (Table 1).

Late Archaic Orange (ca. 2500-1000 B.C.)

As is the case for the broader St. Johns River bas n, the
ceramic history of northeastern Florida began with the Late
Archaic Orange phase. Around 2500 B.C., the inhabitants of
the St. Johns River and adjacent Atlantic seaboard were among

the first natives of North America to make fired-clay pottery
to cook, serve, and store the foods they hunted, fished, and
gathered. The earliest pottery in northeastern Florida, called
"Orange" by archaeologists, was made of clay tempered with
vegetal fibers, either thin palmetto fibers or Spanish moss
(Griffin 1945:219; Bullen 1972:9). Early ceramic pots were
fashioned by hand and tended to be thick, flat-bottomed
rectangular containers, although later vessels often showed
more variety in shape and were produced by stacking coils of
clay (Sassaman 2003). After being formed, some vessels were
adorned with incisions, punctations, or combinations thereof,
while others were merely smoothed and left undecorated. As
pots were fired, vegetal fibers added to the clay burned away
leaving worm-like grooves in the ceramic body, a defining
characteristic of fiber-tempered pottery.
The production of Orange pottery was a pan-St. Johns
River phenomenon, involving groups from its mouth south to
its headwaters. Differences did exist, however. For example,
in the heartland region the paste of some late Orange pottery
appears to have included sponge spicules, while those near the
river's mouth lack these inclusions3 (Cordell 2004; Rolland
2004; Rolland and Bond 2003; Russo and Heide 2002;
Sassaman 2003). Perhaps this was a portent of things to come,
with spicule tempered St. Johns replacing Orange pottery in
the heartland and sand and grit tempered wares supplanting
fiber tempered wares in northeastern Florida.




Transitional Late Archaic Early Woodland
(1000 500 B.C.)

This is not a formal temporal phase but represents a
still nebulous half millennium or so in the chronology of
northeastern Florida. Traditionally, archaeologists have set
the cutoff date for the Late Archaic period at 1000 B.C. and
the emergence of Early Woodland Deptford phase at ca. 500
B.C. (Milanich 1994:94, 114; Stephenson et al. 2002). This
leaves an approximately five century gap (ca. 1000 500 B.C.)
between Late Archaic Orange and Early Woodland Deptford
phases. Russo (1992:113-114) suggests that sea levels might
have retreated during this time, meaning sites would most
likely be located in today's tidal marshes, as is the case for
Refuge phase sites along the Georgia coast (DePratter and
Howard 1980).
In northeastern Florida, contexts with fiber tempered
ceramics have been radiocarbon dated as recent as 1000-500
B.C. Saunders's (2004:253) excavations at the Rollins Shell
Ring (8DU7410) have yielded two radiometric dates in this
range. In addition charcoal from a deeply buried sand zone
containing Orange ceramics at the Sandy Branch Bluff site
(8DU13283) and shell from an Orange phase ceramic scatter
at Buckhorn Bluff (8DU7473) also produced post-1000 B.C.
dates4 (Vicki Rolland, personal communication 2007). Though
limited, these four radiometric dates suggest the production
of Late Archaic Orange pottery might have lingered on for
several centuries after 1000 B.C.
Another site dated to the early part of this transitional
period is the unique Wood-Hopkins Midden (8DU9185), which
represents the only recorded site in northeastern Florida with a
St. Johns I cultural affiliation (Johnson 1994, 2003). This small
(15 x 25 m) freshwater shell midden is situated on the north side
of the St. Johns River, approximately 14 km from the mouth.
St. Johns Plain pottery dominated, and no Orange pottery was
recovered during survey and secondary testing. Two calibrated
radiometric assays on shell from the site fall between 1300
and 900 B.C. at the two-sigma level (Johnson 2003). Not only
is the Wood-Hopkins Midden the only St. Johns I site in the
region, but it is also the only recorded freshwater shell midden
(banded mystery snail, Viviparus georgianus) along the lower
St. Johns River.
The presence of a small St. Johns I site well outside its
normal range of distribution combined with evidence of the
procurement ofa food source (mystery snail) for which St. Johns
I groups were accustomed suggests the site might represent a
one-time encampment by a nonlocal St. Johns I band from the
south. Perhaps due to environmental conditions related to sea
level fluctuations, occupations in northeastern Florida during
ca. 1000-500 B.C. were intermittent and confined to small
nomadic groups living in more backwater locations. Clearly,
more radiometric dates are needed to securely determine when
fiber tempered pottery ceased to be produced in northeastern

Woodland Period (500 B.C. A.D. 900)

Deptford traditionally has been viewed as the first
Woodland-period archaeological culture in northeastern


Florida. Pottery made at that time consisted mostly of plain,
check stamped, and simple stamped types tempered with either
coarse sand or grit-sized particles (Bullen and Griffin 1952;
Cordell 1993; Russo 1992:115; Sears 1957). Simple stamping
appears more prevalent on early sites than on later ones. St.
Johns pottery is also known to occur on some northeastern
Florida Deptford sites (Kirkland and Johnson 2000). Along the
Atlantic coast of Georgia and South Carolina, Deptford has
been dated to 600 B.C. A.D. 400, although 10 radiometric
assays from two sites (8DU59, 8DU5541) in northeastern
Florida suggest a more restricted local timeframe of ca. 500
B.C. to A.D. 200 (Kirkland and Johnson 2000; Stephenson et
al. 2002; John Whitehurst, personal communication 2005).
A review of regional survey and excavation reports gives the
impression that over time classic Deptford assemblages gave
way to ones in which fine sand tempering became the norm and
plainwares began to dominate. But short-lived experimentation
with other tempering agents (e.g., charcoal, grog) occurred at
various times as well.
What immediately followed the Deptford phase in
northeastern Florida is uncertain. Available evidence suggests
that, beginning around A.D. 100, the region witnessed a span
of several centuries in which nondescript sand tempered
pottery was the primary domestic ware (Ashley 1998:200;
Hendryx and Wallis 2007; Russo 1992:115; Sears 1957:29;
Thunen 2007; Thunen et al. 2006). Small quantities of
similarly tempered check stamped and complicated stamped
types also were manufactured (or imported) as was St. Johns
Plain. This phase, tentatively labeled "Sand Tempered Plain,"
falls between Deptford and Early Swift Creek, and the three
appear to represent a local continuum. Determining precisely
when Deptford ends and Early Swift Creek begins within this
sequence is difficult with the data at hand.
The production of Early Swift Creek Complicated Stamped
pottery appears to have been underway in northeastern Florida
by at least ca. A.D. 300 (Ashley and Wallis 2006). Swift Creek
is a distinctive pottery with intricate curvilinear and rectilinear
designs created by pressing a carved wooden paddle onto
the damp, unfired body of a clay pot. This pottery style was
widespread throughout northern Florida and Georgia, although
specific designs varied by region (Williams and Elliot 1998).
Two broad varieties of Swift Creek Complicated Stamped
have been reported in northeastern Florida.
The earliest Swift Creek ceramic variety is a locally
produced charcoal tempered plain and complicated stamped
ware with lip forms that include round, scalloped, and notched
types (Ashley and Wallis 2006:6). Sand was also used to
temper some wares, and the ratio of sand to charcoal tempered
pottery tends to vary by site. This ceramic type was used in
both domestic and mortuary capacities, and thus is found in
middens and burial mounds. The quality of design execution,
both in terms of paddle carving and vessel application, is
often less proficient compared to that of the Late Swift
Creek style of the Atlantic coast (Ashley and Wallis 2006:7).
Weeden Island pottery is rarely found associated with charcoal
tempt red ceramics in domestic contexts (Hendryx and Wallis
2007:194). The charcoal tempered complex was short-lived,
probably dating to ca. A.D. 300-500, and restricted mostly to
sites along the lower St. Johns River.


2008 VOL. 61 -4)


From A.D. 500 to 850, mineral tempered plainwares
continued to predominate, but Late Swift Creek Complicated
Stamped assumed a more conspicuous role in pottery
assemblages. With regard to paste, most Swift Creek pottery
of this era from sites on the south side of the St. Johns River is
sand tempered, but grit tempering occurs on sites to the north,
where it was the favored tempering agent in southeastern
Georgia (Ashley and Wallis 2006:9). Carabelle Punctated and
other Weeden Island wares are recovered in small numbers
in mounds and middens (Ashley 1998; Wallis 2004). Poor
design workmanship and application, grog tempering, and the
presence of stamped herringbone designs (cf. Crooked River
Complicated Stamped) appear to represent a cluster of reliable
attributes that mark ninth century waning Late Swift Creek
along the Atlantic coast (Ashley and Wallis 2006; Ashley,
Stephenson, and Snow 2007; Hendryx 2004); referred to as
Kelvin by some in southeastern Georgia (Cook 1979). Ongoing
research by Neill Wallis (2007, 2008) is opening new vistas
into Swift Creek manifestations in northeastern Florida.
The Colorinda phase represents the terminal Late
Woodland period (ca. A.D. 850-900) in northeastern Florida.
It appears to have been a time of change for local natives as the
production of elaborately decorated Swift Creek pottery gave
way to more mundane types and participation in long distance
trade networks diminished as a more insular lifestyle ensued
(Ashley 2006). Hallmark Colorinda pottery is tempered with
crushed St. Johns spiculee tempered) sherds (Sears 1957).
Colorinda pottery assemblages also include sand tempered
plain, St. Johns Plain, and small amounts of St. Johns Check
Stamped (Ashley 2006). The presence of Swift Creek sherds
in Colorinda contexts indicates that production of the two
types overlapped during the ninth century. Colorinda pottery
is sparsely scattered across extreme northeastern Florida from
Amelia Island down to the river's mouth and upriver (west and
south) as far as the Jacksonville University campus, although
a few sites contain high-density concentrations (Ashley 2006;
Hendryx and Wallis 2007; Russo et al. 1993; Sears 1957).

Mississippi Period (A.D. 900-1450)

The Early Mississippi period in northeastern Florida,
known locally as the St. Johns II phase, is signaled by the
dominance of St. Johns pottery and the introduction of
the type St. Johns Check Stamped. St. Johns has a unique
ceramic paste that contains disarticulated microscopic sponge
spicules, needle-like rods that are part of a sponge's skeleton
(Milanich 1994:246). Controversy currently surrounds how
these biosilicate inclusions got into St. Johns pottery. Some
researchers suggest they naturally occur in certain Florida
clays (Borremans and Shaak 1986; Cordell and Koski 2003),
while others argue that sponges were intentionally added as
temper (Rolland and Bond 2003). The latter interpretation
has gained strength and acceptance in recent years. Local St.
Johns pottery assemblages consist mostly of St. Johns Plain
and Check Stamped varieties, although various incised and
punctated types also occur (Ashley 2003; Ashley, Rolland,
and Marrinan 2007; Rolland 2004, 2005). The presence of
Ocmulgee III Cordmarked is another defining characteristic
of St. Johns II sites in northeastern Florida. Ocmulgee sherds

are mostly grit tempered, although grog and sand inclusions
can occur (Rolland 2004). A low percentage of rims exhibit
classic Ocmulgee III folds, or more accurately, an added coil
or applique strip (see Snow 1977 for a discussion of Ocmulgee
Cordmarked pottery). Neutron activation analysis suggests
that Ocmulgee Cordmarked vessels were both imported from
southern-central Georgia and manufactured locally (Ashley
For the broader St. Johns River basin, the St. Johns II
phase apparently began around A.D. 750 and continued into
the early 1600s (Milanich 1994:247). In northeastern Florida,
however, the St. Johns II phase is restricted to ca. A.D. 900-
1250/13001. The emergence of St. Johns II sites in northeastern
Florida appears to reflect a settlement shift within the river
basin, in which some St. Johns II people from the south
moved closer to the river's mouth (Ashley 2003). It is unclear
whether Colorinda populations abandoned the region or were
absorbed into the emerging St. Johns II culture. Regardless,
shortly after A.D. 900 autonomous settlements, dependent on
the procurement of local resources, were scattered along the
lower (northern) St. Johns River and up the coast to Amelia
Island, and possibly into southeastern Georgia. The St. Johns
II inhabitants of northeastern Florida soon became active
participants in far-flung Mississippi-period exchange relations
that resulted in the importation of a variety of nonlocal metal,
stone, and minerals. It is important to note that this was the
only time in native history when spicule tempered St. Johns
pottery was produced throughout the broadly defined East and
Central Florida region (see map in Milanich 1994:xix).
By the mid-thirteenth century, changes were underway in
northeastern Florida. Pottery assemblages once marked by the
dominance of St. Johns chalky wares were replaced by ones
consisting mostly of thin, sand tempered plainwares and St.
Marys Cordmarked (formerly known as Savannah Fine Cord
Marked in northeastern Florida) (Ashley 2003:96-104; Ashley
and Rolland 2002; Bullen and Griffin 1952; Cordell 1993;
Russo 1992; Saunders 1989). Micaceous inclusions are often
observed in the paste of these wares. Impressions in the wet clay
pot were made either by stamping it with a cordage wrapped
paddle or rolling it with a cordage-wrapped dowel. As Russo6
and others have noted, St. Johns pottery can occur in minor
amounts on some sites. The shift in pottery technology and
style coincided with distinct changes in refuse disposal patterns
and mortuary treatment, which has led some researchers to
infer a southward movement of St. Marys groups from coastal
southeastern Georgia (Ashley 2003; Ashley and Rolland 2002;
Russo 1992; Saunders 1989). This immigration may have been
fueled to some extent by a southward out-migration of many
St. Johns peoples in northeastern Florida, as local involvement
in interregional trade faded. I use the temporal designation St.
Marys II to refer to this phase of northeastern Florida history
(A.D. 1250/1300 1450).

Protohistoric and Contact-Mission Periods
(A.D. 1450-1700)

Some time during the fifteenth century, St. Marys II pottery
assemblages underwent changes in which wares became
thicker, tempering became coarser (sand or grog), and cordage




width became wider (Ashley 2009). Eventually grog tempering
became the norm and cobmarking replaced cordmarking as the
dominant surface decoration. The result is what archaeologists
now refer to as San Pedro pottery. This was the signature ware
of the Mocama-speaking Saturiwa and Tacatacuru Timucua
of northeastern Florida and southeastern Georgia during the
contact and early mission periods (Ashley and Rolland 1997;
Milanich 1971, 1972). In addition to cobmarked, San Pedro
pottery occurs in a variety of surface decorations including
check stamped, cordmarked, textile impressed, complicated
stamped, and roughened. Often decorated surfaces were
intentionally obliterated in areas creating patches or streaks
that lack decoration.
Coupled with the emergence of San Pedro pottery is the
first-time appearance of preserved maize in the archaeological
record of northeastern Florida (Ashley 2009). It now appears
that the natives of northeastern Florida did not add corn
farming to their estuary-based economy until the late fifteenth
or early sixteenth century. Following the establishment of
Spanish missions along the Atlantic coast, the production
of San Pedro wares in northeastern Florida eventually gave
way to San Marcos (often classified as Altamaha in coastal
Georgia) pottery during the first half of the seventeenth century.
San Marcos is a grit tempered ware that became the primary
pottery made by all Mocama-speaking Timucua, Guale, and
Yamassee Indians living in Atlantic coastal missions north of
St. Augustine (Hann 1996:86; Rolland and Ashley 2000:38,
41; Saunders 2000; Worth 1995, 1997:13-14).


I am emphatic in my belief that the ceramic chronology
for northeastern Florida outlined in this paper is far from the
final word on the topic. Clearly more radiometric dates are
needed to refine transitional dates between ceramic phases
and assess nuances and the potential for the contemporaniety
among distinct pottery assemblages, particularly during the
Woodland period. My primary objective has been to bring
together information relevant to the development of an up-to-
date chronology for northeastern Florida. Regardless of one's
theoretical proclivity, archaeological research is contingent
upon a solid chronological framework itself predicated on
stratigraphic evidence, radiocarbon assays, and temporally
diagnostic artifacts. We need such a framework to place the
events and cultural dynamics of our respective study areas into
proper perspective.


1. Not all of these radiometric dates have been generated
in the past decade. Some are previously reported
dates buried in CRM reports that have recently been
calibrated by Beta Analytic, Inc. and made available.
The following references can be consulted for lists of
radi(metric dates by phase: Orange (Saunders 2004),
Deptford (Stephenson et al. 2002; Whitehurst n.d.), Sand
Tempered Plain (Hendryx and Wallis 2007; Thunen 2007,

Thunen et al. 2006), Swift Creek (Ashley and Wallis
2006; Hendryx and Wallis 2007), Colorinda (Ashley
2007), St. Johns II (Ashley 2005), St. Marys II (Ashley
and Rolland 2002), and San Pedro (Ashley 2009).
2. Traditionally, blocks in time characterized by distinctive
traits (including pottery) have been designated "periods"
in Florida (e.g., Goggin 1952; Milanich 1994). I tend
to use the designation period for broader spans of time
recognized throughout the Southeast such as Paleoindian,
Archaic, Woodland and Mississippi. For briefer
intervals I use the term "phase." As defined by Willey
and Phillips (1958:22), a phase is "an archaeological
unit possessing traits sufficiently characteristic to
distinguish it from all other units similarly conceived...
[and] spatially limited to the order of magnitude of
a locality or region and chronologically limited to a
relatively brief interval of time" (see Thomas and Kelly
2006:223-227 for a discussion of period vs. phase)
3. An earlier claim that Orange fiber tempered pottery
with spiculate paste was recovered from 8DU76 on
Fort George Island in northeastern Florida (Johnson
2000:72) has been refuted by Vicki Rolland's (Rolland
and Bond 2003:92, 95) reanalysis of the sherds.
4. The 2-sigma radiometric date from the
Sandy Branch Bluff site (8DU13283) is 790
380 BC or 2740 -2330 BP (Beta 186560).
5. Presently 30 radiometric assays from St. Johns II contexts
have been run indicating a date range of A.D. 900-
1250/1300. Two recently acquired radiocarbon dates
on shell suggest that the previously suggested terminal
date of A.D. 1250 may need to be adjusted to A.D. 1300.
6. FortheperiodA.D. 800-1500, Russo (1992:116-119) noted
that St. Johns and Savannah Fine Cord Marked wares co-
occurred on sites throughout the St. Marys region. Though
he attempted to reconcile the perceived Savannah-St.
Johns II dilemma, in the end he opted to treat the two
contemporaneously over the 700-year span of time that
he referred to as "Savannah/St. Johns II." Our ceramic
chronology acknowledges mixing but differentiates an
early St. Johns II phase and a later St. Marys II phase.


Though I never met them I am indebted to Ripley Bullen,
John Goggin, John Griffin, and William Sears whose early
work in northeastern Florida set a solid foundation upon which
we build our chronologies. More recently, Buzz Thunen, Greg
Hendryx, Myles Bland, Neill Wallis, Becky Saunders, Mike
Russo, John Whitehurst, Jerry Milanich and others working
in the area have continually shared information with me,
although they may not necessarily agree with the way I put
it all together. Vicki Rolland has been a great sounding board
and I have benefited from her ideas and analyses. Vicki, Buzz,
and Greg provided insightful comments on an earlier draft of
this paper. Finally, I extend a hearty thanks to Deborah Mullins
for all her help getting the manuscript to press.


8 002 VOL. 61(3-4)


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13. Time Sifters Archaeology Society
P.O. Box 25642, Sarasota, FL 34277-2883 ..

14. Volusia Anthropological Society
P.O. Box 1881, Ormond Beach, FL 32175

15. Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society
P.O. Box 7797, North Port, FL 34287



Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of North Florida, 1 UNF Drive, Jacksonville, FL 32224-2659
'Email: kashley@unf edu
2Email: rthunen@unf.edu

Big Talbot Island is a picturesque barrier island located
along the Atlantic seaboard of northern Florida between the
St. Johns and Nassau rivers (Figure 1). Much of the island still
retains its natural allure, owing to the inclusion of more than
1700 acres within the boundaries of Big Talbot Island State
Park. In March 1998 the University of North Florida (UNF)
conducted a systematic shovel test survey of the southern third
of Big Talbot Island (Ashley and Thunen 1999). As a result,
one new and seven previously recorded archaeological sites
were sampled and bounded. Now, a decade later, we return to
the results of the UNF survey and review the findings from the
perspective of a revised ceramic chronology for northeastern
Florida (Ashley, this volume). Emphasis is placed not on
individual sites per se but on the spatial distribution of shell
refuse and diagnostic pottery types across the southern third
of the island. These patterns are then examined to assess the
nature, extent, and changes in aboriginal settlement of the
southern third of Big Talbot Island during the Woodland,
Mississippi, and Contact-Mission periods. Before turning
our attention to the results of the UNF survey, we provide
an environmental and archaeological overview of Big Talbot

Big Talbot Island: An Environmental Overview

Big Talbot Island lies near the southern end of a chain
of barrier islands that front the Atlantic Ocean from the St.
Johns River, Florida north to the Santee River, South Carolina.
Compared to other islands it is short and curved, measuring
7.1 km north-south and 1.2 km east-west at its widest point
(Figure 2). These barrier islands surmount the continental
shelf, a broad and gently sloping landform that extends
seaward some 110 to 130 km into the Atlantic Ocean before
making a steep descent (Clayton et al. 1992). It is on this
stage that the creation, modification, and migration of barrier
islands has and continues to play out, often in sync with rising
and falling sea levels.
Most Atlantic coastal islands were formed by a
combination of Pleistocene (ca., 10,000 2 million years ago)
and more recent Holocene (ca., present 10,000 years ago)
processes. Sea level fluctuations over the past two million
or so years have resulted in multiple, alternating episodes of
rise (transgression) and retreat that have helped contour the
barrier island system of northeastern Florida (Scott 1997:66-
67). Barrier islands are dynamic landforms that grow, shrink,

and constantly change shape and size through the combined
actions of waves, winds, littoral currents, and intensive storms
that erode, transport and deposit sediments (Clayton et al.
1992; FDEP 2004; Schmidt 1997:1). The current rise in sea
level has caused many Atlantic coast barrier islands to migrate
landward in recent times (Johnson and Barbour 1990:431).
This is clearly evident in the northeastern part of Big Talbot
Island, where shoreline erosion has reached the typically
protected interior maritime hammock to form forested bluffs
above the beach (FDEP 2004).
Landform elevations on Big Talbot Island range from sea
level to as high as 6 m above mean sea level (amsl) at "The
Bluffs" on the northern end of the island and at Half Moon
Bluff on its eastern shore (FDEP 2004). On the southern third
of the island, elevations are typically less than 3 m amsl. Big
Talbot Island soils reflect the dynamic and changing nature of
the island. Pedological analysis reveals that soils on the extreme
southern and northern ends of the island are unweatheredd and
lack a soil profile," indicating a more recent origin (deposited
over the past 10,000 years) compared to those in other areas of
the island (FDEP 2004). The primary soil type on Big Talbot
Island is Comelia fine sand (0-5 percent slopes), an excessively
drained soil consisting of thick, sandy marine sediments found
on rises and knolls (USDA 1998:84). Somewhat poorly and
poorly drained soils mark flatwoods and other lower-lying
areas on the island.
Big Talbot Island is part of the Nassau River Basin, which
covers approximately 89 river km and 16 square km of estuary
(FDEP 2004:21). The Nassau River, which empties into the
Atlantic Ocean at the Nassau River Inlet, lies immediately
north of Big Talbot Island and Fort George Inlet is to the
south. The Intracoastal Waterway-a mostly estuarine lagoon
system-separates Big Talbot Island and other barrier islands
from the mainland to the west. Mud River splinters off the
Intracoastal Waterway and runs along the southwestern edge
of the island. Simpson Creek abuts the island at several points
along its southeastern edge, whereas the Atlantic Ocean
touches the island along its northeastern coast. Salt marshes
fringe the entire western side and southeastern half of the
island. Creeks and sloughs meander through these grasslands,
which are flooded twice a day and support abundant fish and
shellfish populations.
The oceanfront consists of wave-deposited upper beach
and wind-deposited dunes aligned parallel to the shore and
sepa rated from one another by swales. Situated on the leeward


VOL. 61(3-4)


t~~~ $ ~ ~ -~~TATE Fr1lp
A- k -


Figure 1. Big Talbot Island vicinity.

side of the dunes is a coastal strand or salt-tolerant maritime
thicket environment that covers much of the eastern half of the
island (FDEP 2004). The southern third of Big Talbot Island is
mostly maritime hammock. Live oak is the dominant canopy
tree often arching above a floor of resurrection fern. Laurel
oak, cabbage palm, southern magnolia, hickory, and pine are
mixed into the canopy. The subcanopy is marked by red bay
and cherry laurel. However, all red bay trees on the island

are dead having succumbed to the deleterious effects of the
Asian ambrosia beetle. Southern red cedars also are common,
particularly in areas of densely accumulated shell midden
where the calcareous substrate fosters their growth. A variable
density shrub and herb .ceous layer covers the forest floor.
Within the area of the UNF archaeological survey,
developmental impacts are limited. Most noticeable is a
limerock covered and periodically maintained roadway


University of North Florida
[a Big Talbot Island Area 1
Archaeological Survey 1998

1000 500 0

Figure 2


- 1 ,", .

r-- '-

..: ., )-.. -*l;'
r- I '-1. -
: I--- -^ -

I. ,-
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'r' lit -''-^

I- 1


Figure 2. Big Talbot Island survey area.

(Houston Road) that extends south off State Road A1A and
runs down the approximate center of the southern third of the
island. A roadside picnic area with a dirt access road lies along
the southern side of A1A, a short distance east of Houston
Road. Several privately owned parcels also exist along the
western side of Houston Road.
Common wildlife indigenous to the maritime hammock of
Big Talbot Island includes box turtle, gopher tortoise, opossum,

raccoon, rabbit, gray squirrel, gray fox, and bobcat. Though
no populations exist today, it is possible that white-tailed deer
would have been able to access the island from the west in
precolumbian times. The uplands and marshes also provide
important habitat for numerous bird species. Exploitation of
these mammalian, reptilian, and avian species along with the
more abundant fish and shellfish inhabiting the salt marsh and
estuarine waters formed the native's breadbasket, as evidenced


/ 'pa


-. 1






T .. '.
I -, ,,.* *
-' 1 ", ,!BI ,'vi




by the recovery of countless bones representing an array of
fauna species preserved in shell middens dispersed throughout
the island.

Archaeological Investigations on Big Talbot Island

In 1894, Clarence B. Moore, a Philadelphian and part-time
mound excavator, approached Spicer Houston about digging
into two Indian mounds on his Big Talbot Island property. The
exact verbal exchange between the two is not known, but Moore
(1896) sums it up in the statement: "This gentleman values the
right to investigate [the mounds] at one thousand dollars and
is still the owner of undisturbed aboriginal earthworks." The
only information Moore provides on the mounds is that each
was a symmetrical sand mound and that the two were situated
about one-half mile apart on the southern end of the island.
Although John Goggin (1952) never worked on Big Talbot
Island, he did assign site numbers to the two Big Talbot Island
mounds (8DU1 and 8DU2), presumably based on his reading
of the C.B. Moore report.

Jones Investigations

The first formal archaeological work on the island was
limited and took place in 1960, when William Jones, a local
avocational archaeologist, began investigating colonial
plantation sites. Three years earlier Jones had identified tabby
ruins on Big Talbot Island and even formally recorded one
historic site (8DU80). On his return visit in 1960 Jones (1988)
examined a series of locations, three of which included tabby
ruins. One of these, the John Houston Plantation (8DU90),
is located within the southern third of the island. Also within
the UNF survey area he examined three "sites with no visible
ruins" that he designated Sites A-C (Jones 1988:9-15).
Most of Jones's efforts focused on extant tabby ruins
associated with the nineteenth century Houston Plantation
(8DU90) and involved mapping and surface reconnaissance.
No subsurface testing was performed in this area. South of
the ruins, in a location he labeled Site A (still part of 8DU90),
Jones (1988:9) collected "a number of Spanish Olive Jar
fragments...two fragments of majolica and a few San Marcos
potsherds" from the surface of a dirt road According to Jones,
Goggin identified one of the majolica sherds as Fig Springs
Polychrome, which dates to the early seventeenth century. A
1.5 m square excavated adjacent to the road yielded "nothing
of historical value" (Jones 1988:9). Based on the surface
collected pottery, Jones suggested that Site A was the location
of the early seventeenth century visit of Sarabay, a satellite
village associated with the mission San Juan del Puerto on
nearby Fort George Island.
The "second site [Site B] with no visible ruins" was
situated within the roadside park east of the intersection of
A1A and Houston Road. This area previously had been
recorded by Jones as 8DU80 (Big Talbot Island site). A variety
of eighteenth century materials along with 16 aboriginal
potsherds was surface collected, but no subsurface testing
was performed. Pottery included 4 St. Johns Plain, 8 St. Johns
Check Stamped, and 4 grit tempered sherds that suggests a St.
Johns II component.

Another area investigated by Jones was "Site C"
(eventually considered part of 8DU631), which was located
adjacent to a dirt road near the Mud River landing (Jones
1988:13-15). This road, which was in use during Jones's
investigation, is not part of present-day Houston Road. A
number of historic sherds were found in the soft sand of the
road. Jones excavated a 1.5 m square along the east side of
the road as well as an undisclosed number of shovel tests;
the area also was scanned with a metal detector. The majority
of artifacts dated to the late eighteenth century, and Jones
speculated that the materials might represent a "dwelling
house" associated with one of the five families mentioned in a
1783 British census. Intermixed with the historic artifacts were
3 San Marcos, 2 sherd tempered, 2 sand tempered, and one grit
tempered sherd. Jones's (1988) surface survey, limited testing,
and historical research represent an important contribution to
our basic understanding of the island's history.

DHR Investigations

In the summer of 1974 Lynn Nidy of the Florida Division
of Archives, History, and Records Management (now the
Florida Division of Historical Research or DHR) visited
Big Talbot Island as part of an archaeological and historic
architectural survey of selected areas of Duval County (Nidy
1980). The objectives of the archaeological survey were to
relocate as many previously recorded sites as possible and to
survey accessible areas along or near the St. Johns River for
the presence of unrecorded archaeological sites. With William
Jones as his guide, Nidy apparently walked the dirt roads and
trails on the southern end of Big Talbot Island and revisited two
previously recorded sites (8DU2 and 8DU80) and documented
five new sites (8DU627-8DU631). Nidy's investigation
involved no subsurface testing, so fieldwork was limited to
surface inspection. Although spatial boundaries were given
for each site, they were tenuous and apparently based on the
general distribution of collected artifacts and observed shell.
As a follow up to Nidy's work, Kathy Jones of DHR
returned to 8DU1, which was subsequently named the Grand
site. Nidy certainly visited this site and completed a state site
form, but it is inexplicably omitted from his 1980 report. The
site consists of a shell ring and associated sand mound and is
most likely one of the two sand mounds mentioned by Moore.
Testing by Jones was limited to a single one-meter square dug
into the northern part of the shell ring to gather an artifact and
faunal sample. The unit revealed a 45-cm thick shell midden,
consisting mostly of oyster and clam shells with abundant fish
and turtle bones along with St. Johns II pottery. After formal
nomination, the Grand site was listed in the National Register
of Historic Places in 1975. The Grand site has been the subject
of recent excavation, which has dated its construction to the
St. Johns II period (Ashley and Thunen 1999:33-38; Ashley
et al. 2007).

University of North Florida Survey

Armed with a 1A-32 Archaeological Research permit from
the Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research and supported
by a Small Category Matching Grant from DHR, UNF


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


archaeologists undertook a shovel test survey of the southern
third of Big Talbot Island, an area of approximately 450 acres.
The objectives of the project were straightforward: to locate,
and in some instances relocate, all archaeological sites south of
the intersection of Houston Road and SR A1A and to provide
Big Talbot Island State Park with cultural information, spatial
boundaries, and management recommendations for each site.
Fieldwork took place between March 9 and May 8, 1998.
It was anticipated that, except for an area of poorly and
very poorly drained soils in its southeastern section, the entire
project area would need to be subjected to intensive shovel
testing. The survey began at an arbitrary point (5000N/1000E)
located near the tabby ruins at the Houston Plantation site
(8DU90). A shovel test grid radiated out from this point
along the four cardinal directions. Except for low and wet
areas, a few privately owned parcels, and a historic cemetery,
the project area was tested on a staggered 25-m grid. Four
additional tests were dug north of AlA, outside the project
area, to gather information on the northern extent of site
8DU80'. All shovel tests measured 50 cm square, and soil was
screened through 6.35 mm (1/4") hardware mesh. The volume
of recovered shell from each shovel test was measured in liters
before being discarded, and attempts were made to document
the variety of shellfish species and estimate their frequencies.
Pertinent environmental and cultural data were recorded for
each shovel test.
The UNF survey resulted in the excavation of 550 shovel
tests, of which 351 (63.8%) yielded cultural material (Figure
3). As a result, one new archaeological site (8DU13260) and
seven previously recorded sites (8DU1, 8DU80, 8DU90,
8DU627-8DU629, 8DU631) were located, sampled, and
bounded. The recorded location of a mound (8DU2) Nidy
suspected was one of the two mentioned by C.B. Moore was
relocated, but upon further investigation this particular mound
does not appear to be an aboriginal earthwork (Ashley and
Thunen 1999:38-39). In addition, 8DU630, which was tersely
described by Nidy, was determined to be indistinguishable
from 8DU631, so after consultation with the Florida Master
Site Files the site designation 8DU630 was eliminated in favor
of 8DU631. Finally, a nineteenth/twentieth century cemetery
(8DU1549) was inspected and photographed, but no shovel
testing was performed (Figure 4).

Results of UNF Survey

Ceramic DistributionalAnalysis

The following distributional analysis is based on the
results of the 1998 UNF survey. The vast majority of artifacts
recovered during shovel testing date to the late precolumbian,
mission, and plantation periods. In fact, no Paleoindian or
Archaic artifacts were found and only a small amount of
material from the Woodland period was recovered. With
regard to aboriginal materials, pottery was the most prevalent
artifact class and provides the best information on when and
where past activities occurred. In fact, nonceramic artifacts
were limited to a handful of whelk tools, 13 lithic artifacts,
and one piece of worked bone. A total of 2397 potsherds was
recovered, of which 1240 (51.7 percent) were larger than two

centimeters and subjected to detailed ceramic analysis. Sherds
identifiable to pottery type included Deptford, Swift Creek,
St. Johns II, St. Marys II, San Pedro, and San Marcos series
wares. Those not meeting distinct pottery type criteria were
classified by surface treatment and temper; the later included
fine sand tempered, medium sand tempered, and grit tempered.
Sand tempered refers to sherds with quartz inclusions between
.125 and 1.0 mm in size, whereas grit tempered denotes the
presence of quartz particles between 1.0 2.0 mm. Sand
tempered was further subdivided into two size categories: fine
(.125 .5 mm) and medium (.5 1.0 mm).
Table 1 lists and enumerates the various pottery types
from each site, while Table 2 provides basic site information.
Conventional narrative descriptions of these sites can be found
in Ashley and Thunen (1999:31-55). In the following, we will
forego traditional distributional analysis by individual site and
focus on the dispersal of diagnostic pottery types across the
broader sampling universe (i.e., southern third of Big Talbot
Island). In fact, many of the site boundaries are arbitrary and
based on brief breaks in artifact occurrence or denial of land
access. The systematic distribution of shovel tests across the
southern third of the island allows a glimpse into aboriginal
habitation and refuse discard patterns. As depicted in Figure
3, however, some areas were sampled on a 25-m grid, whereas
other locations were tested on a staggered 25-m grid resulting
in a somewhat uneven distribution of shovel tests. But complete
coverage of the survey area was accomplished.
The following discussion is facilitated through the use
of ceramic distribution maps generated by SurferTm mapping
program. Because of the uneven nature of shovel testing, we
decided not to use ceramic density contour maps since such
plots would have interpolated values between data point (i.e.,
shovel tests) separated by distances of 25 m or more, thus
possibly obscuring the reality of pottery distributions. Thus
we chose to depict graphically sherd weights for each shovel
test by individual pottery types (or ceramic series) and not
interpolate values between them. By focusing on the broader
distribution of pottery we should obtain a better picture of
settlement structure enabling us to identify shifts and infer
land use patterns during different periods of native occupation
of the southern third of the island.

Woodland Period (500 B.C. -A.D. 900)

Diagnostic Woodland period pottery was limited to only
14 sherds, 10 Deptford and 4 Swift Creek. It is likely that
some of the sand and/or grit tempered plainwares associated
with (or recovered near) these decorative types also date to
the Woodland period. With respect to Deptford pottery, two
isolated sherds were found along the west side of the island
(one at 8DU90 and one at 8DU631). The remaining 8 sherds
were recovered from 8DU629 and 8DU13260, on small points
of land that extend into the salt marsh in the southeastern part
of the survey area. The sparse occurrence of Deptford ceramics
on the southern end of Big Talbot Island suggests that Early
Woodland occupations were brief encampments or short-
term procurement ventures that took place between 500 B.C.
and A.D. 200. The same can be said for the Late Woodland
Swift Creek period, represented by 4 sherds sprinkled across a




Figure 3.

UNF archaeological survey, shovel test loca-

narrow east-west band near the center of the survey area that
crosscuts sites 8DU627 and 8DU631. All Swift Creek sherds
appear to be of the late variety suggesting an A.D. 500 to 850

St. Johns II Phase (A.D. 900-1250/1300)

Sponge spicule tempered St. Johns pottery (n=500)
was recovered from all sites, save for 8DU13260. It was the
most common pottery series recovered during the survey,
accounting for slightly more than 40 percent of the total
ceramic assemblage (see Table 1). In northeastern Florida, St.
Johns Plain and Check Stamped pottery, the most dominant
types within the survey area, mark the local St. Johns II phase.
These wares, however, can occur as minority types on early
St. Marys II sites and even later mission period sites in the
region. This opens up the possibility that some of the St. Johns

2008 VOL. 61(3-4)

800. 1000. 1200. 1400. 1600. 1800.
5400, iiI, 'i 5400.

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University of North Florida
Big Talbot Island Area I
Archaeological Survey 1998
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--Figure UNF archaeological survey, archaeological site

Plain and Check Stamped sherds, especially those from areas

St. Marys or San Pedro phases, respectively. Finally, two
marked less. Withi ar oits ensuveyit ar,,aeo sitever

Johns II phase include grit temp erd Oc mulgee Cordm arked
(n=15) and spicule tempered Little Manatee (n=8). The latter
included zone and shell stamped varieties.
As shown in Figure 5, St. Johns pottery was most prevalent
in shovel tests on the eastern side of the survey area (at 8DU1,
8DU80, and 8DU627) and at the southern tip of the island
(8DU628). While recovered from shovel tests west of Houston
Road at sites 8DU90 and 8DU631, its ceramic density was
markedly less. Within its extensive distribution are several
concentrations containing densely deposited shell, vertebrate
animal bone, and St. Johns Plain and Check Stamped, Little
Manatee, and Ocmulgee Cordmarked pottery types. The most
conspicuous St. Johns II feature on the island is the Grand
site (8DU1), a shell ring and burial mound complex (Ashley
and Thunen 1999:33-38). This one-of-a-kind piece of St.
Johns II architecture has been the scene of recent excavation
and securely dated to the period A.D. 900-1250 (Ashley et al.

Table 1. Aboriginal pottery totals sherdss > 2 cm) by site.

1 80 90 627a 627b 628 629 631 13260 Total Total
count %
Deptford 1 3 1 5 10 0.8
Swift Creek 3 1 4 0.3
St. Johns 126 214 13 45 19 56 16 11 500 40.3
St. Marys Cordmarked 1 22 36 19 2 1 51 132 10.6
San Pedro 9 21 30 8 14 34 1 49 166 13.4
San Marcos 1 5 24 2 7 27 66 5.3
fine sand tempered plain 2 11 14 5 8 3 3 8 2 56 4.5
fine sand tempered other 3 4 5 6 7 1 13 2 41 3.3
medium sand tempered plain 2 11 29 19 8 4 27 100 8.1
medium sand tempered cordmarked 7 33 9 6 25 80 6.5
medium sand tempered other 2 3 20 17 1 20 1 64 5.2
grit tempered plain/other 1 2 1 1 1 6 0.5
grit tempered cordmarked 13 2 15 1.2
TOTAL (count) 147 313 205 94 88 122 27 234 10 1240
TOTAL (%) 11.9 25.2 16.5 7.6 7.1 9.8 2.2 18.9 0.8 100

Table 2. Archaeological site data.
Name Size (m) Shovel tests Cultural Periods

8DU1 Grand 50 x 50 4 positive St. Johns II, St. Marys II, Contact-Mission
0 negative
8DU2 Talbot Mound B < 10 in 0 positive unknown
diameter 1 negative
8DU80 Talbot Island 900 N-S 61 positive St. Johns II, St. Marys II, Contact-Mission,
300 E-W 4 negative Historic Plantation
8DU90 Houston 500 N-S 78 positive Deptford, St. Johns II, St. Marys II, Contact-
Plantation 250 E-W 12 negative Mission, Historic Plantation
8DU627 Middle Midden 350 N-S 50 positive Swift Creek, St. Johns II, St. Marys II,
300 E-W 6 negative Contact-Mission,
8DU628 Reid 400 N-S 38 positive St. Johns II, St. Marys II, Contact-Mission
300 E-W 12 negative
8DU629 Jones Bluff 300 N-S 11 positive Deptford, St. Johns II, St. Marys II, Contact-
150 E-W 17 negative Mission,
8DU631 Armellino 800 N-S 98 positive Deptford, Swift Creek, St. Johns II, St. Marys
250 E-W 29 negative II, Contact-Mission, Historic Plantation
8DU1549 Houston 30 N-S No shovel Historic Plantation
Cemetery 30 E-W testing
8DU13260 Simpson Point 250 N-S 11 positive Deptford
150 E-W 10 negative

2007). Located near grid point 4600N/1450E in Figure 5, the
Grand Shell Ring appears to represent a major St. Johns II
phase ceremonial center of regional importance.
The largest apparent concentration of St. Johns II pottery
lies north of the Grand Shell Ring (Ashley and Thunen
1999:39-42). While shell density varied, a more than 100
meter long and 50-75-m wide band of dense shell midden,
that included several distinct shell heaps, was encountered
along the northern and western margins of the cove at site
8DU80 in the far northeastern part of the survey area. Another
concentration is Area A of the Middle Midden (8DU627),
which is located about 100 m west-southwest of the Grand
Shell Ring (near grid point 4500N/1200E). There, covering
an area of approximately 60 m in diameter, are a series of

mounded ridges and other irregular shaped heaps evincing
signs of previous digging, likely the result of past shell-mining
activities (Ashley and Thunen 1999:46). A final clustering of
St. Johns II pottery appears at the southern tip of the island
where St. Johns pottery occurred in association with far less
shell than in the concentrations to the north.

St. Marys IIPhase (A.D. 1250/1300-1450)

St. Marys Cordmarked (n=132) pottery was widely
dispersed across the northern part of the survey area, but
limited to only two shovel tests in the southern half (Figure 6).
The results of shovel testing indicate a mostly low to moderate
density distribution, with 75 percent of the shovel tests in




Figure 5. Distribution of St. Johns series by weight (grams).

Figure 6 containing less than 10 g of St. Marys Cordmarked
pottery. A few high density (more than 25 g) shovel tests were
encountered in the west-central (8DU631) and northeastern
(8DU80) sections of the survey area. Compared to the dispersal
of St. Johns pottery, St. Marys wares were more prevalent west
of Houston Road.
Within the Big Talbot Island ceramic collection,
cordmarked wares demonstrated a wide range of paste
characteristics. In order not to ob, cure or conflate culturally
or temporally distinct pottery types, fine sand, medium
(coarse) sand, and grit tempered cordmarked sherds were
distinguished and quantified separately. The grit tempered

specimens were clearly Ocmulgee Cordmarked, which is
associated with local St. Johns II assemblages, whereas the
fine tempered cordmarked matched the type description for St.
Marys Cordmarked. The medium sand tempered cordmarked
sherds were more problematic. Were they part of the range of
variation within the St. Marys type or were they affiliated with
San Pedro assemblages? It is also worth noting that many of the
medium sand tempered wares had wider cordage impressions
than the St. Marys specimens.
Figure 7 displays the distribution and density of medium
sand tempered cordmarked pottery (n=80) across the survey
area. It too has a mostly low frequency spread, with more than


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


800. 1000. 12"0. 1400, t0s. 1000.
S540.0f I 15400.




















1000. 1200. 1400. so00. ISoM

Figure 6. Distribution of St. Marys cordmarked sherd by weight (grams).

eighty-three percent of the shovel tests in Figure 7 containing
less than 10 g. As was the case with St. Marys, medium
sand tempered cordmarked wares were most common in the
northwestern part of the survey area; however, it was a little
more abundant in the extreme southern part of the survey area
than St. Marys While not always in the same shovel tests, St.
Marys and medium sand tempered cordmaked sherds occurred
mostly in the same general areas suggesting some degree of

Contact and Mission Periods (A.D. 1450-1702)

San Pedro (n=166) is a distinctive grog-tempered pottery
made by aboriginal groups in northeastern Florida and
southeastern Georgia during the late fifteenth through early
seventeenth centuries (Ashley 2009; Ashley and Rolland
1997). The paste reveals frequent crushed sherds (grog) within
a fine to coarse sand paste. The coarse paste of some of the
San Pedro sherds closely resembled that of the medium sand
tempered cordmarked category. As a tempering agent, grog
has been retired, therefore its texture often appears denser and

+ 1.1 to 10
A 10.1 to 25
* 25.1 tD 47.41




Figure 7. Distribution of medium cordmarked sherds by weight (grams).

more vitrified than the surrounding clay body. In the Big Talbot
collection a great variety of grog sizes and frequency was
observed. Unlike Late Woodland-period Colorinda pottery,
San Pedro grog rarely contains sponge spicules. Surface
treatments found on San Pedro specimens from the project
area included plain, bold check stamped (unlike that found on
St. Johns pottery), textile (or fabric) impressed, cordmarked,
cobmarked, and complicated stamped. Any surface treatment
may reveal areas of intentional obliteration.
San Pedro wares had the most widespread distribution of
any pottery type in the survey area (Figure 8) Of the 71 shovel
tests that yielded San Pedro pottery, 40 (56.3 percent), yielded
less than 10 g and 31 (43.7) produced weights greater than 10
g. Of the latter, five contained more than 25 g of San Pedro
pottery. Although widely scattered, high density clusters are

apparent throughout the survey area. The core area was located
at the Armellino site (8DU631), between approximately 4000
and 4300 North, slightly inland form where Mud Creek
abuts the island. While the density of San Pedro pottery is
slightly higher on the western side of Houston Road, present
distribution data suggest that the island's protohistoric through
mission period settlement was dispersed over a broad area.
In addition to San Pedro pottery, mission-period activities
on the island are represented by San Marcos (n=67) ceramics.
San Marcos, also known as Altamaha, is a grit-tempered ware
that appears to date to the seventeenth century in northeastern
Florida. Quartz temper ranged from rare 3 abundant grit-sized
inclusions. Surface decorations associated with this series
included plain, simple stamped, cross simple stamped, line
blocked, and complicated stamped. Some sherds possessed


2008 VOL. 61 -4)


Figure 8. Distribution of San Pedro series sherd by weight (grams).

a distinctive rim decoration consisting of a series of circular
punctations. The horizontal spread of San Marcos pottery
was grossly similar to that of San Pedro, but it was far less
frequent, particularly at sites on the eastern side of Houston
Road (Figure 9). A single olive jar fragment, along with San
Pedro and San Marcos sherds, was recovered from a shovel
test near the southern tip of the island at 8DU628. This is
believed to be the location of a mission-period ferry landing
operated by local natives, which linked Big Talbot Island to
Fort George Island and the mission San Juan del Puerto.
Block excavations conducted at the Armellino site
(8DU631) by UNF helps shed some light on the island's contact
and mission period occupation. An excavation area consisting
of 23 contiguous 1 X 2 m units produced large amounts of
San Pedro and San Marcos pottery along with a handful of
Spanish olive jar sherds (Thunen 1999). Preserved corn cob

fragments were recovered and an assortment of features and
postholes were revealed suggesting a domestic activity area
with structures. San Pedro and San Marcos wares were mixed
within the upper excavation levels, although only San Pedro
wares-and in a few contexts olive jar-were recovered from
subsurface features. Historic and archaeological evidence
points to the southern third of Big Talbot Island as the location
of the contact village and visit of Sarabay (Ashley and Thunen
1999:14, 52-54: Jones 1988; Thunen 1999).

Shell and Refuse Disposal Patterns

With the ceramic discussion complete, let us turn to the
distribution of shell refuse across the survey area and how
it relates to past cultural groups. With respect to shellfish
species, oyster was by far the predominant species encountered




900. 1000. 1200. 1400. 1600. 18o0.
5400, ...... ..-. .. .1. 9 '154 400.

+ 0.1 to 10
A 10.1 to 25
* 25.1 to 400



do. le0. 1200., 1400. 1600. lo10.'

Figure 9. Distribution of San Marcos series sherds by weight (grams).

throughout the southern third of the island, and minority
species composition varied by context. Typically, quahog
clam, stout tagelus, and Atlantic ribbed mussel were the
most common minority species, but eastern mud nassa, giant
Atlantic cockle, sharkeye, Carolina marsh clam, and whelk
also were recovered. In most instances, loci of high density
shell midden throughout the surveys area were replete with
preserved vertebrate animal bones.
Shell was recovered from ,384 (86.9 p, recent) of the 442
shovel tests associated with archaeological sites (Table 3). The
amount of shell per shovel test ranged from a few fragments
to more than 200 liters (1). More than sixty percent of the

shovel tests yielded no shell or less than one liter of shell.
Furthermore, shovel tests producing 50 1 or more of shell were
limited to seven tests in three general areas. Two of these,
yielding 225 1 and 198 1, were associated with the mounded
shell ring at 8DU1. Three additional tests that each produced
more than 501 of shell derived from the mounded shell midden
that corresponds to Area A of 8DU627 near the center of the
island. The final two tests were placed within a moderate to
dense band of shell midden spread along the upland edge of
a cove, immediately south of A1A at site 8DU80. On average
at least 10 1 of shell were recovered from each shovel test dug
at 8DU80. In addition, untested shell heaps were identified at


















2008 VOL. 61(3-4)

% J

Table 3. Shell frequency volume per shovel test by site.

Site No < 1 1-5 6-10 11-50 51-100 >100 Total
# Shell liter liters liters liters liters liters

8DU1 0 0 0 0 2 2 4

8DU2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

8DU80 3 24 16 5 16 1 0 65

8DU90 11 48 22 6 3 0 0 90

8DU627a 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 3

8DU627b 3 25 15 6 3 1 0 53

8DU628 9 25 10 4 2 0 0 50

8DU629 7 11 6 3 1 0 0 28

8DU631 17 70 26 8 5 0 0 127

8DU13260 6 12 2 0 1 0 0 21

TOTAL 58 215 97 32 33 4 3 442

this site, and a reconnaissance conducted on the northern side
of AlA indicated the presence of additional shell mounds (see
endnote 1).
The densest shell deposits were encountered on the
eastern side of Houston Road, and almost without exception
all were associated with St. Johns II phase pottery types.
Shovel tests dug on the western side of the island more often
yielded later St. Marys II, San Pedro, and San Marcos pottery
types and far less shell. While this distribution could suggest
that St. Marys II and contact-mission phase inhabitants of
the island did not exploit shellfish as intensively as earlier St.
Johns II groups, regional settlement pattern data suggest that
another explanation appears more likely. As discussed below,
we suggest that the patterning of shell within the southern
third of the island reflects different refuse disposal patterns
associated with culturally distinct groups combined with post-
depositional disturbances.
In the St. Marys region of northeastern Florida and
southeastern Georgia, many late precolumbian St. Marys II
and contact-mission period San Pedro sites are manifested as a
constellation of discrete circular to oval piles of shell midden,
each measuring ca. 2-15 m in diameter and anywhere from
10 cm to more than 1 m in height (see Ashley 2008 for an
overview). These shell deposits are frequently interpreted as
the refuse of individual households. Long-term use or reuse
of sites typically resulted in the formation of new individual
shell heaps, thus increasing the horizontal extent of the site.
For example, at the Quercus site (8DU628), a repeatedly
occupied St. Marys II site on the north side of the St. Johns

River, individual shell deposits measuring less that 10 m in
diameter, are dotted over an area of approximately 9 hectares
(Ashley 1997; Ashley and Chance 1995).
In contrast, St. Johns II sites are more often described
as diffuse "sheet shell middens" or larger "consolidated shell
middens" ranging from thin scatters to a depth of a meter
or more (Ashley 2003; Johnson 1988; Milanich 1994:245;
Russo et al. 1993; Sears 1957). Thus, at continuously and/or
repeatedly occupied St. Johns II period sites, distinct refuse
deposits were consolidated over time to form thick, continuous
shell middens that in some instances display themselves as
liner ridges or arcs that rise above ground surface.
At some sites, however, refuse patterning is masked
and not readily identifiable due to extensive site reuse by
many different cultural groups over an extended period of
time. Moreover, post-depositional activities such as historic
agriculture have marred or even erased signature patterns
of native refuse disposal. In fact, the effects of such ground
disturbing activities should vary depending on the density
and spread of shell in the refuse accumulations. In theory,
agricultural plowing should inflict more damage on St. Marys
II and San Pedro sites with their small, scattered mounds
than on St. Johns II sites containing a more consolidated and
continuous concentration of shell midden.
With regard to the western half of the survey area,
few piles, heaps, or mounds of intact shell midden refuse
were observed during transect shovel testing, although a
high frequency of St. Marys II and San Pedro pottery was
recovered. This part of the island was intensively farmed




throughout the nineteenth century by the Houston family and
others. Thus, past agricultural activities may have resulted in
the leveling and dispersal of formerly discernible shell heaps.
Consequently, the present landscape does not reflect that of the
late precolumbian period. In the absence of discernible shell
heaps, small individual middens may be difficult to locate
and identify in wooded areas via shovel testing at intervals
of 25 m or more, as was the case during the UNF survey.
Still the spotty and localized nature of sampled shell midden
deposits revealed during shovel testing at 8DU90 and 8DU631
suggest St. Marys II and San Pedro refuse disposal patterns.
Such an interpretation was borne out at 8DU631, where block
excavations exposed small shell middens and activity areas
believed to be associated with the visit of Sarabay (Thunen

Discussion and Conclusions

To date, no evidence of Paleoindian (ca. 10,000+ 8000
B.C.) or Archaic (8000 500 B.C.) period activities has been
uncovered within the southern one-third of Big Talbot Island.
However, Archaic period artifacts (e.g., projectile points) have
been found at site 8DU106 on the northeastern shore of the
island in the vicinity of Black Rock as well as to the south on
Fort George Island. The reason for the lack of early aboriginal
occupations in the present project area may be due to the
geomorphology of the island. That is, the southern portion
of the island may be a more recent coastal formation that
precluded occupations prior to ca. 500 B.C. Artifacts recovered
during the present survey indicate that the southern one-third
of the island was first occupied during the Woodland period,
some time after 500 B.C. But even during the Woodland
period, habitation was sparse and of short duration, perhaps a
reflection of the instability of the salt marsh ecosystem at the
southern end of the island at that time.
Intensive occupation of the survey area began with the
St. Johns II phase, around A.D. 900. St. Johns pottery covers
much of the southern third of the island. Significant St. Johns
II phase deposits include the shell ring and mound complex at
the Grand site (8DUl); an amorphous cluster of shell heaps
and ridges in Area A of the Middle Midden (8DU627); and
thick oyster shell-dominated refuse deposits along the cove at
the Big Talbot site (8DU80). In addition, areas of scattered
shell and artifacts that include St. Johns II wares occur within
the boundaries of the Middle Midden and Big Talbot Island
sites as well as at the Reid site (8DU628) at the southern tip
of the island. There is no doubt that these areas are grossly
contemporaneous and date to the local St. Johns II phase (A.D.
900-1250/1300), but their precise relationship to one another
in time and space is uncertain at this time. It is possible that
a permanent St. Johns II community resided at the southern
end of Big Talbot Island (Ashley et al. 2007). During the St.
Johns II phase, household locations may have moved about
the landscape but remained tethered to the Grand Shell Ring
which served as the community's ritual and mortuary center.
Subsequent St. Marys II occupations (ca. A.D. 1250/1300-
1450) appear to have been more common on the western side

of Houston Road, although substantial evidence of habitation
occurs in the northeastern comer of the survey area mixed with
earlier St. Johns II and later San Pedro phase refuse. Based on
shell midden data, St. Marys settlements appear to have been
characterized by the deposition of small individual household
middens, although this patterning has been obscured to some
extent by past land clearing activities on Big Talbot Island.. In
contrast to the thin, fine sand tempered St. Marys Cordmarked,
thicker cordmarked sherds with coarse sand tempering and
wider cordage impressions were recovered. In terms of both
technology and style, these wares fall between classic St.
Marys II and San Pedro types. Based on these attributes and
considering the distribution of these pottery types across of the
southern end of Big Talbot Island, we suggest that the "medium
sand tempered cordmarked" wares are part of a transitional St.
Marys II San Pedro assemblage, perhaps dating to ca. A.D.
1400-1500. In fact, some of the San Pedro sherds exhibited
the same coarse sand tempering observed in the transitional
cordmarked wares. This situation has been observed at several
other sites in the region (Ashley 2009).
San Pedro pottery, an archaeological correlate of the
contact and early mission era Mocama-speaking Timucua,
was more widely distributed across the survey area than
any other ceramic type/series. The production of classic San
Pedro pottery began around A.D. 1450 and continued to be
made into the early 1600s, at which time it was replaced by
the local manufacture of San Marcos/Altamaha wares. Based
on available archaeological, cartographic, and documentary
evidence, we suggest that the contact village and late sixteenth-
early seventeenth century visit of Sarabay was located at the
south end of Big Talbot Island. The main part of the village
may have been located along the southwestern edge of the
island, parallel to Mud Creek, which would have provided
watercraft access to the Intracoastal Waterway. However,
households appear to have been widely scattered across the
southern third of the island.
In conclusion, the southern third of Big Talbot Island was
the scene of transitory occupations during the Woodlandperiod,
repeated and intermittent encampments and procurement
activities during the St. Marys II phase, and the creation of more
settled village-like communities during the St. Johns II phase
and later contact-mission periods. These settlement trends seem
to echo what was going on throughout northeastern Florida.
Big Talbot Island represents an ideal research arena because
the sites still maintain untapped potential to explore important
questions regarding issues of material culture, community
layout, regional settlement patterns, and subsistence pursuits
to name a few. It is hoped that this study is a mere first step in
a long term archaeological investigation of the southern third
of Big Talbot Island.


1. Archaeological testing recently took place north of
A1A at 8DU80 as part of an archaeologic il survey of
the proposed Timucuan Multi-use Trail. Initial shovel
testing (Anderson-Waters et al. 2005) and subsequent unit


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


excavations (Klein et al. 2006a, 2006b) sampled shell
midden and non-shell loci that contained abundant St.
Johns II pottery.


The UNF survey of the southern third of Big Talbot Island
was funded in part with a Small Category Matching Grant from
the Bureau of Historic Preservation, Division of Historical
Resources, Florida Department of the State and we thank
them for their financial assistance. Bob Joseph, Park Manager
of Talbot Islands State Park, is commended for his help with
the project as well as his continued support of our research on
the island. Numerous people helped out in a variety of ways
and we wish to thank them all: Heather Shuke, David Nelson,
Laura Holton, Charles Potter, Mike Tarlton, Dave Bishop,
Jim Freels, Bob Richter, Jeff Will, and the Armellino family.
Thanks also to Greg Hendryx and Deborah Mullins for their
editorial comments. Finally, we especially want to extend our
deep appreciation to Vicki Rolland, whose hard work in the
field and laboratory contributed immensely to the success of
the project.

References Cited

Anderson Waters, Jamie, Gifford J. Waters, and Lucy B.
2005 Cultural Resources Survey andAssessment, Timucuan
Multi-Use Trail, Duval and Nassau Counties, Florida.
Report on file, Division of Historical Resources,

Ashley, Keith H.
1997 The Quercus Site: Shell Heaps, Cord Marked Pottery,
and the Savannah Tradition in Northeastern Florida.
Paper presented at the 49th annual meeting of the
Florida Anthropological Society, Miami.
2003 Interaction, Population Movement, and Political
Economy: The Changing Social Landscape of
Northeastern Florida (A.D. 900-1500). Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida, Gainesville.
2009 Straddling the Florida-Georgia State Line: Ceramic
Chronology of the St. Marys Region (A.D. 1400-
1700). In From Santa Elena to St. Augustine:
Indigenous Ceramic Variability (A.D. 1400-1700),
edited by Kathleen Deagan and David Hurst Thomas.
Volume in preparation, Anthropological Papers,
American Museum of Natural History.

Ashley, Keith H., and Marsha A. Chance
1995 An Archaeological Survey and Evaluation of the
Blue Cypress and Cedar Point Tracts, Duval County,
Florida. Report on file, Division of Historical
Resources, Tallahassee.

Ashley, Keith H., and Vicki L. Rolland
1997 Grog-Tempered Pottery in the Mocama Province.
The Florida Anthropologist 50:51-66.

Ashley, Keith H., and Robert L. Thunen
1999 Archaeological Survey of the Southern One-Third of
Big Talbot Island, Florida. Report on file, Division of
Historical Resources, Tallahassee.

Ashley, Keith, Vicki Rolland, and Rochelle Marrinan
2007 A Grand Site: Archaeological Testing of the Grand
Shell Ring (8DUl). Report on file, Division of
Historical Resources, Tallahassee.

Clayton, Tonya, Lewis A. Taylor, Jr., William J. Cleary, Paul
E. Hosier, Peter H.F. Graber, William J. Neal, and Orrin H.
Pilkey, Sr.
1992 Living with the Georgia Shore. Duke University
Press, Durham.

FDEP (Florida Department of Environmental Protection)
2004 Big Talbot Island State Park and Little Talbot Island
State Park Unit Management Plan. Florida Department
of Environmental Protection, Tallahassee.

Goggin, John M.
1952 Space and Time Perspective in Northern St. Johns
Archaeology, Florida. Yale University Publications
in Anthropology 47, New Haven.

Johnson, Robert E.
1988 An Archeological Reconnaissance Survey of the St.
Johns Bluff Area of Duval County, Florida. Report on
file, Division of Historical Resources, Tallahassee.

Johnson, Ann F., and Michael G. Barbour
1990 Dunes and Maritime Forests. In Ecosystems of
Florida, edited by R. Myers and J. Ewel, pp. 429-
481. University of Central Florida Press, Orlando.

Jones, William
1988 A Report on Big Talbot Island, Duval County, Florida
Ms. on file, Archaeology Laboratory, University of
North Florida, Jacksonville.

Klein, Rebecca, Martin F. Dickinson, and Lucy B. Wayne
2006a Archaeological Site Assessments, Talbot Island
Site and Talbot Tip Site, Timucuan Multi-use Trail,
Duval County Florida. On file, Division of Historical
Resources, Tallahassee.
2006b Addendum to: Archaeological Site Assessments,
Talbot Island Site and Talbot Tip Site, Timucuan
Multi-use Trail, Duval County Florida. On file,
Division of Historical Resources, Tallahassee.




Milanich, Jerald T.
1994 Archaeology ofPrecolumbian Florida. University of
Florida Press, Gainesville.

Moore, Clarence B.
1896 Certain Florida Coast Mounds North of the St. Johns
River. In Additional Mounds of Duval and Clay
Counties, Florida, pp. 22-30. Privately Printed.

Nidy, Lynn S.
1980 Historical, Architectural and Archaeological Survey
of Duval County, Florida. Miscellaneous Project
Report Series Number 12. Division of Archives,
History and Records Management, Department
of State, Tallahassee.

Russo, Michael, Ann S. Cordell, and Donna L. Ruhl
1993 The Timucuan Ecological and Historical Preserve
Phase III Final Report. National Park Service,
Southeast Archeological Center, National Park
Service, Tallahassee.

Scott, Thomas M.
1997 Miocene to Holocene History of Florida. In The

Geology of Florida, edited by A. Randazzo and
D. Jones, pp. 57-69. University Press of Florida.

Schmidt, Walter
1997 Geomorphology and Physiography of Florida. In
The Geology of Florida, edited by A. Randazzo
and D. Jones, pp. 1-13. University Press of Florida.

Sears, William H.
1957 Excavations on Lower St. Johns River, Florida.
Contributions of the Florida State Museum 2,

Thunen, Robert L.
1999 Testing at Sarabay. Paper presented at the 56th annual
Southeastern Archaeological Conference, Pensacola,

1998 Soil Survey of City of Jacksonville, Duval County,
Florida. United States Department of Agriculture,
Washington, D.C.


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)



Department ofAnthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 32611
Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc., 315 NW 138th Terrace, Jonesville, Florida 32669
Email: endonino@ufl.edu

The Thornhill Lake Archaeology Research Project
(TLARP) was initiated in 2005 with the purpose of gathering
data related to the construction of earthen and shell mortuary
mounds and other forms of monumental architecture by
Mount Taylor period hunter-gatherers in the St. Johns River
Valley (SJRV). Much of the effort put forth in this project was
focused on the Thornhill Lake Complex, a group of mounds
and midden deposits within the Lake Monroe Conservation
Area (LMCA) and managed by the St. Johns River Water
Management District (SJRWMD). Though a single site
in reality, the different components of the site (two earthen
mounds, three earth and shell ridges, and extensive midden
deposits) have been given individual site numbers: 8VO58,
8VO59, and 8VO60. Site designations notwithstanding, this
complex has the potential to provide baseline information to
begin addressing a number of issues related to the construction
and use of earthen and shell monuments, sand mortuary
mounds, and shell ridges during Mount Taylor times (7300-
4600 cal. B.P.). As part of the TLARP archaeological survey
work was carried out within the LMCA in order to locate
previously unrecorded archaeological resources. Beyond the
above stated research potential, this work also contributes
to our knowledge of chronology, settlement, subsistence,
and technology during the Mount Taylor period. Additional
questions concerning how later Orange and St. Johns peoples
used this site and the landscape within the LMCA has also
been recognized through this research.
This paper presents preliminary results of the TLARP
from 2005 to 2008 with an emphasis on excavations at the
Thornhill Lake Complex. I begin with an introduction to
the project area and a sketch of the natural environment.
Following this, background information on the Thornhill Lake
Complex, principally previous investigations and other known
sites within the LMCA, are reviewed. Next, the results of
archaeological reconnaissance survey and general observations
regarding site components and environmental settings are
presented. Following the discussion of the survey work, the
results of excavations at the Thornhill Lake Complex are
considered. Last, the results of the TLARP are discussed and I
put forth suggestions for future research.

Project Area and Environment

The LMCA is located on the eastern side of the St.
Johns River south of Lake Monroe and east of the outlet of

Lake Jessup in southwestern Volusia County (Figure 1). The
project area lies within the Eastern Valley physiographic
province between the Osceola Plain, the Deland Ridge, and
the Geneva Hill. Measuring 7,390 acres, the LMCA makes up
approximately 90 percent of the floodplain of Lake Monroe
(SJRWMD 2003). Within the LMCA wetlands account for
94 percent of the total land area within its bounds and consist
primarily of floodplain marsh and wet prairie. The remainder
includes a number of ecological communities and foremost
among these are prairie hammock and scrubby flatwoods.
Poorly drained soils predominate throughout the LMCA with
most belonging to the Bluff-Tequesta-Astor soil series (USDA
1980). Large expanses of land within the LMCA, largely the
marshes and floodplain, are characterized by Bluff Sandy Clay
Loam, Gator Muck, and Terra Ceia Muck. Somewhat better
drained soils are present in upland areas north of the St. Johns
River and associated marshes. Overall wetlands dominate the
landscape of the LMCA. The most extensive are the floodplain
marshes and wet prairie associated with the St. Johns River,
Brickyard Slough, Snake Creek, Hickory Creek, and Thornhill
Lake. Numerous small wetlands are present throughout the
interior of the LMCA as well.


Previous Investigations

Previous research at the Thornhill Lake Complex and the
LMCA is limited. Perhaps the earliest reference to the Thornhill
Lake site is Jefferies Wyman's (1875:44) brief mention of
"two sand mounds and midden below Black Hammock" on
his list of sites visited along the St. Johns River. Though on
his list, Wyman makes no mention of having excavated at the
site. Clarence Moore is responsible for the most extensive
excavations at the Thornhill Lake Complex. Moore made
two trips to Thornhill Lake, the first in December 1892 and
the second in January 1894, resulting in the publication of
two articles (Moore 1894a, 1894b). Both articles present the
results of Moore's work at the site. The first publication is
brief, describing the placement of excavations in the mounds,
stratigraphic observations, and the nature of the burials
encountered. Moore is struck by the lack of pottery in the
mounds. Believing his work to be insufficient to understand
these mounds he planned another visit to conduct additional


VOL. 61(3-4)




Figure 1. The Lake Monroe Conservation Area. USGS Osteen 1980 quadrangle map.

Upon his return to Thornhill Lake Moore reports the
"total demolition" of the Mound A and the excavation of the
center of Mound B (Moore 1894b:67). Compared to his first
round of excavations, his second was more productive and
provocative. Excavation in Mound A revealed the presence of
burials accompanied by bannerstones, pendants, polished stone
beads, and both tubular and disc-shaped shell beads (Figure
2). Stone used to manufacture the bannerstones, pendants, and
polished stone beads include greenstone, steatite, and jasper -
all exotic materials coming from sources outside of peninsular
Florida. Exotic materials such as these were obtained through
exchange networks that were established throughout the
eastern United States during the Middle Archaic and lasted
into the Late Archaic (Goad 1980; Jefferies 1996). Moore
clearly describes the association of bannerstones, pendants,
and beads of stone and shell with burials in both mounds. He
also notes the virtual absence of pottery in Mound A and the
total absence of pottery in Mound B, an occurrence that, along
with the association of bannerstones with burials in mounds,
was never before encountered by him during his work along
the St. Johns River.

An interesting fact was uncovered during the course of
the background research for the TLARP through a reading
of Moore's field notes and draft versions of his publications
in addition to his excavation of the mounds, Moore
(1892:88-90) also excavated in the nearby midden deposits.
These excavations are never discussed in either of Moore's
publications dealing with the site. A total of five excavations
were placed into the midden. Little in the way of material
culture was recovered and includes a modest assortment of
stone, bone, and shell tools. Moore reports finding pottery
within a foot and a half of the ground surface. He makes no
remarks regarding the nature of the types of pottery present.
The occurrence of hearths or "fireplaces" and faunal remains
also are noted. Likely Moore's decision not to report his
excavations into the midden stem from the lack of interesting
artifacts. Nevertheless, his stratigraphic descriptions and
observations regarding the vertical distribution of pottery at
the site have proven valuable to the current research.
No mention of work at Thomhill Lake is to be found in
the archaeological literature subsequent to Moore's. However,
Goggin (1952:51-53) does discuss this site and Moore's work in

2008 VOL. 61(3-4)



s omas


-m mO


- -
- -

Figure 2. Bannerstones, pendants, and beads recovered by Clarence Moore from Mounds A and B at Thornhill Lake.

relation to his "unclassified complex" and notes the occurrence
of bannerstones and jasper beads at the site. Archaic period
artifacts such as bannerstones found in sand burial mounds
did not lead to them being interpreted as Archaic period burial
mounds, but as Woodland period St. Johns I mounds with
"heirlooms" from earlier times included. Today archaeologists
are more receptive to the existence of Archaic period mounds
and it is now recognized that the mounds at Thornhill Lake
belong to the Mount Taylor period of the SJRV (Mitchem
1999:30; Piatek 1994; Russo 1994; Wheeler et al. 2000).
Excluding the current research, the only other
archaeological investigations at Thornhill Lake and the LMCA
was a field visit by Conservation and Recreation Lands (CARL)
archaeologist Christine Newman (1998) in response to reports
of looting at the site. According to Newman the mounds were
in good condition and that the looting was approximately a
year old and was not active. In fact, Newman states that Mound
A was not "demolished" as Moore (1894b:167) indicates but
was, in fact, in relatively good condition, noting that there were
likely intact deposits and burials within the mounds (Newman

Previously Recorded Sites

Six previously recorded archaeological sites are present
within the LMCA (Figure 3). The best known of these are
the two mounds (8VO58 and 8VO59) and shell midden
(8VO60) that make up the Thornhill Lake Complex. Three
other previously recorded sites are also within the boundaries
of the LMCA: Beck Slope (8VO446), a probable St. Johns II
period midden; an unnamed aboriginal canoe (8VO447); and
the Thornhill Lake Canoe (8VO7218). Since little is known
about these three other sites, and no work was conducted at
them during the TLARP between 2005-2008, they will not be
further discussed in favor of focusing attention on the sites
newly discovered during survey in the LMCA.

Survey Results

Archaeological survey within LMCA began in 2005 and
resulted in the identification of nine previously unrecorded
sites (Table 1, see also Figure 3). Six of the nine newly
discovered sites are primarily or exclusively prehistoric and





Figure 3. Archaeological sites within the Lake Monroe Conservation Area discussed in the text.

Table 1. Newly recorded archaeological sites in the Lake Monroe Conservation Area.

Site No. Name Type Components

8VO8284 Mother's Day Lithic Scatter Lithic Scatter Mt. Taylor

8V08285 Thornhill Prairie Site Midden (bone only) Mt. Taylor?, Orange

8VO8286 Brickyard Slough Midden Shell Midden Orange, SJ I, SJ II

8VO8287 Thornhill Marsh Midden Midden (bone only) Mt. Taylor, Orange, SJ Indet.

8VO8288 Twin Pygmy Rattler Midden Shell Midden Orange, SJ Indet.

8V08289 Hickory Slough Midden Shell Midden SJ Indet.

8VO8290 Nix Farmstead Farmstead Late 19"h Century/


Lowe Farmstead


8VO8319 Kratzert Logging Road Road

SJ I=St. Johns I, SJ II=St. Johns II, SJ Indet.=Indeterminate St. Johns

Early 20th century

Late 19" Century/
Early 20'h century

Early 20th Century

2008 VOL. 61(3-4)



consist of five middens and one lithic scatter. Where historic
components are present, they are ephemeral and date from
the late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. For purposes
of this paper, the prehistoric sites are the focus. Two historic
sites (8V08290 and 8V08291) are homesteads associated
with Reed Ellis, a former Volusia County surveyor, truck crop
farmer, and businessman and his descendents. The homesteads
are located within the Kratzert tract of the LMCA (Stine 1998).
Additionally, a historic logging road (8VO8319) dating to the
1930s was identified through aerial photographs and historic
documents (Stine 1998). Several archaeological occurrences
consisting of single lithic artifacts also were identified and
occurred in close proximity to newly recorded sites found
during this research.
Middens discovered during survey work were all found in
prairie hammock environments and adjacent to open channel
creeks, sloughs, or marshes. Three of the middens (8VO8286,
8VO8288, and 8VO8289) are composed of shell and are
limited in extent horizontally and vertically. One site, the
Thornhill Marsh Midden (8VO8287), produced a small amount
of shell that is localized while the remainder of the deposits
at the site are characterized by shell-free midden. Thornhill
Prairie (8VO8285) is similar to the Thornhill Marsh Midden
(8VO8287) although initially the former was determined to
be a lithic scatter (Endonino 2007:38-41). Additional testing
at 8VO8285 through the placement of a single 1 x 2 meter
test excavation unit revealed the presence of shell-free bone
midden and Orange Plain pottery. Although located in close
proximity to the Thornhill Lake Complex, shell deposits,
which are pervasive at the latter, are totally lacking at the
Thornhill Prairie site. The relationship of the Thornhill Prairie
and the other newly discovered sites to each other is explored
later in this paper.
Orange and St. Johns components were identified at three
of the new middens while Hickory Slough Midden (8VO8289)
lacks an Orange component. A limited St. Johns II presence
is registered at the Brickyard Slough Midden (8V08286)
by a single sherd of St. Johns Check Stamped pottery but is
absent at all the others. A single low-density lithic scatter was
recognized during testing within the LMCA at the Mother's
Day Lithic Scatter (8VO8284) and consisted of a limited
assemblage of lithic waste flakes and tool fragments. This
site represents the only one of this kind yet identified in the

The Thornhill Lake Complex

Work at the Thomhill Lake Complex emphasized
topographic mapping and limited test excavation. Collecting
these data allow for an assessment of the site's temporal and
cultural association as well as site function within a research
framework that seeks to understand the emergence and use
of monumental architecture (i.e. sand mounds and ridges of
earth and shell) during the Mount Taylor period. However,
before addressing these issues, an assessment of the site was
sorely needed considering that the only archaeological work at
Thornhill Lake was Moore's excavations in the late nineteenth
century. Brass tacks archaeology must be undertaken if any

discussion of Archaic mortuary mounds and purposefully
constructed shell ridges is to be meaningful.

Topographic Mapping

A topographic map of the Thornhill Lake Complex
was generated using a Nikon DTM310 total station and
commercially available mapping software (Figure 4). Through
the mapping efforts of the TLARP, the first detailed map of
an Archaic mortuary complex in the SJRV was produced and
revealed the form of the site's principal features as well as
other features that escaped notice by Moore and are not readily
apparent on the ground due to dense foliage. Among these are
a shell knoll east of Mound A and a shell ridge connecting
Mounds A and B. These are discussed in more detail below.
Moore never produced a map of this site but he describes the
Thornhill Lake Complex as consisting of two earth and shell
mounds oriented in a north-south fashion. At the northern end
of Mound B, he indicates that two parallel shell ridges converge
and are oriented north-south. To the west of the mounds and
ridges bordering Thornhill Lake, Moore (1892:89) describes
a crescent-shaped midden deposit with its "horns" pointing
toward the water. Lying between the mounds and Thornhill
Lake are shell fields.

Mound A

MoundA is the southernmost of the two mortuary mounds.
Moore (1894a:88) describes it as symmetrical in form,
presumably round in plan, and having a circular platform at
its top. He indicates that this is the larger of the two mounds
at the site and measures, by his estimate, 11 feet (3.4 m) in
height with a circumference of 425 feet (129.5 m). Compared
to Mound B, Mound A does have a greater circumference.
However, Mound B now attains a greater height by virtue of
the fact that Moore dug extensively into the center of Mound
A and is responsible for its reduction in height. Evidence of
Moore's excavation is visible in both the mound center and on
the northwestern slope. A depression is observed at the southern
end of the'mound summit and on the northwestern side of the
summit is a spoil pile, associated with Moore's excavations
in the mounds center or its northern slope, possibly both. The
remnants of the in-filled trench Moore dug on the "northern
slope" can be seen as a somewhat broader, flatter area on the
northwestern side of the mound.

Mound B

Moore (1894a:89) describes Mound B as measuring 8 feet
10 inches (2.7 m) high and 295 feet (89.9 m) in circumference.
Today this mound is conical in shape and its summit is more or
less flat, though Mound B is overall smaller and less flat than
Mound A. No evidence of Moore's excavation in the center
Mound B or the trench he dug on the western slope of the
mound are discernible and stand in marked con rast to Mound
A. Topographic mapping revealed an interesting feature
apparently not recognized or described by Moore: a ramp is
present on the northwest side of Mound B and aligns nicely




0 10 20
Contour interval = 20 cm
Figure 4. Topographic map of the Thornhill Lake Complex, 8V058, 8V059,

and 8VO60.
with the southeast end of the North Ridge. The ramp is distinct
from the North Ridge itself, and this is clearly visible in the
congruity of the contour lines of the ramp and their contrast
with the ridge topography.

North Ridge

The North Ridge begins at the northwest side of Mound B.
Initially the North Ridge has a generally southeast-northwest
orientation and aligns with the ramp on the northwest
side of Mound B. At the northwest end of the southeastern
segment of the North Ridge is a small shell knoll, and at this
point it reorients and takes on a west-northwest heading.
Approximately 25 meters west-northwest of this first feature
is a second shell knoll about the same size. To the north and
northeast a low terrace edge is visible both on the topographic
map as well as on the ground. Beyond this low terrace edge no
midden deposits are to be found and the vegetation indicates a
transition to a wetlands environment.

South Ridge

Beginning on the southwest side of Mound B, the South
Ridge runs in a southwesterly fashion and appears to be aligned
with the mounded midden deposits at its westernmost end
bordering Thornhill Lake. In comparison to the North Ridge,
the South Ridge appears somewhat wider and has a crest that

seems to taper from the northeastern end near its juncture
with Mound B toward the southwest. About midway between
Mound B and Thornhill Lake the ridge truncates and becomes
narrower and lower in elevation but still maintaining its general
southwestern orientation. Approximately where the ridge
narrows an in-filled depression is present and may possibly be
one of Moore's pits. This can not be proven conclusively and
other causes are certainly possible, both cultural and natural. At
its terminus near the mounded shell deposits south of the Shell
Mining Pit the South Ridge looses its topographic distinction
and merges with the midden adjacent to Thornhill Lake. It is
possible that prior to shell mining operations at this location
that the ridge was more distinct.

East Ridge

Moore does not specifically note the presence of a shell
ridge connecting Mounds A and B. He may not have considered
this ridge to be a distinct feature and thought of it only as
part of the "shell heap" that the mounds were constructed
upon (Moore 1892:91), and this may very well be the case.
Nevertheless, this topographic feature has been named the
East Ridge. It has a southeast-northwest orientation. On either
side of this ridge there is a clearly discernible drop in elevation
which contributes to its form and prominence. The depression
immediately to the east of the East Ridge is likely a borrow pit
for one or both of the mounds.

2008 VoL. 61(3-4)



Borrow Pit

A depression located north of Mound A, southeast of
Mound B, and west of the East Shell Knoll was identified
during mapping, contrasting noticeably with the topographic
features in the vicinity. Possibly this is the source of at least
some of the sand material used to construct one or both of the
mounds. Because of this feature, the height of nearby Mound
A is somewhat exaggerated when viewing it from its northern
side. Moore (1894a:89) notes that the height of Mound A
appears higher as the result of a depression on its south side.
Mapping of the complex shows no depression to the south of
Mound A and thus it appears that Moore was in error regarding
which side of the mound the depression is located.

East Shell Knoll

During excavations in the winter of 2007 a small and
distinct mounded shell deposit was identified in the dense
vegetation located to the east of the mounds. Previously it was
assumed that all of the mounded shell deposits at the site had
been documented. This feature is spatially isolated and quite
distinct. It measures approximately 25-30 meters in diameter
and approximately 50 centimeters in height. In form the East
Shell Knoll is reminiscent of the two shell knolls on the North

"Shell Ring"

Located to the southeast of the Shell Mining Pit and
southwest ofMoundA on the western edge of the site, is another
notable topographic feature. Based on a visual inspection and
the topographic map presented here, this feature can be best
described as a small ring-shaped midden deposit. The origins
of this feature are somewhat enigmatic but ultimately may be
attributable to shell-mining operations during the twentieth
century. A similar but more pronounced type of disturbance
is associated with a shell mining pit on the western side of the

Shell Mining Pit

Another site feature is a shell mining pit dug into the
mounded midden deposits on the far western edge of the site
bordering Thornhill Lake. This feature is a more or less circular
pit dug down into midden deposits that are approximately 2
meters in height. Considering its origins, it seems appropriate
to call this cavity the "Shell Mining Pit." An apron of intact
midden deposits surrounds it and is most easily discerned on
the north and west sides. To the south and east of the Shell
Mining Pit are remnants of the South Ridge. A breach in the
apron is discernible to the southwest and might be attributed
to the use of a dragline during mining operations. The Shell
Mining Pit and the location where the dragline cut through the
apron were clear and distinct shortly after the hurricanes of
2004 when elevated water levels in the St. Johns River cat.u3ed
Thomhill Lake to rise and filled the borrow pit and the dragline
trench, giving it the appearance of a "keyhole." Concreted
midden is present at the bottom of the pit and is visible in

several places. Currently it is not clear who mined the shell or
when. A local historian from Deland, Bill Dreggers (personal
communication, July 2007) has indicated that Volusia County
may have been responsible as they had mined several other
sites on the east bank of the St. Johns for road fill during the
early- to mid-twentieth century. Another possibility is that
Reed Ellis or other Ellis family members mined the shell after
they had acquired the land.


Excavations at Thornhill Lake were geared toward the
exposure of stratigraphic profiles and the recovery of organic
materials for radiometric dating. Through the exposure of
stratigraphic profiles in Mounds A and B as well as the North,
South, and East Ridges and the "Shell Ring," it was believed
that physical evidence for intentional construction would be
obtained. Radiometric dates would provide the time frame
for construction. Zooarchaeological specimens and samples
of material culture also were obtained in order to provide
additional evidence for site-related activities. Thirteen test
units were placed in key site features: Mounds A and B; the
North, South, and East Ridges; shell deposits adjacent to the
Shell Mining Pit; and the "Shell Ring" feature at the site's
southern end near Thornhill Lake (Figure 5).

Stratigraphy and Chronology

Perhaps the most significant contribution of the TLARP
is the demonstration of mound construction for the explicit
purpose of burying the dead members of Mount Taylor
society. These contributions were made through the exposure
of stratigraphic profiles and eight radiocarbon dates (Table
2). Regarding stratigraphy, approximately four millennia of
pottery-making culture is confined within 50 centimeters of
the ground surface and can be characterized as a shell-free
midden. Beneath this shell-free stratum is an extensive shell
midden deposit approximately 1.5 meters in thickness and in
some places as much as 2 meters thick. Underlying this shell
midden deposit is an organic sandy soil that appears to be a
buried ground surface. Beneath this is sterile gray sand and, in
a few locations, clay.
Excavations in Mounds A and B were carried out on the
lower slopes of each in order to avoid human remains and
burials that are reported from the mound cores by Moore
(1894a, 1894b). Three of the four units were terminated at
depths of approximately 50 cm below surface and failed to
produce the stratigraphic data sought. However, the units did
produce disturbance related to Moore's excavations and the
bioturbative processes related to historic cattle ranching and
citrus cultivation. This was especially evident in TU-A where
disturbance related to Moore's work was clearly discernible
in the unit profiles. One test unit, TU-D, was placed in the
ramp feature on the northwest side of Mound B, and revealed
strata lacking pottery and produced a carbon sample that,
along with the sample from TU-A, figured prominently in the
establishment of the time frame for mound construction at
Thornhill Lake.




0 10

Contour interval = 20

Figure 5. Location of excavation units within the Thornhill Lake Complex.

Profiles from TU-D show three mounded sand strata
(Strata II, III, IV) extending from shortly beneath the ground
surface down to the top of the shell deposits (Strata V, VI)
at the base of the mound (Figure 6). St. Johns ceramics were
sparingly recovered in the upper 30 centimeters of the unit, the
remaining 60 centimeters of sand deposits and 42 centimeters
of midden at the base of the mound are ceramic. An AMS

date of 4970 +/- 40 radiocarbon years before present (rcybp)
(5860-5600 cal. B.P.) was obtained for the shell deposits at
the base of Mound B. Based on this radiocarbon date and the
absence o 'fiber-tempered pottery, a conservative estimate for
mound construction between 5600-4500 cal. B.P. is suggested.
An AMS date on charcoal from shell deposits immediately
beneath mounded sand in the lower southern slope of Mound



Table 2. Radiocarbon dates from the Thornhill Lake Complex.

Beta Lab # Provenience Material 3C/12C Ratio Conv. 14C Cal. B.P.* Cal. B.C.*

231047 Mound A, shell at mound base charred material -22.8o/oo 4170+/-50 4840-4530 2890-2580

231048 Mound B, Str. VI, basal shell charred material -26.0o/oo 4970+/-40 5860-5830 3910-3880
5750-5600 3800-3660

231049 South Ridge, TU F, Fea. 7 charred material -25.lo/oo 4950+/-90 5910-5580 3960-3630
5520-5480 3570-3530

231050 North Ridge, TU I, Str. Va top charred material -24.3o/oo 5170+/-40 5990-5900 4040-3940

231051 North Ridge, TU I, Str. VI charred material -26.5o/oo 5420+/-40 6290-6180 4340-4230

231052 TU H, Fea. 2, Lvl.2 charred material -22.7o/oo 5190+/-40 6000-5900 4950-3950

231053 TU H, Str. IV charred material -24.4o/oo 5130+/-40 5990-5960 4040-4010
5950-5740 4000-3800

231054 TU I, Str. V charred material -26.1o/oo 4430+/-40 5280-5160 3330-3219
5130-5100 3180-3150
5080-4870 3130-2920

* Dates reported at the two sigma calibration

Thomhill Lake
8V059, Mound B
Test Unit D




* lv

E roots
F-1 moisture pocket
i 1 rotted palm root

Stratum Depth B.S.

Matrix Description

I 0-10 10YR4/1 dark gray loose fine sand with trace
amounts of fragmented Viviparous and bivalve
shell concretions. Small rootlets and organic
pellets were frequent.
II 10-36 7.5YR3/2 dark brown fine sand, lightly
compacted with frequent concretions and minor
fragmented Viviparous and bivalve shell.
Concretions decrease with depth. Moderate
small and medium sized roots.
IIa 36-52 10YR3/3 dark brown fine, loose sand.
IIb 36-78 10YR3/3 moisture pocket, dark brown fine,
loose sand.
III 36-76 10YR4/2 dark grayish brown fine, moderately
compacted sand with occasional concretions
and frequent small roots and medium roots
IIIa 36-54 10YR4/3 brown moderately compact fine sand,
minor medium and small roots.
IV 76-88 10YR3/1 very dark gray compact fine sand
with frequent concretions. Small roots
common. Shell appears in center of unit at
bottom of stratum.
V 88-104 10YR3/3 dark brown lightly to loosely
compacted fine sand with abundant whole
Viviparous and bivalve shell increasing in
abundance with depth. Small roots common.
VI 104-132 10YR4/2 dark grayish brown, dry, powdery
loose fine sand with abundant whole and
crushed Viviparous, bivalve, and Pomacea.
Elimia and terrestrial snails present.

Figure 6. Unit profiles for TU-D in the ramp feature on the northwest side of Mound B.

A produced a date of 4170 +/- 50 rcybp (4840-4530 cal. B.P.)
and falls within the suggested date range, though toward the
end, for the construction of Mound B. Such a large window
for the timing of mound construction is lamentable but, in lieu
of dating human remains or marine shell artifacts associated

with burials from the mounds, it is nonetheless sufficient to
demonstrate that these monuments are Mount Taylor period
constructions. Corroborating evidence for the timing of
mound construction is provided by Sassaman and Randall's
(2007) bannerstone chronology for the Savannah River Valley





Thornmhill Lake
8V060, South Ridge
Test Unit F





Stratum Depth B.S.

Matrix Description

I 0-15 10YR2/1 black loose fine sand, minor Viviparous
and bivalve shell increasing with depth. Roots and
organic matter are abundant throughout.
II 15-100 10YR2/2 very dark brown loose fine sand with
predominantly whole Viviparous with frequent
crushed Pomacea. Bivalve shell mostly at top of
stratum and fragmented. Small roots are frequent
III 39-83 10YR2/2 very dark brown fine, loose sand. Shell
content decreases significantly and consists of
whole and crushed Viviparous, Pomacea, bivalve,
Elimia, and Euglandia. Small roots are common
lia 52-81 10YR3/2 very dark grayish brown loose fine sand
mottled with dark gray 10YR4/1 loose fine sand,
Viviparous, and bivalve.
IV 75-100 10YR3/1 dark gray loose fine sand and fragmented
bivalve, Viviparous, and Pomacea.
IVa 63-76 10YR5/2 grayish brown fine sand with shell, minor
Viviparous and bivalve.
IVb 65-93 10YR4/3 brown loose fine sand.
V 93-125 10YR3/2 very dark grayish brown fine sand with
moderate shell, principally Viviparous and bivalve,
fragments of concreted midden.
Va 68-124 10 OYR4/2 dark grayish brown compact fine sand
with minor shell; Viviparous, bivalve, and

Figure 7. Unit profiles for TU-F in the South Ridge.

in Georgia the likely source of these artifacts. Based on their
chronology, the bannerstones from these mounds date between
5200-4700 cal. B.P. and confirm the general time frame for
mound construction indicated by the radiocarbon dates and
absence of fiber-tempered pottery.
Excavation in the South Ridge produced unequivocal
evidence for intentional construction in the form of alternating
strata composed of sand and shell which was later capped by,
and subsumed within, a homogenous dark brown sand and
shell matrix (Stratum II) that expanded the ridge vertically and
horizontally (Figure 7). Orange and St. Johns period ceramics
were found in trace amounts within 50 centimeters of the
ground surface. Several features, primarily hearths and shallow
pits, were encountered at this locus. A hearth (Feature 7) at the
base of the mounded sand and shell contained remnants of a
charred log and produced a standard radiocarbon date of 4950
+/- 90 rcybp (5910-5480 cal. B.P.) and marks the initiation of
construction on the South Ridge. An auger test in the floor of
the unit revealed over a meter of additional midden deposits
and produced a Newnan point at 168-185 cmbs.
Work in the North Ridge also provided evidence for
intentional construction. A series of auger tests dug east-west
across this feature demonstrate that the shell deposits composing
the North Ridge are localized and absent within about 10
meters from its northern and eastern sides. Additionally, the
auger tests revealed that the core of this feature is a shell ridge
with two distinct nodes, also composed of shell (Figure 8).
Sand apparently was deposited on the ridge, filling in the
saddles between the shell nodes and Mound B while raising
and leveling its surface. An excavation unit on the North
Ridge's westernmost node (TU-J) provided two AMS dates.
The first of these came from the top of the demonstrably

preceramic shell deposits and produced a date of 5170 +/- 40
(5990-5900 cal. B.P.). The second of these dates from TU-J
comes from the sub-midden deposits and dates to 5420 +/- 40
rcybp (6290-6180 cal. B.P.). This last date from the base of the
midden deposits marks the initiation of shell deposition in this
part of the site.
Excavations in TU-H to the south of the South Ridge
revealed the presence of stratified midden deposits and yielded
two radiocarbon dates which indicate that the deposits in this
location were laid down within a relatively short period of
time. The first of the dates was taken from Level 2 of Feature
4, a hearth, and returned a date of 5190+/-40 rcybp (6000-
5900 cal. B.P). A second date of 5130+/-50 rcybp (5990-5740
cal. B.P) was obtained from charcoal in the general level
midden matrix composed of loose apple snail approximately
20 centimeters above the water table. Although the youngest
date occurs stratigraphically below the oldest they are
penecontemporaneous when their sigmas are taken into
consideration. Test Unit I on the southern edge of the Shell
Mining Pit revealed additional stratified midden deposits
composed mainly of concreted Viviparous and bivalve shell,
terminating within a stratum composed of loose apple snail.
It was believed that this apple snail stratum and that observed
in TU-H were related and a sample of charcoal from it was
submitted for dating, returning a date of 4430+/-40 rcybp
(5280-4870 cal. B.P). The younger date returned for the apple
snail stratum in TU-I demonstrates that these two strata are not
related and that the midden deposits located closer to Thornhill
Lake are younger than those further to the east namely the
shell ridges and other midden deposits.
Additional excavations have been undertaken in the
orange grove east of Mound B, the East Ridge, and the "Shell


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


Figure 8. Auger profiles showing the mounded shell deposits on the North Ridge.

Ring." Analysis is ongoing and the results for these units are
preliminary. The excavation of a 1 x 3 meter trench (TU-K)
east of Mound B revealed the presence of shell-free midden
deposits related to the Mount Taylor period occupation of
the site with the usual upper 30-50 centimeters of ceramic-
bearing deposits. Three concreted shell filled pit features were
encountered and a modest assemblage of lithic waste flakes and
tools was recovered. Faunal bone was abundant. Excavation of
a 1 x 2 meter test unit in the East Ridge (TU-L) revealed shell-
free midden deposits to a depth of approximately 40-60 cmbs
underlain by stratified shell midden. The shell free midden
produced an abundance of faunal bone and lithic waste flakes
and tools. Shell midden deposits with a noticeable ascending
slope from west to east lies beneath the shell-free midden and
mirror the topography of the East Ridge. Though not conclusive,
stratigraphic profiles from this unit hints at the possibility that
these shell deposits were laid down in a purposeful fashion.
Evidence for this may be seen in what appears to be basket
loading manifest as concentrations of apple snail and sand in
TU-L during excavation as well as in the unit walls. Lastly
a 1 x 2 meter test unit (TU-M) was excavated in the "Shell
Ring" and has not resolved the lingering questions as to the
origin of this feature. My inclination is that it represents the
apron of formerly mounded midden deposits that have been

mined out at some point in the twentieth century. Very little
in the way of cultural material was recovered from this unit
but it did reveal the presence of additional intact and stratified
preceramic midden deposits in this location.

Material Culture and Technology

Material culture recovered during the TLARP conforms
to the expectations for shell middens along the St. Johns
River. A sample of artifacts found during excavation of test
units at Thornhill Lake is shown in Figure 9. Lithic technology
at Thornhill Lake shows an emphasis on late-stage biface
production and maintenance based on the relative infrequency
of large flakes (over 3 cm sq.) and lack of cortex on the dorsal
surface. By far waste flakes are the most abundant lithic
artifact from all contexts. Other tool forms recovered include
a unifacial flake tool, a small number of microliths similar to
those from the Lake Monroe Outlet Midden (8VO53) (ACI/
Janus 2001), and several utilized flakes. Regarding formal
tools, hated bifaces and biface fragments identified consist
almost exclusively of Newnan and Hillsborough points. In
terms of the types and numbers of lithic artifacts, the Thornhill
Lake Complex is most similar to Groves' Orange Midden
(8VO2601) (Purdy 1994) and both pale in comparison to



Trn~FLORDA N~mIPO~o~sT2008 VOL. 61(3-4)

Figure 9. Selected artifacts from the Thornhill Lake Complex. Top row from left: drilled shark tooth, shell bead, bone
bead, bone bead; middle row from left: dolphin vertebra ear spool, bone pin/point fragment, shell pendant, Newnan point;
bottom row: columella gouge or chisel.

the Lake Monroe Outlet Midden (8VO53) in terms of sheer
numbers and assemblage diversity. The fact that stone tools
are not more frequent in the assemblage owes much to the
absence of knappable stone within the SJRV.
Bone tools consist largely of"pins" and "points" but remain
somewhat functionally ambiguous without a microscopic
inspection of the tool surfaces and breakage patterns. Shark
teeth are fairly frequent at Thornhill Lake. Few show any signs
of hafting and only two have perforations suggesting that they
may have been hafted. Analysis of bone tools is currently
underway. In addition to the tool forms, bone was also the raw
material used to manufacture items of personal adornment.
Two bone beads were recovered from the sand strata in TU-D
near the base of Mound B. Bone beads similar to these have

also been recovered from Groves' Orange Midden (Wheeler
and McGee 1994). Presumably these items would have been
worn as part of a necklace or bracelet as the Groves' Orange
Midden specimen would suggest. Perhaps the most interesting
bone artifact believed to have been for personal adornment is
a curious object that may be an ear spool judging its form.
Making this specimen even more unusual is the fact that it is
made from a dolphin vertebra (Brian Worthington, personal
communication, 2008). The protrusions that normally are
present on dolphin vertebrae have been ground off and a notch
has been ground c'rcumferentially around the edge, creating a
dumbbell-like morphology (see Figure 9). At present I am not
aware of any other instances of marine mammal bone being


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)

v--X- -j


use for the production of items of personal adornment in the
Pottery recovered during excavation throughout the site
consists of types typical of the SJRV and include incised and
plain Orange and St. Johns wares as well as check-stamped St.
Johns. Sand tempered plain and check stamped pottery was
rarely recovered. Pottery was not abundant from any excavated
context and, as discussed previously, was confined to within
50 centimeters of the ground surface throughout the site. More
pottery was recovered from surface contexts along the shore
of Thornhill Lake where erosion has exposed midden deposits
than from all excavated contexts combined. Further, pottery
from excavated contexts was more abundant nearer Thornhill
Lake and was notably less frequent with increasing distance
from the lake and reinforces the fact that the lakeshore location
of the site was of importance to later inhabitants following the
Mount Taylor period.
Shell tools were infrequently recovered from excavation
units at this site but several specimens have been recovered
from surface contexts. A shell gouge or chisel was found in
TU-F on the South Ridge. Of note is the frequent occurrence
of cockle shells, primarily heart cockle (Dinocardium spp.).
Quahog (Mercenaria spp.) shell fragments were common as
well. However, neither of the latter displays any evidence of
having been utilized as a tool.


No zooarchaeological analyses beyond field identifications
have been carried out materials from the Thornhill Lake
Complex to date. One column sample from the North Ridge has
been collected and fauna from the general excavations of all
the test units all are available for study. At this point, however,
a few general impressions regarding the faunal assemblage
can be offered. First, as many other researchers in the SJRV
have noted (Quitmire 2001; Russo et al. 1992; Sassaman 2003;
Wheeler et al. 2000), aquatic resources played a prominent role
in the diet of the site's inhabitants, notably fishes and turtles.
Birds were occasionally noted and included both small and
large examples. Deer are foremost among the large mammals.
Smaller mammals such as raccoon, opossum, and domestic dog
also have been noted. Freshwater mollusks are well represented
in the faunal assemblage and banded mystery snail (Viviparous
georgianus) was most abundant. Frequencies of both apple
snail (Pomacea paludosa) and freshwater mussel (Unionidae
spp.) varied from unit to unit and both typically were highly
fragmented and mussel shells showed a high degree of burning
and substantially more than either mystery or apple snail.
Several coprolites were recovered during testing throughout
the site and their analysis has the potential to provide yet
another avenue to the study of subsistence practices during the
Mount Taylor period and, possibly, Orange and early St. Johns
as well. Though impressionistic and brief, the above comments
related to subsistence at the Thornhill Lake Complex bear out
thCe findings of previous investigations into subsistence in the
SJRV. The collections of zooarchaeological specimens from
this site hold the potential to provide insights into the use of
biotic resources at a Mount Taylor mortuary mound complex.

Future work is needed to quantify the remains by taxa and
examine it for taphonomic patterns.


Thornhill Lake and Contemporary Sites in the LMCA

Archaeological survey within the LMCA revealed two
sites that are potentially contemporary with the Thornhill
Lake Complex: the Thornhill Marsh Midden and the Mother's
Day Lithic Scatter. The Thornhill Marsh Midden is a short-
term habitation site and consists principally of a moderate
density shell-free midden deposit with a limited assemblage
of lithic waste flakes and tools and bone tools. Later Orange
and St. Johns occupations are present at this site but were
stratigraphically separable from the Mount Taylor period
midden deposits. Whether or not the Thornhill Marsh Midden
is contemporary with the Thornhill Lake Complex can not be
known without dating the ceramic deposits at the former.
The Mother's Day Lithic Scatter produced a very limited
assemblage of lithic waste flakes and biface fragments. Again
it is very difficult to demonstrate the contemporaneity of this
site with the Thornhill Lake Complex with such limited data.
What both sites do have in common with the Thornhill Lake
Complex are preceramic components associated with the
Mount Taylor period. Apart from this, no solid relationships
between these sites can be discerned with the available data.

Settlement Patterns

Regarding settlement patterns, although Mount Taylor
sites are few within the LMCA, the Thornhill Lake Complex,
along with the Thornhill Marsh Midden and the Mother's Day
Lithic Scatter, have demonstrable Mount Taylor components.
Possibly the Thornhill Prairie site has a Mount Taylor
component but as yet has not produced definitively diagnostic
Middle-Late preceramic Archaic projectile point types that
would be useful in establishing its relative chronological
position. Thornhill Marsh Midden and the Thornhill Lake
Complex contrast noticeably in that one is a moderate density
bone midden and artifact scatter and the other is a substantial
mounded shell midden/mound complex and these in turn
contrast with the low density Mother's Day Lithic Scatter.
Orange period sites are more common within the LMCA
and without exception each is characterized by a midden
deposit, either shell or bone only, that is limited in both
its horizontal and vertical extent. All are located in close
proximity to water, either shallow marshes or former and
current river channels. This was observed definitively at the
Thornhill Lake Complex, the Thornhill Marsh Midden, the
Twin Pygmy Rattler Midden, and at the Thornhill Prairie site.
All other Orange period sites encountered within the LMCA
occur at locales without prior Mount Taylor deposits. Later St.
Johns period occupations typically co-occur with the Orange
period components. Generally these sites have St. Johns I
or otherwise indeterminate St. Johns components. Only the
Thornhill Lake Complex and the Brickyard Slough Midden
register a St. Johns II presence. Though not yet visited the




Beck Slope midden also is reported to have check-stamped St.
Johns pottery. The settlement patterns noted for Mount Taylor
contrast with the succeeding Orange and St. Johns periods
during Mount Taylor times the Thomhill Lake Complex was
a focal point of settlement with smaller, temporary camps in
the vicinity as represented by the Thornhill Marsh Midden and
the Mother's Day Lithic Scatter sites. During Orange and St.
Johns times settlement seems to be more distributed across
the landscape with no one site having been occupied more
intensively than another.

Mount Taylor Mound-Building and Monumentality

Perhaps one of the greatest contributions of the TLARP
is the unequivocal demonstration that the Thornhill Lake
Complex is the oldest mortuary mound complex yet known
in Florida and the southeastern United States, dating between
5600 and 4600 years cal. B.P. In addition to demonstrating
the age of these mounds it was also shown that other forms
of monumental architecture, specifically ridge construction,
occurred at approximately the same time that mound
construction began, a fact substantiated by the stratigraphic
profiles exposed in the South Ridge and the accompanying
radiocarbon dates. These findings call into question the
currently accepted models of material cultural development
and monumentality from the Archaic to the Woodland.
Mound-building once was considered a Woodland period
characteristic but research has shown that mound-building
begins during the Archaic (Russo 1994). Similarly, it has now
shown that mortuary mound construction also begins during
the Archaic period in Florida although it apparently was not a
common occurrence beyond the SJRV.

The Thornhill Lake Phase

Based on the work of the TLARP and previous research
in the SJRV and Atlantic Coast (Douglass 1882; Endonino
2007; Moore 1891, 1894a, 1894b, Piatek 1994; Sears 1960),
sufficient data have come to light to warrant a modification
to the chronology of the Mount Taylor period. Therefore I
propose that the Mount Taylor (7300-4500 cal. B.P.) period
be divided into Early Mount Taylor (7300-5600 cal. B.P.) -
which will retain the Mount Taylor title and the Thornhill
Lake Phase (5600-4500 cal. B.P.). The Thornhill Lake Phase
is characterized by aspects of the material culture and social
relations that differ from what both precedes and succeeds it.
Foremost among these are: 1) the construction of sand mortuary
mounds and, 2) the increase and persistence of interregional
and intraregional exchange. Evidence for the latter comes in
the form of bannerstones, pendants, and beads of exotic non-
local stone from elsewhere in the southeastern coastal plain.
These items are found mainly in mortuary contexts although
they also occur in non-mortuary contexts as well (ACI/Janus
2001; Wheeler and McGee 1994).
In addition to tl e material and social aspects used to
delineate the Thornhill Lake Phase, it is also both spatially
and temporally discrete. Spatially the Thornhill Lake Phase
occurs in the middle St. Johns River Valley, between Lake

Hamey and Lake George, and the adjacent Atlantic coast of
St. Johns, Flagler, and Volusia Counties, from just south of St.
Augustine southward to the Ormond Beach area. This general
spatial domain corresponds to the occurrence of the known
and suspected Thornhill Lake Phase mound sites. Temporally
the Thornhill Lake Phase is defined by three radiocarbon
dates, two dates from the Thornhill Lake Complex (Mounds
A and B) presented in Table 2 and one date of 4817-4447 cal.
B.P. from Mound 6 at the Tomoka Complex (8VO81) (Piatek

As indicated above, the Thornhill Lake Phase differs
from what precedes and succeeds it. These differences are
most clearly discerned in the realm of mortuary practice.
During Early Mount Taylor interments occur in mounded
shell contexts (Aten 1999; Moore 1894a, 1894b). During the
succeeding Orange period little is known about the mortuary
practices but cemetery type treatments are known and burial in
mounded shell midden also may have been practiced (Bellomo
1995). Likewise one of the hallmarks of the Thornhill Lake
Phase, namely bannerstones, pendants, and beads of exotic
stone, are nowhere reported from Early Mount Taylor or
Orange period contexts. Further, the phenomenon of Middle/
Late Archaic sand mortuary mound construction, with the
exception of Horr's Island on the southwest coast of Florida
(Russo 1991), has not been observed elsewhere in peninsular
Florida, further reinforcing the geographic specificity of this
phase. At this point I hasten to add the caveat that this division
of the Mount Taylor period into Early Mount Taylor and
Thornmhill Lake should be considered provisional and subject
to modification as additional research is conducted and new
data become available. A more detailed and formal description
of the Thornhill Lake Phase is forthcoming in the author's

Future Research Directions

Though a substantial amount of work has been carried
out at the Thornhill Lake Complex during the TLARP there
remains much to be done. Additional excavation at selected
locations, namely the shell ridges, has the potential to produce
corroborative evidence for their purposeful construction.
However, of immediate concern is the dating of additional
radiocarbon samples already collected and the analysis of
material culture and zooarchaeological specimens already
Although eight radiocarbon dates were returned from
samples taken during excavations at the Thornhill Lake
Complex (see Table 2) more are needed in order to more
securely date the deposits and architectural features at this
site. Foremost among these are features found in the shell-free
midden deposits to the east of Mound B, the East Ridge, and
the ring-like shell feature located at the southern end of the site.
Despite the lack of available funds for dating, organic samples
have been collected from all of these locations nonetheless in
the hope that funds might one day become available. Additional
dates from the above mentioned architectural features will
allow for meaningful comparisons regarding the timing of

2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


their construction with the ultimate goal of determining the
sequence of site construction. Additional dates from the
basal deposits at this site are also needed to more accurately
determine the timing of initial site use.
One area ofresearch that has yet to be addressed adequately
is the zooarchaeology of the Thornhill Lake Complex. Limited
analysis of Units A and C at the Thornhill Marsh Midden has
been undertaken and demonstrates a reliance of shallow water
and marsh species, notably small fishes and turtles (Pye 2007,
Randall 2007). No analysis of fauna has been undertaken
at the Thornhill Lake Complex. A column sample has been
taken but at the time of publication, processing and analysis
have not occurred. Currently these samples and additional
zooarchaeological specimens are housed at the Laboratory
of Southeastern Archaeology at the University of Florida.
Ultimately they will be curated at the Bureau of Archaeological
Research in Tallahassee and will be available for study.
Several areas within the LMCA have received limited
reconnaissance survey. Among those areas most likely to yield
additional previously unrecorded sites are the extensive marsh
and prairie bordering the river that is only accessible by boat,
as well as the numerous small ponds and wetlands within the
interior of the LMCA. Sites likely to be encountered include
low density lithic and artifact scatters around the interior ponds
and wetlands and both shell and bone middens within the
wet prairies and lands bordering sloughs and river channels.
Time constraints and the emphasis on the excavations at the
Thornhill Lake Complex prevented comprehensive subsurface
testing in the interior as well as the marshes and prairies in
the Kratzert Tract of the LMCA. Further reconnaissance and
survey in these areas are likely to prove fruitful.
Additional excavations at the Thornhill Marsh Midden
offer an opportunity to explore the nature of a shell-free Mount
Taylor period midden. The study of such a site independently
is worthy in and of itself considering that such sites are not
generally excavated and therefore little is known about them.
Studying smaller sites such as these provides a broader picture
of Mount Taylor period settlement, land use practices, and
subsistence than studying the shell middens and mounds


The TLARP over the past four years has made a number
of contributions to Florida archaeology, some minor and
others significant. Among the most significant contributions
is the documentation of mortuary mound and shell ridge
architecture beginning at approximately 5600 cal. B.P.
Clarence Moore's work pointed suggestively to this fact but
prior to this work it had only been conjecture. Importantly,
Thornhill Lake is not the only example of Mount Taylor period
mounds, mortuary or otherwise. Additional research at these
other known and suspected Archaic mound sites in the future
will hopefully prove as fruitful and enlightening. The proposal
of the Thornhill Lake Phase is another contribution to Florida
archaeology, further refining the temporal parameters of the
Mount Taylor period. Contributions to the understanding of
settlement patterns over the long term, material culture, and

subsistence practices of Mount Taylor groups also have been
made by the TLARP although these goals are yet to be fully
realized. Continued research will no doubt bear this out. As
discussed above, survey and excavations across the LMCA
yielded insights into the nature of Mount Taylor, Orange,
and St. Johns period settlement practices. Thornhill Lake
was a central place during Mount Taylor, waning shortly
thereafter and being only one of many locations utilized by
later Orange and St. Johns period groups. This is evidenced
by the occurrence of several small sites dating to these periods
throughout the LMCA. Judging by their small size and limited
material culture assemblages, sites such as the Thornhill Marsh
Midden and the Mother's Day Lithic Scatter were short-term
habitations or resource extraction sites and satellites to the
main areas of occupation (i.e. Thornhill Lake Complex). On
the whole the nature of post-Mount Taylor occupation of the
area seems to be one of greater mobility and reduced intensity
of occupation, in seeming opposition to what was occurring
at the Thornhill Lake Complex during Mount Taylor times.
Overall the Thornhill Lake Archaeological Research Project
was very successful. Field has been completed as of December
2008. Analysis of material culture is ongoing and it is hoped
in the future that researchers will take an interest in the
zooarchaeological remains. A final accounting of all field
work and results of the TLARP will be presented in a final
monograph submitted to the Florida Division of Historical
Resources in fulfillment of the 1A-32 permit issued for this
work well as part of the author's dissertation research at the
University of Florida.


Numerous individuals are deserving of recognition
and thanks. A great debt of gratitude is owed to SEARCH
for allowing me the use of field equipment throughout this
research and support in other ways too many to mention. Ken
Sassaman reviewed an early draft of this paper and, more
importantly, allowed me the latitude to carry out my research
with relatively little supervision. That confidence in my abilities
and his constant support are greatly appreciated. Without all of
the volunteers who so freely gave of their time and talents this
project would not have come as far as it has. Deserving of
special recognition are David Carlson, Jon-Simon Suarez, J.P.
Petrencsik, Chuck Alexander and his family, Warren and Ruth
Trager, Phil Guilford, Josh Foster, and JoAnne Cross. Thank
you to the field crew for the 2006 and 2007 field seasons: Clete
Rooney, Chris Sypniewski, Micah Mones, Matt Watson, David
Carlson, and Simon Suarez. Deborah Mullins and Andrea
White made the editorial process easy and painless. Linda
Stine kindly provided me with a copy of the manuscript for
her survey of the Kratzert Tract in Lake Monroe Conservation
Area. Brian Worthington provided a species identification
for the bone ear spool. Funding for this research came from
the American Philosophical Society through a Lewis and
Clark 'ravel and Research Grant, a State of Florida Historic
Preservation Grant (Grant No. S0758), and a John W. Griffin
Award from the Florida Archaeological Council. Research
was carried out under a 1A-32 permit (Permit No. 0405.44)




from the Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research and a
Special Use Authorization from the St. Johns River Water
Management District. My wife Heather Endonino deserves
special recognition for all of her help with the Thomhill Lake
Archaeological Research Project and, more importantly, her
patience and support during my graduate studies. Anyone
overlooked or left out has my sincerest apologies, your
contributions are valued and my gratitude eternal.

References Cited

Archaeological Consultants, Inc. and Janus Research
2001 Phase III Mitigative Excavation at the Lake Monroe
Outlet Midden (8V053), Volusia County, Florida.
Prepared by Archaeological Consultants, Inc.
and Janus Research for the U.S. Department of
Transportation, Federal Highway Administration and
the Florida Department of Transportation District
Five. Report on file, Florida Division of Historical
Resources, Tallahassee.

Aten, Lawrence E.
1999 Middle Archaic Ceremonialism at Tick Island,
Florida: Ripley P. Bullen's 1961 Excavations at
the Harris Creek Site. The Florida Anthropologist

Bellomo, Randy V.
1995 Archaeological Investigations at the Summer Haven
Site (8SJ46), An Orange Period and St. Johns Period
Midden Site in Southeastern St. Johns County,
Florida. Report prepared for the Florida Department
of Transportation, District Two, Lake City Florida,
by Janus Research. State of Florida, Department of
Transportation Environmental Management Office,

Douglass, A. E.
1882 A Find of Ceremonial Axes in a Florida Mound.
American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal 4:100-

Endonino, Jon C.
2007 The Thornhill Lake Archaeological Research Project:
2006-2007. Report of Investigations, Laboratory of
Southeastern Archaeology, University of Florida,
Gainesville. Report on file, Florida Division of
Historical resources.

Goad, Sharon I.
1980 Patterns of Late Archaic Exchange. Tennessee
Anthropologist 5:1-16.

Goggin, John M.
1952 Space and Time Perspectives in Northern St. Johns
Archaeology, Florida. Publications in Anthropology,
Yale University Press, New Haven.

Jefferies, Richard
1996 The Emergence of Long-Distance Exchange Networks
in the Southeastern United States. In Archaeology of
the Mid-Holocene Southeast, Kenneth E. Sassaman
and David G. Anderson, eds., pp. 222-234. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Mitchem, Jeffrey M., editor
1999 The East Florida Expeditions of Clarence Bloomfield
Moore. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.

Moore, Clarence B.
1891 Notebook # 1. Clarence Bloomfield Moore Collection,
#9181. Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections,
Cornell University Library.
1894a Certain Sand Mounds of the St. Johns River, Florida.
Part I. Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of
Philadelphia 10:4-128.
1894b Certain Sand Mounds of the St. Johns River, Florida.
Part II. Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences
of Philadelphia 10:129-246.

Newman, Christine
1998 Field Visit to the Thornhill Lake Mounds (8V058,
8V059) and Midden (8V060). Report on file, Florida
Division of Historical Resources, Tallahassee.

Piatek, Bruce
1994 Tomoka Mound Complex in Northeast Florida.
Southeastern Archaeology 13(2): 109-117.

Purdy, Barbara A.
1994 The Chipped Stone Tool Industry at Groves' Orange
Midden (8VO2601), Volusia County, Florida. The
Florida Anthropologist 47(1):390-392.

Pye, Jeremy
2007 Analysis of Faunal Material from Test Unit C,
Thornhill Marsh Midden (8VO8287), Thornhill Lake
Archaeology Project, Lake Monroe Conservation
Area, Volusia County, Florida. Report on file,
Laboratory of Southeastern Archaeology, Department
of Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Quitmire, Irvy R.
2001 Zarchaeoloical Analyses. In Phase III Mitigative
Excavations at the Lake Monroe Outlet Midden
(8V053), Volusia County, Florida. Prepared by
Archaeological Consultants, Inc. and Janus Research
for the U.S. Department of Transportation, Federal
Highway Administration and the Florida Department
of Transportation District Five. Report of file, Florida
Division of Historical Resources, Tallahassee.

Randall, Zachary
2007 Zooarchaeology Analysis: Thornhill Marsh Midden,
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1991 Archaic Sedentism on the Florida Coast: A Case Study
from Horr 's Island. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department
of Anthropology, University of Florida. University
Microfilms, Ann Arbor.
1994 A Brief Introduction to Archaic Mounds in the
Southeast. Southeastern Archaeology 13(2):89-92.

Russo, Michael, Barbara Purdy, Lee A. Newsom, and Ray M.
1992 A Reinterpretation of Late Archaic Adaptations in
Central-East Florida: Groves'Orange Midden (8-
VO-2601). Southeastern Archaeology 11(2):95-106.

St. Johns River Water Management District
2003 Lake Monroe Conservation Area Quick Guide.
Electronic document accessed on 6-27-2003 at www.

Sassaman, Kenneth E.
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Springs and Hontoon Island State Parks. Technical
Report 4, Laboratory of Southeastern Archaeology,
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Gainesville. Report on file, Florida Division of
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2007 The Cultural History of Bannerstones in the

Savannah River Valley. Southeastern Archaeology
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Sears, William H.
1960 The Bluffton Burial Mound.
Anthropologist 13 (2&3):55-60.

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Stine, Linda France
1998 Minnie Beck Kratzert Park, Volusia County, Florida.
Manuscript in the possession of the author.

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in Cooperation with the University of Florida Institute
of Food and Agricultural Sciences, Gainesville.

Wheeler, Ryan and Ray McGee
1994 Technology of Mount Taylor Period Occupation,
Groves' Orange Midden (8VO2601), Volusia County,
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 47:350-379.

Wheeler, Ryan, Ray McGee, and Christine Newman
2000 A New Look at the Mount Taylor and Bluffton Sites,
Volusia County, with an Outline of the Mount Taylor
Culture. The Florida Anthropologist 53:133-157.

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Arkansas Archeological Survey, Toltec Mounds Research Station, 490 Toltec Mounds Road, Scott, AR 72142
Email: jblakney@uark.edu

My doctoral research at the University of Florida was
centered on the archaeological investigations of the Paynes
Town Seminole site (Blakney-Bailey 2007). The Paynes Town
site (8AL366) is located within the boundaries of Paynes
Prairie Preserve State Park, near Micanopy, in north-central
Florida (Figure 1). Paynes Prairie, the natural feature for which
the park is named, is a 16,000-acre limestone solution basin
that is home to many natural communities. Most notable are
the freshwater marshes and wet prairie lands. Low ridges and
intermittent depressional wetlands surround the basin and also
support a wide array of wildlife (State of Florida Department
of Environmental Protection 2002:9-29).
The diversity of the ecological communities and the
abundance of freshwater have attracted humans to Paynes
Prairie for millennia. It is not surprising, then, that the
artifacts recovered during my fieldwork at the Paynes Town
site in 2003 and 2004 represented a number of cultural
occupations. Several lithic projectile points, dating from the
late Paleoindian period to the late prehistoric period were
found at the site, along with pottery associated with Cades
Pond (A.D. 200-1000) andAlachua (A.D. 1250-1585) cultural
groups. However, as expected, the material culture from the
site was dominated by artifacts associated with a Seminole
occupation (A.D. 1790-1812). The number and diversity of
artifacts found at the Paynes Town site rival that of other
well-known sites associated with early Seminole occupations,
including Spalding's Lower Store (8PU23) (Goggin 1940;
Lewis 1969) and Oven Hill (8DI15) (Blakney-Bailey 2004;
Craig and Peebles 1974; Weisman 1989:51-58).
Like Paynes Town, the majority of known Seminole
archaeological sites that predate the onset of the Second
Seminole War (1835-1842) are located in northern Florida.
However, during different times in history, the Seminoles have
occupied virtually every part of the state (see Carr and Steele
1993 for a summary of known Seminole sites in Florida).
Thus, all archaeologists working in Florida should be familiar
with the material culture of Seminole sites. By providing a
synopsis of the material culture recovered from Paynes Town,
it is my hope that this paper will help to familiarize a larger
body of people with the types of artifacts associated with
Seminole sites.

Early Seminole Settlements in Paynes Prairie

In the first quarter of the eighteenth century, parts of Creek
towns relocated to northern Florida from their homelands in

the Lower Chattahoochee River Valley and the Flint River
drainages of Georgia and Alabama. The greatest amount of
written information on the early Creek colonization of Florida
relates to the Oconee band of Creeks, led by "Cowkeeper."
The Oconees first settled permanently in the Paynes Prairie
region in the late 1730s near the former headquarters of the
Spanish ranch known as "Rancho de la Chua" or "Hacienda
de la Chua" (Cline 1974:1979; Fairbanks 1978; Swanton 1998
[1922]:398-400). The Creek inhabitants of La Chua, in turn,
were referred to as both "Alachuas" and "Seminoles." The
latter term is believed to be a derivation of the Spanish word
cimarrone, which was used to describe both escaped slaves
and Indians who had separated from their original communities
(Fairbanks 1978:171).
Sometime in the 1760s, Cowkeeper moved the town a few
miles to the south, near the present-day town of Micanopy,
where it became better known as "Cuscowilla." When
Cowkeeper died, in 1784, the chiefly position was inherited
by "King Payne" (Cline 1974:88-89), who relocated the
town approximately two miles to the north a few years later.
Paynes Town is the only Seminole settlement that has been
archaeologically identified within this series of occupations by
the original Oconees and their descendants. However, a small
Seminole "camp" (Sears 1959) and a multi-component site that
included two Seminole burials (Fitts 2001; Goggin et al. 1949)
have been found. Both of these sites were probably associated
with the larger Seminole settlements (Weisman 1999:32-34).

European Material Culture at Seminole Sites

As would be expected, given their shared cultural
ancestry, there are many similarities between Seminole Indian
and Creek Indian archaeological sites and material cultures.
Participation in the British fur trade helps to explain the
abundance of European-introduced artifacts and the many
changes that occurred across Seminole and Creek settlements
throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
By the time of Payne's leadership (1790-1812), the
Panton & Leslie Company had held a monopoly on the British
fur trade in Florida for decades, and the company had several
warehouses and outposts throughout northern Florida (Cline
1974:150; Coker and Watson 1986:33-34). A number of the
artifacts found at the Paynes Town site are identical to those
recovered from the site of Spalding's Lower Store (Lewis
1969) and the site of a trade outpost on the Wakulla River
(Stacy 1967). The similarity in these materials is evidence of


VOL. 61(3-4)




Figure 1. Location of Pa} nes Prairie Preserve State Park.

the mass-production and standardization of trade items, which
can also be seen in eighteenth- and nineteenth- century British
trade inventories that were designed specifically for trade
with the Southeastern Indians (Braund 1993:128; Covington
1960). The abundance of European artifacts recovered from
the Paynes Town site suggests that: (1) the traders continued to
make regular visits to the Paynes Prairie Seminole settlements,
(2) they maintained a permanent or seasonal post of some kind
among them, and/or (3) the Seminoles were making trips to
the posts, all of which were known means to acquire trade
goods (Weisman 1989:46).
The majority of this paper is composed of descriptions
of European-introduced artifacts. As I discussed above, most
of these materials were probably acquired through the British
fur traders. The Seminoles were also known to occasionally
travel to the Bahamas and Cuba for specific goods, such as
spirituouss liquours, Coffee, Sugar and Tobacco" (Bartram in
Waselkov and Braund 1995:60). European-introduced items
may have also been brought into Seminole settlements through
a variety of local and "taken-for-granted exchanges" that
characterize what Robbie Ethridge refers to as the "frontier
exchange economy" (Ethridge 2003:175-178). In her excellent

study of Creek Indian culture and history, Ethridge explains
that this economy provided a fairly level playing field for any
person-Indian and non-Indian-living in and among Creek
settlements, as everyone living in the colonial "frontier" had
various needs that could be met through the exchange of goods
and services (Ethridge 2003:175-178). One can easily imagine
that some of the artifacts found at the Paynes Town site may
have passed through many hands and served many purposes
before finally making their way to this particular settlement.

European Ceramics

The presence of European ceramics at Creek and Seminole
sites is consistent with Ethridge's analysis of materials
entering the colonial frontier through many avenues. European
tablewares were not included on British trade inventories or
in supply shipments during the American "factory system"
period of trade (Knight 1985:181). Their presence at Paynes
Town (Figure 2) and other Seminc le and Creek sites suggests
that they may have been obtained by special requests to the
traders, as gifts by colonial leaders at Indian conferences, or
through any number of scenarios where there was an exchange


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


Figure 2. Examples of European ceramics: a-b) "English Brown;" c) Reyware; d) "Feather-edge" Pearlware; e) "Gaudy
Dutch;" f) Unidentified lead-glaze (teal in color); g) Banded Annular ware; h) Yellow painted earthenware; i) Blue Transfer-
printed; j) Jackfield-type (interior is ribbed); k) Greyware; 1) pearlware; m) Jackfield-type jug lip.

of goods and services. In any case, the difficulty in acquiring
European ceramics suggests that they were exotic items in
the Seminole material culture. The high number of European
ceramic sherds and the variety of types recovered from the
Paynes Town site support observations that the Seminoles who
inhabited Paynes Prairie were particularly wealthy (Simmons
In the following section, I will present the European
ceramic sherds that were recovered from the Paynes Town site
in five broad categories (Table 1), which are based on paste and
surface treatment. These include: (1) unglazed earthenware;
(2) lead-glazed earthenware; (3) refined earthenware; (4) salt-
glazed stoneware; and (5) porcelain. Specific "types" found at
the site are discussed within these categories.

Unglazed Earthenware

Earthenware refers to vessels that were fired at a relatively
low temperature, resulting in a paste that is more porous than
those fired at higher temperatures. Unglazed earthenware

sherds were the most common ceramic type found at the
Paynes Town site. Most of the sherds exhibited a chalky,
medium-grain orange paste, similar to that of the Jackfield-
type sherds that will be addressed in a later section. Thus, it
is likely that many of the unglazed earthenware sherds were
originally part of this ceramic type and that the paint and glaze
had simply eroded away from the paste.
Other earthenware sherds had painted surfaces but no
glaze. Two sherds were painted brown; two were pale yellow;
and one was cream. In addition, three Greyware sherds were
identified. This ceramic type, which has a distinctive dark
grey "wash," was produced in Spain between 1750 and 1850
(Florida Museum of Natural History Ceramic Type Collection
[FLMNH] 2004).
Eighteen olive jar fragments were also found at the Paynes
Town site. Unfortunately, the sherds lacked diagnostic features
that would have allowed them to be assigned to Early (A.D.
1500-1570), Middle (A.D. 1560-1800), or Late (A.D. 1800-
1900) types (FLMNH 2004). The paste color of the Paynes
Town olive jar sherds included shades of tan, yellow, and terra



Table 1. Types of European Ceramics from the Paynes Town Site.

cotta. Some of the sherds were covered with a pale yellow
slip and exhibited "throw rings." The latter characteristic is
commonly found on Late Olive Jar types.

Lead-Glazed Earthenware

Many earthenware ceramics were treated with different
types of "glazes" for both functional and aesthetic purposes.
Glazes, which were applied to vessels before or during firing,
helped to protect vessels and make them impermeable to water.
They also created a distinctive sheen.
A variety of ceramic types common to eighteenth and
nineteenth-century archaeological sites have lead glazes.
Most of the lead-glaze earthenware sherds at the Paynes
Town site were representative of the "Jackfield-type" ceramic
tradition. The term "Jackfield-type" was used because similar
wares were produced in the same period (ca. 1740-1790) by
manufacturers in several English towns. The most well-known
was the manufacturer in Jackfield, England (FLMNH 2004).
Small amounts may have also been produced as late as the first
decade of the nineteenth century (Maryland Archaeological
Conservation Lab [MACL] 2002). Several jug, bottle, or jar
lips were identified among the Jackfield-type sherds found at
Paynes Town.

Reyware made up another group of lead-glaze earthenware
sherds from Paynes Town. These sherds had an orange paste,
a dark orange slip, and a very lustrous lead glaze. Reyware
was produced between 1725 and 1825 and is found at many
late Spanish colonial sites. However, the manufacturers'
geographical origins remain unknown (FLMNH 2004).
Six lead-glazed sherds could not be assigned to a specific
type. Two were painted yellow; one was painted cream; and
one was painted brown, with the last also exhibiting a single
raised yellow dot on its exterior. Another sherd was a brilliant,
teal-green color with a distinct "ribbed" exterior, which may
be part of an English pearlware vessel.

Refined Earthenware

Refined earthenware refers to the various types of thin-
walled, lead-glaze earthenwares with a cream or white paste.
Two of the most common types of refined earthenwares are
pearlwares and creamwares. Both types were produced by
numerous English manufacturers throughout the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. Creamwares were produced in England
between 1762 and 1820, while pearlwares have a slightly later
date range of between 1770 and 1840 (FLMNH 2004). Each
of these types has numerous sub-traditions that can sometimes
help narrow the range of their production dates.


Categories and sub-categories of
European ceramics
Unglazed Earthenware (n=55)
Olive Jar
Unidentified, brown slip
Unidentified, pale yellow slip
Unidentified, light cream slip
Lead-Glazed Earthenware (n=54)
Unidentified, yellow slip
Unidentified, cream slip
Unidentified brown slip, raised yellow dot
Unidentified, green/teal slip
Refined Earthenware (n=51)
Whiteware, floral decal
Salt-Glazed Stoneware (n=19)
English Brown
Porcelain (n=2)
Total Number of European Ceramic Sherds



2008 VoL. 61 -4)


Seventeen pearlware sherds were recovered from the
Paynes Town site. Additional identification was possible
for some of the sherds. One sherd of each of the following
pearlware types was found in the Paynes Town assemblage:
Early Hand-PaintedPolychrome, also known as "Gaudy Dutch"
(ca. 1795-1820), Banded Annular ware (ca. 1785-1840), and
Blue Transfer-Printed (ca. 1785-1840). Three "feather-edge"
rim sherds (ca. 1795-1845) were also identified.
Twenty-three unidentified sherds are included within the
refined earthenware category. Because of their small size or
because of deterioration of the ceramic, particularly corrosion
underneath the glaze, it was not possible to determine whether
these 23 sherds were creamware, pearlware, or possibly
whiteware. The last type, which is distinguished from
creamware and pearlware by its slightly whiter paste and
glaze, was first produced in the 1830s, and its presence would
point to a later occupation at the site.
At least one whiteware sherd was found at the Paynes
Town site. The sherd was decorated with a polychrome, floral
decal. Decals, design templates that were applied over glazes,
were first introduced in the 1890s and peaked in popularity in
the 1930s (Stelle 2001). A few isolated "bottle dumps" dating
to the mid-twentieth century were observed during the shovel
test survey and may have been the source of this more modem

Salt-Glazed Stoneware

Most of the stoneware sherds from the Paynes Town site
were identified as the "English Brown" type. This ceramic
type is generally associated with manufacturers located in
Fulham, England, although nearly identical vessels were
also being produced in Southwark and Bristol at the same
time (Noel Hume 1970:113). English Brown stonewares are
most often found at colonial sites dating to between 1690 and
1775 (FLMNH 2004), but they have also been found at sites
occupied by the British during the Revolutionary War (MACL
2002). The ten English Brown sherds from Paynes Town had
a medium brown exterior and a slightly lighter brown or grey,
unglazed interior. Some of the interiors exhibited horizontal
Six of the stoneware sherds resembled Derbyshire wares,
which were produced in England between 1800 and 1875
(St. Mary's University [SMU] 2007). Derbyshire exteriors
were various shades of tan or light brown, and most had grey
interiors. Bottles, mugs, and tankards were the most common
forms of both the English Brown and Derbyshire stonewares
(Noel Hume 1970:113-114), which probably explains the
ribbed interiors found on some of the Paynes Town sherds.
Three remaining salt-glazed stoneware sherds could not
be identified. Both the interiors and exteriors of the sherds
were various shades of grey. English Brown varieties were
sometimes two-toned, with brown upper portions and grey
or cream-colored lower portions (MACL 2002). Thus, it is
possible that these unidentified stoneware sherds also belonged
to the English Brown ceramic type.


Two porcelain sherds were found at the Paynes Town
site. Both sherds were very small and exhibited no diagnostic


Nearly 200 nail fragments or whole nails were found at
the Paynes Town site. Most of the artifacts were too corroded
to determine the type, and thus, the date of manufacture.
However, when possible, the nails were identified as hand-
wrought, machine-cut, or modem wire nails. Importantly, the
number of hand wrought and/or machine cut nails (N=86)
found at the Paynes Town site stands out from other Seminole
sites, where nails occur in much lower frequencies or are
absent (Weisman 1989:115).
Hand-wrought nails are generally found at sites predating
1800, although they continued to be used as late as 1840 (Noel
Hume 1970:253). They are distinctive in that that all four sides
of the nail's shaft taper towards the point. The heads of hand-
wrought nails were hammered into different shapes, of which
the two most common were the T-head and the rosehead forms
(Noel Hume 1970:253). By the turn of the nineteenth century,
some nails were being made from machines, which produced
a more regular square or rectangular shaft, of which only two
sides tapered to a point (Noel Hume 1970:252-253).
Eleven hand-wrought nails were identified from the
Paynes Town site. Of these the head form of seven nails could
be determined. Four of the wrought nails were "roseheads;"
one was a T-head; one was an L- head; and one had a flat, flared
head, sometimes referred to as a butterfly head (Visser 1996).
Thomas Visser notes that the L-head nail type was commonly
used for "finish work, trim boards, and flooring" (Visser 1996).
The other nails tended to be multi-purpose types.
Seventy-five of the nails or nail fragments could only
be described as hand-wrought/machine-cut. This means that
they were not wire nails, a nail type with a round shaft that
was produced after 1850, and which continues to be the
most common nail type used today (Noel Hume 1970:254).
Eighteen wire nails were found in various locations at the site,
mostly in the upper two levels of the test units. Finally, nearly
100 nail artifacts were simply too corroded and fragmented to
glean any additional data.

Miscellaneous Iron Artifacts

Due to corrosion and fragmentation, it was not possible
to determine how hundreds of the iron artifacts found at
the Paynes Town site were originally intended to be used.
Therefore, many of the artifacts were simply described as
"iron scrap." However, several of the scrap pieces were in the
shape of flattened (less than 2 mm) rectangular bands. These
bands were similar to artifacts found at other Seminole and
British trading post sites and which are described as "barrel
hoops" (Fitts 2001:48-50; Lewis 1969:77-78; Stacy 1967:113).
Some of the Paynes Town iron artifacts also had either a small
perforated hole or a rivet that may have enabled the separate




hoop pieces to wrap around the barrel and attach to each other
(Figure 3a).
One iron fragment may have been part of a hinge, such
as the kind used to attach a lid to the main body of a trunk
(Figure 3b). Other flat iron fragments exhibited edges that had
been crimped or soldered and may have been parts of kettles
or other flat-bottom containers. A portion of a kettle "ear," a
small rectangular plate that attached the handle to the body
of the kettle, was also identified (Figure 3c). Some of the flat
iron pieces may have been fragments of knife blades. At least
one potential knife blade was found at Paynes Town. It had a
perforated hole at one end, where it may have attached to a
rivet enabling it to fold in and out of a wooden or bone handle
(Figure 3d).
A nearly complete "round file," measuring 50 cm in
length and roughly 3 cm in diameter, was found at the
Paynes Town site. Examples of iron files were found with
the Seminole burials at the Zetrouer site (Fitts 2001:68-73)
and with a Creek Indian burial at the Kasita site (Willey and
Sears 1952:9) suggesting they were of special significance.
Mary Beth Fitts suggests that the mortuary items included
with the Zetrouer burials represented some of the individuals'
most prized tools. Fitts (2001:68-73) speculates that the
iron files could have been used for any number of purposes,

including woodworking, manicuring horse hooves, and gun
Also found at the Paynes Town site was a corroded, spike-
like object measuring approximately 7 cm in length and 1 cm
in width, and exhibiting what appeared to be a hand-wrought
head. A similar artifact found at the Kasita site was described as
a chisel (Willey and Sears 1952:9, 13). "Wrought-iron spikes"
were also found at Spalding's Lower Store (Lewis 1969:76).
These objects could have been used in many of the same ways
that the iron files were used. Kenneth Lewis suggests that they
may have also been used to adjoin large lumber pieces (Lewis
Two of the Paynes Town artifacts resemble hardware
associated with European-style doors. Doors on traditional
Creek and Seminole domestic structures were simple
rectangular openings that may have been covered by cloth,
hide, or basketry. One of the Paynes Town objects was made
of iron wire that was bent at one end to form a small loop
(Figure 3e). These artifacts could have been attached to a door
frame and looped over a corresponding hook mounted on the
door (Good 1972:235). Another object was bent in the shape
of a narrow "U" (Figure 3/) and was identical to artifacts found
at Fort Michilimackinac that were described as "keepers of
door latch bolts" (Stone 1974:235).

Figure 3. Examples of iron artifacts: a) barrel hoop; b) hinge; c) kettle "ear;" d) knife blade fragment; e-f) possible
door hardware; g) unidentified artifact.


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


Figure 4. Kaskaskia projectile point.

Another distinctive artifact has yet to be identified. This
was an iron (possibly steel) disc, measuring 6 cm in diameter,
with two elliptical apertures positioned opposite each other
(Figure 3g). A slightly raised round hole was located in the
center of the disc. One side of the disc was formed into a
handle-like extension.
Finally, a small grommet, measuring 8 mm by 8 mm, may
have been part of a shirt, shoe, or other item of clothing.

Miscellaneous Brass and Copper Artifacts

Twenty-nine of the brass artifacts found at Paynes Town
were fragments of "sheet brass," flat or hammered metal
that may have originally been a part of other objects such as
brass kettles, which were commonly found on British trade
inventories (Covington 1960). Brass kettles were especially
valuable, because if they became broken, or otherwise
inadequate for their original purpose, they provided raw
material for the construction of new objects, such as tinkling
cones, knives, and projectile points.
Several of the Paynes Town sheet brass fragments were
quite small (sometimes measuring less than 1 cm in length and
width). These rectangular objects were very similar to artifacts
found at Fort Mesquakie, an early eighteenth-century fort in
eastern Illinois (Stelle 2001). Stelle believes that the proximity
of the sheet brass fragments to brass tinkling cones and brass
projectile points at the fort site suggests that the fragments
may have been debris associated with the manufacturing of
these items (Stelle 2001). Two brass tinkling cones and a brass
projectile point were found at the Paynes Town site, indicating
that the Seminoles were indeed using sheet brass for the
manufacture of these and other items.
Both tinkling cones and projectile points were rolled
into conical shapes. However, the objects are quite easy to
distinguish from one another. Projectile points were rolled so
tightly that the seam was flush with the cone and their apexes
had no apertures. These artifacts may have been soldered
(heated) to some degree in order to produce such a refined
product. In contrast, tinkling cones were much more loosely

Figure 5. Brass spoon-shaped object.

rolled and were often more cylindrical than conical. Tinkling
"cones" also had holes at both ends, through which strips of
leather or thread could be strung (Wagner 1998:137-138).
The brass projectile point found at Paynes Town is
referred to as a Kaskaskia projectile point type (Figure 4). By
1680 the Creeks were producing these conical brass projectile
points, and they have been found at Creek and Seminole sites
in Oklahoma that date to as late as 1900 (Dunbar 1981:166).
Three Kaskaskia projectile points were found at a late
eighteenth-century Seminole site near St. Augustine. At this
site, the "hart pine arrow shafts" had been preserved with two
of the points (Dunbar 1981:166).
Another brass object was bent into the shape of a shallow
scoop or spoon (Figure 5). One end of the Paynes Town
artifact was rolled to form a tube, in which a handle may have
been inserted. A similar object was found in a mid-nineteenth-
century Seminole burial in Dade County (Laxson 1954). This
object was described as being "too crudely curved around the
rim to be used for eating" (which aptly describes the Paynes
Town artifact, as well) and was interpreted as a tool "used
to pour lead into the bullet mold" (Laxson 1954:115). The
presence of several molten lead artifacts at the Paynes Town
site, which I address in a subsequent section, indicates that lead
bullets and other objects were probably being manufactured
on site.
Two pieces of sheet brass had particularly fine edges, and
one tapered to a sharp point (Figure 6). These artifacts may
have been used as knives. One of these fragments was similar
to an object found at the Fort Mesquakie site in that it had a
crude notch punched out of one of its margins (Stelle 2001).
This may have been an attempt to "serrate" the edge, making
it more effective for cutting or sawing.
A small brass or copper coil measuring less than 1 cm in
length and width was found at Paynes Town. Similar objects
have been found at other Creek (Knight 1985:133; Willey and
Sears 1952:9) and Seminole (Fitts 2001:62-63) sites, as well
as at Spalding's Lower Store (Lewis 1969:104). It has been
suggested that they may have been wom as hair ornaments or
beads (Fitts 2001:62-63).




Figure 6. Examples of artifacts made from brass sheet metal: a-d) unidentified scrap; e) possible tinkling cone fragment;
f-g) unidentified scrap; h-i) possible knife blade fragments.

Finally, a piece of copper tubing was found. The artifact
is 21 cm long and 1.5 cm in diameter. One end of the tube is
flattened or clamped. Its intended use is unknown.

Silver Metal

Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century sketches and paintings
of Creek and Seminole chiefs portray them as lavishly
ornamented with silver jewelry, including large bands that
were wrapped horizontally around the head (Fundaburk 1958).
It is interesting to note that a U.S. soldier, who fought in the
First Seminole War, believed that Payne's nephew and chiefly
successor, Micanopy, possessed a "crown" that had been given
to Cowkeeper by the British government (Porter 1949:364).
Different types of silver jewelry (in most cases probably alloys
of copper, zinc, and nickel) were included in eighteenth- and
nineteenth-century British fur trade lists (Covington 1960).
Pre-fabricated forms, such as silver gorgets, earrings, C-shaped
bracelets, "turbans" or "crowns," and earrings were commonly
traded to the Creeks and Seminoles (Covington1 1960:72).
Fifteen silver metal artifacts were recovered from the
Paynes Town site (Figure 7). Several unique examples were
concentrated within a small area of test units. One artifact was

a fragment of an earring, made of a thin silver wire on which
a small, hollow ball was attached. This type of earring has
been found at other Seminole sites (Piper and Piper 1982:178;
Weisman 1989:61). An identical earring was also found at
Spalding's Lower Store (Lewis 1969:107-108). A silver heart
broche, with a moveable pin-like attachment, was found in the
same area as the silver earring. Again, an identical specimen
was found at Spalding's Lower Store (Lewis 1969:105-107),
as well as at the site of a Panton and Leslie store on the Wakulla
River (Stacy 1967:120). A hollow drop-shaped pendant that
may have been part of the earring was found near the other two
silver jewelry pieces. Two pieces of silver wire, one bent at an
angle and with a collar on which an ornament of some kind
would have been attached, were probably parts of earrings,
as well.
The other eight silver metal artifacts were very small
rectangular fragments. Most of these pieces measured less
than 1 cm in length and width. Two of the pieces had very
small circular impressions. Broken jewelry may have been
pounded down and reworked as new ornaments, resulting in
small, rectangular by-products.
Finally, two strips of silver were wrapped in a loose
coil and may have been worn as beads or other forms of


2008 VOL. 61 -4)


Figure 7. Silver metal artifacts: a) earring fragment; b) unidentified scrap; c) rolled bead; d-e) unidentified scrap; f) ear-
ring fragment; g) rolled bead; h) pendant from earring; i-j) unidentified scrap; k) ball from earring; 1) unidentified scrap;
m) heart broche.

adornment. Longer examples of silver spiral-shaped objects
were found with the Seminole burials at the Zetrouer site (Fitts
Glass Beads

Over 200 glass beads were found at the Paynes Town site
(Figure 8). Trade beads are often categorized on the basis of
two major characteristics, the method of their manufacture and
their size. European glass workers used two main techniques
when making beads. One involved drawing a long tube or
"cane" of glass and then cutting cylinder-shaped beads from
the tube. The second involved wrapping or "winding" strings
of glass around a metal rod to form individual beads. This
latter technique left a faint coil mark where the glass was
looped around to an adjoining side. "Drawn" beads made up
the majority of the Paynes Town specimens, composing 68
percent (n=141), while "wound" beads made up 27 percent
(n=58). The method of manufacture could not be determined
for eight of the glass beads. Finally, one bead was made from
shell and had faint incisions on its exterior.
Glass beads fall into one of three size categories-seed
beads, pony beads, or necklace beads. Seed beads refer to

beads less than 4 mm in diameter; pony beads are between
4 and 5 mm in diameter; and necklace beads are over 5 mm
in diameter (Friends of Mission San Luis 2008). Among the
Paynes Town beads that could be measured (n=199), just over
40 percent were seed beads; 34 percent were necklace beads;
and 26 percent were pony beads. Based on the distribution of
sizes, most of the Paynes Town beads were probably sewn
onto clothing, sashes, and pouches (Goggin 1964).
The date of production could not be determined for most
of the Paynes Town beads since similar forms and colors of
glass beads have been produced in Venice and Amsterdam for
centuries (Noel Hume 1970:53). Two types that were identified
at the Paynes Town site were Comalline d'Aleppo beads and
a related variety, sometimes called "red hearts." Comalline
d'Aleppo beads are characterized by an outer opaque red layer
and a translucent, dark green or light green inner layer, while
"red hearts" have a red exterior and a darker red interior layer.
These types of beads are most abundant at colonial sites dating
to the late seventeenth through eighteenth centuries (Deagan
1987:168). They are also occasionally found on late sixteenth-
century Spanish colonial sites. Thus, their approximate
production date range is between 1575 and 1825. The later




Figure 8. Examples of miscellaneous drawn and wound glass trade beads.

varieties are generally quite small (Deagan 1987:172, 179), as
was the case for the Paynes Town examples.

Horse-Related Artifacts

Both saddles and bridles were included in the British
trading lists (Covington 1960), indicating that there was
a demand for the items by the Seminoles. An iron ring that
measured approximately 7 cm by 6 cm was probably part of
a "loose ring" snaffle (Figure 9). A small iron buckle was also
likely a part of horse tack. Three other brass or copper artifacts
from the Paynes Town site may have been part of horse tack. A
dome-shaped head of a brass tack, a brass ring that measured
approximately 12 mm in diameter, and a rectangular buckle
were similar to objects commonly associated with saddle and
bridle equipment (Flowerdew Hundred Foundation 1997;
Weisman 1986:215). Figure 9. Horse-related artifacts: left) iron ring from snaf-

Gun-Related Artifacts fle; right) brass tack.

In her analysis of Lower Creek culture change in the
eighteenth century, Carol Mason (1963:68) argued that among
all ofthe items introduced by Europeans to aboriginal groups in


2008 VOL. 61 -4)

the preceding centuries, guns were the most significant, as they
dramatically altered raiding, warring, and hunting practices.
Warring and hunting were, indeed, important features of the
Paynes Town Seminoles' history. Surprisingly, considering
all of the equipment and hardware that are associated with
a single gun, there were relatively few gun artifacts found at
Paynes Town.

Gun Flints and Gun Spalls

Two types of modified flint flakes were produced by
European manufacturers for flint-lock firearms. Gun spalls
were struck from flint cores, producing a smaller, wedge-
shaped final product. Gun flints began as long "prismatic
blades" that were subsequently reduced in size, although
their dorsal surface and profile maintained an angular shape
(Hamilton 1980:138-147; Noel Hume 1970:219-221). England
and France were the primary producers of gun flints and gun
spalls found in colonial North America. The French spall was
the most common type used prior to 1775, when English gun
flints and spalls began to rise in popularity. However, at later
Seminole War period sites, the frequency of French-made
gunflints is much higher (Clausen 1970:13-14).
English and French gun spalls and gun flints are not
always easy to distinguish from one another. The color of the
flint has been used as one method to determine origins. Honey
and tan colors are commonly associated with French examples,
whereas lustrous, dark brown and black flints are linked to
England, in particular the hill region surrounding the town of
Brandon (Hamilton 1980:138-147; Noel Hume 1970:219-221).
However, the color of the flint may be misleading since similar
colors can be found in flint bands in both English and French
quarries, and both regions produced flint in various shades of
grey. Determining the shape of the specimen is usually a more
reliable method than the color of the flint. French examples are
typically more D-shaped and are retouched on three margins,
whereas the English examples tend to be more prismatic and
have larger flake scars (Fitts 2001:92).
Two of the four specimens from the Paynes Town site
were examples of English gunspalls (Figure 10). The color of
the two spalls was consistent with the flint from the Brandon
quarries, and the spalls did not exhibit the more rounded heel
typical of French forms. A prismatic English gun flint was also
found. The gun flint was a medium, milky grey color. At least
two of its edges had been worked, possibly to make it more
suitable for use in a typical trade musket (Fitts 2001:94). A
fourth artifact was simply too small to determine whether it
had been part of a gun spall or gun flint. However, the dark
black fragment exhibited no angularity, and it is likely that it
was another example of an English spall.


Eight lead balls were identified in the Paynes Town artifact
assemblage (Figure 1la). Each of the lead balls recovered
from the Paynes Town site measured .23 in or less in diameter.
Although technically classified as "buckshot," the particularly
small size of most of the shot would have been better suited
for guns designed for hunting small game or fowl. Thus, the

Figure 10. English gun spalls and flints: top) gun spalls;
bottom) prismatic gun flint.

balls may have been used in "fowling pieces," such as those
commonly included in English trade inventories (Covington
1960:73-74). Interestingly, one of the balls had been hammered
into a cylindrical "slugg." European and American soldiers
sometimes modified their ammunition into "sluggs" because
they inflicted greater injury than the spherical balls (Sivilich
2005:15). The Seminoles may have modified lead shot in a
similar manner for hunting or warring purposes.

Other Gun-Related Lead Artifacts

Evidence of possible lead bullet manufacturing was found
at the Paynes Town site in the forms of 24 amorphous lead
artifacts (Figure 11lb). These objects were probably molten
waste or "sprue," which formed either when excessive lead
was cut away from the edge of a bullet mold or when lead
dripped as it was poured into the mold. Lead globules have
been found at other Seminole (Laxson 1954:115), "Black
Seminole" (Weik 2002:127), and Creek (Fairbanks 1962:54)
sites. In each case, lead balls or shot were also present at the
Two other lead artifacts from the Paynes Town site were
flat and elliptical in shape, measuring less than 2 cm in length
and width and between 4 and 5 mm in thickness (Figure





Figure 11. Lead gun-related artifacts: a) "shot;" b)"sprue;" c) gunflint pads; d) lead bar.

1 lc). These objects were probably used as "gunflint pads" in
flintlock firearms. Both lead and leather pads were wrapped
around gunflints to hold them in place and absorb the shock
of the steel hammer when the gun was fired, thus helping to
prevent the gunflint from fracturing (Sivilich 2005:18). The
two examples from Paynes Town are similar to those found at
Revolutionary War sites (Elliot 2003:102; Pratt 1995; Sivilich
2005:18), as well as the Seminole cemetery at the Fort Brooke
site in Tampa (Austin 1993:103). Holland refers to a similar
type of artifact found at an early eighteenth-century Lower
Creek site. Holland describes the lead artifact as "square but
folded" and suggests that it "could have been used to seat gun
flints in their locks" (Holland 1974:42).
Finally, an elongated bar with four hammered edges,
measuring 7.5 cm in length and .5 cm in width was found at
the Paynes Town site (Figure lid). The object was bent into
a lopsided v-shape, and a small groove ran width-wise across
one part of the shaft. It is possible that this bar was intended to
be used for manufacturing lead ammunition. Lead "bars" were
sometimes traded in bulk and later melted down and cast in
the ammunition molds (Stelle 2001), allowing individuals to
"custom make" their ammunition and other lead objects.

Percussion Cap

A single, un-fired copper percussion cap was also found at
the Paynes Town site. These caps were used with percussion

firearms, which eventually replaced flintlock guns inpopularity.
Percussion caps were in production by the first decade of the
nineteenth century but did not become widely used until the
1830s (Ferguson 1997).

Lead Discs

Two small perforated lead discs were found at the Paynes
Town site (Figure 12). The larger disc had a diameter of 2.6 cm
and was .2 cm thick. The second example was approximately
2 cm in diameter and .6 cm in thickness. Irregularities in shape
and thickness and the crude perforations in the center of the
discs indicate the objects were hand-made.
Lead discs resembling those from the Paynes Town site
were found at the site of Spalding's Lower Store. Kenneth
Lewis refers to the objects as "buttons" (Lewis 1969:108-
109). Lewis observes an especially fascinating detail of one
of the lead buttons found at Spalding's Lower Store (Lewis
1969:108-109): "Two rows of letters appear on the front side.
The top row contains the letter K followed by a period and the
bottom row consists of the letters 'PAYNE.'" Lewis adds, "It
is tempting to speculate that this button bears some connection
with the famous Seminole leader." Lewis, of course, is referring
to King Payne, the chief of the Paynes Town Seminoles.
Historically, the Seminoles and other Florida Indians
pierced European coins to wear as necklaces, earrings, and
other types of ornamentation (Johnson 1976; MacCauley


2008 VOL. 61 -4)


Figure 12. Lead discs.

2000:488). Clay MacCauley (2000:488) wrote of seeing silver
discs that were pounded out from coins and worn by Seminole
women at late-nineteenth-century settlements in southern
Florida. It is possible that the lead discs found at Paynes Town
were worn in a similar fashion.

Glass Artifacts

Over 700 glass fragments were recovered from the Paynes
Town site. Six fragments of clear, flat glass may have been
window glass, although they were too small to be certain.
Another molded fragment may have been "pressed glass,"
typically associated with the Depression Era, although more
expensive varieties were produced as early as the 1830s (Stelle
2001). Bottle glass made up the remainder of the glass found
at the Paynes Town site.
Dark green or olive (n=488) was the most common color
of bottle glass found at the Paynes Town site. Dark green (often
called "black-glass") bottles are commonly associated with the
storage and transport ofwine and spirits (Noel-Hume 1970:71).
Clear bottle glass (n=146) made up the second largest group,
followed by aqua (n=27), amber (n=9), and violet (n=5). The
color of 23 fragments could not be determined due to a heavy
patina or melting.
Unfortunately, the bottle glass at Paynes Town possessed
few diagnostic features that would assist with determining
the approximate dates and places of manufacture. One aqua
bottle neck and lip was similar to pharmaceutical bottle forms
produced in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Martin
1977:26-27). One dark green bottle lip had a "double round"
or "stacked ring" finish. This type of finish is characterized
by two rings that are equal in diameter and height and are
separated by a small groove, where a wire bail was probably
used to anchor a cork (Bureau of Land Management and
Society for Historical Archaeology [BLMSHA] 2007). This
bottle lip is identical to an example found in a Late Tallapoosa
Phase (1780-1836) component of the Upper Creek town of
Tukabatchee (Knight 1985:163).
Two dark green bottle bases also provided some details
about the bottles' contents and dates of manufacture, although

only in a general way. One base exhibited a deep "kick-up,"
or indentation in the center of the base. This pronounced
kick-up suggests that the bottle was designed to contain wine,
champagne, or brandy (BLMSHA 2007). Another base was
oval in shape and exhibited a shallow pontil scar. The use of
the pontil rod in bottle manufacture was rarely used after the
1850s (BLMSHA 2007).
Many materials introduced by British traders and other
colonists, such as brass, iron, and glass, provided the Seminoles
with new sources of raw material for tool manufacturing. I
have already discussed how brass was recycled from kettles
to make items, such as knives, projectile points, and tinkling
cones. Bottle glass, too, was recycled and was sometimes used
to make implements used for cutting, scraping, and sawing.
Glass flakes and scrapers have been found at numerous
Seminole sites in central Florida (Neill 1977; Fitts 2001:72-
750; Weisman 1989:73), including Paynes Town. At least one
dark green bottle base fragment exhibited numerous knapping
scars and may have been used as a scraper (Figure 13a). The
remains of 35 glass reduction flakes were found from a small
trash pit feature (Figure 13b). These flakes were probably
debris associated with a single glass-working event.

Kaolin Pipes

Finally, a few fragments of kaolin smoking pipes were
recovered from the Paynes Town site, including one pipe stem.
Although dating a site using pipe stems requires a much larger
sample than was available, I incorporated the bore diameter of
the pipe stem found at Paynes (5/64 in) into various formulas
designed to correlate the bore diameters of pipe stems found
at archaeological sites with a mean production date. Three
estimated mean dates of production were calculated for the
pipe stem found at Paynes Town: 1740 (Binford 1962); 1731
(Hanson 1971); and 1795 (Omwake 1956). The latter date is
consistent with the period of the Seminole occupation ofPaynes
Town, while the other two predate it by 50 to 60 years.

Aboriginal Artifacts

Many of the Paynes Town artifacts (e.g. knife blades,
iron hardware, barrel hoops, nails, horse tack, and gun-related
artifacts) could be found at contemporary sites occupied by
any number of ethnic groups. Other artifacts, specifically
aboriginal pottery, are more likely to distinguish Seminole
sites from non-Indian or non-Seminole sites. In the following
section, I will address the aboriginal artifacts that were
recovered from the Paynes Town site.

Lithic Tools and Debitage

Over a thousand artifacts related to lithic reduction
and tool manufacture, including five projectile points, were
recovered from the Paynes Town site. Most of these artifacts
were found during the shovel test phase in levels below the
main Seminole cultural component. However, almost each
Seminole occupation level uncovered during the test unit
excavations also produced at least one lithic reduction flake.
Among the Lower Creek Indians, the wide-spread manufacture




Figure 13. Evidence of glass working: a) glass scraper; b) glass reduction flakes.

Table 2. Types of Lithic Artifacts Recovered from Paynes Town Site.

Type of Lithic Artifact
Waste Flakes
Dalton (Nuckoll's Variant) Projectile Point
"Tallahassee-like" Projectile Point
Bolen Projectile Point
Pinellas Projectile Point
Utilized Flake
Unidentified Sandstone objects
River Pebbles
Phosphate Pebbles



Table 3. Types of Aboriginal Pottery Recovered at the Paynes Town Site.

Pottery Type Frequency Percent
Sand-Tempered Plain 1551 84.2
Chattahoochee Brushed 178 9.6
"Roughened" 51 2.7
Alachua Tradition (Check and Cob-Stamped) 39 2.1
St. Johns (Plain and Check-Stamped) 15 <1.0
Kasita Red-Filmed 5 <1.0
Possible Kasita Red-Filmed 3 <1.0
Total 1842 100.0


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


of stone projectile points is believed to have ceased sometime
during the late seventeenth century (Worth 2000:268-271).
No lithic projectile points are known to have been produced
by eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Seminoles and Creeks,
although less formal "expedient tools" probably continued to
be produced (Neill 1977). It is likely that most of the lithic
debitage found at the Paynes Town site was related to earlier
cultural occupations. Summaries of the lithic artifacts found at
the Paynes Town site are presented in Table 2.

River Pebbles

Several river pebbles were found within a single test unit
at the Paynes Town site. Although the area surrounding the
test unit had been disturbed and the context of the pebbles
cannot be certain, they were found in association with other
historic artifacts. The pebbles were flat, round or oval in shape,
and worn very smooth. They measured between 3 and 4 cm
in width and were approximately 1 cm in thickness. Similar
pebbles were found with the Seminole burials at the Zetrouer
site, located a few miles away from Paynes Town. John Goggin
suggested that the pebbles were "polishing stones," which
could have been used to smooth or burnish semi-dry pottery, to
process hides, or even to smooth gun barrels (Fitts 2001:122).
It is possible that these pebbles served similar purposes for the
occupants of Paynes Town.

Aboriginal Pottery

More than 1,800 aboriginal pottery sherds were recovered
from the Paynes Town site (Table 3). Over 30 percent of the
Seminole sherds measured less than 1 cm in length and width
and would not have been recovered if a larger screen size
had been used (a .32-cm [1/8-in] screen size was used during
the test unit excavations). The lack of larger pottery sherds
is surprising, considering the relatively good preservation in
many areas of the site and the identification of numerous sub-
surface cultural features, including at least two refuse pits.

Plain Pottery

As Table 3 indicates, approximately 84 percent of the
pottery sherds found at the Paynes Town site was "sand-
tempered plain." Sand-tempered plain sherds often cannot
be assigned to a specific cultural occupation because many
prehistoric and historic populations produced plain pottery,
along with their more diagnostic decorative types. However,
the majority of the plain pottery found at the Paynes Town site
was clearly within the Seminole cultural levels and associated
with other historic materials. Furthermore, these sherds were
remarkably similar in paste (compact; sand composed between
10 and 20 percent of matrix), thickness (.7 cm on average),
and surface treatment (very smoothed). The plain sherds from
the Paynes Town site resembled the plain pottery from the
Oven Hill Seminole site (Blakney-Bailey 2004), and fit the
descriptions of the plain sherds recovered from Seminole sites
on the St. Johns and Apalachicola rivers (Goggin 1958).

Chattahoochee Brushed Pottery

Less than 10 percent of the Paynes Town aboriginal pottery
assemblage was composed of the Chattahoochee Brushed type.
This type is grit- or sand-tempered and easily identifiable by
the presence of "brushing" or "scoring" on a vessel's exterior
(Figure 14). It is surprising that Chattahoochee Brushed sherds
made up such a minor component of the Paynes Town pottery
assemblage considering their significance as a diagnostic
component of Creek and Seminole material culture (Bullen
1950; Fairbanks 1958; Sears 1955; Goggin 1958; Willey and
Sears 1952).

Kasita Red-Filmed Pottery

Five Kasita Red-Filmed pottery sherds were found at the
Paynes Town site. This type is distinguished by its burnished
surfaces and deep red or orange-red paint designs that are
typically found on the interior of the vessels. A shallow bowl
with a very wide flaring rim and, often, a ringed base is the most
common vessel form (Haag 1939). The similarity between the
Kasita Red-Filmed form and many Spanish majolica forms has
been noted (Williams 1990:24). Thus, the Kasita Red-Filmed
type is sometimes referred to as a "colono-ware" (Fairbanks
The Kasita Red-Filmed pottery type is identical to the
Mission Red-Filmed type found at historic Apalachee and
Yamasee mission settlements. It is possible that the presence of
this pottery type at Paynes Town was the result of inter-ethnic
marriages. "Emperor Brim," the chief of the Lower Creek
town of Coweta, and his son Secoffee, a leader of a "Seminole"
town in northwestern Florida, were married to Apalachee
women (Fairbanks 1978:164). William Bartram also observed
several Yamasee Indians at the town of Cuscowilla, writing
that the Seminole chief Cowkeeper (Payne's predecessor) was
attended by "many Yamasee captives, taken by himself when
young" (in Waselkov and Braund 1995:51). William Simmons
even believed that King Payne was the son of Cowkeeper
and one of his Yamasee wives (Porter 1952:341). Perhaps
inter-ethnic marriages also explain the presence of a single
red-filmed sherd at the Sears-Lasnick Seminole site (Sears
1959:27), located a few miles away from Paynes Town. It is
also possible that red-filmed vessels were heirloom pieces,
or possibly booty from early eighteenth-century Creek raids
on Spanish mission settlements, a thesis that has been used
to explain the presence of European-introduced and exotic
materials that pre-date the occupation levels associated with
the Creek settlements at various sites in the Macon Plateau
region of Georgia (Pluckhahn and Braley 1999).

Other Pottery Types

Small samples of Alachua and Cades Pond pottery were
also recovered from the Paynes Town site. Sherds that exhibited
unidentifiable markings on their exteriors were classified as
"roughened." All of the roughened sherds were sand- and/or




Figure 14. Chattahoochee Brushed pottery.

Faunal Remains

Considering the diversity of animal species available for
exploitation by the Seminoles living near Paynes Prairie, it is
surprising that so few species were represented in the Paynes
Town faunal assemblage. Although this may be explained in part
by poor preservation, it may also be evidence of the decreasing
exploitation of many wild species and the increasing reliance
on a few domestic species. The ready availability of large herds
of cattle may have provided enough of a stable protein source
to reduce the need for regular hunting and fishing. According
to Weisman, "jerked beef' was an especially significant part
of the Seminole diet (Weisman 1989:105-106). The remains
from Paynes Town indicate that deer also continued to play a
role in the diet of the Paynes Town Seminoles.
The identifiable elements from the Paynes Town faunal
assemblage were recovered primarily from three sources:
a small refuse pit, a barrel well that was subsequently used
as a refuse pit, and a hearth. Unfortunately, due to the poor
preservation of the faunal assemblage, over half of the
specimens (n= 1124) were unidentifiable. Of the specimens that
were identifiable to class, 97 percent (n=964) were mammal.
Bird (n=l), reptile (n=26), and a possible mollusc specimen
each made up less than one percent of the total assemblage.
Of the mammal remains, 61 percent (n=591) were identified
as large mammal; 6 percent (n=62) were medium mammal;
and less than 1 percent (n=3) were small mammal. The general
size range of the remaining mammal specimens could not be
determined. Of the 26 specimens identified as reptile, 10 were
further identified as turtle and one was identified as snake.
Only eight taxa were identified below the level of class.
Domestic cow (Bos taurus), white-tailed deer (Odocoileus
virginianus), opossum (Didelphis virginianus), and wild turkey
(Meleagris gallopavo) were identified to the species level.
At the genus level, cooter/slider remains (Pseudemys spp.)
were identified. Additional Bovidae (either domestic cow or,
possibly, bison) were identified. As mentioned, the sub-order
Serpentes was identified (one snake vertebra). Although my
faunal analysis focused on material recovered from the test

unit excavations, it is interesting to note that the remains of
another genus were found in a shovel test. This was the third
metacarpal of an Equus spp. (probably horse).
The largest number of faunal specimens identified to
the species level was opossum, with a minimum number of
individuals (MNI) of one. The number of elements is somewhat
misleading because they came from a single cultural feature,
in which almost all of the elements of a single individual
were recovered. These elements were unburned, in correct
taphonomic position, and showed no evidence of butchering
marks. These characteristics suggest an in situ natural death of
the animal, although it is possible that it was placed there by a
human, although for what reason is unknown.
Eighteen domestic cow remains were identified. The MNI
for cow was one. With the exception of an occipital and a
temporal fragment of the cranium, the remains consisted of
parts of limbs and feet. These included portions of femora and
tibia, as well as parts of a metatarsal, metacarpal, tarsal (cubo-
navicular), calcaneum, radio-ulna, and patella. In addition to
those elements definitively identified as Bos taurus, several
elements were assigned to the Bovidae (either cow or bison)
family. These included four rib fragments and five fragments
of cheek teeth.
Twenty-one deer specimens were identified. A MNI
of two was determined based on the presence of two distal
portions of left ulnae. Like the cow remains, most of the deer
elements represented the limb and feet portions, including a
femur, tibia, metatarsal, calcaneum, astralagus, an unidentified
tarsal or carpal element, humerus, and radius. Portions of ribs,
a scapula, and a mandible were also identified.
Seventy-two teeth fragments were too small to definitively
link to deer or bovid. They displayed the characteristic folding
and layering of dentin and the hollow crown in the molar teeth
that both of these types of grazing animals possess. Nearly half
of the teeth fragments (n=34) were burnt suggesting they were
discarded and burned along with other refuse.


For the most part, the types of artifacts that were found
at the Paynes Town site were fairly "typical" of other
contemporary Creek and Seminole sites, although there
is limited information on the latter. However, there were
some unusual characteristics about the Paynes Town artifact
assemblage. For example, the low number of aboriginal
pottery in general and, particularly, the low frequency of
Chattahoochee Brushed pottery were surprising. The Sears-
Lasnick site, located on the western margin of Paynes Prairie,
appears to have been a small and possibly temporary Seminole
camp. Yet, nearly 700 Chattahoochee Brushed sherds were
recovered from the site, making up over 80 percent of its
pottery assemblage (Sears 1959:12). It is possible that the
pottery assemblage from the Paynes Town site was just a poor
or misrepresentative sample of native pottery production and
use. The overall small size of the sherds suggests that many of
the test units were located in a "high traffic" area that resulted
in the trampling and diminishment of the overall sherd size
(Schiffer 1987:126-129).


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


Alternatively, perhaps European-manufactured wares,
both ceramic and metal, were replacing aboriginal vessels
more rapidly at Paynes Town than at other Creek and Seminole
settlements. More data need to be gathered to determine if
the Paynes Town pottery assemblage really was an anomaly.
Even if European ceramics were not replacing the functional
roles of aboriginal pottery, their presence at the Paynes Town
site indicate that they did have special significance. This is
especially true considering the difficulty in obtaining European
ceramics, as opposed to other types of trade goods that were
regularly included in trade shipments (Knight 1985:181).
It was also interesting that there were relatively few
artifacts related to guns. This is surprising considering the
frequent conflicts between the Seminoles and the Americans,
which eventually resulted in the violent demise of Paynes
Town (Cusick 2003:240-243; Davis 1931:148-151; Patrick
1954:209).The dearth of gun-related artifacts may reflect the
high economic value of guns, gun parts, and ammunition, all
of which were becoming increasingly difficult to obtain from
traders because of the growing threat of Seminole violence
towards Whites (Ethridge 2003:131).
The number ofcomplete nails and nail fragments recovered
from the Paynes Town site is much higher than other Seminole
sites and many contemporary Creek sites. Their distribution
across the site suggests that they may have been used in many
types of buildings, although not necessarily in the construction
of the buildings (see Blakney-Bailey 2007 for an analysis of
evidence of Seminole construction techniques). Although
over 200 nail fragments were found, one would expect to find
even higher numbers in more discrete clusters if they were an
integral component of a structure's framework.
The numbers of glass trade beads, silver jewelry, and brass
sheet metal that were recovered from the Paynes Town site
exceed the numbers found at any other Seminole habitation site
to date. They also exceed the number of these materials found
at the Tukabatchee site, the Upper Creek site on which Vernon
Knight developed his discussion regarding "ostentatious"
Creek consumerism (Knight 1985:177-183). The abundance
of these artifacts at Paynes Town clearly reflects the occupants'
avid participation in the colonial economy, regular interactions
with traders, and the wealth of the Paynes Town Seminoles in
general. These "exotic" materials were distributed across the
Paynes Town site suggesting that the town's inhabitants had
fairly equal access to, or the ability to acquire, these types of
Despite the wealth of the Paynes Town Seminoles,
artifacts from the site indicate that trade goods had a lifecycle
that involved recycling. Material from glass bottles and brass
objects were salvaged and modified for use as tools. The Paynes
Town occupants also appear to have been manufacturing
various types of lead objects, including ammunition and the
unusual disc objects that were probably worn on necklaces or
as some other type of adornment.
Finally, considering the abundance of animal species
available to the Paynes Town Seminoles, the faunal assemblage
was quite limited in diversity, possibly indicating an increasing
reliance on domesticated species. The large mammal remains,
represented by deer and cow, overwhelmingly consisted of

limb and feet extremities. These elements may represent those
parts of the animals that were not used for meat or marrow and
were discarded. This is consistent with butchering techniques
evident in faunal assemblages from other Lower Creek and
protohistoric sites on the Lower Chattahoochee River Valley
(Milanich and Blakney-Bailey 2005).


In many ways, the results of my archaeological fieldwork
at the Paynes Town site exceeded my expectations. Despite
the damage to the site by quarrying activities that took place
during the 1960s and 1970s, an intact Seminole cultural horizon
was preserved at the site, in some cases under deposits of tar,
asphalt, and gravel. Excavations uncovered numerous features
associated with the Seminole occupation, including wide-
spread deposits of charred wood associated with the burning
of the town by U.S. troops in 1813, two hearths, several small
trash pits, deposits of charred maize, numerous post holes, and
a barrel well that was also used as a refuse pit. From these
features and throughout the midden deposit that formed a
distinctive stratum at the site, a rich material culture was also
uncovered. It is my hope that the summary of the Paynes Town
artifacts described in this paper will help others to identify and
interpret artifacts from Seminole sites and to begin to develop
a better understanding of the transitions that were occurring in
material culture during this period in Seminole history.


I would like to thank Jerry Milanich, my doctoral advisor
at the University of Florida, as well as the other members of my
doctoral committee: Kathy Deagan, Michael Heckenberger,
Ken Sassaman, and Julian Pleasants. Thanks also to the staff
at Paynes Prairie Preserve State Park who allowed me to
work at the Paynes Town site. My research was funded by
a National Science Foundation Dissertation Improvement
Award (BCS-0345619) and a Florida Department of State
Historic Grant-in-Aid: "This project has been financed in
part with historic preservation grant assistance provided by
the Bureau of Historic Preservation, Division of Historical
Resources, Florida Department of State, assisted by the
Florida Historical Commission. However, the contents and
opinions do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of
the Florida Department of State, nor does the mention of trade
names or commercial products constitute endorsement or
recommendation by the Florida Department of State." I thank
these organizations and others, including the Seminole Wars
Historic Foundation, Inc., the Florida Archaeological Council,
Inc., the Bartram Trail Conference, and the Department of
Anthropology at the University of Florida (Charles Fairbanks
award) for their contributions to my research. Thank you to
Deborah Mullins and Andrea White for their assistance in
preparing this manuscript and to Bob Austin for his thoughtful
comments and suggestions. However, I take responsibility for
any errors or omissions.




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2002 A Historical Archaeology of Black Seminole
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1986 Newman's Garden (8ci206): A Seminole Indian
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A Video on Florida's Native Peoples

A Florida Heritage Production
Produced and Directed by Chaos Productions
Executive Producer: Brent Weisman
Written by Marshall Riggan
Artwork by Theodore Morris
1998 Florida Anthropological Society and the Florida Department of State

To obtain copies please send $20 (includes shipping and handling) to
Terry Simpson, 9907 High Meadow Ave., Thonotosassa, FL. 33592-2458.
Please specify DVD or VHS. Make checks payable to the Florida Anthropological Society.
Special reseller price available.


2008 University of North Florida Summer Field School:
Betz-Tiger Point Preserve, Duval County, Florida
by Nichole Bishop

As a senior at the University of North Florida (UNF),
I had the opportunity to participate in the 2008 summer
archaeological field school at Betz-Tiger Point Preserve, a 548
acre property owned by the City of Jacksonville. The preserve
is open to the public and consists of mixed hardwood forests
and salt marshes.
Prior to field school, UNF conducted an archaeological
survey of the Betz-Tiger Point Preserve for the City of
Jacksonville. The area was sampled through the excavation of
over 400 shovel tests and a surface inspection of the shoreline.
Five new and two previously recorded sites were identified.
Our summer field school focused on four of these sites:
8DU19676, 8DU19674, 8DU104, and 8DU622.
In 2008, shovel testing was continued by field school
students to help delineate site boundaries at 8DU19676. Then,

we excavated two 1 x 2 meter units in an area of a proposed
boardwalk at site 8DU622. From these units we recovered
faunal remains and numerous pottery sherds, most dating to
A.D. 1250-1500. Among our favorite finds were two small
Pinellas projectile points.
With this testing completed, we shifted our focus to the
Tiger Point site (8DU104) at the northern end of the preserve
adjacent to Edwards Creek. The site consists of a series of
individual shell middens, with the largest (Shell Midden H)
measuring 9 by 18 m and 50 cm high. Two 1 x 6 m trenches and
one 1 x 2 m unit were excavated at Shell Midden H (Figures
1 and 2). All units were dug in 10 cm arbitrary levels, and we
used inch mesh to recover cultural remains.
Preservation of faunal remains in Shell Midden H was
excellent due to the high concentrations of shell. Calcium in
the shell served as an excellent medium for preserving bone.
Many interesting faunal remains were recovered including
alligator, deer, and many species of fish. The species and sizes
of recovered fish combined with the modal size of impressed

Figure 1. Lauren Braddock and Kristen Angelucci (in trench) profiling south wall of Trench B at 8DU104.

VOL. 61(3-4)




Figure 2. UNF students excavating Shell Midden H at 8DU104.

odostones, a parasitic organism associated with oysters,
indicate that the shell midden was deposited in the summer
or early fall.
The pottery recovered from the midden consisted mainly
of St. Johns Check Stamped and St Johns Plain. Based on our
current knowledge of ceramic assemblages in the region, we
dated the site to the local St. Johns II period (A.D. 900-1250).
Two C-14 dates from the shell middens at 8DU104 date the
site to around A.D. 1300, suggesting that St. Johns people
may have occupied extreme northeastern Florida longer than
previously thought.
As students, we enjoyed working in the field because
it complemented information and knowledge obtained in
the classroom. Students with no previous field experience,
including myself, benefited from instruction on basic
archaeological excavation and recording techniques, such
as mapping stratigraphy and using Munsell color charts. We
also worked with new technologies and equipment, including
ground penetrating radar and a total station.
In addition to fieldwork, we were given the opportunity to
participate in laboratory analysis of artifact and faunal remains.
Through this experience, we learned how to wash, identify,
and catalog field specimens. All of the data collected during
the excavation was combined to create a basis from which site

interpretation could begin. What were simply liters of shell
in the field became density maps that provided a glimpse into
settlement layout. Charts, maps, and data tables all contributed
to the overall understanding of the people who had previously
inhabited the area.
The field school experience is an important extension of
the information and knowledge obtained in the classroom.
Students gain valuable experience in a way that a book or
lecture can never relay. Students this past summer were
fortunate to participate in a program that offered many unique
learning opportunities. Copies of the field school report are
available in PDF format by contacting Dr. Keith Ashley


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


2006-2008 University of Florida Historical Archaeology
Field School:
Kingsley Plantation, Fort George Island, Florida
by James M. Davidson

Between May 12 and June 20, 2008, the Department
of Anthropology at the University of Florida conducted an
archaeological field school at Kingsley Plantation (8DU108)
located on Fort George Island, Duval County, Florida, within
the Timucuan Ecological and Historic Preserve National
The birth of the field of African-American archaeology
began here in 1968, with Dr. Charles Fairbanks (University of
Florida) directing excavations within two of the tabby-walled
slave cabins. Although Fairbanks' exploration at Kingsley
was the beginning of the discipline, archaeologically, this
important site has been poorly understood due to the lack of
subsequent work.
The 2008 archaeological field school at Kingsley
Plantation built on work completed in 2006 and 2007. The goal
was to re-assess Fairbanks' previous work, as well as to ask
new questions within this decidedly unique context, wherein
the first decades of the nineteenth century numerous African-
born slaves worked under a white planter who respected their
heritage and culture to the extent that he apparently gave them
the autonomy to express it in their own manner.
In 2006, eleven students and several volunteers opened
up 47 1 x 1 meter units within Cabins W-12, W-13, and W-15.

Additionally, one unit was excavated on the shoreline along
the Fort George River. In 2007, 17 students with the help of
volunteers continued excavations within Cabins W-12 and W-
15, and in areas of other lost structures (razed in the 1850s or
1860s) along Cedar Avenue (near the Main House).
Finally, during the 2008 field season 16 students, two
National Park Service staff, and 18 volunteers completed
excavations within Cabin W-12 (Figure 3), and made
considerable progress within Cabin W-15. We also conducted
additional work exposing foundation remnants along Cedar
Avenue. The most unique discovery in 2008 was the long-lost
tabby sugar mill, not seen since the 1880s when John Rollins
buried the structure. Investigations revealed intact tabby
walls measuring almost three feet in height (Figure 4). Some
archaeological evidence tentatively suggests that the mill was
actually built by John McIntosh or even John McQueen, prior
to Kingsley's arrival in 1814.
Summarizing the last three years of fieldwork, we have
been able to establish that the west arc slave cabins were
occupied very early in Kingsley's tenure on the island, arguably
circa 1814, when Kingsley and his slaves first arrived. This
new information contradicts previous interpretations of a
1820s construction.
Further, artifacts and archival evidence establish that
the excavated cabins were no longer occupied by circa
1840, corresponding with Zephaniah Kingsley's selling of
the plantation to his nephews in 1839, when the number of
enslaved on the island was reduced in half.

Figure 3. Overview of Cabin W-12 excavations in 2008 (looking northeast).


Figure 4. Overview of Sugar Mill excavations in 2008 (lool

Another interesting result was the overwhelming
evidence of firearms within all of the slave cabins investigated
archaeologically, in the form of French and British gunflints
(pistol and musket), sprues, pig lead, and cast shot.
Perhaps the most revealing archaeological discoveries
uncovered during the past three field seasons is the evidence
of an African-based spirituality which was manifested in
several forms including an apparent chicken sacrifice buried
under the floor of Cabin W-15, a partial deer leg buried in the
front doorway of Cabin W-12, an iron hatchet blade in back
doorway of Cabin W-12, and an iron hoe blade recovered
underneath the backdoor of Cabin W- 13.
Likely serving as house charms and dedication sacrifices,
all of these features strongly suggest an African origin.
Kingsley's enslaved were virtually all African-born (or
the children of Africans) from the Ibo, Calabar, Rio Pongo,
and Soosoo cultures, and additional individuals (including
Angolan speakers) were obtained from the port of Zanzibar,
in East Africa. These groups historically practiced animal
sacrifice and used iron to guard the doorways of homes against
malevolent spirits and witches.

king east).

2008 University of Florida Field School in Historical
Mission San Juan del Puerto, Fort George Island, Florida
by Rebecca D. Gorman and Ryan M. VanDyke

In conjunction with the 2008 University of Florida
Fort George Island Field School and under the direction of
graduate students Rebecca D. Gorman and Ryan M. VanDyke,
undergraduate and graduate students completed the second half
of a two year reevaluation of the Spanish/Mocaman mission of
San Juan del Puerto (Figure 5 and 6). First identified by John
Goggin in 1951, the mission doctrine of San Juan del Puerto
(8DU53), located on the western side of Fort George Island,
has been the subject of limited archaeological surveys and
excavations conducted primarily in an effort to delineate the
mission period extent of the site. The current reconsideration
of this site is important for a cohesive understanding of
the mission period occupation, and the many surrounding
prehistoric and historic archaeological sites. Moreover, this
research is substantially important for a better understanding
of questions pertaining to the processes of Mocaman cultural
continuity and change before and throughout the duration of
the Spanish mission period in the Southeast.
San Juan del Puerto was founded by Franciscan
missionaries in 1587 as a mission doctrine serving nine satellite
mission visits within the northeastern Florida Timucuan


2008 VOL. 61 -4)


Figure 5. Dr. James Davidson, Clete Rooney, Jason Wen-
zel, and David Markus screening a shovel test, May 2007
at 8DU53.

Figure 6. University of Florida undergraduates Andrea
Cohen, Elisabeth LeBlanc, Jamie Arjona, and Lindsey
Roberson profile the north and south walls of a test unit
where a mission-period trench feature was discovered dur-
ing the 2008 field season.

province. The mission was established within or near the
precontact Timucuan village of Alimacani, becoming the
southernmost mission of the Mocama territory, which spanned
south from Fort George Island north to St. Simons Island. San
Juan del Puerto was in continuous use until Florida's missions
were attacked and destroyed by the English and their native
allies in 1702.

Figure 7. An incised and punctuated San Pedro sherd re-
covered during 2008 excavations.

This mission site diverges from what has been recorded
at other missions prior to aggregation. Most late St. Marys
period (A.D. 1100-1450) through San Pedro period (A.D.
1450-1625) occupations are similar, with other Mocama
missions such as San Pedro de Mocama showing high levels
of San Pedro ceramics (Figure 7) in domestic contexts
prior to 1665. San Marcos series ceramics, which are more
typically recovered from Guale occupation sites in Georgia's
coastal mission chain, statistically predominate the San Juan
assemblage. According to Spanish documentary evidence San
Juan del Puerto remained a Mocama mission throughout the
mission period, never receiving the significant numbers of
Guale or Yamassee immigrants that other missions confronted
due to population aggregation spurred by the breakdown of
northern coastal missions. Instead San Juan was primarily the
destination for other Mocama speakers like themselves.
The overarching purpose of this research is to use Fort
George Island and the mission site of San Juan del Puerto as
a microcosm for the study of continuity and change within
the Mocama people of Northeast Florida through the study
of materiality as an interactive, social construction based on
practice. Through this theoretical lens, pottery transitions on
Fort George Island can be viewed as a continuous relational
process based on social memory and precedent. Since the site
of San Juan del Puerto remained Mocama throughout the late
Precolumbian and mission periods this notion is particularly
Excavations at San Juan del Puerto have included both
aboriginal and European contexts in an effort to confirm
and redefine prior archaeological interpretations of the site.
Shovel tests and excavation units were placed in the Spanish
mission core area, various domestic middens, and a possible
aboriginal public activity area. These areas represent the
mission occupation at various moments in time, which when
compared spatially and stratigraphically exhibit gradual
pottery transitions in closed contexts. The recovered artifacts
currently under analysis will no doubt further the understanding
of Mocama continuity and change in the St. Marys region. For
further information about the archaeological investigations at
this site, contact Rebecca D. Gorman (rgormanl @ufl.edu) and
Ryan M. VanDyke (ryanmvan5@ufl.edu).


2008 University of South Florida Field School:
Gotier Hammock Site, Gulf County, Florida
by Nancy White

The 2008 USF summer archaeological field school
investigated the long-lost Gotier Hammock site, 8GU2, in Gulf
County. This Middle Woodland burial mound was recorded by
C.B. Moore in 1902 on the east side of St. Joseph Bay, in the
Apalachicola delta region of northwest Florida. Moore said he
excavated the entire mound and subsequently the location was
lost for a century. But local people took us to the site, which is
still at a low elevation. A road is bulldozed through the middle
of what remains of the mound, leaving two small humps on
the east and west sides. The landowner, St. Joe Company, gave
permission for test excavations.
There were a few potsherds in the dirt road and some
bricks from the nineteenth century occupation by the Gautier
family (yes, Moore misspelled the name). The mound sits on
the slightly higher ground of an oak hammock, surrounded by
planted pine trees. We excavated two test units (TU). TU 1, a
1 x 1 meter unit on the west side, produced red-painted sherds.

However, a large pine stump in the middle of the unit made
digging difficult. In TU 2 (Figure 8), a 1 x 2 meter unit, a
complete plain bowl, most of a Weeden Island Incised jar, and
Swift Creek Complicated-Stamped and cordmarked sherds
were recovered. To assess the level of disturbance, we extended
the north half of the unit another meter westward (calling it TU
2A), uncovering a feature that was apparently a small pit with
a flat-bottomed post through it (Figure 9). Another feature
resembling a similar post was in the unit wall.
Strangely, there was absolutely no bone, human or
otherwise, observed on the ground surface or in the excavation
units. Disturbances from mound building, historic looters,
homesteaders, and Moore, churned around the soils and
artifacts, which were then later pushed around more by the
recent pine-planting machinery. Perhaps there were few burials
in the first place, or all the bones were long ago removed or left
by pothunters to decay on the surface.
To establish site boundaries, we excavated shovel tests 20
meters apart, moving away from the mound. Shovel tests did
not produce any cultural materials until close to the bayshore,
about 180 meters west of the mound. In this location, a shell

Figure 8. USF 2008 field school students at Gotier Hammock mound, Test Unit 2, with exposed ceramics; l-r, Erin Rosenthal,
Nancy Fairchild, Jenna Clevinger, Kevin Hageman, Stephanie Lonergan, crew chief Elicia Kimble.



2008 VOL. 61 -4)



midden indicated a living area near the only freshwater stream
around -- very important since St. Joe Bay is saltier than the
Gulf of Mexico. This linear midden extended some 300-400
meters north-south. Shovel Test 9, at the south end of midden,
produced shell and check-stamped pottery that may or may not
be contemporaneous with the mound.
After Gotier Hammock, we were invited back to Dog
Island on the east side of the delta to update information
on recorded sites and check a new site recently washing
out, unusually, from the Gulf side. Then, after four weeks,
the students left Florida to continue field school with Tom
Pluckhahn at Kolomoki Mounds in Georgia. Materials and data
from all summer investigations continue to be processed in the
lab. So far, we can say that the mound at Gotier Hammock was
an isolated place for burial ritual around 1500 years ago, with
a possibly associated living area closer to the bay containing
shellfish and other resources. The mound is severely damaged,
but tiny pieces of it remain. Our and Moore's investigations
produced beautiful pottery from the mound; additionally one
collector recovered a piece of cut mica. It must have been an
important ceremonial center for the area. Stay tuned for further
observations as analysis continues.

2008 Joint University of South Florida and University of
West Florida Field School:
Crystal River Site, Citrus County, Florida
by Thomas J. Pluckhahn and Victor D. Thompson

In June of 2008, the University of South Florida (USF)
and the University of West Florida (UWF) conducted a joint
field school at the Crystal River site in Citrus County, under the
direction of Drs. Tom Pluckhahn and Victor Thompson (Figure
10). Crystal River, dating primarily to the Middle Woodland
period, is famous both as one of the largest civic-ceremonial
complexes in Florida (Mound A rises almost 10 meters, with a
summit plateau once measuring more than 30 meters long) and
for the quantity of Hopewellian artifacts produced by early
investigations. Unfortunately, while the importance of Crystal
River is widely recognized (the site is designated as a National
Historic Landmark and preserved as a Florida State Park), the
site remains poorly understood. Early investigations by C.B.
Moore were unsystematic and poorly documented. Later work
by Hale Smith and Ripley Bullen (among others) was more
systematic, but also under-reported.
Given the limited understanding of Crystal River, the goals
of the 2008 field season were relatively basic. First, we wanted
to conduct detailed topographic mapping using a site-specific
grid system in order to provide a base map that can be used to

Figure 9. Feature 1, Test Unit 2A, Gotier Hammock
mound: small pit with flat-bottomed postmold?

Figure 10. Students, graduate students, and instructors
for the 2008 USF-UWF joint field school at Crystal River,
on the steps of Mound A.


record the locations of previous excavation units, as well as
our own areas of investigation, and any future archaeological
investigations. Second, we planned to conduct geophysical
survey to delineate the locations of middens, features, mound
construction episodes, and previous excavations. As a corollary
to this, we also planned limited, minimally-invasive coring to
"ground truth" the geophysical data and to provide possible
samples for radiocarbon dating.
In the course of two weeks of field work, we completed
a detailed topographic map (based on more than 18,000
elevations). In addition, we completed resistivity surveys
of 20,600 square meters. Although our analysis is ongoing,
the resulting resistivity data clearly delimit the dense shell
middens associated with Mounds J and K, as well as lighter
shell scatters to the east in the area associated with the
presumed village (referred to by Bullen as Area B). Bullen's
excavations in Mound G are also readily apparent. Our use of
the ground-penetrating radar (GPR) has thus far been limited,
but also enlightening. For example, GPR grids completed on
the summit of Mound H (Figure 11) suggest that this mound
may have been enlarged twice while retaining the same general
form-a significant new insight.
A technical report summarizing the results of the 2008
field season at Crystal River is currently in preparation. We also
anticipate communicating the results of the work to a wider
public through future articles in The Florida Anthropologist
and other journals.

2008 Valencia Community College Field School:
Oakland Historical Archaeology Project, Orange County,
by Jason Wenzel

In Spring 2008, Jason Wenzel, professor at Valencia
Community College, directed a field and lab experience for 18
of his students enrolled in Introductory Anthropology (ANT
2000) and Introduction to Archaeology (ANT 2100) as a way
to fulfill their class research requirements (Figure 12). The
field school was comprised of a survey and excavation at a
homesite associated with one of Oakland's early pioneering
families. Just ten miles west of Orlando, Oakland was once
the hub of the Orange County citrus industry and today
this small community preserves a precious piece of Florida
history in an area of rapid change. The Oakland Historical
Archaeology Project was created to make archaeological
research accessible to community college students and to
serve the local community by gaining insight into aspects of
the town's history absent in the written record.
On selected Saturdays throughout the spring semester,
the group conducted field work at the Chambless-Hull House
(80R9836) (Figures 13 and 14), a property formerly owned
by Simeon B. Hull, an early citrus grower and agricultural
innovator who was the son of early Orlando pioneer William
Hull. At the start of the twentieth century, the home was
occupied by Hull's family, but two decades later it served as

Figure 11. Using a ground-penetrating radar on the summit of Mound H, Crystal River site.


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


Figure 12. Spring 2008 VCC field crew. Behind is the Petris House (1879), which is next door to the Chambless-Hull House
where we worked.

a boarding house for local laborers. Towards the edge of the
property, in a former citrus grove, the students excavated a
midden containing a deposit of assorted glass, ceramic and
metal materials dating primarily between 1911 and 1929.
Weekly meetings in the geology lab on the west campus of
Valencia were used to clean and analyze the artifacts. Some
of the most noteworthy finds include a set of cross-mendable
kitchen ceramics, numerous alcohol related vessels, and a very
high proportion of medicinal and hygienic bottles. From the
analysis, some interesting insights regarding the occupants'
place in Oakland History, their socioeconomic status, and
the exchange networks they participated have been made.
Through an examination of historical documents along with
artifact analysis, questions about how the residents reacted
to early twentieth century issues such as the pandemic flu of
1918-1919, alcohol prohibition, and the Great Depression
have been raised.
By the end of the field session, the group had conducted
28 shovel tests on a five meter grid and excavated four test
units. With assistance from Dr. Rachel Wentz of the East
Central Region of the Florida Public Archaeology Network,
an educational outreach day was held. Hands on excavation
demonstrations and artifact identification sessions were

provided to over two dozen school children of various ages.
Although fieldwork concluded in May, several of the students
enrolled in the summer anthropology courses, working in the
lab processing artifacts.
The owner of the Chambless-Hull House is donating
the artifacts to the new Environmental Education Center of
the Oakland Nature Preserve where they will be placed in a
cultural history display under development.
In addition to work at the Chambless-Hull House, the
students spent a few days recording gravemarkers at the Old
Oakland African American Cemetery (80R9567) (Figure 15).
In 2008, the Oakland Historical Archaeology Project was
featured in a cover story by the Orlando Sentinel, two FAS
conference papers and a booth at the 11th Annual Oakland
Heritage Festival.


Figure 13 and 14. Excavations at Chambless-Hull House as part of the Oakland Historical Archaeology Project.

Figure 15. Cemetery recording at Old Oakland African American Cemetery.

2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


Editors' Note: This year, there were no nominations for the William C. Lazarus Award.

Carl has been a regular instructor in teacher workshops
of the Florida Humanities Council. Thanks to Carl's on-site
instruction, hundreds of teachers from around the country
have returned to their classrooms with a greater understanding
of archaeology's role in telling the story of St. Augustine.
At Flagler College, Carl has taught undergraduate students
in independent studies. He has served as a committee member
for two master's degree candidates, and he has mentored
master's degree and doctoral candidates from the University
of Florida, Florida State University, the University of South
Carolina, and the College of William and Mary. These
students have used data from City excavations in theses and
Through Carl's investigations, the City of St. Augustine's
past is being documented, interpreted, and preserved. If it were
not for Carl, the City's unique place in history would be lost
to development.
Figure 1. FAS President Patty Flynn presents the Ripley P.
Bullen Award to Carl D. Halbirt.
President's Remarks on Presenting
RIPLEY P. BULLEN AWARD the Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Award


Carl D. Halbirt was presented the Ripley P. Bullen
Memorial Award at the FAS 60th Annual Meeting in Ybor
City on May 3, 2008. He was nominated by the St. Augustine
Archaeological Association (SAAA).
Carl has worked as an archaeologist for more than 30
years. He has spent the last 17 years as the City Archaeologist
for the City of St. Augustine, Florida. There, he has directed
and managed the City's Archaeology Program under the City's
Archaeological Preservation Ordinance.
Carl has recruited, trained, and supervised a cadre of
volunteers who are essential to the success of the City's
Archaeology Program. Many of these volunteers are members
of SAAA.
A recipient of awards and grants, Carl has written many
publications, articles, and conference papers in the fields of
archaeology and history. He has devoted much of his career
to public outreach and education. Carl has conducted regular
programs of instruction, given lectures, and organized courses.
He has mentored students and avocational archaeologists in
field and laboratory work.
Carl's expertise in "reading the soil" is legendary. His
skills in field techniques give him a special sense. His insights
come with good humor. Some volunteers have worked with
Carl for more than 10 years, which speaks eloquently of Carl's
abilities as a mentor.

"In our lifetimes, there are moments we hold dear to our
hearts. This is one of them. As you all know, we lost Art Lee a
few months ago. Art was so much a part of the history of FAS.
It may be safe to say that without Art, there would be no FAS
today. Through his sincere interest, integrity, diplomacy, and
unconquerable will, he helped keep FAS alive through the late
1980s and into the 1990s.
"Art was the one we turned to if we had a question about
the proper course to take. His was the voice of logic and reason
when it was most needed. Art was a man who gave freely of his
time and knowledge, never asking for anything in return. For
those who knew him best, his passing left a great emptiness,
and FAS lost a piece of its heart. We will never forget what he
meant to FAS.
"Art recognized that the Chapters are a driving force
behind FAS. When he was President in 1992-1993, he showed
his dedication to the Chapters by making a special effort to
visit and give a talk to each one. He knew that it is the hard
work of Chapter members that keeps FAS alive. Later, in 1998,
it was his idea to create the FAS Chapter Award. Art believed
that deserving chapters should be honored and that the award's
criteria could serve as a standard to which they could aspire.
"For these reasons, the FAS Board of Directors voted
unanimously on February 9, 2008, to rename the award as the
Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Award."


VOL. 61(3-4)




Figure 2. President Patty Flynn (left) joined by Arthur R.
Lee's widow, Lynn Lee (second from right), and Lee's son,
Arthur R. Lee, III (right) present the Arthur R. Lee FAS
Chapter Award to Steve Koski (second from left), for the
Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological

A Proclamation in Honor of Arthur R. Lee

Editors' Note: In addition to presenting the Chapter Award,
President Patty Flynn read the following Proclamation:

WHEREAS, Art Lee was a member in good standing of
the Florida Anthropological Society (FAS) and the Southwest
Florida Archaeological Society (SWFAS) for approximately
25 years;

WHEREAS, Art Lee was a tireless supporter of FAS
and SWFAS and served productively in numerous official
capacities, such as FAS President in 1992-1993, SWFAS
Newsletter Editor from 1987 to 1997, SWFAS Chapter
Representative to the FAS Board, SWFAS Trustee, and
Director of the Craighead Archaeological Laboratory for 14
years (from 1988 to 2002);

WHEREAS, Art Lee took special interest in FAS chapters,
serving as Chapter Liaison in 1990 to 1992, aiding the
formation of a chapter in Highlands County, and endeavoring
to visit and to speak to every chapter during his term as FAS
President in 1992-1993;

WHEREAS, Art Lee furthered chapter efforts, such as
field work, laboratory analysis, publication of results, and
site preservation, including the adoption of an Historic and
Archaeological Preservation ordinance in Collier County in
1991, and encouragement of a similar ordinance in Highlands
County in 1995;

WHEREAS, Art Lee was a recipient of the FAS William
C. Lazarus Memorial Award in 1992 and an FAS President's

Acknowledgement in 1997 for his many achievements and
devoted service;

WHEREAS, Art Lee conceived an award to encourage
and honor FAS chapters to achieve high goals of preservation
and stewardship, which led to the formal adoption by the FAS
Board in 1998 of the FAS Chapter Award;

WHEREAS, the FAS Board would like to show its high
esteem for Art Lee and wants to honor him posthumously for
his achievements and outstanding citizenship;

THEREFORE, the FAS Board voted unanimously on
February 9, 2008, to rename the FAS Chapter Award so that it
henceforth shall be known as the "Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter



The Warm Mineral Springs/Little Salt Spring
Archaeological Society (WMS/LSSAS) was presented the
FAS Chapter Award at the 60th Annual Meeting in Ybor City
on May 3, 2008. At the banquet, FAS President Patty Flynn
was joined by Arthur R. Lee's widow, Lynn Lee, and the Lee's
son, Arthur R. Lee, III, and they together presented the award
plaque to Steve Koski, who accepted it on behalf of WMS/
WMS/LSSAS was recognized for public outreach,
assistance to institutions of higher learning, and support of
government and private organizations to preserve sites. Their
preservation efforts have focused on Little Salt Spring and its
adjacent slough and upland.
An example of public outreach by WMS/LSSAS was an
Open House at Little Salt Spring on June 10-11, 2006, attended
by 350 people. Chapter members helped on June 11, 2006,
with an Underwater Archaeology Symposium at the North Port
Performing Arts Center. The Chapter and Friends of the North
Port Library worked together to bring the exhibit, "Dive Into
the Past: An Exhibit on the Little Salt Spring Archaeological
Site," to the North Port Library from February 28 through
April 7, 2007. The exhibit was assembled by Dan Hughes
of the Sarasota County History Center (SCHC), in Sarasota,
where it was first shown to the public from February 4 through
May 26, 2006. In conjunction with the original exhibit, WMS/
LSSAS held a Florida Archaeology Month public event at the
SCHC in March 2006.
WMS/LSSAS has cooperated with programs of the
University of Miami (UM) and the Rosentiel School of Marine
and Atmospheric Science (RSMAS). UM owns the 110-acre
tract surrounding Little Salt Spring, where chapter member
Steve Koski has participated in underwater field work.


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


In 2005, Koski and Chapter members assisted Sarasota
County land surveyors who made a topographic map of the
area around Little Salt Spring, including the nearby slough and
adjacent upland. Also in 2005, UM obtained a Florida Division
of Historical Resources grant for an archaeological survey, and
state grant funds were matched by RSMAS and the SCHC. The
survey was conducted in 2006, with a supplemental survey in
2007, by New South Associates (Koski et al. 2006; Smith et
al. 2007).
Beginning in 2002, WMS/LSSAS supported efforts to
preserve land near Little Salt Spring that contains the slough and
upland midden, with a goal of creating a 5-acre park (see Luer
2002:24, Figures 8 and 9). By January 2006, Sarasota County
had invested more than $300,000 to acquire 20 of 25 parcels
and had pledged another $250,000 toward acquisition of the
remaining five parcels. The Archaeological Conservancy, Inc.,
received more than $80,000 in grants to assist in acquisition
and improvement of the parcels. The Selby Foundation of
Sarasota awarded $25,000 to the Archaeological Conservancy,
to which the City of North Port pledged a match in January
By late February, 2007, Sarasota County had succeeded
in buying 24 of the 25 parcels in the 5 acres targeted for
protection. In January 2007, WMS/LSSAS members worked
to remove Brazilian pepper from the parcels. Chapter members
are among a number of people serving on the Little Salt Spring
Park Planning Committee, which promotes creation of the
park. Congratulations to all the members of the Warm Mineral
Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society for their
much deserved win of the 2008 Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter

References Cited

Koski, Steve, Greg C. Smith, and Leslie E. Raymer
2006 Archaeological Survey at the Little Salt Midden and
Slough Site (8S079) Surrounding the Little Salt
Spring Basin, Sarasota County, Florida. Report
dated September 29. New South Associates Technical
Report #1390. Stone Mountain, Georgia.

Luer, George M.
2002 Three Middle Archaic Sites in North Port. In
Archaeology of Upper Charlotte Harbor, Florida,
edited by George M. Luer, pp. 3-33. Florida
Anthropological Society Publication Number 15,

Smith, Greg C., Steve Koski, Leslie E. Raymer, and Mason
2007 Addendum to: Archaeological Survey at the Little Salt
Midden and Slough Site (8S079) Surrounding the
Little Salt Spring Basin, Sarasota County, Florida.
Report dated December 10. New South Associates
Technical Report #1521. Stone Mountain, Georgia.


Figure 3. Patty Flynn presents the FAS President's Award
to George M. Luer for his years of service to the Society.



President Patty Flynn surprised George by presenting him
with a plaque "in Appreciation for His Years of Service to the
Society." She noted his work as Chair of the Awards Committee
(more than a dozen years, since 1995) and his service on the
Nominations and Finance committees. She also thanked him
for assembling scholarly works for FAS, such as the Lemon
Bay and Upper Charlotte Harbor monographs.
George became an FAS member in 1973. Since the late
1970s, he has assisted successive editors of the FAS scholarly
journal, The Florida Anthropologist. Working variously as a
member of the Review Board, Editorial Assistant, andAssistant
Editor, he has helped review and edit many manuscripts while
encouraging serious researchers to publish. George has served
as FAS President (1990-1992), First Vice-President (1992-
1993), and Second Vice-President (1995-1997), and in 1993 he
proposed establishment of The Florida Anthropologist Fund.

Honorary plaques were presented by President Patty
Flynn for "long, devoted service."


Jack and Dottie have been members of FAS and SWFAS
for 25 years. During much of that period, Jack and Dottie
represented SWFAS at FAS board meetings. In addition, Jack
served as FAS Treasurer for 10 years (1990-2000), followed
by two terms as FAS President in 2000-2002. Jack has been
involved in much Society business, providing vital support to
Florida Archaeology Month grants and events.


Figure 5. Terry Simpson receives a plaque from Patty Fly-
nn for his service to FAS.

Figure 4. Jack and Dottie Thompson were acknowledged
for their long-term contribution to FAS.

For many years, Dottie worked tirelessly as Publicity Chair
of SWFAS, promoting Chapter events and speakers. She has
been an active volunteer in public events, such as "Old Florida
Week" and "Calusa Fest" at the Collier County Museum.
For years, she and Jack assisted in printing and mailing the
monthly SWFAS Newsletter. Jack and Dottie established a
steady foundation for FAS and SWFAS, which has made all
the difference in the world! We are very grateful.


Terry is a long-time member of FAS and the Central Gulf
Coast Archaeological Society (CGCAS). Terry took the role
of FAS Membership Secretary in 1991 and continued for 13
years, from 1991 through 2004. And, he lent a helping hand
after that. His work gave essential continuity and smooth-
running to our organization. Terry also has pitched in when
needed, such as serving as Co-Editor (with Art Lee) of the
FAS Newsletter in 1994, and Chair of the Florida Archaeology
Week Steering Committee in 1996. At home, Terry has been
active in CGCAS field work, analyses, and reports, including
being principal investigator at the Narvaez/Anderson Site,
an important Safety Harbor Period shell midden in St.


Editors' Note: Eileen Aist passed away on July 17, and Wilmer
Aist passed away on July 20, 2008.


Eileen and Wilber Aist were honored at the FAS Board
meeting held at Winter Park Towers on Saturday, November
10, 2007. The FAS Board and fellow members of the Central
Florida Anthropological Society (CFAS) said a big "THANK
YOU!" CFAS Chapter Representative Ellen Devine prepared
the tribute. Orange juice, coffee and donuts were enjoyed by
Eileen and Wilbur Aist moved to central Florida in 1980
from Delaware, where Wilbur worked as a soil conservationist.
Soon after, they joined CFAS. Wilbur served as CFAS Vice
President andProgram Director and then as FAS Representative.
By 1986, Eileen succeeded Wilbur as FAS Representative.
As we all know, Eileen and Wilbur opened their hearts
to the FAS Board in the late 1980s when they consistently
reserved rooms for the Board to meet at Rollins College. They
continued when the top floor of Winter Park Towers became
the official home for the quarterly FAS Board meetings in
1993. FAS also benefited from the Aists' commitment to the
Society when Eileen chaired preparations for the 1988 FAS
Annual Meeting, held at the now gone Langford Resort Hotel
in Winter Park.
Over the years, the Aists participated in archaeological
excavations, notably in Belize, and lectured on their
experiences at CFAS meetings. Occasionally, they provided
overnight accommodations for CFAS speakers. Eileen was one
of the "cooks" at the CFAS Florida Archaeology Month "Walk
Back in Time" events at Wekiva Springs State Park. Eileen
always volunteered and asking nothing in return. Thanks to
Eileen, CFAS is still around. She kept us going in good times
and bad.


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)



Individual FAS chapters honor members for outstanding
service. President Patty Flynn presented the certificates.

Pensacola Archaeological Society (PAS)


Gene is a very active member of the PAS Board and is
involved in almost every PAS activity. Her help ranges from
providing refreshments to sorting artifacts in the field and
laboratory. Gene has sorted artifacts for both the University
of West Florida and the Florida Public Archaeology Network.
She is known for her congeniality in all her public interactions.
Gene also coordinates planning of the PAS Annual Banquet.


Dennis arrives with a shovel at almost every archaeological
excavation in our area. In addition to volunteering in Pensacola,
he assists the University of Southern Alabama in Mobile
as well as the Emerald Coast Archaeological Society in the
Fort Walton area. Dennis is observant of his surroundings:
he notices sites in danger of erosion or construction, and he
reports them to PAS. He always is present when PAS needs
volunteers for "public days."

Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical
Conservancy (KVAHC)


Thor and Grace are members of KVAHC and the
Southeast Florida Archaeological Society (SEFAS). They
have driven from Stuart to volunteer at the Blueberry Site
for a number of years. We especially appreciate their sharing
of expertise, guidance, and encouragement. Grace and Thor
have been informative program speakers for our Chapter. To
enhance our educational programs, they have created and
given items to our Chapter and the Museum of Florida Art
and Culture. They generously support our projects and have a
heart for preservation and conservation. Grace and Thor share
our mission. Their dedication is a valuable asset to KVAHC.
We hope they will continue to work with us as long as they are
able to drive the distance.

Back Issues
of The Florida Anthropologist
are available from the

Palm Beach Museum of
Natural History




It is with great sadness that I report the death of William
M. Goza J.D., L.H.D., on May 6, 2008 in Gainesville. Bill
was born in Madison, Florida on August 18, 1917. He was a
distinguished lawyer, judge, educator, and philanthropist, and
was educated at the University of Florida, where he received
his J.D. in 1941. He served as a First Lieutenant with the 54't
Armored Field Artillery during World War II.
Bill practiced law in Clearwater after the war, serving as
both a judge and attorney for the city. He eventually founded
the law firm Goza and Hall, P.A. He was active with many
organizations in Clearwater and was named "Mr. Clearwater"
in 1970 in honor of his many contributions to the city.
Bill Goza had passionate interests in history, archaeology,
and forensic science, and he was active in many related
organizations, including the Florida Anthropological Society.
A life member of FAS, Bill served the Society as an Executive
Committee member from 1966 to 1969, Second Vice President
in 1970, First Vice President in 1971, President in 1972, and
then returned as a Director from 1984 to 1986. Additionally
in his capacity as President of the Wentworth Foundation,
founded by the late A. Fillmore Wentworth, he provided
funding to pay for FAS Publications 8, 9, and 10 (The Palmer
Site, The Canton Street Site, and Tick Island), three of Ripley
Bullen's coauthored reports that were near completion when
Bullen died in 1976.
Bill was also instrumental in saving FAS from financial
ruin in the early 1980s. In 1981, the situation was so dire that
the future of The Florida Anthropologist was in doubt: There
was simply not enough money in the treasury to continue
publication. Bill came to the rescue, presenting a check for
$1,250.00 from the Wentworth Foundation to then-President
Marion Almy at the 1982 FAS meeting in Tampa.
He also awarded Wentworth Foundation funds to help
pay for a number of archaeological field projects in the 1970s
and 1980s, most conducted by the University of Florida and
Florida State Museum (now the Florida Museum of Natural
History). Bill, through the Wentworth Foundation, funded
the initial excavations at the Baptizing Spring site (8SU65)
in Suwannee County in 1976. He also supported the early
1976 and 1977 excavations at the McKeithen site (8CO17) in
Columbia County. A 1981 grant provided matching funds for a
National Science Foundation grant intended to allow analysis
of materials from Little Salt Spring (8SO18) in Sarasota
County. In 1983, Bill provided two Wentworth grants to fund
research in Haiti by Kathleen Deagan. In 1983 and 1984, two
grants supported Jerald Milanich and students carrying out
Seminole archaeology and other research in the Cove of the
Withlacoochee region.

Bill awarded a grant from the Wentworth Foundation to
support publication of the first volume in the Ripley P. Bullen
Monographs in Anthropology and History (Tacachale) in
1978. He also helped the series continue with two Wentworth
grants in 1984.
He was influential in acquiring the Henry Prince diary
dating from the Second Seminole War, which led to the
discovery of the Wild Hog Scrub site (8CI198), one of
Osceola's settlements, in Citrus County by Brent Weisman.
His involvement with anthropology at the University of
Florida broadened in the 1980s, when he began collaborating
with Dr. William R. Maples, first director of the C. A. Pound
Human Identification Laboratory. Bill Goza was instrumental
in helping to fund and carry out forensic investigations of
Francisco Pizzaro, President Zachary Taylor, the family of
Czar Nicholas II, and Joseph Merrick ("The Elephant Man").
He became a fellow of the American Academy of Forensic
Sciences, and at the time of his death was Associate Director
of the Maples Center for Forensic Medicine at UF.
Bill's support of the University of Florida went far beyond
anthropology. He and his wife established the William M. and
Sue GozaAwards for outstanding research papers in the School
of Art and Art History. They also donated 2,500 items of
Floridiana to the Florida History Collection at the P. K. Yonge
Library at UF. This collection included early newspapers,
rare books, and original maps. In 1976, Bill was awarded
the University of Florida Distinguished Alumnus Award, and
in 1985, he received an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters
degree from UF. He was also a Life Member of the Board of
Directors of the University of Florida Foundation.
Other history-related endeavors include restoration of the
Wardlaw-Smith house in Madison, which is now the Wardlaw-
Smith-Goza Conference Center for North Florida Community
College. Bill and Sue also restored the 1880s William H. Dial
House in Madison, now known as the Dial-Goza House. Bill
was twice President of the Florida Historical Society and
was on the Advisory Board of the Seminole Wars Historic
I first met Bill in 1976, when I was a field school student
working at the Baptizing Spring site. He and Sue treated us to
an unforgettable catfish dinner, after which they took us to the
Dial-Goza House to see their spectacular collections of books,
ceramics, cut crystal, and antiques. It was truly amazing.
Years later, I became better acquainted with Bill during my
graduate studies at UF. He gave me a lot of information about
archaeology in the Clearwater area, much of which was
especially pertinent to my dissertation research. This included
directing me to collectors who had unpublished material from


VOL. 61(3-4)





Much of the above information was compiled from
obituaries published in The Gainesville Sun (May 15, 2008 for
Bill; June 4, 2008 for Sue). Jerald T. Milanich, Ann S. Cordell,
Jeff Gage, and Beverly Sensbach of the Florida Museum of
Natural History provided additional information and helped
to obtain the photograph. I am grateful to Chris Brazda of the
University of Florida Foundation for the photograph of Bill.


Arkansas Archeological Survey
sqP 0 Box 241
Parkin AR 72373-0241
Email. jeffinitchem @uno.com

Figure 1. Dr. William M. Goza. Courtesy of
The University of Florida Foundation, Inc.

the Tampa Bay area, and his introductions encouraged them to
allow me to record their collections.
One ofmy most surprising and memorable encounters with
Bill was in 1986 at the airport in Madrid, Spain, when I was
returning from two months of studying museum collections. I
was sitting in the waiting area when I heard a familiar voice
behind me. I turned around to find Bill and Sue waiting for the
same flight, along with Bill and Margaret Maples and Florida
State Museum Director Peter Bennett. They were returning
from a conference on forensic research. It was sure nice to
see familiar faces and I still remember Bill's smile and warm
handshake when we saw each other.
The last time I saw Bill was in November, 2007, at
the retirement celebration for Jerry Milanich at the Florida
Museum of Natural History in Gainesville. I was delighted to
have Bill come up and say hello to me during the reception.
I hadn't seen him in years, but he looked good and his mind
was as sharp as ever. We had a nice chat about things, and he
still had his usual pleasant demeanor and Southern charm. He
will be missed.
Sadly, Bill's loving wife of 55 years, Sue, passed away
on May 30, 2008. They are survived by Bill's sister Hazel
McLeod, Sue's sister Pat Willis, daughters Anne Folsom and
Mary Rouse, three grandchildren, and several nieces and

2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


Arthur R. Lee

Arthur "Art" Lee was the elder statesman of Florida
Archaeology. He was a past President of FAS who inspired
us by his personal integrity and his tireless efforts to preserve
and promote our archaeological heritage. As a retired
professional journalist and diplomat, he used his skills to
improve communication in Florida Archaeology. He made
lasting contributions in research, site preservation, and public
outreach, as well as restarting the study of Key Marco.
Art was born in Montana, where he was interested in the
outdoors and American Indians. As a young man, he enjoyed
hunting elk and flying a small biplane. In 1936, at 21 years of
age, he earned a degree in journalism from the University of
Minnesota. Art and his bride, Lynn, both became professional
journalists, writing for newspapers and magazines before Art
joined the U.S. Navy Reserve in World War II. He was on the
battleship California (in action in the Philippine Sea) and on
the carrier Kalinin Bay.
After the war, Art was the Public Relations Officer for
the National Reactor Testing Station in Idaho. He then took
his skills to the U.S. Information Agency under Edward R.
Murrow. Art served as Public Affairs Officer at embassies in
Korea, Cambodia, Tunisia, and Algeria until retiring from the
Foreign Service in Washington, D.C.
At first, Art and Lynn enjoyed sailing in the Atlantic and
Caribbean, but they soon moved to Naples, Florida, settling
at 1250 Ninth Avenue North in 1976. As sailing and boating
became too strenuous, Art turned to archaeology, a lifelong
interest. He and Lynn volunteered in excavations in the Perigord
region of southern France, working at a rock overhang (L'abri
Pataud) near the village of Tautavel. There, and at the Institute
for Human Paleontology in Paris, they acquired skills in field
and lab techniques.
Back in Naples, Art and Lynn joined the Southwest
Florida Archaeological Society (SWFAS). In January, 1983,
John Beriault led the group on a salvage dig at the Horse
Creek Campsite (8CR223), a site doomed by development
east of Wiggins Pass. Soon after, the Lees were impressed by
their first FAS Annual Meeting in Tallahassee in April, 1983,
with its memorable reception in the old state capitol building.
In July, 1983, Art and other SWFAS and FAS members helped
clear sight lines for a mapping project on Josslyn Island
(8LL32). These experiences piqued the Lees' interest.
In 1984, Art and Lynn participated in SWFAS excavations
on Chokoloskee Island (8CR1) (Beriault and Strader 1984). In
1985, Art helped retired surveyor Joe Long (also a SWFAS
member) prepare a contour map of the Oak Knoll Mound
(8LL729), a sand mound discovered by SWFAS in the Bonita
Bay development (later salvage work revealed it to be an

important Hopewellian horizon burial mound [Dickel and Carr
1991 a; Lee 1992a]). In 1986, Art joined SWFAS excavations
at the nearby Strader Site (8LL709) on the Imperial River.
In early 1987, Art and Joe Long helped George Luer map an
endangered sand burial mound (8CH55) near Englewood,
Florida (Luer 1999:16, Figure 11).
In May 1987, Art accepted the job of SWFAS Newsletter
Editor. It was a major commitment. For the next ten years
(throughApril 1997),Art combinedjournalism and archaeology
to produce an outstanding monthly newsletter. It featured
articles about current events and issues in archaeology, chapter
activities, book reviews, and other relevant information,
all written in a clear, engaging, and often witty style. The
newsletter became vital to SWFAS members and everyone
interested in south Florida archaeology.
In 1987-1988, SWFAS assisted the Miami-based
Archaeological and Historical Conservancy, Inc. (AHC) in
an archaeological assessment survey of Collier County (Carr
et al. 1988). As field projects took place, Art saw a need for
a permanent laboratory where collections could be analyzed
and curated. He and other SWFAS members worked to create
one, culminating in the opening, in March 1988, of the Frank
C. Craighead, Sr., Field Laboratory and Native Garden on the
grounds of the Collier County Museum, in Naples.
The lab honored the late Dr. Craighead, an insect and plant
scientist who, in retirement, studied the ecology of Everglades
trees, orchids, and other air plants (Craighead 1963, 1971) as
well as sedimentation and sea level (e.g., Scholl et al. 1969).
The actual lab building was owned by Dr. Craighead when
he lived in Estero Woods, a local retirement community, after
he moved there in the 1970s from Homestead. At the lab's
opening, Art was 73 years of age, and he became lab Director.
The lab became a regular workplace for SWFAS members to
wash, catalogue, and analyze materials from the field.
Art was distressed to see that archaeology was
underappreciated in Florida, and that many sites were being
destroyed by developers without study. To try to change that,
Art conceived a prestigious SWFAS award to honor persons
who made "exceptional contributions" to further the region's
archaeology. It was named "The Frank C. Craighead, Sr.,
Award," and Art hoped it would garner publicity and respect
for the region's past.
The first Craighead Award was given at a SWFAS banquet
at the Bonita Bay Club in April 1989. The recipients were
Don and Pat Randell, of Pineland (west of Ft. Myers), who
were honored for their support of archaeological research and
preservation (Lee 1989a). Art wrote an excellent news release
that was picked up by area newspapers (e.g., Lee 1989b). This


VOL. 61(3-4)




Figure 1. Art Lee (right) introduces visitors to the Craighead Laboratory.

recognition was a turning point for the Randells, convincing
them to give more support to archaeology and eventually to
donate much of their property at Pineland for preservation.
Meanwhile, Art served as SWFAS Chapter Representative
to the FAS Board and on the FAS Nominating Committee. He
and other SWFAS members organized the FAS 42nd Annual
Meeting, held at the Collier County Nature Conservancy in
Naples in April 1990.
At the meeting, Art agreed to help the new FAS President
by writing the first two "Chapter Spotlights" in The Florida
Anthropologist (including one about SWFAS) (Lee 1990a,
1991 a) and by writing an acknowledgment of the Randells'
generosity to FAS (Lee 1991b). Art already had contributed
articles to the FAS journal about developer-archaeologist
relations in Britain (Lee 1987), about a device he built for
measuring shell tools (Lee 1989c), and about a bone artifact
found by SWFAS while salvage screening at Galt Island (Lee
1990b). After the 1990 meeting, Art volunteered to serve as
FAS Chapter Liaison, and he assisted in making a new FAS
membership brochure.
On the home front, Art continued his vigilance. Vast
land development was occurring around Naples, but few
archaeological projects were taking place, despite a richness
of sites. One area being demolished was the Naples Sandhills
Scrub, boasting "shell scatter" sites amid sand pines,
rosemary scrub, and freshwater marshes. At one tract in
1990, Art spearheaded a futile effort to preserve sink holes
in Westinghouse's Pelican Bay development in north Naples
(Hart 1990). The sinkholes had been slated for preservation, but
Collier County overruled it in favor of another golf course.
Meanwhile, SWFAS kept an eye on drafts of Collier
County's Growth Management Plan. Over the preceding

three-year period, Art and other SWFAS members worked
hard to attend public hearings, voice opinions, and write
letters. After an uphill struggle, SWFAS was able to work with
Collier County planning staff to draft an Historic Preservation
Ordinance. Assistance was given by Robert Carr and Ivan
Rodriguez of the Metro-Dade Historic Preservation Division
(the Dade County ordinance served as a model). The new
ordinance was approved by the Collier County Commission in
August 1991. The law created the Historic and Archaeological
Preservation Board, and Art and two fellow SWFAS members
were named to it.
Concurrently, SWFAS obtained, and then matched, a grant
from the Florida Division of Historical Resources for further
archaeological survey of Collier County (beyond the 1988
survey cited above). The AHC was hired for the work (Dickel
and Carr 1991b; Hart 1991). Once the ordinance was in place,
the Preservation Board contracted for a planning document for
future survey in the county (Almy and Deming 1992).
To acknowledge these achievements, Art was honored by
SWFAS and FAS. First, he was given Florida Archaeology's
highest honor, the William C. Lazarus Award, at the FAS 44th
Annual Meeting in St. Augustine in March, 1992. The plaque
... for his many contributions to the Society
and its chapters, and for his outstanding
accomplishments in newsletter writing,
community education, museum work,
site recordation, and protecting historic
Next, Art was presented the Craighead Award by SWFAS
at a dinner on April 22, 1992. Art was invited to express his
views in an essay in The Florida Anthropologist (Lee 1992b).


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


Figure 2. Art Lee inside the Craighead lab, 1996.

Also in 1992, Art became FAS President. During his term,
he visited and delivered talks to most (if not all) FAS chapters.
Art established a repository for historic preservation ordinances
at Nova University, in Fort Lauderdale, to assist others in
drafting similar documents. He also worked to inventory
the Society's back issues of The Florida Anthropologist and
to assemble them in one place. First, they were stored near
Orlando, and later moved to the Graves Museum of Natural
History, in Fort Lauderdale.
In Naples, Art and fellow SWFAS members continued to
work in the field and the Craighead lab. The lab crew analyzed
materials from a SWFAS dig at Mulberry Midden (8CR697),
completing a full report (SWFAS 1992) and distilling results
in the FAS journal (Lee et al. 1993). The site was interpreted
as an extractive/hunting camp that saw temporary but repeated
use during the Terminal Archaic Period (ca. 1400 B.C.). Art
was proud that SWFAS could study such a small, inland site
that otherwise would have been overlooked.
In 1992, Art was instrumental in helping a new group
in Highlands County become an FAS chapter, named the
Kissimmee Valley Archaeological and Historical Conservancy
(KVAHC). He assisted KVAHC members Creighton Northrop
and Jim Fitch with archaeological language in the Highlands
County Comprehensive Plan, leading to a county survey by
Janus Research (1995) and an internship by Scott Mitchell
In October 1993, Art and other SWFAS members
presented local talks, videos, exhibits, and a tour for the first
state-wide Archaeology Week (Piatek 1993). It led directly
to today's Archaeology Month, with SWFAS maintaining a
tradition of public outreach every year since. In 1994-1995,

Art served as a Co-Editor of the FAS Newsletter, teaming with
Terry Simpson.
In 1995, Art was serving as Chairman of Collier County's
Historic and Archaeological Preservation Board when he heard
of impending construction on the last undeveloped parcel at
the famous Key Marco site, also known as Marco Midden
(8CR48). He called the land owner, in Germany, and was
instrumental in organizing a large salvage excavation in the
summer of 1995, directed by Randolph Widmer and sponsored
by the Marco Island Chapter of the Collier County Historical
Society (MIHS) (Lee 1996a; Quesnell 1996; Widmer 1996).
At the same time, Art realized that the famous discoveries
by Frank Hamilton Cushing at Key Marco took place in 1896,
almost 100 years before! In celebration, Art helped organize
a centenary exhibition at the Collier County Museum. He
enlisted Marion Gilliland, a Key Marco scholar, to be Guest
Curator of the exhibit, to which she loaned a number of original
Wells Sawyer watercolors and letters.
Opening in December 1995, the exhibit's star attraction
was a beautifully-carved, wooden, anthropomorphic panther
figure found at Key Marco in 1896. It was loaned by the
Smithsonian Institution and brought by a special courier from
Washington, D.C., to Naples (Lee 1995a). As the opening
neared, Art realized that no one had written an exhibition
catalog, so he went home and produced a superb one (Lee
1995b). The exhibition was a success, showing the public the
importance of the area's archaeological heritage.
In mid-1995, there was a discovery and hasty reburial of
remains at a water-burial site called Ryder Pond (8LL1850)
during construction of a golf course in the Highland Woods
development, near Bonita Springs (Kelly 1995; Lee




Figure 3. Entrance to The Key Marco Expedition Cente-
nary Exhibition at the Collier County Museum, 1996.

1995c, 1995d, 1995e). This incident raised issues needing
clarification, so Art helped organize a symposium, titled
"Burials, Native American Artifacts, and the Law," held at the
FAS 48th Annual Meeting in Sarasota in May 1996 (see The
Florida Anthropologist 49:149-160; Lee 1996b). Meanwhile,
at the Craighead lab, Art and fellow SWFAS members finished
analyzing materials from Satin Leaf (8CR766), a 4,000 year-
old Archaic Period site on Horr's Island, and then published
results (Lee et al. 1997).
In early 1997, Art helped upgrade the FAS Operating
Procedures Manual and its definition of two capital funds, the
Monograph Account and The Florida Anthropologist Fund. In
May 1997, at the FAS 49th Annual Meeting in Miami, an FAS
President's Award was given to Art for "loyal and outstanding
service" (see The Florida Anthropologist 50:96). Later in the
year, Art published articles about the Van Becks' work at Key
Marco in the 1960s (Lee 1997a) and about a device used in
France for measuring depths in test pits (Lee 1997b).
In early 1998, Art proposed a new award to encourage
achievement by FAS chapters and to honor them for
accomplishments. After review by the Awards Committee,
it was formally adopted by the FAS Board at the Society's

50th Annual Meeting in Gainesville in May 1998, and named
the "FAS Chapter Award." Meanwhile, Art worked to finish
a Craighead lab report on Heineken Hammock (8CR231)
(SWFAS 1998) and to publish results (Lee et al. 1998). The
site was interpreted as an occasionally occupied provisioning
camp dating to the Late Archaic (ca. 2000-2700 B.C.) and
late Glades I (ca. A.D. 500-750) periods. Art also reported a
previously unrecorded silver ceremonial tablet that visitors
brought to the lab (Lee 1998).
On the home front, the earlier success of the centenary
exhibition inspired another, including the return of the Key
Marco "cat." Art provided information for the catalog to
accompany the Key Marco Cat Millennium Exhibit, sponsored
by MIHS and Citizens Community Bank ofMarco. The exhibit
was on Marco Island, running from November 15, 1999, to
March 31, 2000 (Perdichizzi 1999).
At the Craighead lab, Art continued to help analyze
materials, including those excavated by the AHC in 1998 and
1999 at the Old Marco Inn (Carr and Beriault 2000; Widmer
2000). At the urging of SWFAS members, Art wrote a history
of the Craighead lab (Lee 1999-2000). In 2001, Art published
a brief article about Key Largo Incised pottery sherds from
Chokoloskee Island (Lee 2001), and he produced a notebook
picturing and describing ceramic types encountered at the
Craighead lab (SWFAS 2001). He also wrote an obituary for
John Van Beck, who excavated at Key Marco in the 1960s
(Lee 2002).
In July 2002, Art stepped down as Director of the
Craighead lab, after serving 14 years (Foster 2002). However,
he continued at the lab, where workers analyzed remains from
the Horse Creek Campsite. They produced a detailed report
about the site, which dated to the Glades I (ca. A.D. 300) and
Glades IIIa (ca. A.D. 1200-1400) periods (SWFAS 2004). Art
also helped fellow lab workers to record the status of collections
from Old Marco Inn (SWFAS 2005a) and to compile notes
and extensive data about testing at the Strader Site in 1986
(SWFAS 2005b). A similar effort was made to compile and
analyze data about testing at Addison Key (8CR35) in 1981
(SWFAS 2007).
On November 15, 2007, Art passed away at the age of 92.
At the FAS Board Meeting on February 9, 2008, the Board
cited Art's devotion to the Society and its chapters. The Board
voted unanimously to honor him by renaming the FAS Chapter
Award as the Arthur R. Lee FAS Chapter Award. On May 3,
2008, the renamed award was presented to the Warm Mineral
Springs/Little Salt Spring Archaeological Society at the FAS
60th Annual Meeting in Ybor City. Art's widow, Lynn, and
son, Arthur, assisted in the presentation.
Art combined archaeology with active citizenship. He
improved the lives of us all. Throughout, he remained a
modest, generous, good-humored man, who always enjoyed
throwing an atlatl.


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


References Cited

Almy, Marion M., and Joan G. Deming
1992 Mapping of Areas of Historical/Archaeological
Probability in Collier County, Florida. Prepared
for Collier County Board of Commissioners by
Archaeological Consultants, Inc., Sarasota, Florida.

Beriault, John G., and Robert S. Carr
2000 Key Marco Revisited: Topography and Archaeology
near the Court of the Pile Dwellers. Abstract of talk
presented at the 52nd FAS Annual Meeting, Fort
Myers, Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 53:349-

Beriault, John G., and Charles E. Strader
1984 A Preliminary Report of a Stratigraphic Excavation
on Chokoloskee Island, Florida. Dated July 2. On file,
Southwest Florida Archaeological Society, Naples.

Carr, Robert S., Lauren Archibald, Amy Femley, and Dave
1988 An Archaeological Survey of Collier County.
Archaeological andHistorical Conservancy, Technical
Report Number 4 (2 parts). Miami, Florida.

Craighead, Frank C., Sr.
1963 Orchids and Other Air Plants of the Everglades
National Park. University of Miami Press, Coral
1971 The Trees of South Florida, Volume 1: The Natural
Environments and Their Succession. University of
Miami Press, Coral Gables.

Dickel, David, and Robert S. Carr
1991a Archaeological Investigations of the Oak Knoll
Mound, 8LL729, Lee County, Florida. Archaeological
and Historical Conservancy, Technical Report #21.
Miami, Florida.
1991b Archaeological Survey of Collier County, Florida:
Phase I. Report dated September. Archaeological and
Historical Conservancy, Inc., Miami, Florida.

Foster, Anneelena
2002 Missing Pieces: The tiny archaeology lab Arthur Lee
helped establish has made contributions beyond his
expectations. Naples Daily News, Sunday, July 28.

Hart, Steve
1990 Pelican Bay sinkhole tests today. Naples Daily News,
August 24, page lB.
1991 Archaeologists receive grant for Collier County
survey. Naples Daily News, February 20, page IB.

Janus Research
1995 The Archaeological Resources of Highlands County,
Florida. Report prepared for the Highlands County

Board of County Commissioners, Sebring, Florida.
Report on file, Janus Research, St. Petersburg,

Kelly, Jim (editor)
1995 Protests prompt rapid reburial at Ryder Pond. Florida
Antiquity: Newsletter of the Archaeological and
Historical Conservancy, Inc. 5(1): 1, 3 (Fall edition).

Lee, Arthur R.
1987 Liaison Group Furthers Cooperation in British
Archaeology. The Florida Anthropologist 40:167-
1989a Randells to Receive Award. Honor to be Conferred at
April 20 Dinner Meet. Newsletter, Southwest Florida
Archaeological Society 4(12): 1-2. April.
1989b Randells Honored for Archaeological Contribution.
The Pine Island Eagle, April 19, page 20.
1989c Instruments to Measure Hafting Angles of Whelk
Shell Tools in Both the Vertical and Horizontal
Planes. The Florida Anthropologist 42:155-157.
1990a One of FAS' Younger Chapters Has Had a State-Wide
Impact. The Florida Anthropologist 43:219-220.
1990b Pendant Found in Galt Island Spoil Pile. The Florida
Anthropologist 43:280.
1991a Southwest Florida Chapter Started Life Deep in
Archaic Muck. The Florida Anthropologist 44:95.
1991b The Randells of Lee County's Pineland: Florida
Archaeology Owes Them Much. The Florida
Anthropologist 44:76.
1992a SWFAS-Found Mound Shifts Calusa Dates:
Burial Earlier Than Expected. Southwest Florida
Archaeological Society Newsletter 7(11):4.
1992b Lazarus Essay: So Much To Do; So Little Time. The
Florida Anthropologist 45:280-282.
1995a Cushing's Cat Figurine Star of Centennial Exhibit.
The Florida Anthropologist 48:309-310.
1995b The Key Marco Expedition: Centenary Exhibit,
1896-1996. 13 pp. Exhibition catalog, Collier County
Museum, Naples.
1995c Muck at Bonita Mixes Periods: Same Pond Has
Archaic Burials, Extinct Fauna. Southwest Florida
Archaeological Society Newsletter 11(2): 1, 3.
1995d The Bulldozer and the Bodies. Southwest Florida
Archaeological Society Newsletter 11(3):4, 3.
1995e Explanation of Basis for Reburials Sought. Southwest
Florida Archaeological Society Newsletter 11 (4):4.
1996a Key Marco Revisited. The Florida Anthropologist
1996b World Views Clash at FAS Indian Burial Symposium.
Southwest Florida Archaeological Society Newsletter
1997a The Newlyweds of Cushing's Court of the Pile
Dwellers: A Historical Reminiscence of the Van
Beck's Excavation at Key Marco. The Florida
Anthropologist 50:139-141.




1997b Device for Measuring Depths of Objects in Test Pits.
The Florida Anthropologist 50:211-212.
1998 Metal Ceremonial Tablet Reported in Naples. The
Florida Anthropologist 51:37.
1999-2000 History of the Craighead Laboratory: Parts 1
through 7. Southwest Florida Archaeological
Society Newsletter 15(12) through 16(6).
2001 There Were Apprentices Then, As Now. The Florida
Anthropologist 54:81.
2002 John C. Van Beck. The Florida Anthropologist

Lee, Arthur R., John G. Beriault, Walter Buschelman, and Jean
1993 A Small Site -- Mulberry Midden, 8CR697 --
Contributes to Knowledge of Transitional Period.
The Florida Anthropologist 46:43-52.

Lee, Arthur R., John G. Beriault, Jean Belknap, Walter M.
Buschelman, Annette L. Snapp, and John W. Thompson
1997 Salvage Excavations of an Archaic Period Special-
Purpose Site in Collier County. The Florida
Anthropologist 50:11-24.

Lee, Arthur R., John G. Beriault, Jean Belknap, Walter M.
Buschelman, John W. Thompson, and Carl B. Johnson
1998 Heineken Hammock, 8CR231: A Late Archaic
Corridor Site in Collier County. The Florida
Anthropologist 51:223-239.

Luer, George M.
1999 An Introduction to the Archaeology of the Lemon
Bay Area. In Maritime Archaeology of Lemon Bay,
Florida, edited by George M. Luer, pp. 1-22. Florida
Anthropological Society Publication Number 14,

Mitchell, Scott E.
1996 The Importance of Aquatic Resources at Five
Archaeological Sites in the Okeechobee Region
of South Florida. M.A. thesis, Department of
Anthropology, University of South Florida, Tampa.

Piatek, Bruce J. (compiler)
1993 Florida Archaeology Week 1993 Events. The Florida
Anthropologist 46:224-232.

Perdichizzi, Betsy
1999 Marco Island Historical Society Sponsoring
Organization for the Key Marco Cat. Southwest
Florida Archaeological Society Newsletter 15(12):8-

Quesnell, Quentin
1996 Relocating Cushing's Key Marco. The Florida
Anthropologist 49:4-9.

Scholl, David W., Frank C. Craighead, Sr., and Minze Stuiver
1969 Florida Submergence Curve Revised: Its Relation to
Coastal Sedimentation Rates. Science 163:562-564.

Southwest Florida Archaeological Society (SWFAS)
1992 Limited Exploration of Mulberry Midden, 8CR697,
Collier County, Florida. Report dated October. Pp.
36. Craighead Laboratory, Naples, Florida.
1998 Heineken Hammock, 8CR231: A Late Archaic
Corridor Site in Collier County. Report dated May.
Pp. 53. Craighead Laboratory, Naples, Florida.
2001 Pottery Workbook of the Southwest Florida
Archaeological Society. Craighead Laboratory,
Collier County Museum, Naples, Florida.
2004 Salvage Excavation of the Horse Creek Campsite,
8CR223, Collier County, Florida. Report dated July.
Pp. 43. Technical Publication Series, Craighead
Laboratory, Collier County Museum, Naples,
2005a Old Marco Inn (8CR48): Data Description and Guide.
Working draft dated April 18, 2005. Pp. 15. On file,
Craighead Laboratory, Collier County Museum,
Naples, Florida.
2005b StraderSiteDataPreparationbyCraigheadLaboratory,
including Recollections of Work at the Strader Site
(8LL709), near Bonita Springs, southwestern Lee
County, February 15th -April 19th, 1986, by John G.
Beriault (1993). Beriault recollections (21 pp., plus 7
illustrations) and SWFAS analyses (137 pp.). Dated
October 6, 2005. Craighead Laboratory, Collier
County Museum, Naples, Florida.
2007 Salvage Excavation of Addison Key, 8CR35, Collier
County, Florida. Report dated November. Pp. 47, plus
tables and appendices. Technical Publication Series,
Craighead Laboratory, Collier County Museum,
Naples, Florida.

Widmer, Randolph J.
1996 Recent Excavations at the Key Marco Site, 8CR48,
Collier County, Florida. The Florida Anthropologist

2000 The Archaeology of the Ridge and Canal Features of
the Key Marco Site. Abstract of talk presented at the
52nd FAS Annual Meeting, Fort Myers, Florida. The
Florida Anthropologist 53:349.


The Archaeology Foundation
3222 Old Oak Drive
Sarasota, FL 34239


2008 VOL. 61(34)


Beyond Books and Borders: Garcilaso de la Vega and
La Florida del Inca. edited by Raquel Chang-Rodriguez.
Bucknell University Press, Lewisburg. 2006. 197 pp., index,
illustrations. $45.00 (cloth).

Department of Anthropology, University of West Florida,
Pensacola, Florida 32514

The nucleus of this new edited volume is a diverse
collection of papers that were presented in a symposium
entitled "Beyond Books and Borders: Inca Garcilaso de
la Vega and the Florida Frontier," which took place at the
City University of New York in November of 2003, as an
inaugural event for the fourth centennial celebration of the
1605 publication of La Florida del Inca by Garcilaso de la
Vega. Augmented by an introduction, additional papers, and
other resources including a chronology, general bibliography,
onomastic index, and many illustrations (including full-page
color images), the resultant book is an important contribution
to the literature regarding not only the Incan author Garcilaso
de la Vega and his monumental work, but also regarding the
Hemando de Soto expedition itself, and the broader Florida
colonial experience which that endeavor formed a part of.
As noted by volume editor Raquel Chang-Rodriguez at
the beginning of her introduction, "La Florida del Inca is
a key text in the history and culture of the Americas...the
chronicle sets forth an important episode in the shared history
of the Americas" (p. 15). Bom in Cuzco in 1539 as the son
of an Inca princess and a Spanish conquistador, Garcilaso de
la Vega found himself uniquely suited to chronicle the fate
of the Hemando de Soto expedition (1539-1543). Gathering
information from a number of sources, including several
survivors of the expedition then living in Peru, Garcilaso
constructed a masterpiece narrative of an expedition that
had occurred during his own infancy. While his account is
generally concluded to be the least reliable of the four most
prominent sources regarding the expedition, its length and
detail nevertheless have provided scholars in a variety of
fields with considerable fodder for understanding not only
the Soto expedition itself, but also the general mindset of the
era, particularly as a reflection of an emergent colonial culture
that would ultimately contribute to what became a uniquely
American (broadly conceived) perspective that endures to the
present day.
The core of the volume is broken down into three
sections, elaborating in turn on the subject matter, literary
style, and published editions of Garcilaso's volume. Part
I (The Florida Frontier) examines the content and subject
matter of Garcilaso's narrative, exploring the broader context

of Hemando de Soto's expedition within the colonial history
of Spanish Florida. The first chapter, "A New World: Indians
and Europeans in Sixteenth-Century La Florida," by Jerald
T. Milanich, is a detailed and well-illustrated summary
of the exploration and first settlement of Spanish Florida
through the era of Pedro Men6ndez de Avil6s. Amy Turner
Bushnell's chapter, "A Requiem for Lesser Conquerers:
Honor and Oblivion on a Maritime Periphery," explores the
perils of exploration and conquest during first decades after
Men6ndez, using as a point of departure the 1610 narrative of
Jaime (also known as Bartolomd) Martinez, whose life history
was intertwined with the early settlement of Florida. The next
chapter, "La Florida's Route Through Maps: From Soto to the
Present," by Patricia Galloway, evaluates the notable influence
of Garcilaso's textual account upon subsequent graphic
portrayals of the route of Hernando de Soto's expedition
across the southeastern United States, focusing on a series of
French maps created (and reproduced in this chapter) by the
Delisle family from the 1680s through 1718. The final chapter
in this section, Eugene Lyon's "The Pr6cis of the Relacidn
of Fray Sebastian de Cafiete and Other Soto Narratives,"
provides a full transcription and translation (and an image of
the document itself) of this little-used fragment from a longer
narrative of the Soto expedition, along with introductory notes
and explanation fitting the text into the history of the era.
Part II (Textuality and Ideology) delves into the literary
style and substance of Garcilaso's writings, including La
Florida del Inca and other works. The first chapter, "El Inca
Garcilaso Translates Le6n Hebreo: The Dialogues ofLove, the
Cabala, and Andean Mythology," by Jose Antonio Mazzotti,
attempts to answer the question of why Garcilaso decided
to translate this particular work, and what insights this may
provide into the author's mindset as a mestizo product of the
colonial era. Rolena Adomo's chapter "El Inca Garcilaso:
Writer of Hemando de Soto, Reader of Cabeza de Vaca,"
details the influences ofAlvar Naifiez Cabeza de Vaca's volume
Naufragios on Garcilaso's La Florida, particularly as a model
for Spanish interactions with the natives of La Florida. The
chapter also reproduces several map images, including the 1527
Hernando Col6n map of the Gulf of Mexico. Volume editor
Raquel Chang-Rodriguez's chapter "Traversing Cultures and
Crisscrossing Territories in La Florida del Inca" explores the
Cuban portion of Garcilaso's text in symbolic and ideological
context, focusing on how the author's major concerns-"the
rule of passion and its consequences, meditations on the
conduct of Europeans and Amerindians, and the shared
humanity of all peoples" (p. 134)-influence his narrative.
Part II (La Florida del Inca: Its Publication and Editions)
presents detailed information regarding the history of various
published editions of Garcilaso's work. The first chapter,


VOL. 61(3-4)



Tm~ FLORIDA ArwrmtoPoLocasT 2008 VOL. 61(3-4)

"The Publication of La Florida del Inca and Its Historical
Context," by Pedro M. Guibovich P6rez, explores the reasons
why Garcilaso decided to publish his work initially in 1605
in Lisbon instead of Spain, asserting that it was principally a
result of his hurry to publish because of a well-founded fear of
plagiarism, combined with difficulties in the Spanish printing
industry of the era. Carmen de Mora's chapter "La Florida
del Inca: A Publication History" details the long history of
publication for Garcilaso's volume, including an appendix
with a comprehensive listing of the many editions of La
Florida across the centuries. The last chapter, "The Return of
the Inca: An Annotated Edition of Two Works by Garcilaso,"
by Mercedes L6pez-Baralt, reports on the 2003 publication of
a new annotated edition of Garcilaso's Comentarios reales and
La Florida del Inca.
In sum view, Beyond Books and Borders: Garcilaso de
la Vega and La Florida del Inca is an important one-volume
contribution to the literature on Garcilaso de la Vega the
author, and on the historical context and literary legacy of the
Hernando de Soto expedition. As a targeted examination of
primarily one text and author, its breadth is naturally somewhat
limited, but the detail with which the subjects are covered
more than makes up for the narrowness of focus. Diverse in
its topical coverage and thematic approaches, it gathers the
efforts of a number of leading scholars into a well-written and
well-illustrated book that belongs on the shelf of any scholar
or aficionado of Garcilaso de la Vega or Hernando de Soto.

Gladesmen: Gator Hunters, Moonshiners, and Skiffers.
Glen Simmons and Laura Ogden. University Press of
Florida, Gainesville. 1998. XII + 197 pp., photos, references,
bibliography, index. $24.95 (cloth).

7902 Slone Gardens Court, University Park, Florida 34201

The Everglades has suffered offences for more than
a century for the political and financial gain of avaricious
moguls. In 1881, Philadelphia millionaire Hamilton Disston
became one of four speculators under contract to Governor
William Bloxham when he purchased four million acres of
the Everglades from the state of Florida. Within ten years, he
had drained fifty thousand acres to implement his dream of an
agricultural utopia. By 1907, Governor Napoleon Bonaparte
Broward established the Everglades Drainage District to
expand these efforts. And thus began man's attempt to destroy
nature's triumph, disrupting the flow patterns of water, the
germination of vegetation, and wildlife breeding grounds and
habitats. After years of dysfunctional flood control measures,
the environmental consequences caused by the Army Corps of
Engineers to the Everglades have been lethal. Yet, despite the
late nineteenth century reclamation of the land for agriculture
ai d resultant insolvable flood control, a small population of
hardy men and women were determined to forge a lifestyle
and survive in the wilderness. This book is their story.

Gladesmen, Gator Hunters, Moonshiners, and Skiffers,
is not just another entry into the burgeoning writings on the
environment and the folkways of the unique and damaged
wilderness in the south of the State. The narrative by Everglades
native Glen Simmons, (based on his notes and diaries), co-
authored with his lifelong friend, anthropologist Laura Ogden,
vividly transports the reader into the early decades of the
twentieth century by skiff and foot to experience the earthly
joys of the land, the water and the fragile ecosystem. We meet
the stalwart men and women who struggled to subsist in the
inhospitable, mosquito ridden marshes, sloughs, and mangrove
forests prior to the establishment of the Everglades National
Park in 1947 when government regulations made eking a
living while staying within the law impossible.
Simmons, with detailed notes from Ogden, offers the
reader a fascinating journal of fishing, hunting, farming,
studying, living, loving and fighting in the Florida Everglades.
Simmons was born in Homestead in 1916 and has been part of
the Glades culture for his entire life. The timeline is primarily
set in the 1920s and 1930s with vivid, graphic and humorous
stories and descriptions; intriguing accounts of the everyday
events and the extraordinary life-threatening happenings
that confronted the small population. Simmons' writing is in
his own words in the vernacular of the culture. The book is
illustrated with a wide variety of period photographs and maps
that literalize the writing. Laura Ogden forewarns the reader
in the preface stating, "We are reaching the end of an era in
Everglades history," and we turn the first page of Gladesmen
prepared for a tribute to the past and a death knell to its future.
Those who lived within the perimeters of the Everglades are
mostly gone and the few left to tell their story are bequeathing
a rich legacy of living memories of survival and self-reliance.
This book is an anecdotal celebration of their lives and their
achievements as hunters, farmers and fishermen, living solely
off the land and water in the harsh South Florida wilderness.
Simmons talks about his marriage of parents in 1906 and
their first home on a shell mound in the Ten Thousand Islands
and his "Daddy's" decision to leave because of its reputation
as a refuge for outlaws. He describes the house his father built
of rough lumber from a sawmill when they moved to Long
Glade. It was constructed onto wooden blocks with nothing
to secure it. The entire family slept on cots in the sixteen
by twelve foot shanty and sat on trunks or boxes. When his
father died, killed by a drunken driver during the onset of the
Great Depression, the family had no money. His mother was
innovative and savvy and could make a meal out all varieties of
plants while the boys of the family did their share getting stale
bread, hunting rabbits and eating "muddy fish that we caught
in gator holes." He talks of the gladeland being so boggy that
a wagon or horse could not run through it, only oxen. He
relates tales of gator, crocodile and deer hunting, camping in
the backwaters of the Everglades, the process of controlled
burning, of surviving hurricanes and lesser storms, roasting
coots and drinking moonshine, of buying a Model A Ford and
living in a converted houseboat with his wife. Through it all, he
witnesses the encroachment of the gladeland by the bulldozer
and the Yankee intruders who ended a way of life.


2008 VOL. 61(3-4)


I believe that this is the best book of its genre, relating in
heartfelt and very personal detail the connectedness between
the land and its people. Simmons tells us of obstacles that
had to be constantly overcome, and speaks of the skills
passed through generations that were critical for subsistence.
Furthermore, it clarifies and illuminates tectonic shifts in the
ecology, the demographics, the wildlife and the economy of
the unique natural wonder. The men of the glades also served a
critical function as guides to scientists, engineers and scholars,
leading them through the unmapped expanses of wilderness.
Ogden's historical documentation and ongoing glossary make
Gladesmen more than a life story but in addition, an academic
resource. The collaborative book is divided into chapters and
sub-headings allowing cogent and ordered documentation.
In 1995, Simmons was awarded a State of Florida Heritage
Award for his unique contribution to Florida history and folk
culture. He has demonstrated and taught glades skiff building
for the Florida Department of State, Bureau of Folklife, and
the South Florida Historical Society.

Gulf Coast Archaeology: The Southeastern United States and
Mexico. Nancy Marie White. University Press of Florida,
Gainesville. 2005. xvi + 416 pp., maps, references, index.
$65.00 (cloth).

Division ofHistorical Resources, Florida Department of State,
500. S. Bronough Street, R.A. Gray Building,
Tallahassee, Florida 32306

Reaching wide with both arms, Nancy Marie White
tackles the challenge of cultural complexity throughout the
prehistory of the Gulf Coast. As a Professor in the Department
of Anthropology at the University of South Florida, White
has professionally centered herself amongst some of the most
talented pan-regional archaeologists working along the Gulf of
Mexico both in the United States and Mexico. The intent of her
most recent book Gulf Coast Archaeology: The Southeastern
United States and Mexico is to renew dialog on the topic of
pan-Gulf interaction. White accomplishes this through a
survey of site evaluation, environmental reconstruction and
analyses, and comparison and contrast of cultural practices
through use-imagery and artifact assemblages.
In her journey, White is quick to identify the lack of
communication and exchange of scholarly ideas regarding a
trans-state regional approach to the interpretation of the pan-
Gulf prehistoric cultures. The connections and interaction of
these cultures have scarcely been formally addressed through
testable hypotheses in scholarly literature. Furthermore, White
aims to reduce the ideological boundaries that international
borders generate. This barrier to thought artificially limits a
more fruitful exchange ofregional understanding of Gulf Coast
cultures. This diachronic spectrum of cultural development
across the Gulf region may not answer all of the questions
it raises again, but it renews the discussion in a formal and
blatant way.

The scope of this volume includes the continuities and
discontinuities along the Gulf of Mexico temporally from
the Archaic/ Formative through the Classic/ Postclassic/
Mississippian periods. Elements of material culture and
social organization tend to be the most strongly represented
for comparison and contrast of representative sites; though
interpretation of political structure also remains a significant
issue throughout the book.
Although many edited volumes are organized into thematic
sections based within modem socio-political boundaries, this
one is not. As a reader it is rare to be encouraged to look beyond
the borders, beyond the modem political boundaries, and
recognize the landscape of degrees of freedom that pan-Gulf
cultures could enjoy. As presented here, the pan-Gulf region
is conceptualized as a physiographic feature that connects
distinct culture groups. Unfortunately a significant stumbling
block with this volume is the inconsistent style in which the
regional maps are illustrated. The information presented on
these maps is somewhat difficult to understand, a situation
that is compounded by nearly indistinguishable shades of gray
on different components on the same map. Fortunately, the
discontinuities of the maps are the most significant criticism
I can make of this volume. Readers would benefit should the
maps be cast from the same template for consistency and a
polished appearance.
Through the reader's journey, archaeological connections
linking the cultures along the GulfCoast are made. White smartly
opted for a greater inclusiveness of time and chronological
scale. Explanation and description goes far beyond simple
lists of common traits amongst groups. Concepts covered by
the contributors include Jeffrey Wilkerson's reintroduction
of the critical concept of the "cultural corridor." How the
Gulf of Mexico serves as cultural corridor is discussed at
length. Randolph Widmer addresses the role of sea-level
change in site formation. Ricklis and Weinstein compliment
Widmer by providing a creative perspective on sea-level
rise and adaptive patterns. A careful interpretation of the
mound building traditions is gracefully provided (Cabrera).
Other topic areas include settlement patterning (Gadus),
paleoagriculture (Daneels et al.), comparison and contrast of
Olmec to Mississippian (Pool), comparison and contrast of
regional imagery and artifacts (Ocana), contact and borrowing
across the Gulf, with special emphasis on especially imagery
(Kehoe). Additionally contributors Clark and Knoll revisit
Ford's writing on dispersal and colonization from south to
north in the American Formative period. As a fan of Ford's
seminal work in the southeast, I find modem interpretations of
his work particularly beneficial to the southeast archaeologists.
Collectively, this volume provides a thorough comparison and
contrast of pan-Gulf prehistoric cultures by contemporary
scholars. Inevitably, conclusions find that some things jive,
and some do not. This is a nearly ubiquitous idea throughout
the book.
White's final chapter provides a summary of the
interpretations of data presented in the book; not an easy
task. This is likely due to the nature of the shotgun dispersal
pattern of the chapter topics. White further claims that
arguments are brought up to date, but what about solutions to

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