• TABLE OF CONTENTS
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 Copyright
 Cover
 Table of Contents
 Editor's Page
 Three Metal Ceremonial Tablets,...
 Remnant Amerindian Groups on Eighteenth...
 Excavation at Stranahan's Second...
 Advertising
 Be;neath the Bell: A Study of Mission...
 Reports
 Advertising
 Book Reviews
 Advertising
 About the Authors
 FAS Chapter Locations
 Membership Information






Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00189
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference: Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
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 Subjects
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00189
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: Department of Special Collections and Area Studies, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
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Resource Identifier: oclc - 01569447
lccn - 56028409
issn - 0015-3893

Table of Contents
    Copyright
        Copyright
    Cover
        Cover 1
        Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    Editor's Page
        Page 1
    Three Metal Ceremonial Tablets, with Comments on the Tampa Bay Area
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
    Remnant Amerindian Groups on Eighteenth Century Tobago, West Indies?: A Comparison of Coarse Earthenwares from Four Sites
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
    Excavation at Stranahan's Second Store in Fort Lauderdale, Florida and a Cultural Comparison to Stranahan's First Store
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
    Advertising
        Page 35
    Be;neath the Bell: A Study of Mission Period Colonoware from Three Spanish Missions in Northeastern Florida
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
    Reports
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
    Advertising
        Page 64
        Page 65
    Book Reviews
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
    Advertising
        Page 70
    About the Authors
        Page 71
    FAS Chapter Locations
        Page 72
        Page 73
    Membership Information
        Page 74
Full Text





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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
Published by the FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.


VOLUME 53, NUMBER 1


MARCH 2000


q (3, -7?57
F= 6 fi-7










THE FLORIDA


ANTHROPOLOGIST



Volume 53 Number 1
March 2000


TABLE OF CONTENTS


Editor's Page. Ryan J. Wheeler U O F 'LIBRARY
ARTICLES

Three Metal Ceremonial Tablets,
with Comments on the Tampa Bay Area. George M. Luer

Remnant Amerindian Groups on Eighteenth Century Tobago, West Indies?:
A Comparison of Coarse Earthenwares from Four Sites. Christopher Ohm Clement

Excavation at Stranahan's Second Store in Fort Lauderdale, Florida
and a Cultural Comparison to Stranahan's First Store. Gary N. Beiter and Katherine Parry

Beneath the Bell: A Study of Mission Period Colonoware from
Three Spanish Missions in Northeast Florida. Vicki L. Rolland and Keith H. Ashley

REPORTS

Trying to Save the Pine Island Canal. Wayne "Bud" House


Historic Quartz Pendant: What Is It? Wesley R. Powell


BOOK REVIEWS


Knight and Steponaitis (Editors): Archaeology of the Moundville Chiefdom. Nancy Marie White
Reitz and Wing: Zooarchaeology. Karen Jo Walker
O'Brien and Dunnell (Editors): Changing Perspectives on the Archaeology of the
Central Mississippi Valley. Kit W. Wesler


About the Authors


Cover: Enlargement of silver ceremonial tablet, obverse and reverse, Fort Brooke Midden, Tampa. This illustration is from
George Luer's article, which reports on three previously unrecorded metal tablets.

Copyright 2000 by the
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.
ISSN 0015-3893









EDITOR'S PAGE


This issue presents four very widely ranging articles dealing
with the Spanish Contact era and Mission period of Florida,
as well as the archaeology of Tobago, West Indies and the
early twentieth century of southern Florida. Like earlier
issues, I think this eclectic mixture of articles represents the
diverse interests of our readers.
In the lead article George Luer reports on three previously
unrecorded metal ceremonial tablets. George has been
researching tablets since 1983, and has co-authored and
authored a number of papers on tablets since then. The silver
tablet featured in enlargement on this issue's cover shares a
strap and knot motif with a wooden tablet, making for some
interesting conclusions regarding the temporal position of
these artifacts. George also discusses some possible tribal
associations for the tablets in the Tampa Bay area.
The theme of tribal affiliation with particular artifacts is
continued in the second article by Chris Clement and the last
article by Vicki Rolland and Keith Ashley. In each case the
authors postulate relationships between ceramic types and
tribal groups. Clement discusses the relationship between
the Island Carib and the slaves and Europeans of the
sugar industry on Tobago, noting that there has been
difficulty in correlating the Island Carib with a particular
ceramic complex. He uses historical maps to identify possible
Island Carib sites, and then examines ceramic collections
from these sites. Over the years there have been a number of
papers dealing with Caribbean archaeology have appeared in
The Florida Anthropologist. I am glad that we have added
Chris Clement's paper to this list, as its always exciting to
learn about neighboring culture areas. Rolland and Ashley's
technological approach to the problem of correlating pottery
types and tribal groups produces some interesting trends that
will certainly provide a baseline for further research.


The third article, by Gary Beiter and Kathy Parry, presents
the results of their excavations at Stranahan's Second Store
in Fort Lauderdale. Some interesting comparisons are made
to Stranahan's earlier store, and the article serves as an
important reminder that the twentieth century can be
examined from an archaeological perspective.
Two brief reports present significant contributions as well.
Bud House recounts the recent work of the Calusa Land
Trust (CLT) in acquiring portions of the Pine Island Canal.
This Indian dug canal extends for over a mile, linking Pine
Island Sound with Matlacha Pass, and is associated with
several major sites on the island. The canal has been
damaged by agriculture and development in many places, but
the CLT has successfully identified several lots that have
preserved portions of this ancient engineering feature. The
CLT has purchased one lot, but needs financial assistance to
realize the acquisition of the remaining lots.
The second report, by Wes Powell, illustrates an unusual
eight-sided rock crystal pendant, associated with Spanish
Contact era material from an Indian mound in Manatee
County. Wes has been working to document private
collections from the area, and came across this piece during
his research. The material and associations suggest a
relationship to Florida Cut Crystal beads and pendants, but
beyond that the shape and function remain a mystery. Future
submissions of this nature are encouraged.
There also are book reviews by Nancy White, Karen
Walker, and Kit Wesler. I hope you enjoy the contents of
this issue as much as I have!




RYAN J. WHEELER


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


VOL. 53(1)


MARCH 2000







THREE METAL CEREMONIAL TABLETS,
WITH COMMENTS ON THE TAMPA BAY AREA

GEORGE M. LUER

3222 Old Oak Drive, Sarasota, FL 34239
E-mail: gluer@grove. ufl. edu


This article reports three previously unrecorded metal
ceremonial tablets. They are designated MT#56, MT#57, and
MT#58, and are added to the running catalog of metal tablets
(MT#s), which date to the postcontact period, ca. A.D. 1550-
1750 (see Allerton et al. 1984; Austin and Mitchell 1998; Lee
1998; Luer 1985, 1994, 1999a). One of the tablets, MT#56, is
from the Tampa Bay area and has an unusual "strap and knot"
design on its reverse. This motif is the first reported on a
metal tablet, and provides a stylistic and possible temporal link
to a wooden tablet with a similar design from southwestern
Florida. Sixteenth-, seventeenth-, and early eighteenth-
century historic accounts mention that Tampa Bay area
Indians were in contact with Indians of central and southwest-
ern Florida, and it is suggested here that Tampa Bay area
Indians might have obtained metal tablets through interaction
with these neighboring groups.

Metal Tablet #56

This artifact consists of the upper portion of a small silver
tablet (Figure 1). It measures 26.5 mm in maximum width
(measured across the lateral projections) and 19 mm in
maximum height (including the tenon). Its reverse side has an
interesting incised design resembling a series of straps and
knots that is discussed and interpreted, below.


Provenience

MT#56 was found in 1988 in downtown Tampa, Florida,
near the Tampa Convention Center (Figure 2). It was recov-
ered with a metal detector from disturbed soil along the
western side of Florida Avenue, approximately midway
between Ellamae Street (now closed) and Water Street. The
find-spot is located within the Fort Brooke Midden (8HI2120),
as delimited by Austin et al. (1992:22, Figure 4), between the
mouth of the Hillsborough River (to the west) and the now-
destroyed Fort Brooke Mound (to the east) (Austin et al.
1992:20-23; Luer and Almy 1981:132; Mitchem 1989:115-
116; Ste.Claire 1986).
The original plat map of Tampa, dating to 1849, depicts
the former Fort Brooke Mound and the original section of
Morgan Street to the north of the mound (Grismer 1950:67).
The map also shows palmetto scrub, a spring, and salt marsh
to the northeast of the mound, all of which are gone today.
Nonetheless, archaeologists have found remnants of aboriginal
shell middens in this immediate area (e.g., Austin and Ballo
1987; Austin et al. 1992; Fisher 1980:223; Hardin and Austin
1987; Janus Research 1995; Mitchem 1989:132; Ste. Claire
and Ballo 1984), including some deposits yielding Pinellas
Plain rim sherds with notched lips that date to the middle and
late portions of the Safety Harbor period (ca. A.D. 1250-1750).
However, the nineteenth-century occupation of Fort Brooke
and subsequent urban development in Tampa have impacted


Figure 1. MT#56. Obverse and reverse of metal tablet from Tampa. Drawings on left are life size.


MT# 56


3 cm
I


I






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


Figure 2. Contemporary map of downtown Tampa. Arrow near center points to find-spot of MT#56 between Platt and
Water Streets. Note the Hillsborough River, which flows southward from upper left to Hillsborough Bay at lower left. North
is at top. Scale: 2 cm = 0.48 km. Adapted from United States Geological Survey (1995).


these sites significantly.'
The soil in which MT#56 was found also contained lead
musket balls, gunflints, buttons, clay pipestem fragments, and
two cobalt blue glass trade beads, which are assumed to be
associated withFortBrooke. However, a tubular bead ofrolled
sheet gold was found in the same block, and may be the same
age as the tablet. It appears that this gold bead and the silver
tablet were associated with the earlier, Safety Harbor period
occupation of the Fort Brooke Midden and other mounds, now
destroyed, that once existed in this vicinity.

Fabrication and Use

Initially, MT#56 was fashioned by hammering and
thinning an originally thicker piece of silver, as indicated by
its uneven surfaces of varied thickness, mostly ranging from 1


to 2 mm in thickness. Extremes in thickness occur in the
tablet's upper right corer, which is slightly less than 1 mm
thick, and near the tablet's lower left, which is as much as
approximately 2.5 mm thick. Another indication of hammer-
ing is apparent because of the tablet's very slightly curved
surfaces, which cause its reverse to be slightly concave and its
obverse to be slightly convex.
After hammering, the tablet's form was cut out, and then
the edges were shaped and smoothed by abrading and polish-
ing. This process left a few fine scratches running along the
right edge above the lateral projection. Then, the tablet's
designs were carefully incised, a feat that required keen
eyesight and steady hands due to their small size and balanced
execution.
Since the tablet is relatively thick, it is stiff and durable.
The perforation in the tenon probably was reamed through


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)






Luxn METAL TABLETS


Figure 3. Knot designs on reverse of wooden tablet #3, which
measures approximately 21 cm (8.25 in) in length and 7.5 cm
(3 in) in width (from Allerton et al. 1984:47, based on Fewkes
1928 and Fundaburk and Foreman 1957:Plate 61).

from both sides, rather than punched through because the
silver was too thick and hard. After the initial hole was made,
it appears to have been enlarged by scoring or cutting away its
inside with a knife to produce a perforation that is slightly
taller than it is wide. The upper edge of the perforation is very
smooth, apparently well-worn by a cord when the tablet was
used as a pendant.
The Indians apparently continued to use MT#56 after it
was broken across the central connections because its broken
lower edge was re-worked and then smoothed along its entire
length. In spite of this re-finishing, very shallow indentations
can still be seen where the silver originally had been gouged
away to create the central perforations (which are now missing
in the absence of the tablet's lower portion). The tablet's


lower portion appears to have been removed intentionally
because the density of the silver would have required a good
deal of directed force to break or snap the tablet in half.2

Interpretation

The unusual and interesting motif on the reverse ofMT#56
resembles a design on the back of a carved wooden tablet,
WT#3, from southwestern Florida. WT#3 (Figure 3) was one
of two wooden tablets that were dredged from the mouth of the
Caloosahatchee River near Fort Myers, apparently from near
Shell Island in the early 1920s. Both tablets were presented to
the United States National Museum in Washington, D.C., by
George Kinzie (Allerton et al. 1984:46; Fewkes 1928; Fritz
1964:plate opposite page 20; Griffin 1946; White 1983).
Although very similar in style, the designs on the backs of
MT#56 and WT#3 differ somewhat in details. That is, WT#3
shows only one "knot" on each of its halves, whereas MT#56
shows two "knots" on what was the upper half of the tablet, as
well as three partial ones at its top and bottom edges. The
partially depicted knots at the edges ofMT#56 suggest that the
"straps" might have been attached to the corners of the tablet
(at the outside corners as well as at the tenon and medial
connections). The two knots in the middle of MT#56 suggest
that the straps were tied where they crossed. Thus, the straps
and knots may depict a binding of some kind.
The close stylistic similarity of these knot designs suggests
that MT#56 and WT#3 may be approximately the same age.
Because MT#56 was fashioned from European-derived silver
and thus dates to the postcontact period, it can be suggested,
by extension, that WT#3 also dates to the postcontact period.
This is significant because until now there have been no good
clues to the age of WT#3.
The knot designs on the backs of MT#56 and WT#3 are
the only examples of this design that are known at this time.
However, it should be noted that additional depictions of knots
in southern Florida Indian art have been noted by Cushing
(1897), Gilliland (1975), Richardson and Pohl (1982),
Wheeler (1992), and Wheeler and Coleman (1996). At Key
Marco, Cushing found remains of carved and painted wooden
boxes, and he observed that:

... along the middles of the ... sides and ends of these boxes
... were invariably painted double lines, represented as tied
with figure-of-eight knots, midway,...as though to mythically
join these parts of the boxes ... (Cushing 1897:57).

In her catalog of Key Marco artifacts, Gilliland describes the
side of one of these wooden boxes:

A much larger corer-drilled board bears the same center-
crossed pairs of parallel lines, but in this case there is
superimposed on the crossed lines what appears to be a bow-
knot (Gilliland 1975:142).

My own inspection of this wooden box side suggests that,
although faint, the painted design appears to represent a
simple slip knot (Figure 4).


LUER


METAL TABLETS






Ti~ FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL. 53(1)


3cm


Figure 4. Painted knot design from center of wooden box side from Key Marco (FLMNH cat.
no. A5641). The paired lines, which delimit the edges of a cord, continue farther outward than
shown. The design has faded and is now much more faint than shown here.


Two knot motifs are recorded among southern Florida
carved bone artifacts. Richardson and Pohl (1982:130, 157,
Plate 31A) describe a knot motif on a bone artifact dating to
the Glades IIIb period (ca. A.D. 1350-1550) from the Granada
site (8DA11) near the mouth of the Miami River and Biscayne
Bay in what is today downtown Miami. Wheeler (1992:43-44,
Figure 4-19) also notes this motif as well as another knot motif
on a second carved bone
artifact from a small
"black-dirt midden" MT# 57
(8DA140) that previously
formed an Everglades "tree
island" near the Tamiami 0
Trail, approximately 24 km
(15 miles) west of today's
downtown Miami (Coleman 0
1971, 1972). Both knot
motifs were illustrated re-
cently in The Florida An-
thropologist by Wheeler
and Coleman (1996:Figure
5a, c).
The depiction of knots, 3 cm
cords, straps, and bindings
might have had symbolic
value. That is, it seems
likely that these designs had
meaning. In the case of Figure 5. MT#57 and MT#58.
MT#56 and WT#3, the knot
design might have been a motif or metaphor representing a
concept, although its symbolic content is unclear. The reverse
sides of some other metal tablets show crescents (moon-like


Kissimmee and Indian
River regions of south-central Florida (Luer 1994, 1999a).
However, neither MT#57's provenience nor its associated
artifacts are known.
Nonetheless, researchers can glean information regarding
fabrication and style. MT#57 was not cut from a curved or
rounded piece of metal, as were several Zone 3-style tablets
(e.g., MT#43, #48, #51, and #55). Instead, it was cut from a


flat piece of metal, as was MT#47, another Zone 3-style tablet.
Although MT#57 is the most asymmetric of the known Zone
3-style tablets, its attributes of form conform closely to many


MT# 58


motifs) and vertical lines,
the meanings of which also
are unclear (see discussion
of MT#58, below).

Metal Tablet #57

This small tablet (Fig-
ure 5) was cut from a flat,
thin sheet of metal (less
than 1 mm in thickness),
apparently a copper alloy.
It measures 25 mm in max-
imum width, and 29 mm in
maximum length. There is
a suspension hole in the
tenon.
MT#57's form and lack
of incised decoration resem-
ble eight other known
"Zone 3-style" metal tablets
(MT#6, #7, #32, #43, #47,
#48, #51, and #55), all of
which have come from the


2000 VOL. 53(1)


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST





LUER METAL TABLETS


Metal Tablet #58


Figure 6. Geographic Distribution of Ceremonial Tablets. The n
(W), and stone (S) tablets from each zone are shown. Map updat
3).


of the formal attributes typical of Zone 3-style metal tablets.
Even MT#57's lateral projections are larger on one side than
the other, an attribute shared by many of the other eight known
Zone 3-style metal tablets. This recurring imbalance appears
to be an intentional departure from symmetry, and thus might
have had some significance to the makers of Zone 3-style
metal tablets. It is not found among other styles of metal
tablets.


This tablet has been dam-
aged, resulting in the loss of its
upper left corer (Figure 5). It
is an example of the most com-
mon and widespread style of
metal tablet, which usually is
symmetrical in form and in-
"ape cised designs. The tablet has
Canaveral typical tear-drop and nested
rectangle motifs on its obverse
side. Less common, however,
are the cross motif on its ob-
verse and the crescent and ver-
tical line motifs on its reverse,
which are known to occur on a
number of other tablets
(Allerton et al. 1984). The
crescents and vertical lines dif-
fer sharply from the knot motif
upiter found on the reverse of MT#56
InZet and WT#3 (see above).
Like the knot motif, the
meaning of the crescents and
the vertical lines is unknown.
ZONE 6 However, the crescents may
depict the crescent moon. The
first days of the moon entering
its first quarter (a crescent
moon) are known to have been
days of dancing, fasting, and
[ delivery of tribute at the main
town of the Ais Indians on the
Southeastern coast of Florida in
the Fall (October) of 1696
(Andrews and Andrews
1981:37-39). The timing ofthe
new moon with key social and
economic ceremonies among
the Ais suggests that the cres-
cent motif, as incised on metal
tablets and occurring in the
umbers of metal (M), wood crescent shapes of some Glades
ed from Luer (1994:Figure metal ornaments (Luer 1999a),
may represent the crescent
moon.
MT#58 was made carefully.
It was cut from a very thin, flat sheet of silver (approximately
0.1-0.2 mm in thickness). It measures 5.5 cm in maximum
length and 3.4 cm in maximum width. The tablet's top edge
has what appears to be a slight remnant of the base of a tenon.
Apparently, after the tenon broke off, a perforation was made
just below where the tenon had been so that the tablet could be
suspended. The designs on the tablet were executed with
extremely fine lines. This "etching" is unusual among metal
tablets, most of which were "incised" with slightly wider and


LUER


METAL TABLETS







Tm: FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL. 53(1)


Table 1. Metal tablets listed by zone of origin (see accompanyit
This tally (total = 54) reflects the addition (in bold) of five mor
(MT#53, 54, 55, 56, and 58). Four tablets with undeti
proveniences (MT#9, 25, 31, and 57) bring the grand
catalogued metal tablets to 58 (updated from Luer 1994:Table

1. Zone 1: none.
2. Zone 2: MT#2, 8, 24, 56 (total = 4).
3. Zone 3: MT#1, 6, 7, 15, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 32, 40, 43,
44, 47, 48, 49, 51, 54, 55, 58 (total = 21).
4. Zone 4, interior: MT#5, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 26, 27, 28, 29,
35, 41, 50, 52 (total = 14).
Zone 4, coastal: MT#3, 4, 10, 30, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 53
(total = 11).
5. Zone 5: MT#18, 42, 45, 46 (total = 4).
6. Zone 6: none.


deeper lines. Several splits in the spatulate edge may be a
result of hammering during fabrication.
The tablet has been damaged recently through carelessness
and poor conservation treatment. Rust and corrosion across
the reverse of its upper half suggest that it had lain next to,
and become stuck to, another metal object while the tablet was
buried. After recovery, the tablet's upper left portion was split
and torn away, apparently by prying and detaching the tablet
from the adhering object. Probably at the same time, the tablet
(which had been flat) was bent or twisted slightly. In addition,
most of the tablet's obverse side has been polished, obscuring
portions of the design and almost erasing some of it.
MT#58 reportedly was found during the 1960s or 1970s at
the Lake Kissimmee Mound (80S1790), a sand mound in
Osceola County in south-central Florida. In the same collec-
tion are a number of artifacts, all attributed to this mound, that
are typical of assemblages in which metal tablets occur.3 The
assemblage also contains European-derived glass beads, which
were not available for inspection. Another collection from this
site, described and analyzed elsewhere (Luer 1999a), includes
a metal tablet (MT#55) as well as European-derived glass
beads and other artifacts dating to late in the postcontact
period, ca. A.D. 1700-1750.
The Lake Kissimmee Mound is one of a number of mounds
in the Haines City-St. Cloud area that have yielded abundant
postcontact period materials. Many of the sites appear to date
to the seventeenth and early to mid-eighteenth centuries.
Those yielding metal tablets include: 8P02 (MT#17); 80S 11
(MT#19); 80S21 (MT#54); 80S50(MT#47, #48); 80S1790
(MT#55, #58); and possibly 8P0446(MT#32) (Allerton et al.
1984; Austin and Mitchell 1998; Luer 1999a). This concen-
tration of sites may correspond with one of this period's
Indian groups who lived south of the Jororo, possibly the
Jizime or Tisime, from whom the name "Kissimmee" may be
derived (Hann 1991a:147; Milanich 1995:68).4


Discussion
ig map).
e tablets Since 1994, six tablets (MT#53-#58) have
ermined been added to the running catalog of metal tab-
total of lets. Updated data regarding the geographic
1). distribution of all 54 provenienced metal tablets
are presented in Figure 6 and Table 1. These data
show that the majority of known metal tablets
have come from Zone 3 and the interior portion of
Zone 4, with the Tampa Bay area's specimens
(n=4) accounting for approximately 7% of the
total number of provenienced metal tablets.
Recent research of historical documents dating
to the seventeenth and the first half of the eigh-
teenth centuries (e.g., Hann 1991a, 1991b, 1995)
has produced more information about three Indian
tribes, the Alafay, Pohoy, and Tocobaga, who
inhabited the Tampa Bay area5 where several
metal tablets have been found, including this
article's MT#56. Documents suggest that the Pohoy and
Alafay lived somewhere on the eastern shore of Tampa Bay.6
The Tocobaga apparently resided near Old Tampa Bay, in the
vicinity of today's town of Safety Harbor (Hann 1991a:310;
Milanich 1995:73-74).
These locations may correlate with the site proveniences of
three metal tablets (Figure 7). MT#8 was found in the
Thomas Mound (8HI1) near the mouth of the Little Manatee
River (Allerton et al. 1984:30). MT#56 came from the Fort
Brooke site complex near the mouth of the Hillsborough River
(see above). MT#2 is attributed to the Bayview Mound (8PI7)
near Safety Harbor and Old Tampa Bay (Allerton et al.
1984:28; Mitchem 1989:61-72).7
Historic documents show that, in the sixteenth, seven-
teenth, and first half of the eighteenth centuries, Tampa Bay
area Indians (including the Tocobaga, Pohoy, and Alafay)
were interacting with other southern and south-central Florida
Indians who, based on archaeological finds, possessed numer-
ous metal tablets (Luer 1994). Interactions among these
groups could account for how a few metal tablets reached the
Tampa Bay area.
For example, in the late 1530s, Indian groups at Tampa
Bay were paying tribute to a chief, Urriparacoxi, in the interior
of south-central Florida (Milanich and Hudson 1993:128). In
the 1560s, the Tocobaga of Tampa Bay held 10 or 12 captives
(including a sister of the chief) from the Calusa, whose main
town was in Estero Bay in southwestern Florida (Goggin and
Sturtevant 1964:200, Figure 2). During the first decade of the
1600s, Tocobaga and Pohoy Indians from Tampa Bay were
raiding northward along the Gulf coast (Hann 1991a:9), as
were the southwest Florida Calusa, who apparently raided the
Tampa Bay area Indians, ca. 1613 (Matthews 1983:60-61,
393-394). Later, in 1679, the Pohoy continued to live at
Tampa Bay in a town of "up to 300 people" who were under
military threat from the Calusa of southwest Florida (Hann
1991a:26). About 40 years later, the Pohoy of Tampa Bay
were raiding as far north as the St. Marks area, on the coast
near Tallahassee (Hann 1991a:356; Milanich 1995:73). By


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2000 VOL. 53(1)





LUER METAL TABLETS 8


Figure 7. The Tampa Bay area showing some sites discussed in the text.


the late 1730s, remnants of the Pohoy seem to have been
united with surviving members of the Alafay, and they lived
alternately near St. Augustine and in the central Florida area
(Hann 1991a:358, 1991b:171-172). At this time, the Pohoy
held Jororo slaves and demanded tribute from another south-
ern Florida Indian group, the Bomto (Hann 1995:187, 194).
Through interactions like these, Tampa Bay area Indians
might have obtained metal tablets from other Indian groups to
the east and south.8

Conclusions

This article describes and catalogs three previously
unreported, postcontact-period, aboriginal metal tablets
(MT#56, #57, and #58). One of them, found in present-day
downtown Tampa, bears an unusual incised motif, apparently
depicting straps and knots, that closely resembles a design
previously reported on a wooden ceremonial tablet from
southwestern Florida. It is suggested that metal tablets from
sites in the Tampa Bay area might have been in the possession
of the seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Alafay,
Pohoy, and Tocobaga Indians, who perhaps obtained them
from Jororo Indians to the east (e.g., the Jizime and Piaja
groups) and/or from Calusa and Mayaimi Indians to the south.
This study demonstrates that the complementary use of
historical research and artifact analysis can provide new
insights into the past. Historical research furnishes names and


some activities of obscure Tampa Bay Indian groups. Artifact
analysis reveals some of the little-known material culture of
these Tampa Bay groups and supports their interaction with
neighboring, postcontact-period Florida Indians.

Notes

' The area of present-day downtown Tampa once supported abundant
oysters, fish, and other animal life, according to accounts of Fort
Brooke during the 1820s-1830s (Covington 1958). A 1757 Spanish
chart of Tampa Bay shows that several shoals (labeled "Bajos de
Ostiones" ["Oyster Shallows"]) and three small islands (today's
highly altered Harbor and Davis Islands) were located in this
immediate area, just offshore from the mouth of the Hillsborough
River (Arnade 1965; Ware 1968). The islands also are depicted on
a 1765 English chart of Tampa Bay (Ware and Rea 1982:51).
2In several cases, it appears that the Indians intentionally broke, or
folded in half, metal tablets. These include MT#49 (consisting of the
upper half of a tablet), MT#39 and MT#54 (both of which were
shattered into pieces), and MT#40 (which was found folded in half,
as perhaps were MT#4, #25, and #29) (Allerton et al. 1984; Austin
and Mitchell 1998). The purpose behind altering these tablets is
unclear, but in some cases it may be related to mortuary ritual.
Analogous behavior by Florida Indians may be found in the ritual
breaking or smashing of pottery during burial mound construction.
A similar behavior at times of burial may be found in the breaking of
large, well-made, exotic lithic bifaces, as at the Oak Knoll and Royce
mounds (Austin 1993:299).
3 The metal artifacts accompanying MT#58 are in a private collection
and include: 1 plain petaloid pendant of thin sheet silver with convex






TI-rE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL. 53(1)


obverse and concave reverse, 1 embossed square- or diamond-shaped
pendant of thin sheet silver, 1 plain wedge-shaped pendant of thin
sheet silver, 2 embossed squarish or rectilinear pendants (small) of
thin sheet silver, 1 embossed semi-circular pendant of thin sheet
silver, 1 plain crescent-shaped pendant of thick sheet silver, 1
pendant consisting of a perforated Spanish silver cob (with a visible
cross and coat-of-arms), 2 matching fragments forming an entire
incised petaloid pendant fashioned from a large silver ingot (with two
countersunk suspension holes very near the upper edge, a convex
obverse, a concave reverse, and rounded edges), 1 plain disc
fashioned from a silver ingot with a circular central hole, 4 domes (1
plain gold, 2 plain silver, and 1 silver with repoussd dots around its
margin), 1 circular "pancake" ingot of cast silver with two drilled
suspension holes and the initials "HD" incised on it, 1 large screw of
cast brass (possibly hollow and perhaps from a cannon), and rusted
iron objects (including chisels, 1 hatchet blade, 1 adz blade with a
hammer on its butt end, and 1 ax blade with a loop or "eye"
attachment for a haft).
4 Some researchers believe that this general area might have been
inhabited by Indians headed by a powerful chief called Urriparacoxi,
according to sixteenth-century Spanish accounts (Milanich and
Hudson 1993:73-76, Figure 15; Milanich 1995:72, 130, 133).
Additional aboriginal sites in the St. Cloud area that have yielded
abundant postcontact period materials include the Albritton Mound
(80S31) (based on site file cards at the Florida Museum of Natural
History), the Beehive Hill Mound (80S 1726) (Mitchem 1999), and
another site in the immediate vicinity of the Beehive Hill Mound
(Brent Weisman, personal communication, 1995).
5 It should be mentioned that during the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, the name "Tampa" was not associated with today's Tampa
Bay area. Instead, the name was associated with the Charlotte
Harbor, Pine Island Sound, and Estero Bay areas. In the 1570s, for
example, Charlotte Harbor was called "Bahia de Tampa" by Juan
Lopez de Velasco (Hann 1991a:310-312). In the eighteenth century,
cartographers shifted the name northward.
6 Historic accounts are too vague to allow most Tampa Bay area tribes
to be located on a map. Moreover, the names and territories of some
tribes might have changed over time, partly due to depopulation
(from disease, warfare, slave-raids, etc.) and other impacts during the
postcontact period. In the mid-sixteenth century, for example, the
Ucita and Mocoso apparently lived near the eastern shore of Tampa
Bay. Later, in the seventeenth century, the Ucita and Mocoso are not
recorded in historic accounts, which instead mention the Pohoy and
Alafay, who then apparently occupied Tampa Bay's eastern shore
(Bullen 1978; Hann 1991a:10, 22, 26, 327, 358; Milanich and
Hudson 1993:123-125, Figure 29; Milanich 1995:65,72-73, Swanton
1939:133-138, 148, 1946:151,165,173,193). In addition to the Fort
Brooke site complex, a few of many sites near eastern Tampa Bay
were the Palm River Midden, the middens and mounds near the
mouth of the Alafia River (including those at Mill Point, Gibsonton,
and Bullfrog Creek), the Picnic Mound, the Thomas Mound, the
Sellner middens, Cockroach Key, and numerous sites in the vicinity
of Terra Ceia Island and the mouth of the Manatee River (e.g., Bullen
1952; Karklins 1968; Mitchem 1987, 1989; Walker 1880; Wheeler
1999).
7 Long-time St. Petersburg resident Joseph P. Brinton (personal
communication, 1997) believes that the location of the former
Bayview Mound (8PI7) was on a high, well-drained promontory to
the south of, and overlooking, Alligator Creek in Township 29 South,
Range 16 East, Section 8. It is now sandwiched between condomini-
ums at 3501-3404 Brigadoon Drive, in the Brigadoon Estates
subdivision. According to Brinton, remnants of the Bayview Mound
were excavated by the Safety Harbor Area Historical Society in 1965.
He believes that the Suncoast Archaeological Society dug into


remnants of the mound in 1984, prior to the construction of condo-
miniums. Brinton also mentions a large sinkhole, possibly associated
with the Bayview Mound, on adjacent property immediately south
(approximately 40-50 m) of the former mound.
s In addition to contacts with Indians to the east and south, the
seventeenth-century Indians around Tampa Bay and elsewhere along
the central and southwestern Florida Gulf coast were interacting with
the Spanish and missionized Indians of northern Florida, and
obtaining ceramics and other items from them (e.g., Luer 1999b:49-
55).

Acknowledgments

Thanks are owed to a citizen of Florida for showing the metal
tablets reported here. One is in the collection of Mark Melvin and
Michael Dallmer. Jodi Brinton generously shared his knowledge of
the Safety Harbor area. Ryan Wheeler provided some information
about decorated bone artifacts, and Bob Austin kindly sent me
archaeological data about the Fort Brooke site complex. Brent
Weisman shared information about the central Florida area. Elise Le
Compte and Scott Mitchell of the Florida Museum of Natural History
kindly assisted with the Key Marco wooden box side. The paper also
benefitted from review comments by Robert Austin, Jerald Milanich,
Ryan Wheeler, and another reviewer, as well as from editorial
comments by Jeanne-Marie Warzeski.

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REMNANT AMERINDIAN GROUPS ON EIGHTEENTH CENTURY TOBAGO, WEST INDIES?:
A COMPARISON OF COARSE EARTHENWARES FROM FOUR SITES

CHRISTOPHER OHM CLEMENT

South Carolina Institute ofArchaeology andAnthropology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina 29208
E-mail: clement@sc.edu


Documentary evidence indicates an historic Amerindian
presence on Tobago, West Indies, during the first 50 years of
settlementby Europeans. The presence of historic Amerindian
groups during this period raises questions about their role in
the plantation economy that developed in the aftermath of
European settlement. It is these questions that this research
sought to address. Samuel M. Wilson (1997:207) has de-
scribed the interactions between indigenous groups on the one
hand and European and African groups on the other as "(o)ne
of the most critical issues in discussions of the indigenous
presence in the modem Caribbean." Documentary data
suggest that there was some trade on Tobago between the
Amerindian inhabitants and enslaved Africans (Young
1812:104), and limited amounts of Amerindian ceramics have
been encountered in Tobago slave villages (Clement 1995). It
is not unreasonable to postulate that Amerindians supplied at
least some of the basic dietary necessities as well, both to
slaves and Europeans (Clement 1998). Herding and fishing,
for example, were two activities Amerindians could pursue
more intensively given the very limited freedoms and mobility
allowed enslaved Africans in the Tobago sugar economy. The
research reported here sought preliminary data on this possi-
bility, among others.
The research has broader implications as well. In recent
decades the focus on Island Caribs has shifted away from the
overly simplistic eaters-of-human-flesh construct that is part
of Columbus's legacy. Indeed, the pendulum has swung so far
in the other direction that one researcher has questioned
whether the Island Carib were cannibals at all (Myers 1984).
Beginning with linguistic studies by Taylor (1946, 1949), the
Island Carib have gradually been transformed from aggressive
late-comers to the Caribbean into a cultural group uniquely
adapted to their insular environment. This more realistic, and
useful, perspective has resulted in a historical reassessment of
the Island Carib. Recent historiography has focused on Island
Carib cultural practices and resistance to European encroach-
ment while both ethnohistorical and archaeological research
have indicated that trade, rather than warfare, was a primary
goal of Island Caribs in contact with Europeans (e.g., Beckles
1992; Boucher 1992; Honychurch 1997; Hulme and White-
head 1992; Whitehead 1990)
The Island Carib have the dubious distinction of being
among the first three groups encountered by Columbus on his
voyages of discovery, along with the the Lucayan Taino of the
Bahamas and the Classic Taino of the Greater Antilles.
Where the Lucayans were virtually obliterated within 30 years


(Keegan 1992; Sauer 1966:160) and the Classic Taino fared
little better (e.g., Wilson 1990), the Island Carib fiercely
resisted European encroachment from that first encounter with
Columbus at the end of the fifteenth century to the middle of
the eighteenth century. Theirs was the first successful attempt
on the part of Native American groups to retain a social and
political identity in the face of colonization. It also was among
the longest, and is all the more impressive because they faced
not one European power, but four-Spain, Holland, England,
and France. The Island Carib thus provide an ideal case study
for examining native resistance to colonization. Insularity,
geographic mobility, political acumen, developing trade
partnerships with Europeans, and a flexible social structure are
all areas which contributed to that resistance. These also are
areas in which archaeology can best contribute to the ongoing
discussion (e.g., Boomert 1987). Unfortunately, archaeologists
are hampered by their inability thus far to agree on what

constitutes an Island Carib site and as a result have relied on
ethnohistorical reconstruction rather than archaeological
investigation (e.g., Davis and Goodwin 1990). From Ripley P.
Bullen's (1964) initial correlation between Island Caribs and
Suazey series ceramics of Grenada to more recent discussion
by Arie Boomert (1986) pointing towards the Cayo complex of
St. Vincent, the ceramics made and used by Island Caribs
remain an enigma (see also Allaire 1980, 1984, 1994).
Identifying the sites they occupied, and thereby contributing
archaeological data to the emerging cultural reconstruction of
Island Carib life, is thus impossible.
The research reported here attempted to locate on Tobago
one of the last vestiges of the once-powerful Island Carib using
historical maps which had proved reliable for examining
European settlement (Clement 1995). Research of this kind
may ultimately provide a secure anchor from which archaeo-
logical studies of the Island Carib can be extended backwards
from the later historical period into the preceding centuries.
Preliminary testing was conducted at two sites on King Peters
Bay, Tobago, and was designed to identify a possible historic
Amerindian presence. One site is designated TOB-64
(Boomert 1996:66) while the other has not yet received an
official designation and is referred to here as King Peters Bay
2. Both sites yielded significant amounts of Amerindian
ceramics, which are compared with material derived from
identified slave villages on Tobago. TOB-64 contained
ceramics associated with the late Saladoid Period, ca. A.D.
200/250-750, as well as ceramics that belong to the Suazey
complex identified by Bullen (1964) as Island Carib but which
is more generally ascribed to the late prehistoric period


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(Boomert 1986:66). A historic occupation is also present. At
King Peters Bay 2, ceramics were limited to the complex
associated with the late prehistoric period.

Background to the Research

Tobago is a small island located in the extreme southeast-
ern Caribbean, 29 kilometers northeast of Trinidad and 130
kilometers southeast of Grenada (Figure 1). Historically, the
island can be viewed as primarily a British colony. Settled by
the British in 1763, the Tobago economy was based initially on
cotton and sugar exports, with sugar eventually achieving
primacy by the end of the eighteenth century (Deerr 1949;
Laurence 1995; Nardin 1969; Young 1812). Along with other
Caribbean islands, Tobago's sugar economy gradually declined
throughout the nineteenth century until, in 1889, the island
was so impoverished that it was made a ward of neighboring
Trinidad.
An archeological project conducted in 1992-1993 was
designed to locate and identify remains associated with the
island's late eighteenth-to-nineteenth century sugar economy
(see Clement 1995, 1997). The survey was largely successful
in that archaeological remains of 20 sugar estates were located,
of 22 known to occupy the survey area in 1811. Primarily, the
identified remains consisted of the monumental architecture
associated with the production of muscovado sugar, rum, and
molasses, while a significant secondary data set was estate
house remains. Last, but not least, three estate villages,
housing African slaves and/or their freed descendants in the
post-emancipation era also were located by the survey.
Although the primary goal of the project was to gather data
for a settlement pattern analysis of the island's European
occupants during slavery, limited testing was conducted at two
of the three estate villages. In both cases, the majority of the
material recovered consisted of artifacts of European manufac-
ture. At the Courland Estate village for example, where most
of the excavation was carried out, architectural remains and
bottle glass accounted for well over 50% of the collection,
while European ceramics accounted for an additional 22%
(Clement 1995:187-194). Unlike excavations at many other
villages in the Caribbean, however, the frequency of unglazed
coarse earthenwares in the Tobago sites was almost negligi-
ble--4% at the Courland village. These unglazed coarse
earthenwares do not conform to reported descriptions of
"Afro-Caribbean" wares from elsewhere in the Caribbean (e.g.,
Armstrong 1983; Gartley 1979; Heath 1988; Petersen and
Watters 1988), being both more finely made and lighter in
color than pottery made by slaves. In fact, although the
sample size is small, the pottery appears to be indistinguish-
able from indigenous wares produced by Amerindian potters
on the island during late prehistory. The question is, where
did this pottery come from?

Establishing an Amerindian Presence

One possibility is that the estate village sites were previ-
ously occupied by Amerindian groups. This seems unlikely


because estate villages tend to be located on marginally
productive land to maximize the land available for cane
production (Higman 1988). Such a location is counter
intuitive for Amerindian sites where a primary reliance on
kitchen gardens would have dictated that settlement choices
focus on productive lands rather than the marginal lands
occupied by later estate villages (Petersen 1997; Rouse 1948;
Wilson 1997). Further, a recent catalog of all known Amerin-
dian sites on Tobago has established that 84% are located
within one km of the coast (Boomert 1996:117). In contrast,
two of the three estate villages are located further inland (an
average of 2.7 km).
A more plausible explanation for the presence of Amerin-
dian ceramics in Tobago estate villages can be found in the
documents. By 1763, when the British finally established a
permanent colony on Tobago, the island already had changed
hands on numerous occasions. While the developmental
potential of Tobago was recognized at an early date (e.g.,
Poyntz 1683), its strategic position relative to other, colonized
Caribbean islands (adjacent to Spanish Trinidad, to windward
of the Lesser Antilles) created a situation in which no Euro-
pean government would allow any other to successfully
colonize the island (Clement 1995; Williams 1962). In
addition, the island was astride the primary trade route from
the Windwards to the mainland and was thus strategically
important for the Island Carib as well (Boucher 1992). As a
result, Tobago was effectively a no man's land throughout
much of the Colonial Period despite several colonization
efforts variously by the French, Dutch, British, and even the
Courlanders of moder-day Latvia (Eubanks 1992).
Tobago was not unoccupied during this period, however.
Archaeologically, both Suazoid ceramics and ceramics similar
to the Cayo complex of St. Vincent have been encountered on
the island. Depending on your viewpoint (e.g., Allaire 1980,
1984; Boomert 1986; Bullen 1964; Bullen and Bullen 1972),
one or the other is an indication of Island Carib presence. For
neighboring Spanish Trinidad the presence of Island Carib
groups on Tobago was a continual source of worry. On one
occasion in 1614 the Spanish attempted to set up a trading post
on Tobago (Archibald 1987:10-11), but more frequently they
mounted raids on the native population as reprisals or preemp-
tive attacks. For example, during one of several Dutch
colonization attempts, in 1636, fearful of an alliance between
the Dutch, Tobago Island Caribs, and the Trinidad Island
Carib population designed to drive the Spaniards from
Trinidad, the Spanish Governor of Trinidad organized and
carried out a raid on Tobago, successfully evicting the Dutch
(Williams 1962:54). That such raids had little or no effect on
the Island Carib population is evidenced by the fact that in the
following year a group of Barbados Puritans attempting to
settle the island were driven off by Island Caribs in short order
(Archibald 1987:23). British and Dutch colonization efforts
were similarly unsuccessful in 1640, 1642, and 1650
(Archibald 1987:27).
By 1748, so many conflicting claims had been made to
Tobago that the island was declared neutral, following in the
footsteps of St. Vincent, Dominica, and St. Lucia. There is


2000 VOL. 53(1)


THm FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST







CLEMENT REMNANT AMERINDIAN GROUPS, TOBAGO, WI


some disagreement as to the intended effect of this neutrality.
On the one hand, at least two islands, St. Vincent and Domi-
nica, were set aside specifically as Island Carib reserves.
Some researchers imply that all four islands were set aside as
reserves (e.g., Gonzalez 1988:16). Be that as it may, the effect
was that Tobago largely was bereft of Europeans in the years
immediately preceding permanent colonization. A British


Naval Captain, Richard Tyrrel of the HMS Buckingham,
circumnavigated the island in 1757, noting the presence of
only eight or nine families of Frenchmen. The Amerindian
population was much larger, numbering about 300 families (in
Archibald 1987:96-97).
The avowed purpose of the subsequent British colonization
effort was to create a sugar economy, though uncertainty


St. Croix


St. Christopher


Nevis


Montserrat

Guadaloupe \


Caribbean Sea


'\ Martinique


St. Lucia


SSt. Vincent


Barbados


/Grenada


Margarita


Tobago


\Trinidad


Venezuela


500 kilometers N


Figure 1. Map of the Leeward Islands showing the location of Tobago.


j Barbuda


SAntigua


SDominica


Atlantic
Ocean


I


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REMNANT AMERINDIAN GROUPS, TOBAGO, WI





THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


regarding the continued status of Tobago as a British colony
hampered development efforts (Laurence 1995). The conflict-
ing claims to the island that characterized the pre-settlement
era continued to disrupt the island economy, and indeed
Tobago came under the control of the French twice in the
succeeding 50 years. Despite this, by 1780 a full-blown
plantation economy was in place (Archibald 1995; Clement
1995; Deerr 1949; Eubanks 1992; Nardin 1969; Young 1812).
The creation of a plantation economy on Tobago did not
result in its abandonment by Amerindians. In 1777, a pirate
sailing under letter of marque to the fledgling United States
raided Tobago and carried off two "Caribs" as well as 37
African slaves (Archibald 1995:36-37). In this same year,
Lavaysse (1969:348) reports the presence of 200 Amerindians
on the island. Likewise, the 1786 census indicates that 24
Amerindians were resident (Hernandez 1986:17). Finally, in
1791, Sir William Young (better known as a chronicler of the
Black Carib on St. Vincent) visited his Tobago estate.
Young's journal, published in Edwards's History of the West
Indies (1819:2:275), describes a visit he made to an Island
Carib named Louis who, along with his extended family, was
resident on or adjacent to the Young estate. Elsewhere, Young
(1812:104) suggests that trading relations were maintained
between the Island Carib on Tobago and the plantation work
force, noting that "Mulatto Hucksters" carried "Charaib
baskets" to display their wares. The duration of Tobago's
co-occupation by Europeans, Africans, and Amerindians is not
known. One well-read amateur historian of the island claims
that the last Amerindian left the island (by canoe for Trinidad)
about 1800 (David Phillips, personal communication 1995),
while another reports the presence of up to 200 Amerindians
on the north coast of the island as late as 1812 (Lichtveld
1974:82).
Maps of the island published between 1765 and 1794
(Bowen 1779; Byres 1776; Jefferys 1969 [1765], 1778, 1794)
indicate locations of various Amerindian settlements on the
island (Figure 2). Although it is possible that each later map
derived Amerindian locational information from its predeces-
sors, it is likely that there is at least some level of cartographic
accuracy involved (Pulsipher 1987). The most detailed
(Jefferys 1778) indicates the presence of six Amerindian
groups scattered on the island's coast. A comparison of
Amerindian locations with the distribution of estate lands
reveals that, of the six locations indicated by Jefferys, two were
unclaimed by the end of land sales in 1771, one corresponds
to a mangrove swamp, and one was unclaimed in 1811 (Byres
1776; Fowler 1774, in Nardin 1969:Plate IV; Young 1812:91).
Of the remaining two locations, one is incorporated into an
estate and one is on an estate that encompassed land set aside
for poor settlers in 1811 (Young 1812:84). In sum, at least
67% of the Amerindian settlement locations indicated on the
Jefferys map were not used for plantation crops. This raises
the possibility that land was deliberately set aside for the
Amerindian inhabitants of the island at the time of British
settlement in 1763. Woodcock (1866:39) notes that while the
previous inhabitants of the other neutral islands were incorpo-
rated into the new colonies by proclamation, no such procla-


mation was applied to Tobago. Coke (1971:169), however,
suggests that on the arrival of the British the lands of Tobago's
previous inhabitants remained in their hands. There is general
agreement among modern students of Tobago history that this
applied to Amerindians as well as to ethnic Frenchmen
resident on the island at the time of settlement (David Niddrie,
personal communication 1995; David Phillips, personal
communication 1995).

Ceramic Typology of Tobago

Before discussing the results of research at King Peters
Bay, it is useful to review the ceramic sequence of Tobago as
it is not well published in the United States. Although
sporadic archaeological discoveries are reported for Tobago
from as early as 1786 (Southey 1968; Woodcock 1867), and
Jesse W. Fewkes gathered a collection from the island in the
early twentieth century (Fewkes 1922), more intensive work
did not begin until the 1940s when a local collector, Thomas
C. Cambridge, began cataloging sites and artifacts. At the
request of Cambridge, Geoffrey H.S. Bushnell initiated the
first archaeological survey of the island in 1955 (Bray 1980;
Bushnell 1955). He was followed by John H. Bullbrook and
Gloria Gilchrist, who continued survey activities (Bullbrook
1960). By the late 1970s a detailed ceramic sequence for the
island had been developed by Peter O'B. Harris (1978),
primarily using materials derived from Cambridge's collec-
tions (now the Harris Collection). Survey work continued in
the 1980s when Harris and Arie Boomert began attempts to
establish a detailed cultural and ecological chronology
(Boomert and Harris 1988; Boomert et al. 1987). Since the
late 1980s Boomert has remained the most active prehistoric
researcher on the island, although surveys focused on the
plantation sites of the historic period were conducted by
Eubanks (1992) and Clement (1995) in the late 1980s and
early 1990s. Boomert (1996) recently completed a detailed
catalog of prehistoric sites which also presents a more in-depth
summary of the history of archaeological research on Tobago.
The ceramic sequence below is derived largely from his work,
along with that of Harris, and is supplemented by data derived
from examination of the Tobago ceramics contained in the
Ripley P. Bullen Collection, Florida Museum of Natural
History, Gainesville.
The Tobago ceramic sequence generally corresponds to the
broad chronology developed for the Lesser Antilles as a whole.
Initial ceramic remains are closely affiliated with Saladoid
types first defined in the Orinoco basin, and are followed by
Barrancoid influences. Population replacement is indicated at
the end of Saladoid times by the presence of Suazoid sherds
initially showing similarities with the Troumassoid series.
More specifically, the Tobago sequence consists of four well
defined local ceramic complexes, Mt. Irvine, Friendship,
Golden Grove, and Plymouth (Boomert 1987, 1996:23-25). A
fifth complex, Culloden, has been tentatively defined by
Boomert (1996:25), but occurs infrequently.
The earliest pottery in Tobago is assigned to the Mt. Irvine
complex, attributed to the Cedrosan subseries of the Saladoid


2000 Voi- 53(l)






CLEMENT REMNANT AMERINDLAN GROUPS, TOBAGO, WI


Figure 2. Locations of late-eighteenth century Amerindian groups (after Bowen 1779; Jeffreys 1778).


series by Boomert (1996:23). Mt. Irvine ceramics are typically
characterized by a thin, hard paste tempered with fine sand.
Decoration consists of fine-line incising with zoned incised
cross-hatching, zigzags, spirals, and stepped parallel lines.
Painted designs appear only rarely (Boomert 1987, 1996;
Harris 1978).
The subsequent, possibly overlapping Friendship complex
also is part of the Saladoid series, but shows a strong relation-
ship with the Barrancoid Erin complex of Trinidad as well as
more general ties to South America (Boomert 1996:24).
Friendship materials are well fired with a fine-to-medium sand
temper, occasionally grit, and are typically well smoothed and
sometimes burnished. A characteristic rim form includes a
heavy exterior flange. Decoration, in the form of broad-line
incising, usually occurs around the rim and may be burnished,
indicating that it was done after the vessel had dried but before
firing. Designs include lines and rectilinear motifs running
parallel to the rim, with lobes sometimes incised below.
Punctations often occur at line ends or on button appliques.


Red and black painting is common, particularly on or near
rims and appliques, as are zoomorphic or anthropomorphic
modeling.
These Saladoid complexes are replaced by the Suazoid
Golden Grove complex ca. A.D. 750. Golden Grove is
characterized by both fine and coarse wares. Coarse wares
contain a medium-to-coarse sand to grit temper although fine
sand tempering occurs occasionally. Vessels are typically a
yellowish-gray in color, and often are unsmoothed but some-
times poorly smoothed. Decoration, when present, consists
primarily of uneven scratching, sometimes vertical to the rim.
Scratching most frequently occurs on the exterior surface, but
has been noted on the interior in at least one instance. Golden
Grove fine ware is fine sand tempered. Sherds are typically
thin and hard, and some are burnished. Decoration consists of
medium broad-line incising with shallow, parallel scalloping,
parallel wavy lines, and somewhat ornate geometric designs
common. Incising usually occurs as short lines, though
sometimes a line is continuous around the rim or just below on


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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL. 53(1)


the interior. Boomert (1996:24) includes horizontal parallel
lines interrupted by loops, and spirals, as well as a motif
formed by several short rectilinear incisions placed alternately
horizontally and vertically.
The final prehistoric ceramic complex on Tobago is
Plymouth. Like Golden Grove, the Plymouth complex is
represented by both fine and coarse wares. The coarse ware
occurs somewhat more frequently than in the preceding
Golden Grove complex, but is very similar in temper, color,
and decoration. The primary difference is that rough
scratching on Plymouth ceramics may occur in zones with


masws Unpaved road ""s
- Stream
N


Figure 3. Site locations: TOB-64 and King Peters Bay 2.


some areas of cross-hatched overlap between zones. In
addition, finger-indented rims are sometimes present, a
decorative technique that has been attributed to the historic
Island Carib (Bullen and Bullen 1972). Likewise, the fine
ceramics are similar to their predecessor. However, modeled
rectangular lugs appear with incised or punctated designs, and
sometimes both.
The Culloden complex has been tentatively defined based
on the presence of a few sherds at two sites. These ceramics
show strong similarities to the Cayo complex of St. Vincent as
well as other Windward Islands which Boomert (1986)
attributes to the historic Island Carib.

Research at King Peters Bay

An Amerindian settlement at King Peters Bay has been
recognized since at least the 1960s. An occupation was
mentioned as early as 1960 by Anderson (1960), but whether
he was referring to archaeological materials or a late eigh-
teenth-century map reference is not known. However, the
TOB-64 site was visited by amateur archaeologists in 1968,
who recovered sherds of both the Friendship complex and the


Plymouth complex. In 1980 the site was revisited, again by
amateurs. Finally, in 1982, Peter O'B. Harris, Arie Boomert,
and Alvin Hazil inspected the site, collecting ceramics as well
as faunal remains from the surface, the latter including shark
vertebrae, marine gastropods (Strombus gigas, Cittarium
pica), marine/brackish clams (Phacoides pectinatus, Chione
cancellata), and the freshwater conch (Pomacea urceus).
These materials, including the ceramics, are housed in the
Harris Collection at the University of the West Indies, St.
Augustine, Trinidad, Archeology Centre, but have not been
published (Boomert 1996:66). To supplement this earlier
research, a program of survey and limited archaeologi-
cal testing at King Peters Bay was conducted in the fall
S of 1997. The bay was chosen for study because it
appears on the Jeffreys (1778) map as occupied by
Amerindians.


Environmental Setting


King Peters Bay is located on the leeward coast of
Tobago (Figure 2). Tobago's leeward coast is typically
extremely steep and rocky, and is formed of erosion
resistant igneous and metamorphic rock of Cretaceous
age. Streams on this coast drain the island's main ridge
and are generally short and steep (Niddrie 1961). To
the northeast of King Peters Bay, the coast is defined by
nearly vertical cliffs rising some 15 m from the water's
S edge, while to the southwest, separated from King
Peters by a steep, high rocky headland, is a slightly
larger bay known locally as "Big Bay." Both King
Peters Bay and Big Bay have perennial streams drain-
ing into them, and in both cases a floodplain, measur-
ing at most 40 m across but typically significantly
narrower, is associated with the lower stream course.
Upstream approximately 800 m, each stream descends
several tens of meters over a steep headwall from springs and
watersheds in the main ridge.
King Peters Bay itself is small, measuring only 200 m
across at the mouth. A coral reef is visible off the narrow,
rocky beach at low tide, and extends well out into the bay,
creating excellent habitat for fish and other marine animals;
the bay is still used by local fishermen. A coral head sits in
the center of the mouth, effectively blocking the bay from large
shipping, but providing some protection for small boats.

FieldMethods

The present program of research at King Peters Bay
included nonrandom landform survey, and extended beyond
the modern limits of the bay to include Big Bay. Survey
consisted of walking stream banks from coast to headwalls,
and examining both the bed and cuts for evidence of occupa-
tion. In addition, the edges of the floodplains were often
deeply eroded and were also examined. Finally, landforms
above the streams were walked. These were usually severely
eroded with adequate surface visibility, especially when
located well above the streams. In other instances, however,


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)






CLEMENT REMNANT AMERLNTMAN GROUPS, TOBAGO, WI


particularly on low landforms, heavy growth made surface
visibility virtually nonexistent. In these cases, the topography
off the edge of the landform was nearly always steep enough
to cause erosion and artifact visibility despite the presence of
ground cover. All landforms within approximately 30 vertical
meters of extant fresh water were examined. No Amerindian
remains were encountered on Big Bay, while two sites were
located on King Peters Bay (Figure 3).
TOB-64. TOB-64 is located on a narrow terrace at the
mouth of a small, unnamed stream debouching into the bay.
This terrace is approximately 6 m above sea level, and wraps
around the base of a steep ridge toe for approximately 60 m.
At the western end of the terrace is a small, crudely made
concrete slab. Local informants indicate that this formerly
supported a temporary shelter that was used by local fishermen
during periods of rain. Soils at TOB-64 are classified as
Concordia sandy clay loam underlain by schists (Brown et al.
1965; Hill and Hansell 1965). These soils are poorly drained
with low penetration of organic matter resulting in the weakly
developed B horizon characteristic ofinceptisols. The original
vegetation likely consisted of littoral woodland immediately
adjacent to the coast, backed by tropical lowland rainforest
(Niddrie 1961:9), but today has been disturbed by modern and
historic land-use practices. Cocoa farming, a primarily late
nineteenth-to-twentieth century industry, may have been the
primary contributor to forest degeneration as a cocoa drying
shed is located nearby on Big Bay and there is no evidence of
a sugar factory in the area (Clement 1995).
Investigation of TOB-64 consisted of a surface collection
as well as the excavation of several 50-x-50-cm test units. The
surface collection focused on potentially diagnostic materials
including all decorated Amerindian sherds as well as a
representative sample of the potentially datable European
materials that were present.
A total of seven 50-x-50-cm test units was excavated on
TOB-64 and in the surrounding area using 6.4 mm (.25-inch)
mesh. In an attempt to determine whether the historic
material encountered in and on the site was the result of
secondary deposition, three tests were excavated on a slightly
higher terrace just to the east of the site and on the ridge nose
some 6 m above the site. None yielded Amerindian remains,
although a sparse deposit of European materials was encoun-
tered. On TOB-64 itself, all four tests encountered Amerin-
dian material while European material was present in three.
A heavy clay subsoil containing no cultural materials was
encountered at a maximum depth of 30 cm below surface
across the site. In all cases, it was overlain by a very dark
grayish-brown sandy clay. This horizon, immediately below
the leaf mat, contained archaeological deposits.
King Peters Bay 2. The King Peters Bay 2 site is located
some 150 m east of TOB-64, and about 200 m inland from the
bay. It occupies a low ridge toe, approximately 10 m wide by
20 m long, at an elevation of ca. 15 m above sea level. The
site overlooks the main King Peters Bay stream to the north,
and is flanked to the east by a smaller, intermittent tributary.
The King Peters Bay 2 site was discovered as a very sparse
surface scatter on the steep northern and eastern flanks of the


landform. Soils are similar to those at TOB-64, but are
significantly deeper. The landform had been farmed in the
recent past, resulting in an approximately 30-cm deep Ap
horizon overlying a brown-to-dark brown coarse sandy clay
Bw horizon. Ground cover was very dense and additional
surface inspection yielded a total of only 16 ceramics. Excava-
tion was more successful, however, and the site collection
includes 87 ceramics from both surface and subsurface
contexts. As with TOB-64, excavation was limited to
50-x-50-cm test units, four in the case of King Peters Bay 2.
These were scattered across the landform, but were concen-
trated on its northern edge where surface finds occurred most
commonly. Soil was screened through 6.4 mm (.25-inch)
mesh. One test unit was excavated to a depth of 65 cm below
surface, yielding cultural material throughout. A period of
heavy rainfall inundated this unit, however, and excavation
had to be suspended before sterile soils were encountered. The
remaining three test units were excavated to sterile soil at a
maximum depth of 40 cm. No European materials were
recovered from the site.

Results

The materials recovered by the present project include 179
coarse earthenware ceramics of Amerindian manufacture as
well as a small collection of European artifacts. These
materials indicate that TOB-64 is a multicomponent site
occupied during the late Saladoid Period, and reoccupied
during the late prehistoric period and again during the late
eighteenth-to-early nineteenth century. King Peters Bay 2
appears to be a single component site occupied solely during
the late prehistoric period.
TOB-64. The collection of European materials from
TOB-64 includes dark green (black), olive-green, and green
bottle glass (the latter having a distinct turquoise hue), a
pipestem, a brown stoneware blacking bottle (Noel Hume
1969:78), a large stoneware jar with an interior orange
saltglaze, creamware, and whiteware. This collection dates
primarily from the latter half of the eighteenth century to the
early nineteenth century, or after the British settled the island.
Excavated European materials add white saltglazed stoneware,
delft, faience, cut nails, a British gun flint, a clear glass goblet
fragment, and light olive-green bottle glass to the above list,
but does not substantially change the likely date of occupation.
The Amerindian component of TOB-64 is represented by
92 ceramics, both excavated and surface collected (Table 1).
Of these, 50 belong to the Plymouth complex. Tempering is
of locally derived material and ranges primarily from coarse
sand to grit, although five sherds have sand temper and four
have gravel inclusions. One sherd can be assigned to the
Plymouth fine ware category. It has smoothed interior and
exterior surfaces with broad line incising around the interior
of a straight, flat rim. Sherd thickness is 12.3 mm. (All
thicknesses reported here were measured with dial calipers at
the thickest part of the sherd.) The remaining 49 Plymouth
sherds fall into the coarse ware category. The majority (n =
44) are undecorated. Vessel thickness ranges from a low of


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Tur FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL. 53(1)


4.1 mm to a high of 12.7 mm with an average of 8.5 mm. The
standard deviation is 2 mm. Ten of these sherds are straight
rims, with one beveled lip, six round lips, and three flat lips.
Vessel forms include bowl, carinated bowl, possible open bowl,
and possible constricted bowl (one each). Scratched coarse
ware is represented by four sherds, all body sherds and all
decorated on the exterior. Vessel thickness ranges from 6.4
mm to 8.3 mm with an average thickness of 7.2 mm and a
standard deviation of .7 mm. Three are coarse sand tempered
while one is grit tempered. The remaining sherd is eroded on
the exterior surface and can not be further classified.

Table 1. Ceramic series at TOB-64.

Ceramic Series Count %
Friendship 4 4
Plymouth fine ware 1
Plymouth coarse ware, plain 45 50
Plymouth coarse ware, scratched 4 4
Unidentified 38 41
TOTAL 92 100


Four ceramics from TOB-64 are classified as Friendship
material (one possible). Of these, one is a sand-tempered
anthropomorphic adorno from a cassava griddle, two are
sand-tempered rim sherds, and one is a sand-tempered body
sherd. The rim types include one applique and one heavy
exterior flange. Vessel thickness is 9.4 mm and 7.7 mm
respectively. Both are decorated. The applique rim has a
plain exterior surface treatment with an interior surface
treatment of broad line incising and red paint. This vessel has
an open bowl form. The exterior flanged rim has broad line
incising on the interior, both on and below the rim, with a
plain interior.
The remaining 38 ceramics are unidentified. Ten are
residual (<1 cm2) while an additional seven are griddle
fragments and one is a probable cleat. One sherd shows
evidence of red pigment on the interior with a smoothed
exterior, and is thus possibly Friendship material although it
is grit tempered. Vessel thickness is 8.1 mm. The remaining
18 unidentified sherds include sherd thicknesses from 3.8 mm
to 11.2 mm with an average of 7.1 mm and a standard
deviation of 1.9 mm. Two of these sherds are straight rims
with rounded lips. One is sand tempered while the other is
tempered with grit and has gravel inclusions. In the 16
unidentified body sherds sand tempering is predominant (n =
14), with one coarse sand tempered and one grit tempered.
King Peters Bay 2. The King Peters Bay 2 collection
contains 87 sherds (Table 2). Like TOB-64, it is dominated by
ceramics of the Plymouth complex, which make up 52 percent
of the collection (n = 45). The majority (n = 33) are classed as
plain coarse ware. Sherd thickness (excluding the single
adorno fragment) ranges from 5.8 mm to 11.2 mm with an
average thickness of 8.0 mm and a standard deviation of 1.7
mm. Most (n = 22) are characterized by grit tempering, while


a significant minority (n = 8) are coarse sand tempered. Three
sherds are tempered with coarse grit. Only three rim sherds
are present in the collection. All are straight with a rounded
lip, and suggest bowl forms. Three sherds show the oxidized
paste of incomplete firing. These were all recovered from the
same provenience, and may represent a single vessel. Finally,
one cleat fragment, smoothed on the interior (top) surface,
with the paste characteristics of Plymouth complex coarse
ware is present in the collection.
Eight sherds from King Peters Bay 2 are classified as
Plymouth scratched coarse ware. Four are grit tempered, three
are sand tempered, and one is coarse sand tempered. One
straight rim sherd is represented, and is characterized by a
rounded lip. Vessel form could not be determined. A handle
fragment also is present. Sherd thickness for scratched coarse
ware, excluding the handle fragment, ranges from a low of 6.5
mm to a high of 9.6 mm with an average of 8.3 mm and a
standard deviation of 1.4 mm. The sand-tempered sherds fall
at the upper range of this thickness, averaging 9.1 mm.
Two sherds in the collection are classified as Plymouth fine


Table 2. Ceramic series at King Peters Bay 2.

Ceramic Series Count %
Plymouth fine ware 4 5
Plymouth coarse ware, plain 33 38
Plymouth coarse ware, scratched 8 9
Unidentified 42 48
TOTAL 87 100

ware while an additional two share the paste characteristics of
this ware. These four sherds range in thickness from 5.1 mm
to 7.5 mm, with an average of 6.3 mm. All are sand tempered.
Two sherds have a plain exterior surface treatment with broad
line incising on the interior while the other two (both classified
as probable Plymouth) are smoothed on both the interior and
exterior surfaces. One of the broad line incised sherds is a
straight rim with a rounded lip and may be a bowl form.
The remaining 42 ceramics in the King Peters Bay 2
collection are unidentified. Thirty are rim or body sherds.
seven are griddle fragments, three are unformed clay lumps,
one is a residual sherd, and one is an eroded sherd. The rim
and body sherds, excluding the residual sherd and the eroded
sherd, range in thickness from 3.5 mm to 11.8 mm with an
average of 8.1 mm and a standard deviation of 2.2 mm.
Tempering materials range from fine sand to coarse grit, with
sand and coarse grit making up 63% of the collection. Interior
and exterior surface treatments are typically plain, with
smoothing occasionally appearing on one or the other surface.
Rim types and lip forms include straight beveled (n = 2),
straight round (n = 1), everted round (n = 1), and everted
beveled (n = 1). Vessel forms include one possible open bowl
and one possible constricted bowl.


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CLEII4ENT REMNANT AMERINDLAN GROUPS, TOBAGO, WI


Comparative Data

Comparative collections are derived from sites on Les
Coteaux Estate and on Courland Estate (Clement 1998). The
Les Coteaux site covers approximately 2.8 hectares (7 acres)
at an elevation of ca. 60 m above sea level. It is located on a
low ridge toe ca. 10 m above the Courland River, Tobago's
principal drainage, and 2.6 km from the coast. To the back
(north) of the ridge toe is a gradually upsloping area that is
also part of the site, terminating at the base of a high, steep
hill. Research at the site in 1992 included a series of 31
40-x-40-cm shovel tests across the area to the back of the ridge
toe. Shovel testing produced a light but consistent scatter of
European material as well as 23 fragments of unglazed coarse
eathenware. Based on comparison with excavated data from
the Courland village where a similar low-density scatter was
recorded adjacent to the main village area, the shovel-tested
area at Les Coteaux Estate was identified as an agricultural
area planted by the estate slaves for their personal use (Clem-
ent 1995:205-207). A subsequent revisit to the site in 1995
revealed an adjacent dense scatter of late eighteenth-to-early
nineteenth century European materials as well as unglazed
coarse earthenware sherds eroding from a recently cut drive
leading to a new house on the ridge toe. This area appears to
represent part of the estate village based on the density and
type of material encountered. All of the coarse earthenware in
the surface scatter was collected for analysis.
The Courland material has already been mentioned, and
was recovered from 48 40-x-40 cm shovel tests and 11 larger
excavation units excavated in the estate village and the
adjacent area devoted to provisions (Clement 1995:180-194).
The village itself was initially identified through examination
of historic maps (Anonymous 1784) and confirmed through
archaeological excavation. The site occupies approximately
2.75 hectares (6.8 acres) at a distance of 365 m from the coast.
It is located on a low ridge toe and part of an adjacent shallow
stream valley that is usually dry at present. The ridge toe
represents the major habitation area of the village while the
valley was utilized for agriculture.
The surface collected material from Les Coteaux and the
subsurface material from both Les Coteaux and Courland were
analyzed at different times.

Subsurface Material from Courland and Les Coteaux

A non-random grab sample of excavated coarse
earthenwares from Courland and Les Coteaux Estates,
totalling 51 ceramics from 11 proveniences, was analyzed by
James B. Petersen (personal communication, 1995). The total
collection includes 117 ceramics from 42 proveniences, but
space limitations precluded bringing additional material to the
U.S. while time constraints have not allowed further examina-
tion of the collection on Tobago.
Petersen is familiar with slave-produced pottery from
elsewhere in the Lesser Antilles (e.g., Petersen and Watters
1988; Petersen et al. 1992) and was asked to examine the
Tobago collection because they did not resemble the


Afro-Caribbean wares the author had worked with in the past.
The Tobago ceramics share common temper materials, with
primary constituents of feldspar and quartz. Biotite and an
unidentified black mineral also are present. Although the
density of temper varies, the materials are volcanically derived
and are consistent with local production. The sherds are
mostly of a relatively soft paste and are eroded, although two
with a harder paste have smoothed surfaces. The sherds also
typically show oxidation and are likely coil-built. Only five
are decorated. One, an eroded rim sherd, has an encircling
broad-line incision. The remaining four have striationss"
which Petersen notes may be vegetal fiber impressions. This
type of decoration is unknown on Tobago, and so some other
method seems likely. The four are relatively soft and were not
fired at a high temperature, and the impressions may be
remnants of Suazey period scratching but are too faint for
secure identification. Four additional rim sherds in the
collection are all rounded. Two suggest incurvate bowls while
the others suggest more open bowl forms. Petersen is reluctant
to attribute this collection to a slave-built ware type, preferring
instead to assign them tentatively to a post Saladoid, "late
prehistoric?" Amerindian provenance.

Surface Material from Les Coteaux

The surface-collected material from Les Coteaux Estate
consists of 81 ceramics. Of these, four are unformed clay
lumps and six are residual sherds. These will not be further
discussed. The remaining 71 sherds in the collection are
uniform in temper and similar to those analyzed by Petersen;
all contain primarily feldspar and quartz, with biotite and an
unidentified black mineral as minor constituents. Temper
varies in size from sand to grit, with only one sherd having
fine temper. Four have gravel inclusions. All but two sherds
(discussed below) are a fairly uniform tannish-brown in color.
Fifty-seven sherds from the Les Coteaux surface collection
are body fragments and, of these, 40 likely had no surface
decoration. However, 36 are somewhat eroded, so this number
may be low. Nine body sherds appear to have been smoothed,
with six smoothed on the exterior and three smoothed on both
exterior and interior. Five of the exterior-smoothed body
sherds are plain on the interior, while the remaining sherd is
somewhat eroded but also appears to have been smoothed.
Four sherds are too eroded on one or the other surface to
determine surface treatment. Of these, two are exterior plain
and two are interior plain. One body sherd is scratched
(though somewhat eroded) while two may be scratched but are
too eroded for positive identification. The last body sherd is
also eroded, but may have been burnished on the exterior. The
thickness of body sherds varies from a low of 4.14 mm to a
high of 18.44 mm. The latter thickness is associated with a
griddle fragment, however, and the next thickest sherds
measures 11.89 mm. Excluding the griddle fragment, the
average body sherd thickness is 8.91 mm with a standard
deviation of 1.87 mm.
Nine rim sherds are in the collection, including one that is
fragmented and one that is associated with a griddle. Of the


CLEMENT


REMNANT AMERINDIAN GROUPS, TOBAGO, WI






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL. 53(1)


remainder, one is marked by a classic Friendship complex
exterior flange (the fragmented rim may also fall into this
category). It is decorated with a single broad-line incision,
infilled with black pigment, around the base of the flange on
the exterior and three broad-line incisions around the top of
the rim. Four rims are straight with rounded lips. Of these,
one has broad-line insising on the interior and is suggestive of
either the Golden Grove complex or the Plymouth complex.
Another has exterior broad-line incising, but is too small to
identify. The remaining two are undecorated. A single,
undecorated rim is straight, with a flat lip. Excluding the
Friendship material, vessel forms include two bowls, one
inverted bowl and one open bowl. The last rim in the collec-
tion is unique. It is straight and round, but unlike the rest of
the collection, has been well-fired to a harder consistency than
others and is reddish in color. This sherd is also the thinnest
in the collection, measuring only 4.98 mm below the rim.
The remaining five sherds include four basal sherds (one
probable) and one cleat. The basal sherds are typically flat,
although one has a well-formed foot ring. It is somewhat
darker in color than the remainder of the collection and
appears to be from a vessel with thinner walls than is the
norm. The sherd is small but the possibility that it is
wheel-made can not be ruled out. Vessel thickness could not
be assessed very far from the footring, but measures 4.52 mm.
The cleat in the collection is rectangular with broad-line
incising on its upper surface forming two sets of parallel
scalloped motifs. These motifs are indicative of Suazey
ceramics on Tobago, while the rectangular shape of the cleat
is more suggestive of Plymouth than Golden Grove.

Discussion

The four collections reported here total 311 coarse earthen-
ware ceramics from four sites. Although each collection is
small, numbering at most 92, two are from contexts associated
with estate villages and two are from Amerindian sites that are
in an area depicted on historic maps as containing an Amerin-
dian settlement. All share a common temper material that is
locally available in abundance and suggests a local origin.
Only one sherd, from the surface collection at Les Coteaux
village, is very reminiscent of European wares in that it has a
low, well-developed foot ring. The sherd is too small and
eroded to determine if it is wheel-made. Wheel-made un-
glazed coarse earthenwares with a European influence have
been made on Barbados since at least the 1670s (Handler and
Lange 1978:139; Mathewson 1972:54). One attribute which
argues against a Barbadian wheel-made origin for the Tobago
sherd is its color. Barbadian sherds are typically reddish after
firing, and less often a cream color (Handler 1963:315), while
the Tobago sample is decidedly brown. Watters (1997:272)
points out that wheel-made pottery may also have been
produced on Antigua, but the presumed site of production was
indundated by reservoir construction in the 1970s so this thesis
can not be tested. Foot rings also are present on Caliviny
series ceramics from Grenada and the Grenadines (e.g., Bullen
and Bullen 1972:Plate X, h). Caliviny is analogous with


Tobago's Golden Grove complex fine ware, but is character-
ized by a yellow-to-gray-yellow color and is typically bur-
nished (Bullen and Bullen 1972:142). Neither of these
attributes fits the Tobago sherd, although erosion may have
effected the latter.
The latest material in the Tobago precolumbian sequence
encountered by the present project is the Plymouth complex,
found at both TOB-64 and King Peters Bay 2. These ceramics
can also be placed at Les Coteaux, but can not be securely
identified in the Courland collection. That Les Coteaux was
occupied earlier is also demonstrated by the ceramics encoun-
tered at the site, and indicates that its location has attributes
that were desirable to Amerindians during late Saladoid
times. These attributes may also have drawn late precolum-
bian Amerindians to the site and could account for the
presence of Plymouth ceramics. King Peters Bay 2 occupies
a similar topographic situation in relation to a perennial
fresh-water source, strengthening this conclusion.
The Les Coteaux collections appear quite homogenous.
Decorative elements of both Friendship and Plymouth ceram-
ics are present, as well as elements that are more properly
associated with a generic Suazey affiliation. These demon-
strate that the site was occupied at least during the
precolumbian period. The large majority of the collection has
no diagnostic markers, and could also be derived from the
precolumbian occupations. However, the distribution of the
coarse earthenwares closely mirrors that of the European
material. On the ridge toe where European artifacts are more
densely concentrated, so too are coarse earthenwares. In the
area behind, the scatter of both classes of artifacts becomes
more dispersed. These factors hint that at least some of the
coarse earthenwares may have a direct temporal association
with the European materials, but can not be taken as conclu-
sive evidence. None of the material, however, is indicative of
a locally made "Afro-Tobagonian" ware.
A somewhat similar situation prevails at the Courland site.
Twenty of the 97 coarse earthenwares recovered from the site
were analyzed. This constitutes 21% of the entire collection
and is likely representative in that the large majority, if not all,
of the types in the collection are present in the analyzed
sample. As at Les Coteaux, none of the Courland ceramics
can be unequivocally attributed to enslaved potters though all
were made using locally available materials. One sherd shows
broad-line incising and the forms represented also are more
characteristic of Amerindian wares, but the majority of the
collection is nondiagnostic given current knowledge of Tobago
ceramics. Where earlier precolumbian sherds are present at
Les Coteaux and demonstrate that the site was occupied by
Amerindians, the Courland sample is uniformly post-Saladoid
at minimum and is suggestive of late precolumbian material.
The distribution of coarse earthenwares at Courland is also
similar to Les Coteaux, occupying the same land area as the
European material. This suggests that both the coarse
earthenwares and the European materials were deposited by
the enslaved occupants of the site.


THE FLORH)A ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)






CLEMENT REMNANT A UNDIAN GROUPS, TOBAGO, WI


Conclusion

This project has established that King Peters Bay was
utilized by small groups of Amerindians at least during the
late precolumbian period. The sites discussed appear to
represent on the one hand a fishing occupation (TOB-64) as
evidenced by its immediate proximity to the bay. The faunal
remains noted by previous researchers may support this, but no
faunal remains were noted during the present excavations and
they may equally represent more modem use of the bay. This
site was also occupied, on a very limited basis, by earlier
peoples who probably had a primary reliance on fishing. The
second site, King Peters Bay 2, is somewhat farther inland and
may represent a more horticulturally oriented occupation
although access to the resources of the bay was maintained.
The presence of Plymouth complex ceramics at both sites
could be interpreted to indicate that they were occupied at the
same time, but subtle differences in the ceramic collections
argue against this conclusion. Most obviously, where gravel
inclusions were apparent in a few of the sherds from TOB-64,
they were entirely absent at King Peters Bay 2 despite the
comparable sizes of the collections. In addition, fine ware
formed a slightly larger proportion of the overall sample of
Plymouth ceramics at King Peters Bay 2 (8%, vs. 2% at
TOB-64). While the latter difference may be explained by the
differential function of the two sites or as a statistical error, the
former is more difficult to account for given the close proxim-
ity of the sites and the abundance of both tempering material
and clay suitable for ceramic manufacture available in the
immediate area.
A historic presence at one of the sites reported here,
TOB-64, was confirmed by the material remains recovered by
the present project, but there are no data to support that these
materials were used by Amerindians. Test excavations on the
landform above TOB-64 indicate that this area was used, albeit
lightly, by peoples relying solely on European material goods.
In the absence of a clear stratigraphic context for the materials
excavated at TOB-64, arguing that the historic material
recovered from within the site is associated with the Amerin-
dian inhabitants is untenable; it is as likely that these materials
eroded down from above or were deposited directly atop the
Amerindian deposits and then mixed through pedogenic
processes. King Peters Bay served as a warehousing and
shipment point for sugar, molasses, and rum manufactured at
interior plantations during the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries (Clement 1995:162; Young 1812:93-94), and this
occupation may account for the presence of historic materials
at TOB-64.
The principal goal of the research described here, to locate
historic Amerindian sites that can be attributed to the Island
Carib, remains unfulfilled. The presence of such sites was
initially inferred from the occurence of ceramic materials in
Tobago slave villages which could not be readily attributed to
enslaved Africans or their descendants. Instead, this pottery
shows similarities to Amerindian material, although it is too
fragmented and the collections are too small to more ade-
quately assess its temporal position. There is no indication,


either archaeological or ethnohistorical, that an
"Afro-Caribbean" ware, similar to that documented on many
other Caribbean islands, was ever produced on Tobago.
Examination of documentary and cartographic sources
revealed that Amerindians were indeed present on the island
during the period of initial British settlement, and that they
may have remained as late as the turn of the nineteenth
century. Data relating to their role in the plantation economy
are extremely limited, but trade with the plantation labor force
is hinted at and is consistent with recent ethnohistorical and
archaeological research indicating that exchange was a major
component of Island Carib interactions with non-indigenous

groups.
The King Peters Bay sites were tested to gather samples for
comparison to the ceramics from Les Coteaux and Courland.
At issue is whether the materials encountered at the two
villages are precolumbian or represent exchange between
Amerindians and the enslaved plantation labor force. In the
absence of a strong contextual association between European
artifacts and materials representing an Amerindian tradition,
the issue can not be resolved. The present data indicate,
however, that ceramics from all four sites show strong similar-
ities and that this hypothesis deserves additional examination.
Because Island Caribs are known to have occupied Tobago
during the late historic period, the island is an ideal location
for research utilizing a direct historic approach to Island Carib
ceramics. Continuing disagreement about the archaeological
signature of the Island Carib, for any time period, makes
identifying their sites difficult. Island Carib ceramics were
initially identified by Bullen (1964) with the Suazey series of
Grenada. In particular, finger-indented rims, not present in
the collections reported here, are attributed to the historic
Island Carib due to their co-occurence with iron fragments,
Spanish olive jar sherds, and Savanne Plain ceramics at the
Savanne Suazey site (Bullen 1964:56). However, despite
continued efforts, the Bullens were unable to locate additional
sites at which both Suazey and European material occur. This
has led other researchers to question Bullen's initial conclu-
sion. Boomert (1986), for example, has correlated Cayo
ceramics from St. Vincent and elsewhere in the Windwards to
the Island Carib, while Allaire (1994) has documented
convincingly that Cayo pottery is a historic manifestation at
the Argyle site, St. Vincent. Allaire (1994:2-3) also correctly
points out, however, that the ethnic attribution of Cayo
ceramics remains problematical due to the presence of Black
Caribs on the island. Only a very few sherds suggesting Cayo
affinity have been recovered from Tobago, and none were
recovered during the present project.

Acknowledgments

Fieldwork at King Peters Bay was funded by grants from the
University of South Carolina Research and Productive Scholarship
Fund and from the Robert L. Stephenson Archaeological Research
Trust at the South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropol-
ogy. The previous work at Courland Estate and Les Coteaux Estate
was funded by the Amoco Foundation with sponsorship from Amoco
Trinidad, Ltd. and a National Science Foundation dissertation


CLEMENT


REMNANT AMERINDIAN GROUPS, TOBAGO, WI






Tsn~ FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL. 53(1)


improvement grant (#9218780). Mr. Edward Hemandez, Curator,
Tobago Museum, proved especially helpful in securing approval to
work on private property at King Peters Bay--special thanks to the
land owners, represented by Mr. Sapy Seemungal, Attorney at Law,
for their permission. By supporting this research the Tobago House
of Assembly redemonstrated their ongoing commitment to the
cultural heritage of Tobago. Thanks to James B. Petersen for his
analysis of some of the material reported herein. Arie Boomert
commented verbally on some of the ideas presented in this paper,
while Peter O'Brien Harris contributed his knowledge of Tobago
ceramics to my own analyses. Ken Sassaman and David R. Watters
provided editorial comments on earlier drafts. Any errors or
omissions, however, remain mine.

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Tum FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)







EXCAVATION AT STRANAHAN'S SECOND STORE IN FORT LAUDERDALE, FLORIDA
AND A CULTURAL COMPARISON TO STRANAHAN'S FIRST STORE

GARY N. BEITER AND KATHERINE PARRY

Graves Museum ofArchaeology and Natural History
481 South Federal Highway
Dania, Florida 33004
E-mail: archaeo@gravesmuseum.org


At the request of the Broward County His-
toric Commission an archaeological excavation
was done on the site of the second Stranahan
store (8Bd2916), constructed in 1906, after the
Oliver Building was demolished in October
1996. Demolition of the Oliver and other build-
ings on the block was done to make room for
the Riverwalk complex. The Oliver Building,
which was built to be a store, had covered the
entire site of the Stranahan Store since 1913
when the Stranahan store burned in a massive
block fire in 1912. Construction of the Oliver
Building and its subsequent demolition dis-
turbed the stratification of all the earlier time
periods except for one area underneath a side-
walk where the earlier strata remained undis-
turbed. Despite the disturbed nature of the site
some data were obtained that were used for
interpreting, archaeologically, some of the traits
and social interactions of the period. A compari-
son also was made between the first Stranahan
store (1893-1906), which was located a few
kilometers to the east, and the second Stranahan
store (1906-1912). Changes were noted in the
material culture associated with both the earlier
and later stores.


Sunrise Blvd.


Co'
0`


Broward Blvd.


Site Setting


Stranahan's second store is located in the
downtown area of the City of Ft. Lauderdale,
Broward County (Figure 1). At the time of this
study, the site was a vacant block where all the
buildings had been demolished for a construc-
tion project by the Historical Brickell Develop-
ment Corporation.
All structures above ground had been re-
moved during demolition in 1996. Concrete
portions of the sidewalk were removed but the
crushed rock bed was left intact, resulting in a
14-cm rise on the east side of the lot. A large
amount of construction debris was on the sur-
face and protruding from below ground. Ce-
ramic sherds, wood fragments, and other objects
were scattered on the surface.


SE 2ndSt_



N ---
New River a
Stranahan 2


(Uj
0)
I

0),
L-o

L$1


kell Ave.


Meters
I
0 200 400 600 800
Figure 1. Map of present day Ft. Lauderdale showing the former location
of the second Stranahan store (Township 50 South, Range 42 East, in the
S.E. /4of the N.E. /4 of Section 10).


VOL. 53(1) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST MARCH 2000


VOL. 53(1)


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


MARCH 2000






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


Miami Oolite is the underlying bedrock. The soil is white
silica sand of the Immokalee Series, which is almost a level
deposit. It is a fine sand that is poorly drained and has an
organic layer at 80 cm or deeper. Although most of the
downtown Ft. Lauderdale area's soil has been modified
through construction to the Immokalee Urban Land Associa-
tion this site was not because it was capped by the Oliver
building before much of the soil changes took place. During
the excavation, water was reached at 1.1 meters. Bedrock was
not encountered.

Historical Setting

In 1893, the year that Frank Stranahan, a native of Ohio
arrived alone in the area, the Seminoles had 37 extended
families present in 22 camps scattered throughout the sur-
rounding region. Most were concentrated in the Big Cypress
Swamp, along the Miami River, and at Fisheating and Cow
creeks (Covington 1993). Mclver (1983) mentions that a
Seminole camp existed on a hammock near the first Stranahan
store along the New River.
By 1895, Henry Flagler had cleared the right of way for a
railroad adjacent to the county road from Cypress Creek to the
New River. The railroad was completed in the same year and
had a terminal on the New River near present day Brickell
Avenue (Mclver 1983). By 1906 tradingposts were established
by white traders at Everglades City, Ft. Pierce, West Palm
Beach, Miami, and Immakolee (Covington 1993; Kersey


1989). Dredging of the New River begun in 1906 (Mclver
1983), allowed water to drain off the land, which in turn
caused the Seminoles to leave Pine Island, a major village west
of Ft. Lauderdale, in 1910 (Covington 1993).
Carr (1989:10-13) has described the early history of the
first Stranahan store (Stranahan 1) in his article on the
excavation at the Stranahan House property. Carr established
that the Stranahan property was occupied by four different
structures between 1894 and 1906. All of the structures were
wooden and constructed as either stores or house and store.
The final building was converted to a house for Stranahan
when a new store (Stranahan 2) was built in 1906 to the west
adjacent to the Florida East Coast Railroad.
Stranahan 2 was built on what are now referred to as Lots
10 and 12 with the New River on the southern boundary
(Rodriquez 1994). Carr (1989:12) cites evidence of Seminole
trade activities at Stranahan1 dating between 1895-1906. Ker-
sey (1989:34-41) has described the importance of trade during
this time for both Indians and white settlers. For the settlers
there was a market for alligator hides and eggs, bird plumes,
and otter pelts, while the Indians obtained items such as
ammunition, bolts of cloth, trade beads, tools, and food items.
Trading declined after 1901 due to conservation laws and
changingfashions that restricted the Seminoles from obtaining
their main trade products and having a market for them
(Kersey 1989).
Ed King, one of the area's original settlers, is cited by
Burghard (1968) as the builder of the first Stranahan store,


Figure 2. Photo of the second Stranahan store about 1910. Photograph courtesy of the Ft. Lauderdale Historical Society.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)


1





BETTER AND PARRY EXCAVATIONS OF THE SECOND STRANAHAN STORE


'---- '-"'"''' 1-


I 0)

Z
ca1
z
0C


- r
oCu
u>u

3i
5


Oliver North Wall






I


II:
r ------ I


rO
C
n
f


Stranahan South Wing


---_ _ _


Unit 10


U


I Oliver South Wall


Datum


0 5


Meters

10 15


Figure 3. Map of the positions of the second Stranahan store, the Oliver building, and excavation units. Dashed lines
represent the outline of the Stranahan store. Solid lines represent the outline of the Oliver building. (Based on Sanborn
map and Rodriquez (1994).


Stranahan 2, and the Oliver building. King's grandfather was
well known for his use of "tabby", a mixture of lime, shells,
and sand.
After Stranahan 2, which was all wood, burned in 1912, Ed
King constructed the Oliver building in 1913 on lots 10 and 12
and on the south half of lot 9 (Burghard 1968) (Rodriquez
1994). It remained until it was demolished in 1996. The
development of the block was scheduled to begin in December


1996 but was later changed to January 1997.
A 1910 photo of the Stranahan store (Figure 2) shows a
two-story structure of wood construction, approximately 8
meters wide, 25 meters long and 8 meters high with a porch
on the south side. Sanborn maps show an east-west, two story
wing on the northwest end and an east west, one-story utility
structure on the southwest corer (Figure 3).


II
(i







I





I
1




I


BETTER AND PARRY


EXCAVATIONS OF THE SECOND STRANAHAN STORE






TuF~ FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL. 53(1)


E26N16





0 1


- Gray Sand
Fill Level A
Bum Layer B
Prefire Level C



Light Brown S






E26N14


E26N15


Figure 4. East wall profile, Unit 11, under the sidewalk, showing undisturbed strata.


Construction workers at a nearby site stated that after the
cement pad of the Oliver building had been removed in 1996,
pyramid-shaped footers were located every 3.7 meters across
the extent of the pad area. These footers were pulled up and
bulldozers pushed fill in the holes and leveled the remainder
of the lot.

Methodology

Excavations took place at the site of the Second Stranahan
Store from October 1996 until the middle of January 1997. A
datum point was established on the southwest corner of Lot 10.
Elevation of the datum point was determined from a surveyor's
benchmark located 40 meters distant and 20 degrees south of
east from the datum point. A north-south datum line was
established over all the demolished lots. An east-west baseline
was set up due east to the Oliver building's old curb line,
which is a distance of 29 meters. All positions were recorded
in meters from the datum point (EO, NO) and in cardinal
directions.
Trenches were dug in order to expose suspected features
and specific areas as derived from map and photo interpreta-
tion. The trenches were made of adjoining one-meter squares
with ten-centimeter balks that were excavated by trowel in ten-
centimeter levels. A north-south trench was excavated to
intersect the south porch area and continue north into the store
area of Stranahan 2. The north-south trench was moved
several times to find undisturbed deposits (Units 1, 2, 3, 6, 7,
8). Units 4,5,9,10 were a series of 30-cm square shovel tests
that were spaced one meter apart. A north/south test (Unit 9)


crossed the east/west wings on the west side of the site.
Additionally, an east/west test (Unit 10) followed the approxi-
mate south line of Stranahan 2. Three one-meter squares were
excavated underneath the Oliver period sidewalk and were
designated as Unit 11. Figure 3 illustrates the positions of the
units. In each unit, the ten-centimeter arbitrary levels were
excavated to sterile layers and shovel tests were dug to the
water table. Twenty-four square meters were excavated in the
trenches and 81 shovel tests were dug. All deposits from the
squares and shovel tests were sifted through a 6.64 mm-mesh
screen. Artifacts were bagged by levels or position and
conserved at the Graves Museum

Results

The excavations recovered numerous artifacts and modern
objects from nearly all levels. Few of the artifacts and objects
showed any signs of melting or burn marks with the excep-
tions of the charred wood and melted glass. Table 1 is a
summary of the artifacts that were recovered from Stranahan
2 and Stranahan 1 during this study and Carr's (1989).
In all the units, except for Unit 11, the first two levels
generally consisted of a four to five cm layer of gray sand,
followed by a 15- to 16-cm layer of brown sand. Both of the
first two levels appeared to be redeposited sand. However, this
pattern differed in Unit 9, where a red brown layer character-
ized the initial 20-cm. Deeper than 20-cm none of the units
were stratified and all except Unit 1 lhad post-1924 glass and
plastics intermixed or below pre-1924 artifacts.


30


__ C


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)










Table 1. Artifacts recovered from the second Stranahan Store and comparative items from the First Stranahan store.

Unit 11 E26N14 E26N16 Total Stranahan 1
Disturbed Units 1-10
Levels 1 2 3 4 5 6 Levels 1 2 3 4 A BC
Artifacts

Nails 47 63 36 30 20 22 80 48 18 2 366 153
Post-1920 Glass Fragments 23 46 37 22 3 1 25 .3 9 169
Pre-1920 Glass Fragments 5 16 11 10 1 24 64 40 2 1 174 107
Melted Glass 14 33 23 15 814 107
Porcelain Hard 17 19 28 19 15 98
Cement with Inclusions 2
Metallic Fragments 12
Ceramic Misc. 15 9 5 10 1 40 13
Asphalt 3 12 8 3 26
Button (Bone) 1 3 1 2 7 4
Plastic Fragments 6 4 9 4 23
Linoleum 20 5 6 4 16 2 53
Coin 1896 1 1
Light Bulb 1 1
Cartridge 3 1 1 1 6 18
Piling Charred 1 1
Track Carriage 1 1
Inkwell (Glass) 1 1
Honing Stone 1 1
Bottle Closures (Caps) 1 10 11
Stud Sleeve 1 2 2 3 8 1
Straight Pin 3
Buckshot 3
Brass Tacks 48
Canvas Eyelet 7
Glass Beads 49
Mirror Fragments 10


Ceramics found on the site consisted of two general classes
of decorated and undecorated stoneware and porcelain. All of
the ceramics were fragmented and no manufacturer's marks
were evident. Examples of translucent porcelain, which appear
to be saucer fragments, are shown in Figures 8, 9 and 10. The
fragments shown in Figure 8 have a blue loop pattern on the
edge. The patterns in Figure 9 and 10 are floral with pastel
colors. The fragment shown in Figure 11 could be from a vase,
which has a cream colored paste, with a glazed slip.
Several cartridge cases were found. One was in a good state
of preservation and was identified as a .38w caliber made by
the Union Metallic Company (Barnes 1972).
Masonry was ubiquitous on the site; bricks (both fragmen-
tary and complete) consisted of two hole and indented center
styles. Concrete of three varieties was evident: white sand
cement, crushed rock in sand, and concrete that was composed
of beach sand with well recognizable shells.


Figure 5. Porcelain sleeve studs (23913) from the
second Stranahan store site.


BEITER AND PARRY


EXCAVATIONS OF THE SECOND STRANAHAN STORE






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Figure 6. 1896 U.S. quarter (23912) from the second
Stranahan store site.


Figure 7. Glass inkbottle (23901) from the second
Stranahan store site.

Unit 11 was located underneath an area where a sidewalk
had existed (see Figure 4 for a profile of the unit). Three strata
(A, B, C) were found under a layer of gray sand (0-4 cm).
Layer A consisted of brown sand with burned wood and


artifacts (5-10 cm). Layer B (11-20 cm) comprised metallic
conglomerates, fused sand, melted glass and artifacts. Layer C
(21-30 cm) was a brown sand deposit below layer B. The soil
below Layer C consisted of gray sand that was sterile.
A wood piling was excavated 90-cm east and 85 cm. north
of E26N14. It was in a vertical position 14-cm. below datum.
It had a 40-cm. diameter and a height of 32 cm. The outside
of the piling was charred to a depth of five to eight cm. Nails
and pre-1920 glass were found 15 cm. below datum and
associated with the piling.
Artifacts found in Layer A were mixed: pre-1920 and post-
1920 glass fragments, porcelain shirt studs, nails and a
cartridge were present. Two blocks of tabby cement that had
melted glass inclusions were found in Layer A. The nails were
all wire types, no square cut nails were found.
Nails, pre-1920 glass fragments, a track carriage, bottle
caps and metallic fragments were recovered from Layer B. The
metallic fragments and track carriage were at the top of Layer
B fused with silica sand into a hard lens.
A glass inkbottle (Figure 7) was collected from layer C, 22
cm below datum and east 100 cm, north 60 cm from datum.
The inkbottle is a Cone bottle that was manufactured between
AD 1890-1910. The seam on the neck of the inkbottle dates it
to the earlier part of the manufacture period.
The artifacts excavated by Carr (1989) from the first
Stranahan store included nails, pre-1920 glass fragments,
miscellaneous ceramics, shell and bone buttons, unclassified
shirt stud, cartridges, pins, buckshot, brass tacks, canvas
eyelets, glass beads and mirror fragments.

Discussion

Most of what was excavated at Stranahan 2 came from
disturbed deposits. The construction of the Oliver building in
1913 most likely disturbed the site to some extent. The
demolition and subsequent leveling of the block by bulldozers
in 1996 probably mixed material between lots. Therefore,
except for the undisturbed area at Unit 11, the locations in
which the artifacts were found may not be the original context.
The chronology at Stranahan 2 can be partially established
by interpreting the stratification in Unit 11. The preserved
stratum with the inkbottle, which was unaffected by fire, 2 cm
underneath the bur layer indicates an occupation period
before the fire and sometime after 1890. A collar/sleeve stud
with no fire damage in the fused sand would suggest that the
stud was deposited before the fire took place. Ceramics and
melted glass incorporated into the shell cement suggests that
the items were deposited before the preparation of the cement.
Inclusions of the artifacts in the cement could have been
deliberate or accidental. The cement was possibly used in the
construction of the Oliver building.
Crown bottle closures (tops) invented in 1897 were found
in association with the fused layer of Unit 11 (Polak 1994).
Imperfections in the glass fragments place the occupation as
pre-1920 (Polak 1994). A 38w cartridge found on the site was
made by the Union Metallic Company which was in business
from 1878 to 1925 (Barnes 1972).


2000 VOL. 53(l)







BETTER AND PARRY EXCAVATIONS OF TI{E SECOND SrRANAHAN STORE


Figure 8. Translucent porcelain fragments with floral designs (23926).


Figure 9. Translucent porcelain fragments with floral designs (23928).


Carr (1989) recovered 49 glass
beads from the area around
Stranahan 1. He attributed their pres-
ence to the Seminole who traded and
socialized on the grounds. Although,
except for Unit 11, the Stranahan 2's
artifacts may have been mixed with
those from other areas of the block
some beads should have been found
during the excavation. The lack of
beads from all eleven units at
Stranahan 2 suggests that changes
may have had taken place since the
time of Stranahan 1-perhaps the
Seminole shifted their patronage to
other stores or the use of beads was
no longer a part of the Seminole
material culture Alternately, the
store did not have the beads in stock
during the Stranahan 2 period, or, as
argued against earlier, there was too
small a sample of recovered material.
A 1920's photo depicts a
Seminole woman wearing beads
(Downs 1981). If there was a period
corresponding to the existence of
Stranahan 2 during which the
Seminoles did not utilize beads
or, that the store did not have the
beads in stock, it has not been
substantiated historically or ar-
chaeologically.
The possibility that the Semi-
noles shifted their patronage
(trading, purchasing and socializ-
ing) somewhere else, as the rea-
son for the lack of beads at
Stranahan 2, has some merit. The
first Stranahan store had a
chickee for the Seminoles to con-
gregate in while visiting the
store (Carr 1989). No evidence of
a similar structure was found at
Stranahan 2. They could still
have patronized Stranahan 2 as
purchasers or traders but spent
less time on the premises, lessen-
ing the chance of bead loss or
placement on the property.
Items other than the glass
beads that were found at
Stranahan 1 and not at Stranahan
2 were pins, buckshot, brass
tacks, canvas eyelets and mirror
fragments. The deposition of the
pins, buckshot and mirror frag-
ments at Stranahan 1 probably


BEITER AND PARRY


EXCAVATIONS OF THE SECOND STRANAHAN STORE







THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


Figure 10. Translucent porcelain fragments with floral designs (23932Z


Figure 11. Stoneware fragment, possibly from a vase, with a cream
colored paste and a glazed slip (23929).


reflects the more open areas of the grounds surrounding the
store. The store at Stranahan 2 took up most of the lot with
less open space than Stranahan 2 in which to lose or deposit
items. The presence ofcanvas eyelets at Stranahan 1 was likely
due to the nearby tent city (Carr 1989). The occurrence of
brass tacks at Stranahan 1 and not at Stranahan 2 was possibly
because of some specific activity that had taken place at the
former and not at the latter.
Carr (1989) reported that stoneware comprised the only
ceramics from the Stranahan 1 occupation, whereas both
porcelain and stoneware were found at Stranahan 2. The
presence of porcelain at Stranahan 2 indicates a change to a


more affluent clientele during the
Stranahan stores' two periods. Wall's
(1999) studies of nineteenth-century sites
Sin New York City found that the use of
porcelain was a phenomenon mainly of the
upper-middle class. If so, then Stranahan
2 had a clientele that included middle
class individuals whereas Stranahan 1 did
not, which would be expected with the
increase in population and commerce that
occurred during the Stranahan periods.

Conclusions

The excavations at Stranahan 2 were
hampered by disturbance of the archaeo-
logical record caused by construction of
the Oliver Building and its subsequent
)" demolition. Disturbance
could have been minimized if archaeolo-
gists had been employed before demolition was begun
on the site. It was fortunate that one undisturbed area
was located beneath the old sidewalk.
Archaeologists excavated eight units measuring one
meter wide and from three to eight meters long and
shovel tested two units of up to 28 meters in length.
Only one unit, Unit 11 had a complete stratigraphic
profile. The chronology of the site, which indicates pre-
fire, fire, and post-fire events, was partially recon-
structed from this unit.
The absence of Seminole utilization of the second
Stranahan Store is inferred from the lack of diagnostic
Seminole material from all of the excavations. The
presence or absence of artifacts from this site as com-
pared to the first Stranahan store shows a change from
a pioneer society to a small thriving town.

Acknowledgments

Volunteer members of the Graves Museum of Archaeol-
ogy and Natural History donated their time. Terri Dotson,
Patty Flynn, Rudy Pascucci, Brendan Doyle and Kathy Parry
were especially helpful. The owners of the property are
commended for their cooperation. We would like to thank the
reviewers for their helpful comments.


References Cited

Barnes, Frank
1972 Cartridges ofthe World, Digest Books, Northfield, Illinois.
Burghard, August
1968 Mrs. Frank Stranahan: Pioneer. Historical Society of Ft.
Lauderdale, Ft. Lauderdale, Fl.
Carr, Robert S.
1989 Archaeological Excavations at the Stranahan House
(8Bd259), Fort Lauderdale, Florida. The Florida Anthro-
pologist 42 (1):8-33.
Covington, James W.
1993 The Seminoles of Florida. University Press of Florida.
Gainesville.


Tim FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)






BETTER AND PARRY EXCAVATIONS OF THE SECOND STRANAHAN STORE


Downs, Dorothy
1981 Coppinger's Tropical Gardens: The First Commercial
Indian Village in Florida. The Florida Anthropologist
34(4):2-29.
Kersey, Harry A. Jr.
1989 Seminole Trading Sites in South Florida: A New Ethno-
Archaeological Opportunity. The Florida Anthropologist
42 (1): 3441.
Mclver, Stuart
1983 FortLauderdale andBroward County. Windsor Publishing
Inc., Woodland Hills, California.
Polak, Michael
1994 The Confident Collector: Bottles Identification and Price
Guide, Avon Books, New York.
Rodriquez, F.
1994 Land Use History of Ft. Lauderdale's Brickell Avenue.
Manuscript on file, Broward County Historical Commis-
sion, Ft. Lauderdale, Florida.
Wall, Diana Dizerega
1999 Examing Gender, Class, and Ethnicity in Nineteenth-
Century New York City. Historical Archaeology 33 (1):
102-117.


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I







Beneath the Bell1: A Study of Mission Period Colonoware
from Three Spanish Missions in Northeastern Florida

VICKI L. ROLLAND' AND KEITH H. ASHLEY2

11370 Ocala #117, Tallahassee, Florida 32304
E-mail:vickirolland@earthlink.net
2Department ofAnthropology, University ofFlorida, Gainesville, Florida 32611
E-mail: akashley@jax-inter.net


This paper reports the findings of a comparative ceramic
study of colonoware sherds recovered from three Spanish
missions located north of the St. Johns River in northeastern
Florida (Figure 1). The Timucuan mission of San Juan del
Puerto (8DU53), founded around 1587 and destroyed in 1702,
was located at the present-day archaeological site of the same
name on Fort George Island (Dickinson and Wayne 1985;
Jones 1967). To the north, on Amelia Island, were two late
seventeenth century missions, both located at the Harrison
Homestead site (8NA41)(Saunders 1993:37-38). There Santa
Maria de Yamassee was established between 1665 and 1673
and lasted until 1683, when the mission's inhabitants packed
up and left. In 1684, a refugee population from St. Catherines
Island on the Georgia coast re-established their mission, Santa
Catalina de Guale, within forty meters of the abandoned Santa
Maria complex. In 1702, this mission was burned by the same
British and Indian expedition that a day later destroyed San
Juan del Puerto.
A total of 131 sherds was chosen for a technological study:
78 from San Juan, 23 from Santa Maria, and 30 from Santa
Catalina (Amelia Island). A microscopic examination was
conducted of the paste of each sherd; the aplastic particle size
and frequency classifications followed the guidelines estab-
lished by Cordell (1993), based on the previous work of
Shepard (1956) and Rice (1987). As a result, two gross paste
groups were identified within the study sample, Non-
Spiculate/Non-Micaceous (n=53) and Micaceous (n=78). In
addition to paste, aspects of surface treatment and vessel form
were recorded. In all, up to thirteen attributes were docu-
mented for each sherd. By recording the technological and
stylistic characteristics of each sherd, data were collected that
reflect both the uniformity and variability in colonoware paste
and surface treatment within and between these three mis-
sions. This study is admittedly preliminary and the samples
reflect provenience and recovery biases; however, our detailed
analysis enabled us to recognize distinguishing traits within
each of the colonoware assemblages.

Defining Colonoware

Colonoware was originally referred to as Colono-Indian
ware by Ivor Noel Hume (1962), who considered the ceramics
to have been produced by local Native American potters to
trade with English settlers in the Chesapeake region. Subse-


quently, similar wares were recovered from Native American
sites in Virginia, South Carolina, and Florida (Baker 1972;
Binford 1965; Fairbanks 1962). At some sites, researchers
began to consider the possibility that the pottery types recov-
ered on colonial-period sites were produced by local slaves
(South 1974). According to Deetz (1997:238), however, it
was Richard Polhemus (1977) who first formally stated that
African slaves, not Indians, were the primary makers of
colonoware, at least in the Carolinas, Tennessee, and Virginia.
While the generic term "colono-ware" was eventually adopted
to refer to locally made colonial-period earthenwares (Fergu-
son 1980), researchers were aware that regional distinctions in
paste and form existed.
For those excavating British colonial sites, colonoware
refers to all low-fired, hand-built, non-glazed earthenwares
produced after European contact (e.g., Babson 1988; Ferguson
1980, 1992, 1996; Garrow and Wheaton 1989; Klingelhofer
1987; Lees 1980; Lees and Kimery-Lees 1979; Noel Hume
1962; South 1977; and Wheaten et al. 1983). This definition
includes all traditional Native American and
African-American ceramics produced for personal use, trade,
or sale, and found in contexts associated with or without
European artifacts. In contrast, many archaeologists excavat-
ing sites associated with the sixteenth and seventeenth century
Spanish colonial frontier specify that colonoware vessels
exhibit only European tableware or non-traditional aboriginal
forms such as candlestick holders, bowls, pitchers, cups, and
plates with flat bases or footrings (Deagan 1978, 1990, 1993;
Otto and Lewis 1974; Smith 1951; Vernon 1988; Vernon and
Cordell 1993). In Florida and Georgia, red filming also is
acknowledged as a mission-period colonoware surface treat-
ment (Vernon and Cordell 1993:418). In the Caribbean,
colonoware refers to locally made colonial ceramics combining
Native American and Spanish or African traits (Smith 1986).

Colonoware Studies and Mission-Period Sites

In the late 1940s, Hale Smith conducted excavations at
several Apalachee mission sites in the Tallahassee region and
reported the presence of a variety of vessel shapes distinct from
traditional aboriginal pottery forms (Smith 1951). He also
recovered red filmed ceramics that he named Mission Red
Filmed. Around the same time, archaeologists were finding
similar red-filmed pottery and Indian-made bowls, cups,
pitchers, and plates in sections of St. Augustine and at the Fort


VOL. 53(1) THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST MARCH 2000


VOL. 53(1)


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


MARCH 2000






Tm~ FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


King George site near Darien, Georgia (Caldwell 1953; Smith
1948). Since then, archaeologists have reported the recovery
of colonoware fragments at mission-period sites throughout
present-day Florida and Georgia. However, few formal
investigations of colonoware have been reported (cf. Deagan
1987:103-104; Vernon 1988; Vernon and Cordell 1993).
At mission sites, colonoware has been recovered most
frequently in Spanish household and convento (friar's resi-
dence) contexts, but also has been found in Native American
living areas and within church structures where some forms
may have served as altar pieces. Though primary documenta-
tion has yet to be found, some scholars have proposed that
colonoware was produced by Native American potters under
the direction of local Spanish religious or secular personnel
(Deagan 1993:101; McEwan 1991:37; Saunders 1992a:25;
Vernon 1988:76-77). It has also been suggested that
colonowares served as substitutes for preferred, yet difficult to
obtain, Spanish-style tablewares, such as majolica (Deagan
1990:239,308; Hoffman 1997:31; McEwan 1993:316; Vernon
and Cordell 1993:419). Worth's (1995:113-114) translation of
a 1685 passage by Fr. Alonso de Leturiondo suggests that at
least some of the pottery used by Spanish soldiers was pro-
duced by local potters. Leturiondo (Hann 1986:165), an ex-
pastor who lived in St. Augustine in the late 1600s, was
remembering when the settlements along the Georgian coast
supported the military personnel with "each village, giving
each week the deer, firewood, shellfish, jars [ollas], bowls
[caguelas], pitchers Uarros], and cassina." As one of the few
references to local pottery production, this statement details
the various ceramic forms and probable personal communica-
tion between village potters and the Spanish population. While
colonoware forms have been recovered from Indian village
sites adjacent to missions, the actual extent of its adoption by
non-Europeans is poorly understood.
A specific characteristic associated with some colonowares
is red filming. Such a surface treatment was not a feature of
coastal Timucua (St. Johns, Savannah) or Guale (Irene)
pottery during the three centuries or so immediately preceding
European contact. The reason for its resurgence during the
mission period, after a half-millennium or more of disuse, is
uncertain, but it seems probable that the Spaniards played a
significant role. Citing George Foster (1960:88-92), Saunders
(1992a:106) has astutely noted that Spaniards were familiar
with "red slipped burnish wares," since they had been used for
a long time in Spain.
The Rev. Thomas Murphy (1997) provides us with
information that connects the Franciscan Order and the color
red. He explains that the five crosses of the Jerusalem Cross
and the red and gold colors symbolize the worldwide call for
evangelizing, answered by members of the Friars Minor
(Franciscans). Murphy (1997; frontispiece) cites: "The red
and gold colors also stand for the sharing of the Five Francis-
can Martyrs of La Florida in the poverty, suffering, and death
of Jesus on the Cross and in the glory of everlasting life with
which surely they have been crowned." The five Franciscan
martyrs, killedby Indians during the early years of missioniza-
tion in La Florida, are still honored by this Order. The


connection, if any, between red filmed pottery and the mar-
tyred friars is admittedly tenuous, but nonetheless engaging.
Archaeologists have observed that colonoware vessels are
consistently found in greater numbers at outlying mission and
military posts than in the urban setting of St. Augustine
(Deagan 1990:239, 1993:101; Hoffman 1993:78). Despite the
number of Indian women married to Spanish men, colonoware
is an infrequent occurrence in domestic household contexts in
Spanish St. Augustine. This is somewhat unusual in light of
the high frequency of traditional aboriginal cooking vessels
recovered from Spanish and Spanish-Indian contexts within
the colonial town walls. This situation has led one prominent
colonial-period archaeologist to suggest that colonowares may
be a "mission-related phenomenon" (Deagan 1993:101).
In interpreting the production and overall role of colono-
wares at mission-period sites, we need to be mindful of the
types of sites where colonowares are being found. For
example, was the site a visit or doctrine (i.e., a mission with
resident friar)? If a mission, did it have a garrison populated
by Spanish soldiers? How well supported was the site, and
how often was it visited by Spaniards? What was the status
and function of the settlement within the mission system of La
Florida? Moreover, the frequencies and the locations from
which colonowares are recovered at sites also hold signifi-
cance. Are they being retrieved from Spanish or Indian
contexts and/or from domestic or religious contexts? We must
remember that the daily experiences of Indians within the
Spanish mission system varied depending on age, gender, and
level of contact with Spaniards. The quantity, functionss, and
distribution of colonowares at missions or mission-related
settlements may reflect the degrees of Spanish interaction and
influence.

Three Spanish Missions

San Juan del Puerto

Located on the northwestern side of Fort George Island
(Figure 1), San Juan del Puerto was founded in 1587, probably
at or very near the native Timucua village of Alimacani (Hann
1996:53). It functioned as a doctrine or mission with a
resident friar and ferry service until 1702, when, like Santa
Catalina, it was destroyed by British forces marching south
from the Carolinas to St. Augustine (Arnade 1959; Milanich
and Sturtevant 1972). The successful establishment of San
Juan suggests that the formerly antagonistic local Timucua
(Saturiwa) had come to accept Spanish presence in extreme
northeastern Florida. While little is known of its initial
establishment, Geiger (1937:43) states that by the early 1600s
the church at San Juan was "ornate" with bells or a bell tower.
Around 1595, Francisco de Pareja, a Franciscan friar,
began a thirty-year ministry serving the doctrine of San Juan
and its nine visits, all of which were located between one-half
and thirteen miles from the mission at San Juan (Geiger
1937:143; Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:10). In 1602 he
wrote that, according to the baptismal registry, there were 500
Indian adults and children within the ten settlements under his


2000 VOL. 53(1)


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST






ROLLAND AND ASHLEY CoLoNow~u~ POTrERY


care (Pareja 1602). Mission censuses taken during the mid
and late 1600s show that San Juan's population declined
compared to its earlier days, despite the fact that outlying
Christian Indian settlements were being drawn to the mission
(Hann 1996:262-264).
Equally significant as the population decline was the fact
that San Juan continued to be identified as a Timucua-speak-
ing (Mocama) mission throughout the entire course of its
existence (Bushnell 1944:165; Hann 1996:234, 235; Milanich
1996:214; Worth 1998:85,144). For example, ayearbefore the
missions' destruction, the Spanish governor received com-
plaints registered by Guale at Mission Santa Catalina on Santa
Maria Island (Amelia Island) against the Mocama leadership
at San Juan del Puerto (Hann 1996:290).
Archaeological testing at San Juan del Puerto (8DU53) has
taken place intermittently over the past forty years and has
collectively included surface recovery, shovel testing, unit and
block excavations, and a soil resistivity survey (Dickinson
1989; Dickinson and Wayne 1985; Griffin 1960; Hart 1982;
Hart and Fairbanks 1982; Jones 1967; Nidy 1974; Russo et al.
1993). Under the direction of John Goggin, local archaeologist
William Jones began testing at San Juan in the early 1950s
and undertook block excavations in 1961. Spanish religious
objects, architectural hardware, majolica and olive jar frag-
ments, and over thirteen thousand aboriginal artifacts (mostly
sherds) were recovered from both surface and subsurface
contexts (Jones 1967). As for mission-period features, Jones
identified several concentrations of shell, some of which
contained iron spikes, that he interpreted as structural sup-
ports. Alternatively, these may represent individual household
middens, features commonly found on sites of the late prehis-
toric and early mission periods. In addition, Jones (1967:20-
27) exposed and excavated a long, serpentine feature that he
believed was part of a palisade or stockade that surrounded the
main mission compound.
In contrast, Dickinson (1989:407), who conducted resistiv-
ity testing and limited subsurface excavation some twenty
years later, places the mission compound to the north, and
suggests that the palisade was associated with the Indian
village or council house. The excavation of three one meter
square units in the north area exposed a possible domestic
structure; daub recovered nearby may have been associated
with another potential building (Dickinson 1989:406-407).
Basing their interpretation on the results of the resistivity
survey and the assumption that an ideal spatial plan was
followed at all missions, Dickinson proposed a tentative
configuration for the mission complex at San Juan. However,
Saunders (1990, 1996) andMarrinan (1991,1993) have shown
that there was great variability in mission layout, and that a
prescribed standard design never existed in La Florida.
Following Jones' early work, more recent testing at San
Juan has consisted of surface reconnaissance or shovel test
sampling. These latter surveys have consistently failed to
reveal distinct mission-related features or buildings. Thus, all
interpretations regarding the spatial configuration of the
mission settlement at San Juan del Puerto must be viewed


cautiously and considered tentative until more systematic and
broad-scale excavations can be undertaken.
The most interesting aspect of the archaeological evidence
uncovered from San Juan is the aboriginal pottery associated
with the mission-period component. All investigations
performed at the site thus far have found San Marcos series
pottery to be the dominant ware. Late prehistoric St. Johns II
and Savannah pottery along with mission-period San Pedro
series ceramics have also been recovered (Dickinson and
Wayne 1985; Hart 1982; Hart and Fairbanks 1982; Jones
1967; Russo et al. 1993). A review of the stratigraphic results
of Jones' (1967) testing shows a ceramic sequence of St. Johns
II-Savannah-San Pedro-San Marcos (McMurray 1973:29-30).
Although colonowares were retrieved by several investigators,
their specific context within the mission complex layout
remains problematic.
What makes this ceramic sequence intriguing, as well as
perplexing, is that there is an apparent discrepancy between
the documentary and material records. Grit-tempered San
Marcos pottery is traditionally associated with Muskogean-
speaking Guale or Yamassee Indians (Braley 1990; Larson
1978; Smith 1948; Saunders 1992a, 1992b). Several research-
ers have noted that the abundance of grit-tempered pottery is
inconsistent with the expected ceramic assemblage of a coastal
Timucuan (Mocama) mission (Deagan 1978:106; Hann
1996:85; Milanich 1995:214). While it is well documented
that Guale and Yamassee groups immigrated to northeastern
Florida from the Georgia coast and elsewhere, documents
suggest that Guale tended to aggregate at mission settlements
with other Guale or Yamassee not with Mocama (Worth
1995). At present, there are no Spanish references or cen-
suses that even hint at a movement of Guale or Yamassee to
the mission of San Juan del Puerto (Hann 1996:234).
Unfortunately, resolution of the disparity between the
information held in European documents and that in the
archaeological record is beyond the scope of this paper.
However, the sheer quantity of San Marcos pottery, combined
with the moderate to low numbers of Indians living at San
Juan during the latter part of the seventeenth century, suggests
that the ware was produced on site for a long period of time.
It may be that San Marcos or various wares closely resembling
San Marcos became the dominant native pottery type among
all mission Indians along the Atlantic coast of La Florida
during the latter half of the seventeenth century. However,
this is speculative, and undocumented movements of Guale
and/or Yamassee to San Juan cannot be completely ruled out
at this time.

Santa Maria de Yamassee and Santa Catalina de Guale

Santa Maria de Yamassee was founded near Harrison
Creek along the western side of Amelia Island, between 1665
and 1673. For a short period of time it was the home for
refugee Yamassee fleeing the British-sponsored slave raiders
of the north Georgia and South Carolina coast (Worth
1995:27-30). In 1675, a Spanish traveler, Pedro de Arcos,
noted four pagan "Yamassee" towns on Amelia Island, and


ROLLAND AND ASHLEY


COLONOWARE POTTERY







I


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Figure 1: Mission Locations


2000 VOL. 53(l)


THE ]FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST






ROLLAND AND ASHLEY COLONY WARE POTrERY


further stated that Santa Maria was home to "40 infidels"
(Boyd 1948:183; Worth 1995:28.) The implication of this
statement has led some researchers to suggest that Santa Maria
de Yamassee may have been a visit, rather than a formal
mission (Bushnell 1986, 1994; Saunders 1988, 1992a, 1993).
Santa Maria's existence in 1673 is supported by documents
related to the repartimiento labor draft which state that twelve
laborers came from the "the island and village of Santa Maria
de los Yamazes" (Worth 1995:27).
In 1683, the Yamassee at Santa Maria were ordered north
to St. Catherines Island, Georgia, to help repopulate the
original Guale mission of Santa Catalina, one of St.
Augustine's most dependable sources of corn. Santa Catalina,
however, lay on the northern edge of the Spanish frontier and
the dangers involved in moving there may have been more
than Santa Maria's Yamassee population were willing to risk.
They chose not to follow the order and abandoned the mission,
perhaps moving to the Apalachicola area or areas further north
to join other Yamassee within British-held territory (Bushnell
1994:161,165).
A year later, in 1684, Guale Indians from the Georgia
missions of Santa Catalina and Satuache from the Georgia
coast migrated to Amelia Island (Worth 1997:8), where
together they built a mission within forty meters of the
abandoned Santa Maria church (Saunders 1992a; Thomas
1987, 1990, 1993). The following year, two additional
Georgia coast Guale missions (Santa Clara de Tupiqui and San
Phelipe) were relocated from Cumberland Island to the north
end of Amelia Island. With the moves complete, Amelia
Island became the northernmost mission outpost along the
Atlantic coast. In November, 1702, Santa Catalina, along with
the other coastal missions north of St. Augustine, was burned
to the ground by British-sponsored raiders. The missions were
never rebuilt.
Documentary evidence, including the infamous 1691 map
of the Santa Catalina compound (Milanich 1995:188), refers
to a military garrison stationed on Amelia Island (Hann
1987:22, 1996:97; Worth 1995:113-114). In his 1695 visita-
tion, Captain Don Juan de Pueyo stated: "In the place of Santa
Maria, head of the province of Guale, where the infantry
resides that is garrisoned in it, on the eighth day of the month
of February of the year one thousand, six-hundred and ninety-
five...assembled for the purpose of holding a visitation..."
(Hann 1993: 231). Saunders (1993:42) believes that while she
recovered no structural or artifactual evidence that would
indicate the presence of military personnel, a garrison may
have been housed on nearby property.
Archaeological investigations at the Harrison Homestead
site formally began when Bullen and Griffin (1952) conducted
surface collections as part of their 1950 survey of select areas
of Amelia Island. Twenty years later, Calvin Jones returned
to the site for a brief inspection and reaffirmed the presence of
a mission-period component (Hardin 1986). Shortly thereaf-
ter, Hemmings and Deagan (1973) excavated three trenches
and three units east of the main mission compound. These
investigations documented pre-mission occupations as repre-
sented by St. Johns II and Savannah series pottery. In addi-


tion, they recovered European majolica and olivejarfragments
associated with mission-period native ceramics, including red
filmed wares. San Marcos series pottery dominated the
assemblage, comprising nearly forty percent of the ceramic
artifacts recovered. San Pedro Plain and Cob Marked sherds
were also present, albeit in smaller quantity, suggesting earlier
mission-related occupations by Mocama-speaking Timucua.
The significance of the site came to light again in 1984,
when a backhoe operator recovered skeletal remains that came
from the floor of a mission church (Hardin 1986). In 1985,
four seasons of intensive fieldwork began under the direction
of Jerald Milanich and Rebecca Saunders of the Florida
Museum of Natural History (Larsen and Saunders 1987;
Milanich and Saunders 1986; Saunders 1988, 1990, 1992a).
Over the course of fieldwork, the excavators uncovered the
cemeteries and churches of both Santa Maria and Santa
Catalina as well as Santa Catalina's convento and a possible
kitchen structure. They also excavated another activity area
with shell footers containing iron spikes east of the convento
plaza. At Santa Catalina, the church and convento were
separated by an open plaza. Shell sleepers on the north and
south walls of the convento suggested the former existence of
broad porches. A variety of structural materials were observed,
such as wattle and daub construction, shell footers and
walkways, and wrought iron nails and spikes.
With respect to native ceramics, Saunders (1992a) found
that the while the majority of the pottery recovered reflected
Guale/Yamassee pottery traditions, San Pedro, Savannah, and
St. Johns sherds also were present, though in much fewer
numbers. As a result of her comparative study of the San
Marcos/Altamaha ceramics from both locations of the Santa
Catalina missions, Saunders documented an increase in variety
of both temper and surface designs found in the Amelia Island
mission compared to the one on St. Catherines Island. Her
analysis also showed a slightly greater prevalence of red
filming at the Amelia Island mission, although the proportion
of red filmed wares from the village area was similar to that in
the compound (Saunders 1992a: 179). She further reported a
decrease in incising and an increase in paddle stamping with
wares retaining one particular paddle stamp design element,
the raised dot, with the surrounding pattern (the filfot cross)
simplified (Saunders 1992a: 182-193).

Mission-Period Pottery in Northeastern Florida

Until recently, it had been accepted without question that
the contact-era Timucua of extreme coastal northeastern
Florida made St. Johns pottery, a chalky paste ware containing
microscopic freshwater sponge spicules (Borremans and Shaak
1986; Goggin 1952; Milanich 1994; Milanich and Fairbanks
1980). This no longer seems to be the case, however. Newly
acquired data, including over 20 calibrated radiocarbon dates,
prompted the re-examination of existing information. Com-
bined, this new body of evidence strongly suggests that St.
Johns II pottery ceased to be produced in the Jacksonville area
and northward around A.D. 1200, being quickly supplanted by
the Savannah ceramic series (Ashley 1995, 1997, n.d.; also see


ROLLAND AND AsHLEY


COLONOWARE POTIERY






TI~E FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


Lee et al. 1984; Russo 1992; Saunders 1989). Local Savannah
pottery is mostly plain, cord-marked, and fabric impressed
with sand tempering (Cordell 1993). So compelling is the
data, that Milanich (1996:23) correlates the Savannah archae-
ological data with the contact-period Timucua of extreme
northeastern Florida and southeastern Georgia.
So then, what native pottery types signal the onset of the
mission period (post-1587) in extreme northeastern Florida?
It is unclear as to whether Savannah pottery continues to be
made during the early mission period, since, to date, no secure
Savannah context has yielded European artifacts. However,
two pottery series were undeniably made during the mission
period along the Atlantic coast of far northern Florida.
Although the two are often recovered together on many sites,
present data suggest that San Pedro pottery was the dominant
ware produced during the early mission period while San
Marcos prevailed during later times. However, only through
continued documentary and archaeological research will our
understanding of the relationships) between San Pedro and
San Marcos ceramics in the St. Marys region be resolved. The
following provides brief overviews of these two mission-period
wares.

San Pedro Series

There appears to be little doubt that the early mission
period in the St. Marys region is represented by San Pedro
pottery, a grog-tempered ware recovered from coastal Timucua
(Mocama) missions and related aboriginal settlements (e.g.,
Adams 1985; Ashley and Rolland 1997a, 1997b; Borremans
1985; Kirkland 1979, n.d.; McMurray 1973; Milanich 1970,
1972). Its presence also has been reported within the interior
of present-day Georgia, although its spatial distribution is
presently not well understood (Trowell 1979; Weisman 1998).
The shift from Savannah to San Pedro pottery seems to have
occurred rather suddenly, and it is unclear whether this
ceramic change resulted from the movement of new people
(inland Timucua) into the St. Marys region or changes in
cooking and food processing, or both (Ashley and Rolland
1997a).
Initially, archaeologists identified San Pedro pottery from
the presence of medium to granule-size inclusion of crushed
grog (prefired clay), but, more recently, ceramic studies have
revealed that a small percentage of San Pedro pottery is sand-
tempered (Ashley and Rolland 1997b:61; Ashley and Thunen
1999:59). Surface treatments on San Pedro pottery include
plain, check-stamping, cob-marked, textile-impressed, cord-
marked, and complicated-stamped; with the last appearing
least frequently. Stamped surfaces often appear to have been
purposefully obliterated. In some cases the entire outside
surface of sherds were subject to obliteration, achieving a
burnished appearance. More often, however, surface impres-
sions were only partially and erratically re-smoothed leaving
areas of the initial surface treatment clearly recognizable.
Colonowares made of classic grog-tempered San Pedro paste
are nearly nonexistent, although San Pedro potters may have
manufactured some sand-tempered colonowares. Details


concerning the technological and stylistic characteristics of
San Pedro pottery can be consulted elsewhere (Ashley and
Rolland 1997a, 1997b; Herron 1986).

San Marcos Series

San Marcos series pottery was originally defined by Hale
G. Smith (1948:314), who stated that "the paste is coarse
grained, slightly contorted, and is tempered with small to
abundant amounts of medium to large sized quartz sand and/or
crushed limestone." Some vessels from the St. Augustine area
are shell tempered. At the Fort King George site near Darien,
Georgia, grit-tempered San Marcos pottery was originally
referred to as King George Malleated (Caldwell 1953). In
north Georgia, San Marcos is typically referred to as
Altamaha, a ware that developed out of the indigenous coastal
Irene ceramic tradition of north Georgia during the contact-
period and worked its way south during the mission period
(Saunders 1992a:37-40).
Over the years, identified surface treatments have included
plain, incised, complicated curvilinear and rectilinear stamp-
ing, line blocking, simple and cross simple stamping, and red
filming (Braley 1990; Brewer 1985; Larson 1978; McMurray
1973; Otto and Lewis 1974; Saunders 1992a, 1992b; Smith
1948; Waring 1968) (Figure 2). Stamped varieties typically
dominate on sites in Florida. The raised dot, remnant of the
central circular element of the filfot cross, is occasionally
observed on complicated stamped specimens. San Marcos
vessels were constructed with folded or simple (unfolded) rims.
Rims may be left without further decorative modification or
may exhibit a band of hollow open cane or bone, or fingernail
punctations. Colonowares frequently form part of San Marcos
assemblages at missions and other related settlements.
As discussed previously, San Marcos is the pottery made by
the historic Guale and Yamassee on the central and northern
Georgia coast throughout the mission period. Its appearance
on sites in Florida has traditionally (and logically) been
assumed to represent evidence of Guale or Yamassee occupa-
tion, since it is well documented that some Guale Indians
moved into northeastern Florida during the early 1600s.
However, large-scale immigrations did not occur until the
second half of the century (Bushnell 1994; Hann 1987, 1989;
Larson 1978; Merritt 1983; Worth 1995). The long-held
assumption that San Marcos pottery automatically translates
to Guale/Yamassee ethnicity has been questioned on the basis
of documentary evidence (Worth 1995, 1997; Hann 1996).
Thus, the overwhelming preponderance of San Marcos wares
at the coastal Timucua (Mocama) mission of San Juan del
Puerto may suggest that, by the mid-seventeenth century, San
Marcos (and/or similarly appearing types) became the domi-
nant mission-period pottery made by Mocama, Guale, and
Yamassee Indians along the Atlantic coast of La Florida. If
true, we currently have not demonstrated the ability to distin-
guish between Mocama and Guale pottery made in northeast-
ern Florida during the late seventeenth century.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)







ROLLAND AND ASHLEY COLONOWARE POTrERY


Technological Study

It is always difficult (and often dangerous) to attempt a
correlation between archaeological assemblages and past
ethnic groups. In the case of Spanish La Florida, however,
there is a strong convergence of documentary and archaeolog-
ical evidence that permits a greater degree of confidence in
this exercise than is usually the case (Deagan 1993:96).

Bearing Deagan's caveat in mind, we undertook a compar-
ative technological analysis of colonoware sherds to ascertain
whether site-specific paste and style characteristics existed,
enabling us to recognize and isolate clusters of repetitive vessel
traits within a given ceramic sample. The ceramic attributes
measured and the technological procedures followed those
initiated separately by Cordell (1993) and Saunders (1992a).
Herein, we divided the technological data into three analytical
sections: Ceramic Paste, Surface Treatment, and Colonoware
Form. We include a series of tables throughout these techno-
logical sections to assist the reader and clarify our statistically-
laden text. Our purpose is not merely to display lists of
measurements, but to combine and recombine data to deter-
mine what relationships exist between ceramic technology and
aspects of style.

Samples and Methods

The study sample consisted of 131 colonoware fragments:
78 from San Juan, 23 from Santa Maria, and 30 from Santa
Catalina. (Earlier, in the historical portion of this paper, we
noted the migration of natives from the original Georgia
mission of Santa Catalina de Guale to its final location on
Amelia Island. Our study sample, however, is comprised of
sherds only from the Florida mission and all references to
Santa Catalina from this point forward are to that mission
site.) Sherds included in the study exhibited red filmed
surfaces and/or European vessel forms, and each weighed at
least 10 grams. By setting this arbitrary sherd measurement,
smaller sherds of lesser weight and therefore smaller surface
and fragmentary paste body were eliminated. The samples
from Santa Maria and San Juan represent all such
colonoware sherds excavated by Saunders (1992) and
Dickinson and Wayne (1985), respectively. We examined
only a sample of the colonoware specimens from both the
Santa Catalina (Saunders 1992) and the San Juan material
recovered by Jones (1967), since several sherds from those
respective assemblages were on loan or on display, and not
available for study. The majority of the colonoware from the
San Juan assemblage consisted of red filmed plate marleys that
are presently curated at the Florida Museum of Natural
History, Gainesville, in a single box labeled "rims." To avoid
possible duplication (i.e., analyzing several rims possibly from
the same plate) a random sample was taken from the box of
"rims" for analysis.
Laboratory analysis of the samples began by determining
interior and exterior surface treatment on each sherd and the
presence or absence of red filming and burnishing.
Colonoware forms were recorded for each sherd when possi-


ble, as were brim or marley width, and lip and vessel diameter.
In most cases, however, rims were not of sufficient size to
ascertain vessel diameters, so only a range was recorded. For
the Santa Maria and Santa Catalina specimens, descriptions of
vessel forms and surface treatments followed the original
analysis completed by Rebecca Saunders. Since no such data
existed for the San Juan sherds, the results presented herein
are our own.
Thickness, weight, and the degree and darkness of coring
for each sherd were also documented. After making a fresh
break on each sherd, the freshly broken edge was viewed at
10X and 70X magnification using a Leica StereoZoom
binocular microscope, equipped with a micrometer. Lower
magnifications were necessary for estimating relative fre-
quency of large temper such as coarse to granule quartz (grit)
or grog, while higher magnification was necessary to detect
sponge spicules and sometimes mica. To insure standardiza-
tion of data, the kinds, size, and relative abundance of
aplastics were recorded using the guidelines found in Shepherd
(1956) and Rice (1987). Specifically, the Wentworth Size
Scale (Shepard 1956:118) and Rice's (1987:349) Relative
Abundance Scale for Aplastic Material were utilized (Table 1).
In all, up to thirteen technological and stylistic attributes were
recorded for each sherd in the sample.

Table 1. Standardized Size and Abundance Measurements
(Shepard 1956:118 and Rice 1987:349).

HVentitorth Size Classification
Sand Sizes Very fine .0625 to .125 mm
Fine .125 to .25 mm
Medium .25 to .50 mm
Grit Size Coarse .50 to 1.0 mm
Very coarse 1.0 to 2.0 mm
Granule 2.0 to 4.0 mm
RRelati\ e Abundance Scale for Aplastics
Rare Less than 1%
Occasional 1% to 3%
Frequent 3% to 5%
Common 5% to 10%
Abundant 20 to 30%

Ceramic Paste

Groups and Subgroups

Ceramic paste classifications were guided by the three
gross paste groups formulated by Cordell (1993) as a result of
her technological ceramic analysis of prehistoric sherds from
northeastern Florida. She defined three paste groups (Groups
1, 2, and 3) that were each divided into smaller subgroups (A,
B, C, etc.) based on the relative abundance and size of sponge
spicules, mica, quartz, and grog inclusions. The sherds in the


ROLLAND AND ASHLEY


COLONOWARE POTTERY






THE FLORA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


SAN JUAN DEL PUERTO (8DU53)


SANTA MARIA DE YAMASEE (8NA41)


SANTA CATALINA DE GUALE (8NA41d)






Figure 2. Various San Marcos Surface Treatments (*Indicates colonoware sherds
used in this study): Top row (eft to right): Raised dot with block simple stamped-
cross simple stamped, overstamped; curvilinear complicated stamped with
punctated border around rim*; simple stamped*; 2"' row: Curvilinear complicated
stamped*; cross simple stamped with folded rim and unidentified punctations;
simple stamped-cross simple stamped; 3rd row: San Marcos incised*; cross simple
stamped, overstamped on raised dot*; Bottom row: Zoned block simple stamped*;
cross simple stamped, overstamped on raised dot*.


trademark of San Marcos pottery, was only rarely seen in
sherds from any of the three colonoware samples.


In Table 4, Group


jx9WrMN _5----


Group 3 (Micaceous) sherds are collapsed to reveal pastes


THE ftowiDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VoL. 53(1)


Site Comparisons
Table 3 displays a breakdown in
frequency (and percentage) of the
paste group and subgroups repre-
sented for each site. It also reveals
the percentages of pastes within both
of the paste groups. With regard to
the Non-spiculate/ Non-micaceous
paste (Group 1) sherds, the percent-
ages of sandy pastes are nearly equal
at San Juan (17.9%) and Santa
Maria (17.4%), but somewhat lower
at Santa Catalina (13.3%). The per-
centage of Group 1 sherds with grit
inclusions was higher at the two
Guale/Yamassee missions: 21.7% at
Santa Maria and 36.7% at Santa
Catalina, respectively, compared to
18% at San Juan. Of the 131
sherds, a single San Pedro (grog-
tempered) colonoware fragment was
identified in the San Juan sample.
That only one piece of colonoware of
San Pedro paste was recovered is
significant since appreciable quanti-
ties of grog-tempered pottery have
been recovered at San Juan
(McMurray 1973; Dickinson and
Wayne 1985).
As for the Micaceous paste
(Group 3), subgroups 3A and 3B
from San Juan correspond to
McMurray's (1973:55-56) Ft.
George Red Filmed, which combined
make up 61.2% of the site's
micaceous paste category. Sandy
micaceous paste subgroups 3A and
3B comprise 21.7% and 36.6% of the
Santa Maria and Santa Catalina
samples, respectively. No San Juan
sherds contained San Marcos com-
mon grit with mica (subgroup 3D),
and only two sherds (2.6%) con-
tained rare mica and frequent grit
(subgroup 3C). The number of
sherds of San Marcos common grit
(subgroup 3D) was highest at the
Yamassee mission of Santa Maria,
where 7 (30.4%) sherds were recov-
ered, and much lower at the Guale
mission of Santa Catalina, where
only one (3.3%) sherd was found. As
previously mentioned, no sherds in
the Micaceous paste category con-
tained sponge spicules.
1 (Non-spiculate/Non-micaceous) and






ROLLAND AND ASHLEY COLONOWAJIE POTrERY


SAN JUAN DEL PUERTO (8DU53)


SANTA MARIA DE YAMASEE (8NA41) SANTA CATALINA DE GUALE (8NA41d)








Figure 3. Examples of the variety of zoned red filming.


categories based on the frequency of grit-sized particles: rare,
frequent, and common. Clearly, sherds tempered with sand
and rare grit dominate the San Juan assemblage (n=61 or
78.2%). Further, a comparison of the frequent and common
grit-tempered sherds reveals that, at 20.5%, the San Juan
sample possesses the lowest combined percentage of frequent
(subgroups 1C and 3C) and common (subgroups 1B and 3D)
grit-tempered colonoware sherds. Santa Maria, the earlier of
the two Muskogean missions, had the fewest vessels con-
structed with sand/rare grit tempering (n= 9 or 39.1%), but
the highest combined percentage of frequent (subgroups 1C
and 3C) and common (subgroups 1B and 3D) grit-tempered
pottery at 60.9%. If we look for the highest percentage of
sherds in the single category of San Marcos common grit
(subgroup 1B and 3D), we find that the Santa Maria sample
contained the most at 43.5%. The sherds from Santa
Catalina's collection are equally divided between sand- and
grit-tempered sherds, and the percentage of sherds in the
frequent grit category is only slightly higher than those with
common grit.
We will continue to refer to these paste groups throughout
the paper, but now will turn to an examination of the various
surface treatments observed on the colonoware sherds recov-
ered from each mission. Later we will combine paste, surface


treatment, and vessel form data to determine what correlations
existed between these three factors.

Surface Treatment

Surface Modifications

Eighteen different surface categories were distinguished
during analysis (Table 5). Plain surfaces, highest at San Juan
(53.7%), were found on the majority of sherds at all three
missions. Table 5 also gives the percentages of surface
decorations based on the numbers of decorated sherds only
(numbers of plain sherds are excluded from those totals).
Sixteen decorated categories were created, based either on
locally known formal typologies (e.g., simple stamped,
complicated stamped, cord marked) or on the recognition of
the tools or material used to modify the formed pot. Some of
these treatments may reflect the construction process rather
than a decorative purpose (e.g., shell-scraped, fabric im-
pressed). In three of the categories (possible cob, possible
fabric, possible cord marked), surface modifications were not
distinct, but were highly suggestive of similar surfaces
modified with either cob or textile-related materials. The final
category, unidentified (UID), refers to examples in which the


ROLLAND AND ASHLEY


COLONOWARE POTTERY






Tm FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


surface modification was too vague to place them with
certainty into a formal or descriptive category.
With regard to surface modification, 10 of 16 decorative
categories are characteristic of traditional San Marcos pottery,
one incised and nine stamped varieties (shaded area in Table
5). That only five incised sherds were recovered is not unex-
pected, since, as noted earlier, incised surfaces on San Marcos
vessels are rare (Saunders 1992a). One incised sherd from
Santa Catalina bore an intricate complicated design typical of
an Irene incised pattern (Brewer 1985). Two zoned red-filmed
sherds, one from Santa Catalina and another from Santa
Maria, both exhibited incising of wide, coarse, single-lined
zigzags on the interior marley portion of their rim (Figure 3,
bottom row). These two incised interior decorations are not
like other Georgian nested incised designs. In addition, two
cross simple stamped sherds from San Juan also displayed
complicated curvilinear incisions.
The other six categories of surface modification resemble
those frequently associated with the San Pedro ceramic series.
These include: checked stamping, shell scraping, and impres-
sions made by fibers (either twisted or woven) or dried
corncobs (Ashley and Rolland 1997:53). With one exception
from Santa Maria, sherds representing these categories were
exclusively from the San Juan sample. The one Santa Maria
sherd appears to have been impressed with some kind of
woven fabric. Within the Santa Catalina sample, no exteriors
were decorated with designs associated with either San Pedro
or earlier late prehistoric Savannah (Timucua) series pottery.
The use of cordage or textile to impress pottery is not associ-
ated with the San Marcos pottery tradition, though it has been
rarely reported (e.g., Otto and Lewis 1974).

Site Comparisons

In the sample from San Juan, six of its fourteen different
surface treatment categories are classified as San Marcos and
six are associated with the San Pedro series. In comparing
only decorated sherds at San Juan, however, sherds bearing
San Marcos (Guale) designs (n=26) outnumbered those
associated with the San Pedro (Mocama) series (n=8) by a
ratio of more than 3 to 1. Once again, this is somewhat of an
enigma in light of current archival research that is unable to
provide any documentation of Guale or Yamassee Indian
occupations at San Juan during its 100-plus years of existence.
Yet, it is likely, perhaps probable, that an occasional
Guale/Yamassee female (potter), through marriage or transfer,
lived at San Juan and went unnoticed in the documentary
record. However, given the large number of San Marcos
pottery recovered to date from the site, that possible explana-
tion alone, is plainly inadequate. Unfortunately, the lack of
secure provenience data does not allow us to determine
whether the colonowares most resembling San Pedro or San
Marcos designs are contemporaneous or sequential.
At Santa Maria, a higher percentage (6 of 10, or 60%) of
the overall surface treatment categories could be classified as
San Marcos. In this sample, nine of 23 (39%) sherds display
San Marcos paddle designs. However, if plain and unidenti-


fled sherds are removed from consideration, then 9 of 10
(90%) exhibit San Marcos decorations. At Santa Catalina, San
Marcos surface treatments are highest, where 7 of 8 categories
(53%), including all 17 decorated sherds, exhibited San
Marcos surface treatments.
Tables 6 and 7 show the relationships between selected
surface treatments and paste subgroups. One hundred nineteen
sherds were chosen for this portion of the analysis. Excluded
from the table are the three unidentifiable sherds and nine
whose surface treatments are typically viewed as local
Timucua (San Pedro). These Timucuan surface patterns were
found almost exclusively at San Juan, and therefore do not
provide us an opportunity to make cross-mission comparisons.
In contrast, plain, San Marcos stamped, and incised surface
treatments were found in higher frequencies at all three
missions (Figure 2).

Plain surface treatments: At San Juan, 35 of 42 (83%) plain
sherds are from vessels of sandy paste, the majority of these
sherds are micaceous. Plain vessels in the Santa Maria
assemblage are less often of sandy paste (45%), and with only
a slightly higher frequency (6 of 11 or 55%) of vessels with
grit-sized inclusions. At Santa Catalina, 7 of 13 (54%) of the
plain sherds are classified as having sandy paste, and the
remaining six (46%) are grit-tempered.

SanMarcos stampedsurface treatments: SanMarcos stamping
is also found on sand-tempered sherds in significant numbers.
Sand-tempered colonoware sherds displaying San Marcos
simple stamped surfaces comprise 60% at both San Juan and
Santa Catalina, and 50% at Santa Maria. At San Juan, half of
the cross simple stamped sherds had a micaceous sand-
tempered paste; however, no such sherds were found at either
of the Amelia Island missions. All San Juan sherds displaying
both simple and cross simple stamping were made of the sandy
micaceous paste. In contrast, simple/cross simple stamped
surfaces are predominately found on grit-tempered sherds at
both Santa Maria (100%) and Santa Catalina (66%). Two
curvilinear complicated incised designs were recorded, both
from San Juan. One contained common grit inclusions and the
other was classified as San Pedro.

Incised: Two sherds from San Juan bore cross simple stamped
and incised surfaces, one sand tempered and the other con-
tained frequent grit and mica inclusions. The single incised
sherd from Santa Maria was classified as containing common
grit with mica. The remaining two incised sherds, among the
sample from Santa Catalina, were of sandy paste and frequent
grit.

Red Filming

Red filming, applied after a vessel is formed, but before
firing, consists of ground iron oxide added to a diluted clay
solution that is then broadly applied or painted (zoned) over
the surface (Figure 3). Within the study sample, red filming


2000 VOL. 53(1)


Triz FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST





Table 5. Frequency and Percentage of Colonoware Surface Treatments (Shaded area represents surface treatments associated with San Marcos pottery).

San Juan del Puerto Santa Maria Santa Catalina
% Site Total % Decorated % Site Total % Decorated % Site Total % Decorated
Surfaces Surfaces Surfaces
Plain 42 53.7% 11 47.8% 13 43.3%
Simple Stamped (SS) 11 -14.1% 31% 2 8.7% 17% 6 20.0% 35%
Block Simple Stamped 5 6.4% 15% 3 10.0% 30%
Block Simple Stamped + Dot -2 8.7% 17% 1 3.3% 6%
Cross Simple Stamped (CSS) 4 5.1% 12% 1-4.3% 8% 2 6.7% 12%
Block CSS + SS 4.3% 8% 1 3.3% 6%
Block CSS + SS +Dot 1 4.3% 8%
CSS + SS 2 2.6% 5% 2 8.7% 17% 2 6.7% 12%
Curvilinear Stamped 2 2.6% 5% -
Incised + CSS 2 2.6% 5% -
Incised 1 4.3% 8% 2 6.7% 12%
Check Stamped 2 2.6% 5% -
Shell Scraped 1 1.3% 3% -
Shell Scraped over Check 1 -1.3% 3% -
Possible Cob Marking 1 1.3% 3% -
Possible Fabric Impressed 2 -2.6% 5% 1 4.3% 8%
Possible Cord Marked 1 -1.3% 3% -
Unidentified 2 2.6% 5% 1 4.3% 8%
Decorated Surfaces Subtotal 36- 100% 12- 100% 17 100%
All Surfaces Totals 78 100% 23- 99.7% 30 100%





Table 6. Selected Surface Treatments by Gross Paste Categories (n=119 sherds).


Non-Spiculate/Non-Micaceous Pastes Micaceous Pastes
sand common grit frequent grit grog sand sand frequent grit common grit Totals
1A 1B 1C 1D 3A 3B 3C 3D
Plain
San Juan 7 2 3 14 14 2 42
Santa Maria 4 2 1 1 1 2 11
Santa Catalina 3 4 1 2 2 1 13
Simple Stamped
San Juan 4 2 2 2 4 2 16
Santa Maria 1 2* 1* 4
Santa Catalina 1 1 1 4 1 2* 10
Cross Simple Stamped
San Juan 1 1 1 1 4
Santa Maria 1 1
Santa Catalina 2 2
SS/CSS
San Juan 1 1 2
Santa Maria 1* -- 1 2 4
Santa Catalina 2 1 3
Complicated Stamped
San Juan 1 -1 2
Incised
San Juan 1 1 2
Santa Maria 1 1
Santa Catalina 1 1 2
Totals 20 14 13 1 26 26 9 10 119
* surface treatment containing 1 raised dot element






ROLLAND AND ASHLEY COLONY WARE POrrERY


~LJ79


Figure 4. Majolica plate and bowl forms copied in colonoware vessels (Pleguezuela and Lafuente 1995).


was most often found on interior surfaces (Table 8). The
thickness of application and the amount of mineral colorant
varied. In a few of the sherds in the San Juan sample, the
thickness of filming resulted in a near-glazed look, while
several sherds from Santa Maria appeared to have had only a
light slip applied. Zoned application of red film was usually
seen on the marley or brimmed shoulder angles, and most
often covered the complete surface or was found applied in
bands perpendicular to the interior shoulder. Also, red filming
was often applied above the interior corer point, suggesting
that the process did not function to seal the plate or bowl
surface. No sherds were observed in which red filming had
been applied in an attempt to mimic fine-line majolica designs.
Table 8 shows the variation in application of red filming
observed in each sample. An unusual zoned application
consisted of an arbitrary line of filming demarcating a non-
corer point interior surface, similar to the filmed zoning
found above brimmed angles (Figure 3, bottom left sherd).
One of the candlesticks had an unburnished surface and
retained one small area of visible red film. We are unable to
determine if the surface had degraded due to post-depositional
conditions or if that candlestick had been roughly finished or
purposefully zoned with red film.

Burnished and Hard Tooled Surfaces

Reporting the presence of burnishing can be subjective. In
this study, the degree of surface compaction was used to
distinguish between hard tooled interiors, which have well-
compacted surfaces, and burnishing, in which surfaces are
actually more compacted and visually more highly lustrous.
A hard-tooled surface is achieved by compacting vessel
surfaces with a yielding tool, while burnishing is the result of
the application of a non-yielding tool repeatedly stroked over
the surface. The degree of burnishing may reflect the amount
of time available to the potter, the function of the vessel, the
preference of the user, the amount of fine (silt-sized) particles
present in the raw clay, or degradation due to post-depositional


processes. A burnished surface also may degrade during the
initial drying phase before the pot is fired (Rice 1987:138). A
vessel may be burnished to achieve a particular aesthetic image
or to render a surface watertight. The degree of burnishing
may be related to the combination of the intensity of the
application of the red filming solution and the subsequent
burnishing process that helped the filming adhere to the vessel
surface. Saunders (1992a:7, 25) reported that in Guale
assemblages, the frequency of burnishing diminished during
the contact period. At all three missions, burnishing was also
present on non-red filmed colonoware sherds (Table 9).
At Santa Maria, over half (56.5%) of the sherds did not
possess the same high degree of deeply lustrous, compacted
surface that distinguishes burnishing. Fewer hard tooled
surfaces were recorded for sherds from San Juan (n=29 or
37.2%) and Santa Catalina (n=4 or 13.3%). Santa Maria
yielded the lowest number of sherds with only interior burnish-
ing (n=6 at 26.2%), whereas San Juan's sample had nearly
double (n=38 or 48.7%). Santa Catalina's sample (n=22 or
73.3%) was even higher at triple the Santa Maria amount.
The percentage of vessels showing both interior and
exterior burnishing were similar at all three sites. The single
zoned-burnished sherd is an incised plate marley, seen in
Figure 3 (second row, second from the left), shows red
filming and burnishing applied only to the rim area above the
zigzag-incised line. The portion of the marley below the red
filmed area was less compacted or hard-tooled.

Colonoware Forms

The types of vessel forms recorded during analysis are
listed by site and frequency in Table 10. The second column
under each mission heading provides the percentages of each
form based on the number of observed forms (excluding the
numbers of red filmed). A variety of forms were documented
that include plates, unidentified brimmed vessels, bowls,
handles, vessel bases that are flat or with footing, and
candlesticks. Once again, we remind the reader that the San


ROLLAND AND ASHLEY


COLONOWARE POTTERY


~---








Table 7. Selected Surface Treatments and Collapsed Paste Categories.

Plain Sand Common Grit Frequent Grit Grog Total
San Juan 35 83% 2 5% 5 12% 42 100%
Santa Maria 5 45% 4-36% 2- 18% 11 100%
Santa Catalina 7 54% 5 38% 1 8% 13 100%
Paste/Surface total 47 11 8 0 66 100%
Stamped
San Juan 14 58% 4 16% 5-21% 1 5% 24 100%
Santa Maria 2 22% 5 56% 2 22% 9 -100%
Santa Catalina 7 47% 3 20% 5 -33% 15- 100%
Paste/Surface total 23 12 12 1 48 100%
Incised
San Juan 1 50% 1-50%2 2100%
Santa Maria 1 100% 1 -100%
Santa Catalina 1 50% 1 50% 2 -100%
Paste/Surface total 2 1 2 0 5 100%
Total Selected Categories 72 24 22 1 119-100%


Table 8. Comparison of Red Filming by Site.


Interior Exterior Int./Ext. Interior Total
Surfaces Zoned
San Juan 48 76% 5 8% 10 16% 63 100%
Santa Maria 14-70% 1 -5% 1 -5% 4 20% 20-100%
Santa Catalina 16- 67% 1 5% 7- 29% 24- 100%

Table 9. Frequency of Burnished Surfaces by Site (Percentages based only on numbers of burnished sherds contained in
samples.

Interior Int./Ext. Zoned Totals
Burnished Burnished Burnished
San Juan 38 48.7% 11 14.1% 49 100%
Santa Maria 6 26.1% 3 13.0% 1 4.3% 10 99.9%
Santa Catalina 22 73.3% 4 13.3% 26- 99.9%


Juan sample used in this study is only of fraction of what has
been recovered to date, particularly with regard to the materi-
als excavated by Jones (1967) and analyzed by McMurray
(1973).
Overall, the plate is the most frequently identified form
within the study sample (see Figure 4). Colonoware plates are
basically copies of majolica forms (see Deagan 1978; Lister
and Lister 1976; Marken 1994). Majolica plates exhibited a
rounder, more basin-shaped well than the flattened plate forms
of today. Plate rims are identified by curvature observed at the
periphery of the rim, rather than the vessel body. The term
'marley' is used to denote that portion of the plate above the
corer point, and it may be either flat or slightly incurved. The


majority of plate diameters fell roughly in a range of between
24 to 34 cm, though a few measured into a larger range of 40
to 44 cm.
Bowls were distinguished by steeper, more upright arcing,
vertical walls compared to the horizontal arc observed on plate
rims. While body arcs were observed, none was large enough
to provide an accurate estimation of vessel diameter. Roughly,
two ranges of bowl diameters were recorded: 14 to 24 cm and
a second set at 30 to 40 cm. The sherds assigned to the bowl
category also exhibited an interior shoulder or corer point,
but the width from the corner point to the lip varied greatly
(from 15 to 34 mm). Fewer bowls and unidentified brimmed
vessels were observed, but the significance of this is uncertain


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)






ROLLAND AND ASHLEY COLONOWAREPorrEaY


SAN JUAN DEL PUERTO (8DU53)




W-- .


SANTA MARIA DE YAMASEE (8NA41)


SANTA CATALINA DE GUALE (8NA41d)







Figure 6. Colonoware forms recovered from Santa
Maria de Yamassee and Santa Catalina de Guale:
Top row, Candlestick fragment; Bottom row,
Candlestick and handle fragments.


since our current knowledge of the number
and forms of tableware in assemblages main-
tained by friars or other Spaniards living at
missions in the Spanish hinterland is limited
(Bushnell 1994:56). Perhaps the plate was
most often used, and bowls were less often
required. Alternatively, native bowl forms
may have sufficed in many situations, reduc-
ing the need for colonoware bowl forms. Of
the unidentified vessels, often only the corner
point was present. Though these appeared
either plate- or bowl-like, we placed them in a
more general category.
Other less numerous colonoware forms
present included fragments of footrings and
flat bases that could have been associated with
plate, bowl, or cup forms. Again, the size of
the fragments did not allow an estimation of
the base diameter of those vessels. Handles
included those that were heavy and flat and
others that were more gracile and round
(Figure 5). Two fragments of candlestick
holders were recorded, one rounded and one
cylindrical. Both contained the indentation
where a candle could have been inserted,
although the type of base or stem they may
have had was uncertain (Figure 6). No resid-
ual wax was observed on either fragment.

'ite Comparisons

With respect to known forms, the most dominant forms
recorded at San Juan included plate (n=25 or 32.1%) and
identified brimmed serving vessels (n=8 or 10.3%) (Table
0). A number of the unidentified brimmed vessels may have
een bowls, of which only two (2.6%) were recorded. Six
large strap handles made up 7.7% of this assemblage. A large
umber (n=34 or 43.6%) of the sherds in the San Juan sample
vere included as colonoware simply based on the presence of
ed filming.
Santa Maria yielded the fewest number of colonoware
essel types as well as the smallest variety of forms. This
aucity may be explained by the lack of a resident friar.
According to Saunders (1993:56, personal communication
999) the site most likely functioned as a visit during its short
existence. Excavation bias may also account for the low
umber of colonowares from the site, since only the Santa
daria church was located and excavated. Vernon and Cordell
1993:421) also observed fewer colonoware vessels associated
vith the church in relation to the mission complex at San Luis
Vernon and Cordell 1993:421).
In the Santa Maria sample, bowls (n=3, 13%) and uniden-
fied brimmed vessels (n=4, 17.4%) make up the most
commonly recorded vessel forms. Only two plate and one
andlestick fragment were recorded. Thirteen (56.5%) of the
3 colonoware sherds from Santa Maria bore only red film and
vere not identifiable as to form.


ROLLAND AND ASHLEY


COLONOWARE POTTERY





Table 10. Colonoware Identification by Form and/or Red Filming ("Red Filmed Only" denotes no colonoware form was present).


San Juan del Puerto Santa Maria Santa Catalina Totals
% Site Total % by form only % Site Total % by form only % Site Total % by form only Total % by Form
Plates 25 32.1% 57% 2 8.7% 20% 13 43.3% 52% 40 30.5%
UID Brimmed Vessel 8- 10.3% 18% 4 17.4% 40% 5 16.7% 20% 17- 13.0%
Bowl 2 2.6% 5% 3 13.0% 30% 3 10.0% 12% 8 6.1%
Handles 6 7.7% 14% -1-3.3% 4% 7 5.3%
Footring 1 -1.3% 2% 2 6.7% 8% 3 2.3%
Flat Base 2 2.6% 4% 2 -1.5%
Candlestick 1 4.3% 10% 1-3.3% 4% 2 1.5%
% Site Forms 44 56.4% 10 43.4% 25 83.3% 79 60.2%
% Form Only 44- 100% 10-100% 25-100%
Red Filmed Only 34 43.6% 13 56.5% 5 16.7% 52 39.7%
Total Form + Red Film 78 100% 23 99.9% 30 100% 131 -99.9%





Table 11. Comparison of Selected Colonoware Forms to Paste (n=74 sherds).


Temper San Juan Santa Maria Santa Catalina Totals
% all forms in % by form % all forms in % by form & % all forms in % by form and % of form
site & paste site paste site paste
Plates sand 16 39.0% 16 -64% 1 10.0% 1 -50% 8 34.8% 8 62% 25 33.8%
grit 8 19.5% 8 32% 1 10.0% 1 -50% 5 21.7% 5 38% 14 18.9%
grog 1 2.4% 1 4% -- 1 1.4%
Subtotal 25 2 13 40
UID Brimmed sand 5- 12.2% 5 62% 3 30.0% 3 75% 1 4.3% 1 20% 9- 12.1%
Vessels grit 3 7.3% 3 38% 1 10.0% 1 25% 4 17.4% 4 80% 8 10.8%
Subtotal 8 4 5 17
Bowls sand 2- 4.8% 2- 100% 3 100% 1 4.3% 1 -33% 6 8.0%
grit -- 3-30.3% 2 8.6% 2 67% 2 2.7%
Subtotal 2 3 3 8
Handles sand 3 7.3% 3 50% 3- 4.1%
grit 3 7.3% 3 50% 1- 4.3% 1 100% 4 5.4%
Subtotal 6 I 7
Candlesticks sand 1 -100% 1 -1.4%
grit -- 1-10.0% 1 4.3% 1 100% 1-1.4%
Subtotal 1 2
Subtotals sand 26 63.3% 4 40% 10 43.4%
grit 14 34.1% 6 60% 13 56.3%
grog 1 2.4%-
Totals 41 99.8% 10 100% 23 99.7% 74 100%








THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)
sand-tempered, while the one recovered from Santa Catalina


In the sample from Santa Catalina, the most common
vessel form is the plate (n= 13 or 43.3%). One handle, two base
fragments with footrings, and a single candlestick fragment
were also found. This sample also contained the fewest
number of sherds of red film only, or indeterminate form (n=5
or 16.7%).

Comparison of Colonoware Form to Temper

Finally, we compared the temper characteristics of five
colonoware forms, which comprised a total of seventy-four
sherds. The footring (n=3) and flat base (n=2) form categories
were eliminated due to small sample sizes. As shown in Table
11, both the frequencies and percentages of form to temper
(sand or grit) are noted for each of the three missions. A
second column under each mission heading reveals the
breakdown of percentages to paste within each colonoware
form.

Plates: Of the 40 plate fragments, 25 were sand-tempered, 14
were grit-tempered, and one was grog-tempered (Table 11).
Of the twenty-five plate fragments in the San Juan sample,
twice as many of these were sand-tempered (n=16 or 39% of
site sample) compared to those that were grit tempered (n=8
or 19.5%); a single San Pedro grog-tempered plate sherd was
recovered. Plates comprised the most frequent colonoware
vessel form in the selected sample from Santa Catalina (n= 13).
Most of the plates were sand-tempered, (n=8 or 34.8%),
though a nearly equal number were grit-tempered (n=5 or
21.7%). Of the 10 sherds representing the total Santa Maria
sample, only two plate rims were recovered (one each of sand-
and grit-temper).

Unidentified Brimmed Vessels: In the sample from San Juan,
five (12.2%) sherds representing this form category were sand-
tempered and three (7.3%) were grit-tempered. The largest
category of colonoware forms from the Santa Maria sample
were the unidentified brimmed vessels (n=4). Three (30%) of
these were sand-tempered and one (10%) was grit-tempered.
At Santa Catalina, five sherds could not be identified to form.
Of these, only one (4.3%) was sand-tempered and four
(17.4%) were constructed from grit-tempered pastes.

Bowls: Overall, bowls tended to be sand-tempered (n=6 or
8.0%) and less often grit-tempered (n=2 or 2.7%). Two sand-
tempered bowls (4.8%) were recorded in the San Juan sample;
while thirty percent (n=3) of the Santa Maria sherds fell into
this category. Finally, three bowls were reported within the
Santa Catalina study sample, of which one (4.3%) was sand-
tempered and two (8.6%) were grit-tempered.

Handles and Candlesticks: Of the nine sherds placed in these
two categories, grit tempering is only slightly more frequent.
At San Juan, six handles were evenly divided between sand
and grit tempering, and the single handle at Santa Catalina
was grit-tempered. One candlestick from Santa Maria was


sand-tempered, while the one recovered from Santa Catalina
was tempered with grit-sized particles.

Discussion

In La Florida, colonoware first appeared during the
Spanish Mission period in the late sixteenth or early seven-
teenth century. It represents a ceramic type with attributes
borrowed from two very distinct pottery and cultural traditions:
medieval European vessel forms and hand coiled, low-fired
Native American ceramic technologies. However, because not
all aboriginal groups manufactured exactly the same ceramic
vessels with regard to paste, form, and surface treatments,
variability in colonoware paste and/or style may exist between
different native groups. Based on documentary evidence, it is
believed that the mission San Juan del Puerto was populated
by indigenous Mocama-speaking Timucua throughout over a
century of occupation. Archival research also indicates that
the late seventeenth-century missions of Santa Maria and
Santa Catalina on Amelia Island were occupied by immigrant
Muskogean-speaking Yamassee and Guale Indians, respec-
tively.
Hand-built pottery involves mental templates and motor
skills that may be unconsciously retained with repetition. If
potters learned their pottery building techniques from their
mothers or collectively from women in the community, these
techniques may indicate generational choices. Though
colonoware production may have been directed to some extent
by friars or other Spaniards, it was made by Indian potters who
had traditions of their own., It is unclear whether colonoware
vessels were made on site or at a central location by a desig-
nated potter or pottery group. Worth's (1995:114) reference to
Guale potters supplying a variety of ceramic vessels to the
garrisoned soldiers seems to indicate that the former was the
case. Future technological studies that compare the mineral-
ogical constituents (i.e., the frequency/absence of sponge
spicules or mica, as well as quartz grain size) of recovered
mission sherds, both colonoware and traditional, to local clay
samples would help resolve this problem.
The purpose of this study was to ascertain if clusters of
various ceramic attributes existed within the colonoware
samples from three mission sites, and if these attributes might
reflect manufacturing choices associated potters of distinct
native traditions. We were able to identify within each site
assemblage certain recurring ceramic traits, suggesting that,
at the assemblage level, colonowares made by Timucuan
potters may be distinguished from those made by Guale and/or
Yamassee potters. Table 12 provides a summary of the ceramic
data from the three mission sites pertinent to the following
discussion.
Colonoware sherds from the Mocama (Timucua) mission
of San Juan are overwhelmingly (78%) sand tempered and
micaceous; only 20% contained either the frequent or common
grit tempering indicative of San Marcos pottery. These
findings support Cordell's (1993) study of aboriginal vessels
which demonstrated that late prehistoric Savannah (local
Timucua) potters in northeastern Florida tended to utilize


TBE FLOREDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)






Table 12. Summary of Data.


Surface Treatments
Pastes % by Decorations Red Filmed1 Burnishing2 Selected Forms
(Plain Excluded)
San Juan del Puerto n = 78 n = 36 n = 63 37% Hard tooled 29 n = 44
1587 1702 78% sand 72% San Marcos 76 % internal 57% plates
20% grit 22 % San Pedro 16% int. zoned 63% Burnished 49 18% uid brimmed
Documented population 1% grog 8% both 49% internal n=38 5% bowls
Timucua/San Pedro 14% int./ext. n= 11 14% handles
majority of pastes Muskogean surfaces 81% of sherds red 6% bases
Site Total 78 sherds characteristic of predominate over filmed
Timucua Timucuan 63% sand tempered by
form
Santa Maria de n = 23 n= 12 n=20 57% Hardtooled 13 n= 10
Yamassee 61% grit 83% San Marcos 70% internal 20% plates
1665/73 1683 39% sand 8% San Pedro 5% external 43% Burnished 10 40% uid brimmed
5% both 26% internal n=6 30% bowls
Documented population majority of pastes Muskogean surfaces 20% internal zoned 13% int/ext n=3 10% candlesticks
Yamassee characteristic of predominate over 4% zoned n=1
Yamassee/Guale Timucuan 87% of sherds red 40% sand tempered by
Site Total 23 sherds filmed form
Santa Catalina de Guale n=30 n =17 n = 24 13% Hard tooled 4 n = 25
1684 1702 50% sand 100% San Marcos 67% internal 52% plates
50% grit 5% both 87% Burnished 26 20% uid brimmed
Documented population 29% internal zoned 74% internal n=22 12% bowls
Guale equal percentage, Muskogean surfaces 13% int./ext. n= 4 4% handles
unclear association only 80% of sherds red 4% candlesticks
Site Total 30 sherds filmed 8% bases

43% sand tempered by
form

1 No cultural association for either Muskogean or Timucuan at Contact.
2 Burnishing declining in late Muskogean. Insufficient data for San Pedro, however in other assemblages, burnishing is rare.






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


sandy, micaceous clay sources. A greater variety of surface
treatments occurred within the San Juan study sample,
including surface finishing techniques with both traditional
coastal Timucuan and Guale pottery. This outcome is difficult
to interpret given the lack of secure provenience data for the
colonoware sherds combined with the previously discussed
discrepancy between the documented affiliation of the site
(Mocama) and the dominance of San Marcos pottery
(Guale/Yamassee).
Santa Maria, the shortest-lived of the three missions,
exhibited the lowest percentage of sand-tempered colonowares
and contained the highest percentage of San Marcos
colonowares with common grit. Also, the site yielded the
lowest variety of colonoware forms, but the highest percentage
(87%) of red filmed sherds.
The population of Santa Catalina represented an aggrega-
tion of Guale refugees from several locations along the
Georgia coast. Despite the variety of colonoware pastes from
this site, surface treatments appeared to retain traditional San
Marcos stamped designs. In fact, of the three mission samples,
Santa Catalina contained the highest percentage (53% of site
sample, 100% of decorated sherds only) of sherds associated
with San Marcos surface treatments. The colonoware sample
was evenly divided between sandy and grit pastes, and
Non-Spiculate/Non-micaceous and Micaceous paste categories.
Twenty-three percent of the sample bore zoned red filming;
this sample also showed the highest percentage of exterior
burnishing.
In sum, the producers of San Juan's colonoware appear to
have chosen different tempering material and surface treat-
ments than those of the Yamassee/Guale mission potters.
However, both Muskogean-speaking mission samples exhib-
ited differences in the frequency of grit-size quartz particles.
Colonoware from Santa Maria evidenced a somewhat stronger
retention of San Marcos paste characteristics, while
colonoware pastes from Santa Catalina's were more varied.
The appearance of the two distinctive patterns of grit-sized
inclusions (frequent vs. common) recorded at all three mis-
sions is another phenomenon that requires further exploration.
We were unable to address this issue given the small size of
the Santa Maria and Santa Catalina samples. Conclusions
about the variances of frequency and size of temper, character-
istics that may vary within any given vessel, await further
testing with a much larger sample.
With respect to vessel form and temper, we did not find a
hard and clear-cut distinction separating coastal Timucuan and
Muskogean assemblages. We did observe that there appeared
to be a relationship between plate and bowl forms and sand-
tempered paste. The very presence of sand tempered vessels
within the grit-tempered San Marcos tradition might indicate
a functional significance or the manipulation of paste in
accordance with vessel form as directed by the user. An overall
preference for grittier pastes is somewhat apparent in the Santa
Catalina mission sample, where we recorded a slightly higher
percentage of grit-tempered vessels (56.3% vs. 43.3% sand
temper). While this trend was especially true for the unidenti-


fied brimmed vessel category (17.4% grit- to 4.3% sand-
tempered), it was not the case for plate forms.
A high correlation of grit-temper to tableware forms did
not hold true for the sample from the earlier mission of Santa
Maria. We found that the very small number of plate sherds
to be evenly split between sand and grit-tempering, but that
bowls and unidentified brimmed vessels were more often sand-
tempered. Larger colonoware samples are needed to determine
if these preliminary observations are indeed trends.

Future Considerations

As Vernon and Cordell (1993: 433-434) have pointed out,
colonoware studies are in their infancy and we still have much
to learn about their production, distribution, and use within
and between various mission-related sites. Our goal has been
to conduct an exploratory study and provide a foundation upon
which to build future colonoware studies at Atlantic coastal
mission and other related settlements. We believe that a
broader understanding of colonowares, and mission life in
general, will only come about through research that is both
archaeologically and documentarily informed. It is critical
that research focuses not only on situations where documentary
and archaeological evidence converge, but also where they
conflict (Deagan 1988). For example, research should
confront directly the dominance of San Marcos (Guale)
ceramics in certain seventeenth century Atlantic coastal
mission sites that, according to documentary evidence, were
occupied exclusively by coastal Timucuan (Mocama). Whether
the presence of these ceramics signals the pan-production of
San Marcos by all coastal mission Indians, or the undocu-
mented dispersal of Guale and Yamassee populations through-
out all mission settlements in northeastern Florida is a
question that future studies must consider.

Note

'In the title, the phrase "Beneath the Bell" was taken from
Bushnell in Situado and Sabana (1994:169). She is quoting Father
Alonso de Leturiondo (1700) as he comments, or laments, on the
less morally rigorous lifestyle that the British offered their Indian
allies. By comparison, living beneath the Spanish mission bell
required a stricter life abiding by Spanish law and "righteousness."

Acknowledgments

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1997 South-
eastern Archaeological Conference, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. We
wish to thank personnel from several institutions who offered their
equipment, time, and advise as this study proceeded. Rebecca
Saunders, Dave Dickel (State of Florida collections in Tallahasee),
Elise LeCompte and Ann Cordell (Florida Museum of Natural
History, University of Florida, Gainesville), Robert Thunen and
the staff in the Anthropology Department at the University of
North Florida (Jacksonville), Rochelle Marinan (Florida State
University), and Environmental Services, Inc. (Jacksonville). We
also thank the FA reviewers whose suggestions improved the
presentation and clarity of this paper.


2000 VOL. 53(1)


TnE FLOREDA ANTHROPOLOGIST






ROLLAND AND ASHLEY COLONOWAREPOrrERY


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Milanich, Jerald T. and William C. Sturtevant


1972 Francisco Pareja 's 1613 Confessionario: A
Documentary Source for Timucuan Ethnography.
Florida Department of State, Division of Archives,
History, and Records Management, Tallahassee.
Murphy, Thomas K.
1998 The Cradle of the Catholic Church and the Franciscan
Order in the U.S.A. Order of the Friars Minor, St.
Petersburg, Florida.
Nidy. L. Scott
1973 An Archaeological and Historical Survey of the
Rheinhold Property on Fort George Island, Duval
County, Florida. Florida Division of Archives, History
and Records Management, Tallahassee, Florida.
Noel Hume, Ivor
1962 An Indian Ware of the Colonial Period. Quarterly
Bulletin of the Archaeological Society of Virginia 17 (1).
Otto, John Solomon, and Russell Lamar Lewis
1974 A Formal and Functional Analysis of San Marcos Pottery
from Site SA16-23, St. Augustine, Florida. Bureau of
Historic Sites and Properties, Bulletin No.4:95-117.
Pareja, Francisco
1602 Letter to Bias de Montes, September 14, 1602. Archivo
General de Indias (Seville), Santo Domingo 235,
Woodbury Lowery Collection, Library of Congress, reel
2. Translation by John Hann, on file Florida Museum of
Natural History, Gainesville.
Pleguezuelo, Alfonso, and M. Pilar Lafuente
1995 Pottery from Western Andalusia (1200-1600). In Spanish
Medieval Ceramics in Spain and the British Isles, edited
by Christopher M.Gerrard, Alejandra Gutierrez, and
Alan Vince, pp. 217-245. BAR International Series 610.
Oxford.
Polhemus, Richard R.
1977 Archaeological Investigations of the Tellico Blockhouse
site (40MR50): A Federal Military and Trade Complex.
Unpublished report submitted to the Tennessee Valley
Authority.
Rice, Prudence M.
1987 Pottery Analysis: A Sourcebook. University of Chicago
Press, Chicago.
Russo, Michael
1992 Chronologies and Cultures of the St. Mary's Region of
Northeast Florida and Southeast Georgia. The Florida
Anthropologist 45(2):107-126.
Russo, Michael, Ann Cordell, and Donna Ruhl
1993 The Timucuan Ecological and Historic Preserve, Phase
III, Final Report. Southeastern Archaeological Center,
National Park Service, Tallahassee.
Saunders, Rebecca
1988 Excavations at 8NA41: Two Mission Period Sites on
Amelia Island, Florida. Miscellaneous Project Report,
Department of Anthropology, Florida Museum of
Natural History, Gainesville.
1989 Savannah and St. Johns Relationships Near the St.
Mary's River. Paper presented at the annual meeting of
the Society for Georgia Archaeology.
1990 Ideal and Innovation: Spanish Mission Architecture in
the Southeast. In Columbian Consequences:
Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the
Spanish Borderlands East, Volume 2, edited by D.H.
Thomas, pp. 527 542. Smithsonian Institution Press,
Washington, D.C.


ROLLAND AND ASHLEY


COLONOWARE POTT~ERY







Tm: FLOIUDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


1992a Stability and Change in Guale Indian Pottery, A.D. 1350-
1702. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
1992b Guale Indian Pottery: A Georgia Legacy in Northeast
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 45(2): 139-145.
1993 Architecture of the Missions Santa Maria and Santa
Catalina de Amelia. The Spanish Missions ofLa Florida,
edited by Bonnie G. McEwan, pp. 35-61. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.
1996 Mission-Period Settlement Structure: A Test of the
Model at San Martin de Timucua. Historical
Archaeology 30 (4):24-36.
Shepard, Anna O.
1956 Ceramicsfor the Archaeologist. Carnegie Institution of
Washington, Washington, D.C.
Smith, Greg C.
1986 A Study ofColono Ware and Non-European Ceramics
from Sixteenth-Century Puerto Real, Haiti. Unpublished
Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology, University
of Florida, Gainesville.
Smith, Hale G.
1948 Two Historical Archaeological Periods in Florida.
American Antiquity 13-(4):313-319.
1951 Leon-Jefferson Types. In Here They Once Stood: The
Tragic End of the Apalachee Missions, by Mark F. Boyd,
Hale G. Smith, and John W. Griffin, pp.163-174.
University of Florida Press, Gainesville.
South, Stanley
1977 Method and Theory in Historical Archeology. Academic
Press, Orlando.
Thomas, David Hurst
1987 The Archaeology ofMission Santa Catalina de Guale: 1.
Search and Discovery, Anthropological Papers of the
American Museum of Natural History, vol. 63, pt.2, New
York.
1990 The Spanish Missions of La Florida: An Overview. In
Columbian Consequences. Volume 2: Archaeological
and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands
East, edited by David H. Thomas, pp.357-397.
Smithsonian Institution Press: Washington, D.C.
1993 The Archaeology of Mission Santa Catalina de Guale:
Our First 15 Years. In The Spanish Missions ofLa
Florida, edited by Bonnie McEwan, pp.1-35. University
Press of Florida, Gainesville.
Trowell, C.T.
1979 A Reconnaissance of Aboriginal Okefenokee: An Outline
of the Prehistoric Geography of the Okefenokee Swamp
and an Inventory of Prehistoric Archaeological Sites in
the Okefenokee National Wildlife Refuge, Part 1.
Working Paper # 1, Division of Social and Behavioral
Sciences, South Georgia College, Douglas.
Veron, Richard H.
1988 17th Century Apalachee Colono-Ware as a Reflection of
Demography, Economics, and Acculturation. Historical
Archaeology 22 (1):76-82.
Vernon, Richard H. and Ann S. Cordell
1993 A Distribution and Technological Study of Apalachee
Colono-Ware from San Luis de Talimali. In The Spanish
Missions ofLa Florida, edited by Bonnie McEwan,
pp.418-443. University Press of Florida, Gainesville.
Waring, Antonio J., Jr
1968 The Archaeological Importance of "Irene." In The Waring
Papers, edited by Stephen Williams, pp. 107-124.


Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology, Vol. 58. Harvard University, Cambridge.
Weisman, Russell M., S. Dwight Kirkland, and John E. Worth
1998 An Archaeological Reconnaissance of Trail Ridge,
Charlton County, Georgia. Prepared for Golder
Associates, Inc. by Southern Research, Ellerslie,
Georgia.
Wheaton, Thomas R., Amy Friedlander, and Patrick H. Garrow
1983 Yaughan and Curriboo Plantations: Studies in Afro-
American Archaeology. Soil Systems, Atlanta, Georgia.
Worth, John E.
1995 The Strugglefor the Georgia Coast: An Eighteenth-
Century Spanish Retrospective on Guale andMocama.
American Museum of Natural History, Anthropological
Papers No. 75, New York.
1997 Integrating Ethnohistory and Archaeology among the
Timucua: An Overview of Southeast Georgia and
Northeast Florida. Paper presented at the 541 annual
meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference,
Baton Rouge.
1998 Timucuan Chiefdoms ofSpanish Florida, 2 Volumes.
University Press of Florida, Gainesville.


17ii FwORIm ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)









REPORTS


Trying to Save the Pine Island Canal

WAYNE "BUD" HOUSE

3489 Gasparilla St.
St. James City, FL 33956
E-Mail: whouse@peganet.corn

The Calusa Land Trust and Nature Preserve of Pine Island, Inc
(CLT) is well known for its success in fund raising and preserv-
ing environmentally sensitive lands. The ongoing effort to
preserve some of the Pine Island Canal is the CLT's
first attempt to purchase archaeologically important
land. The difficulty of soliciting donations is the
major hurdle toward achieving this goal.
The September 1997 issue of The Florida
Anthropologist (Vol.50 No. 3) contained an article
entitled "How the Pine Island Canal Worked: Topogra-
phy, Hydraulics, and Engineering." This article was
authored by George M. Luer and Ryan J. Wheeler. As
noted in the article, the purpose of the study was to
investigate the physical functioning and engineering of
the aboriginal Pine Island Canal (8LL34). The article
concluded that the Pine Island Canal was an engineered
waterway and that it was not a simple or casually-dug
"ditch." Furthermore, it concluded that careful plan-
ning went into its placement on the landscape and
intensive effort went into its construction and mainte-
nance.
During the authors' investigations, their activities
were shared with members of the Calusa Land Trust
and Nature Preserve of Pine Island, Inc. (CLT). The
CLT, as a land conservation trust, is a grass-roots,
private, non-profit, non-governmental, tax-exempt,
charitable organization dedicated to nature conservancy
and whose mission is to conserve land and its re-
sources. The CLT was originally incorporated on
March 12, 1976 and currently has 825 members. Its
primary purpose has been to acquire environmentally
sensitive habitats. The CLT currently has almost
1500 acres under its ownership, or in conjunction with
other groups. Most of this land is on the perimeter of
Pine Island. It was determined that the CLT was the
proper organization to acquire and manage any por-
tions of the Indian canal that became available.
The Pine Island Canal extended from Pineland,
easterly across Pine Island, across Indian Field Island
to meet up with Matlacha Pass. The proliferation of
citrus groves, palm farms and housing developments
has resulted in the obliteration of most of the evidence Figure
of the canal. One area that still shows evidence of the Pine I


canal was at the corer of Harbor Drive and Meadow Lane.
On the north side of Meadow Lane, extending to the east,
are 6 parcels, all of one acre, or slightly more in size,
through which the canal traverses. The CLT Board of
Directors voted to purchase one, or all six, parcels as they
became available.
Inquiries to the owners of these parcels resulted in a $1000
"Option to Purchase" the one acre parcel located at 6450
Meadow Lane for the total sum of $12,000. This one year
option was acquired in December, 1998. The fund drive was
then begun to acquire sufficient monies to purchase this
parcel. An $8,000 donation by Joseph Brinton 3rd, a $1000


S1. Calusa Land Trust volunteers stand along the edges of the
island Canal.






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL. 53(1)


donation by the Lee Trust for Historic Preservation, and 42
additional donations accomplished this by August, 1999 and on
August 20, 1999 the deed transfer took place. Since then, a
split-rail fence has been constructed around the property to
prevent motorized vehicles from access to the property and a
sign has been posted disclosing the CLT ownership.
Following the acquisition of this parcel, the CLT Board of
Directors voted to attempt the purchase of additional parcels.
Inquiry letters resulted in a $1000 one year "Option To Pur-
chase" the 1.46 acre parcel located at 6330 Meadow Lane. The
total price of this parcel is $15,000. This is the easternmost
parcel and is the location where the canal turned to the south-
east, running through what is now the Meadow Lane road bed
where the canal is no longer evident. As of the end of 1999 we
have raised about $4500 towards the purchase of this parcel.
It is the present position of the CLT to preserve and manage
these, and any other, parcels that are acquired. If, in the future,
any other organization would like to take over the management
of these parcels it may be possible to transfer the deeds to such
an organization.
Any individuals or groups that would like to contribute to the
purchase of these parcels may send their contributions to the
Calusa Land Trust and Nature Preserve of Pine Island, Inc., PO
Box 216, Bokeelia, FL 33922. Memberships to the CLT are
available at $15, individual, $25 family, with any other amounts
acceptable. Please specify that the donation is for the canal
purchase. Copies of the Canal article are available from the
address below for the sum of $5.00 to cover the cost of mailing
and reproduction. In addition, a new Calusa Canal T-Shirt will
be for sale after February 1, 2000. The cost of the T-Shirt will
be $15.00, with a shipping charge of $2.00. Sizes are Medium,
Large, and Extra Large. Please Specify. Any questions, or
comments may be directed to Wayne House, 3489 Gasparilla St.,
St. James City, FL33956, or at 941-283-3493.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)





REPORTS


Historic Quartz Pendant:
What Is It?

WESLEY R. POWELL

8222 Alafia Ridge Road, Riverview, FL 33569


The Palma Sola Peninsula, located at the mouth of the
Manatee River and the southern shore of Tampa Bay, appears to
be the site of an active native population from the Deptford
Period to the end of the period of Spanish possession. The
peninsula is dotted with several sites, not the least of which is
the Shaw's Point site (8MA7), otherwise known as the De Soto
National Memorial.
About 0.8 km (0.5 mi) south of the De Soto National Memo-
rial was a small site, the Palma Sola 3 site (8MA10),
known locally as the Bead Mound, the King Mound, or
the Lone Pine Mound (Mitchem 1989:161-162). Over
the years, from early settlement in the area until 1972
when it was completely obliterated by residential
development, local collectors obtained many artifacts
from the site. Unfortunately no report was ever written
specifically about this site, and I hope to correct that in
the near future. The report will have to be pieced
together using artifacts that now exist in public and
private collections. This site seems to have been
mainly in use during the European contact portion of
the Safety Harbor Period. Artifacts indicate that the
site was in use from the early European contact until
the early eighteenth century. They include Nueva
Cadiz and 7-layered faceted chevron glass beads from
the early sixteenth century as well as majolica sherds
dating to the eighteenth century.
While doing research on the artifacts relating to this
site I ran across a quartz crystal pendant (Figure 1) that
is said to be from 8MA10. It is apparently of European
manufacture. The overall shape is an eight-sided
pendant with lateral facets on each of the eight sides,
both front and back. The remaining surfaces are flat.
Some of the facets have finely ground decorative
grooves oriented laterally and apparently cut after
polishing. The precision used in grinding the facets,
the lense created in the center, the delicate suspension
loop at one end, the perfectly flat surfaces, and the
flawless polish throughout are not typical of native
artisans with the tools that they possessed. The mate-
rial of manufacture is clear quartz rock crystal. It
measures 40 mm (1.6 in) in maximum length, 25 mm
(1 in) in width, and approximately 7 mm (1/4 in) at its
thickest point. There is a convex circular lense in the
center of the obverse side measuring 20 mm (0.8 in) in
diameter and a concave space on the reverse side that
is approximately 14 mm (V in) in diameter and 5 mm
(0.2 in) in depth.
Two additional similar pieces have been reported.
Allerton et al. (1984:38) report a piece from 8CH1,


which they call an "evil-eye ward-off" crystal pendant. Ryan
Wheeler (personal communication, 1998) has told me about
one from Mound Key (8LL2) in Lee County, Florida. This
brings the total known examples to three.
The intended purpose of this pendant is unknown at this
time, but some possible uses that have been suggested are:
a locket to enclose and display an heirloom, a fire-starter
using sunlight, or a talisman to ward off the effects of the
"evil eye." Due to the scarcity of examples of this type of
artifact, we do not know if it was intended for personal
adornment for a European or for trade with the Indians.
The purpose of this article is threefold: 1) to find out if
anyone in our FAS membership has knowledge of the use of,
and a accurate date for, this potentially significant historical
artifact; 2) to document the provenience and the existence of
an artifact that otherwise might disappear; and 3) to encour-
age the membership and local FAS chapters to sit down and


e 1. Photograph of obverse side of cut crystal pendant.





65 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL. 53(1)

to write short articles, such as this one. This format was used
frequently in earlier years and seems to be one way to document
significant artifacts and site locations. A one page article and a
photo or line drawing of the artifact are all that is necessary.
Assistance from the Editor of The Florida Anthropologist is
available for those who are willing to contribute.

References Cited

Allerton, David, George M. Luer, and Robert S. Carr
1984 Ceremonial Tablets and Related Objects from Florida. The
Florida Anthropologist 20:118-132.
Mitchem, Jeffrey M.
1989 Redefining Safety Harbor: Late Prehistoric/Protohistoric
Archaeology in West Peninsular Florida. Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Florida, Gainesville.











yes, but what was the
context?"

The exact, full wording of that reference is as close
as your phone:

Back issues of The Florida Anthiopologist -- going
back close to a half century are available at the

Graves Museum of Archaeology
and Natural History


481 South Federal Highway
Dania, FL 33004
Phone (954) 929-0078
FAX (954) 925-7064

Sole agents for back issues of The Florida Anthropologist






A new video on florida's native peoples


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Terry Simpson, 7751 Avocet Drive, Wesley Chapel, FL 33544
Make checks payable to THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY









BOOK REVIEWS


Archaeology of the Moundville Chiefdom. Vernon James
Knight, Jr. and Vincas P. Steponaitis, Editors. Smithsonian
Institution Press, Washington, D.C., 1998. xx + 203 pp.,
figures, tables, references, index, $45.00 (cloth).

NANCY MARIE WHITE
Department ofAnthropology, University of South Florida
Tampa, Florida 33620

Large prehistoric centers with lots of mounds and beautiful
artifacts provide the foundations of archaeological knowledge
worldwide. Now the professionalization of archaeology has
meant not only that humbler, everyday sites are more investi-
gated, but also that large famous sites are carefully reassessed
using more anthropological questions and new data. Such is
the case in this compact, useful book about Moundville, one of
the largest and most studied Mississippian centers in the
Southeast, a complex of 29+ mounds in west-central Alabama
on the Black Warrior River. These chapters began as papers in
a 1993 session at the Society for American Archaeology
meeting. Because so much new material on the site had been
obtained in the previous decade, and many older ideas over-
turned, a new synthesis was needed. The new
information-refined ceramic chronology, new radiocarbon
dates, floral, faunal, and human skeletal data, information on
outlying sites-not detailed here but used to construct improved
models of the Moundville chiefdom.
The editors begin with "a new history of Moundville,"
reviewing work since the Smithsonian's nineteenth-century
mapping and C.B. Moore's early twentieth-century excava-
tions. Here and in the Foreword by C. Peebles, succeeding
archaeological work and investigators are briefly noted. (An
omission that I have never understood in Moundville studies
continues here: the neglect of the work of Douglas McKenzie,
whose Harvard dissertation research in 1964 was the first to
tackle the unpublished, unanalyzed body of materials from
previous Moundville investigations. Surely his house patterns
and other items reconstructed from 1930s excavations are
useful?). A concise site description includes information on
layout and chronology. Large and small mounds are arranged
around a central plaza, which also has one big mound in the
center, all within a palisade considered to be a fortification. A
detailed ceramic sequence now consists of 5 phases, Late
Woodland West Jefferson (A.D. 900-1050) to Moundville I
through IV (ending in the seventeenth century), which are
further divided into subphases less than a century long,
affording good temporal control. These 5 correspond to
developmental stages: intensification of local production,
initial centralization, regional consolidation, the paramountcy
entrenched, and collapse and reorganization.
The earliest prehistoric processes emphasized are population
growth and subsistence stress during the Late Woodland
leading to both agricultural and craft intensification in the


region. During Moundville I the site is probably first occupied,
with the Mississippian hallmarks such as platform mounds,
rectangular wall-trench buildings, and shell-tempered pottery.
Moundville was densely settled and authority centralized. In
late Moundville I, by A.D. 1250, the site was a major center
with the palisade erected and all settlement moved inside.
Minor mound centers now constructed elsewhere in the valley
may have been for subordinate elite administrators. The bulk
of the population is thought to have lived in hinterland
hamlets. The chiefdom, as big as a day's walk, was consoli-
dated as social hierarchies emerged. In the next century chiefly
cult symbolism is apparent in burials with luxury goods, but
the site loses the general population and the palisade and
becomes a locus only for distanced elites and cemeteries. Soil
and forest depletion may have helped the depopulation
process. Whatever the reasons, by A.D. 1300-1450,
Moundville becomes mostly a necropolis, a regional center for
mortuary ritual. Mounds on the south side are abandoned. The
late fifteenth century sees more collapse, fewer burials as
cemeteries are established at secondary centers, and nucleated
villages returning to the egalitarian social organization of the
Late Woodland. By the time of historic contact most mounds
at Moundville and outlying centers are abandoned. This early
peaking and decline contrasts with previous models of contin-
ued steady growth of the site and chiefdom.
In chapter 2 Steponaitis documents evidence for these
population trends. Most of the ceramics (presumably indicat-
ing occupation debris) are earlier than most of the burials. The
resident population maximum was early in the site's history
and later burials were of people who mostly lived elsewhere.
Knight's chapter 3 elaborates upon how the site layout conveys
social information, using an intriguing ethnographic analogy
with Chickasaw corporate kin groups documented in 1907.
These Indians camped around a square area with the highest
ranked groups paired at the north and descending ranks
arranged moving in either direction from there. At Moundville
the biggest mounds are at the north and other structural
elements such as mound pairs show parallels. However I
always question schemes in which size equates with impor-
tance; also, the Chickasaw camps were temporary, and
centuries removed and changed from Moundville's permanent
architecture.
Moving to more concrete data, M. Scarry's chapter on
domestic life nicely reconstructs the occupational history of
areas recently tested on the riverbank inside and outside the
palisade. She shows changes through time in house construc-
tion, artifact categories and type frequencies (more nonlocal,
status goods through time), and subsistence (maize, wild
plants, some game and lots of fish) during Moundville I. M.
Powell's chapter 5 first discusses the synchronic picture of
skeletal populations that demonstrate only minor variations in
health and diet from elites to nonelites except by age and sex.
A diachronic reevaluation suggests trends from Moundville I






Tm~ FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


through III: small increases in stature and dental problems for
adults and better juvenile health, and the clear appearance of
treponematosis and tuberculosis in Moundville II. The
following chapter by M. Schoeninger and M. Schur elaborates
on human health findings with the stable-isotope data, well
explained. They attribute the abandonment of the site to
"internal collapse" but then mention external factors of disease
and unstable climate and ecology that lead to declining
agricultural production.
P. Welch's chapter 7 on outlying sites within the Moundville
chiefdom explains that few secondary mound centers in the
region are well known or investigated, and hardly any small
residential sites. He lists those known and their uncertain ages
and other characteristics, and discusses changes in settlement
pattern through time. The data appear too shaky for the
reconstruction of Moundville's political emergence early in
Moundville I times, with secondary mound centers built in
later decades. It is still unclear where all the population that
deserted Moundville actually lived during later phases; Welch
notes the urgency of finding the small habitation sites. The
Oliver site is one such habitation, described by L. Michals in
chapter 8. The low ranking of the residents as compared with
those of the mound centers is documented using ceramics and
the absence of nonlocal materials, though the conclusion, that
socioeconomic differences are not reflected in everyday items
but in nonlocal goods controlled by the powerful, is more of an
initial assumption than a research result.
This book will appeal to those familiar with Moundville and
appreciative of new detail and interpretation. The writing is
clear and well edited, and the abstracts beginning each chapter
are great. The few photos are not well reproduced and some
maps lack features referred to in the text. The site's location on
an Alabama or Southeast map and a list of contributors are
missing details. Some arguments for why something is early
or late come dangerously close to tautology, and mound
chronologists occasionally still forget that mounds are made by
scooping up earlier debris and piled it on top later materials.
But there is a wealth of delightful modeling here for debate
and future testing. It probably could have used a pinch of
Brian Fagan-type drama to make the dry data and hypothesiz-
ing come alive, some picture of how the real people, elites and
commoners, were living, celebrating, and changing through
time. Even if it were wild speculation, so are some elements of
these models. I also wished for some discussion of external
connections with nearby locations, such as Lubbub, in the
Tombigbee Valley, not to mention more distant interactions
throughout the Southeast. But much of this is in other books.
Further, as the editors say in their preface, Moundville
research is moving forward so fast that we can only catch it in
flight with this book, realizing that soon additional resynthesis
will be necessary. With this excellent group of researchers and
others, there is now an enjoyable amount of new synthesis to
explore until then.


Zooarchaeology. Elizabeth J. Reitz and Elizabeth S. Wing.
Cambridge University Press, 1999. 455 pp., figures, tables,
appendices, bibliography, index, $80.00 (cloth), $34.95
(paper).

KAREN J. WALKER
Florida Museum ofNatural History, PO Box 117800, Univer-
sity ofFlorida, Gainesville, Florida 32611

All archaeologists should have a copy of Zooarchaeology on
their bookshelf-even if they are not zooarchaeologists and do
not aspire to be one! Why? Because the majority of archaeo-
logical sites produce animal remains. And because animal
remains, if numerous and given proper attention prior to and
during fieldwork, potentially can yield a wealth of information
about human-environment relationships at varying spatial and
temporal scales. Reitz and Wing stress the importance of
incorporating the study of animal remains into research
designs of site excavations, rather than treating them as
afterthoughts. Analysis and interpretation of animal remains
directed toward research hypotheses depend on appropriate
excavation strategy and recovery methods.
Ideally, a zooarchaeologist should be involved in the
research design and the excavation. Today such involvement
is increasingly common but often it is not possible. Reitz and
Wing's book can serve as a guide to what can be learned from
archaeofaunal assemblages and what their limitations are, and
to sampling and recovery requirements. Even when the ideal
is possible, the site archaeologist who familiarizes her/himself
with this volume will gain a better appreciation for
zooarchaeology's role in developing a more meaningful
synthetic interpretation of the site and the cultures) being
studied.
Reitz and Wing's Zooarchaeology is Cambridge University
Press's 12th volume in its Cambridge Manuals in Archaeology
series. Whereas most books about zooarchaeology to date tend
to focus on one or a few aspects of the discipline, Reitz and
Wing meet the challenge of producing a comprehensive
introductory textbook on the subject. Where details are
lacking about a particular topic, an extensive bibliography is
available to the reader for further study. The geographic and
temporal scope is broad, incorporating examples and literature
focused on many parts of the globe and on time periods
ranging from the Pleistocene to the nineteenth century A.D.
Both vertebrate and invertebrate animals are featured, as are
wild and domesticated animals.
The authors point out that their book is organized similar to
how one would organize a zooarchaeological study, essentially
the same as any scientific study. Chapter 1 communicates
what zooarchaeology is and what its characteristics and
requirements are. Chapter 2 places zooarchaeology in its
historical and theoretical contexts, primarily from the United
States perspective.
Chapter 3, entitled "Basic Biology," succinctly presents
knowledge that is the foundation of archaeofaunal identifica-
tion. It is a case of a little going a long way. Here, many
"secrets" of taxonomy and anatomy are revealed with topics


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)





BOOK REVIEWS 70


such as class distinctions (e.g., mammals versus reptiles),
functions and structures of hard tissue (feeding, locomotion,
protection), and anatomical variation (size, age, sex). Chapter
4 focuses on the importance of understanding basic ecological
concepts and methods, and the ecological context of an
archaeofaunal assemblage. The review is approached from the
organism, population, and community levels.
Chapter 5 describes "first-order changes," those that occur
to faunal assemblages from the time of disposal to the time of
excavation, and "second-order changes," those that occur
during recovery and identification. Post-depositional changes,
both losses and additions, are discussed. Bone modification,
commensals, screen size, sample size, and experimental
taphonomic research are among the topics.
Chapters 6 and 7 deal with the gathering of "primary data"
(e.g., taxonomic identification, element representation,
specimen count and weight, measurements) and the production
of "secondary data" (analytical results such as age and sex
classes, relative frequencies, butchering patterns, dietary
contributions, and procurement strategies), respectively. Here,
Reitz and Wing provide a hypothetical archaeofaunal collec-
tion that serves to illustrate many of the methods that they
discuss. In these two chapters, the authors detail the process
of observing and recording primary and secondary data,
constituting substantial components of a zooarchaeological
study.
Interpretation of animal remains in their cultural and
environmental contexts is examined in Chapters 8, 9, and 10.
The emphasis in Chapter 8 is on animals as food for humans;
the theme of subsistence strategies is explored through topics
such as nutrition and diet, residence patterns, seasonality,
technology, exchange systems, and social markers. Chapter 9
focuses on the domestication of animals and the role of
zooarchaeology in researching this topic. Osteological change
in a single species, for example, can be documented through
time using standard measurements of certain elements.
Chapter 10 addresses the use of archaeofaunal remains as
evidences for past environmental conditions. Detecting and
explaining change in an archaeofaunal series of assemblages
can involve the consideration of both "natural" environmental
fluctuations and human-influenced variation.
The concluding chapter includes a helpful summary listing
of relationships between zooarchaeological data and their
interpretation. General but excellent advice is offered for
dealing with the imperfect nature of zooarchaeology's datasets,
and the authors reflect on recent advances and future direc-
tions of the discipline.
There are four appendices. They are loaded with very
instructive information that augments the text. Appendix 1 is
a taxonomic listing of all animals mentioned in the text.
Appendix 2 contains anatomical drawings. Appendix 3
concerns the management of reference and archaeofaunal
collections, and the responsibilities of publication and
curation. Appendix 4 contains the tabulation of a hypothetical
archaeofaunal collection based on remains that might be found
in a St. Augustine, FL site. The collection contains remains
from both wild and domesticated animals and is used to


illustrate the presentation of basic zooarchaeological data.
And in the main text, as noted above, many examples of
identification and analytic methods are demonstrated using the
hypothetical data.
Reitz and Wing's Zooarchaeology is a well organized and
well written volume. Moreover, the text and appendices are
richly illustrated with instructive examples, tables, and figures
in the true sense of a manual intended for reference and
teaching. These qualities plus the combined extensive
zooarchaeological experience of the two authors will make this
book a standard for many years to come.

Changing Perspectives on the Archaeology of the Central
Mississippi Valley, Michael J. O'Brien and Robert C. Dunnell,
editors. 1998. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. xvi
+ 385 pp., references, index, 107 figures, 41 tables, $29.95
(paper).

KIT W. WESLER
Director, Wickliffe Mounds Research Center
Professor, Department ofSociology, Anthropology and Social
Work, Murray State University, P.O. 155
Wickliffe, Kentucky 42087

O'Brien and Dunnell present twelve papers, plus their
introduction, on the archaeology of the Mississippi Valley
between the Arkansas River on the south and the Thebes Gap
on the north. The collection began with a symposium at the
annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in St.
Louis in 1993. Some of the SAA presenters did not include
their papers in the published work, and the editors solicited
additional papers for "a more representative aspect" (p. xv).
The result is not representative of the prehistoric record of
the region, but rather of the emphases of archaeological
investigation. Six studies concentrate on southeast Missouri,
and one each on western Kentucky, western Tennessee,
northeastern Arkansas, and southern Illinois; two draw from
more than one state. Seven treat the Mississippi period, one
the Woodland period, and four sites or data of several periods.
The editors credit a number of archaeologists for pioneering
work through the 1960s, which created a basic chronology
throughout the Lower (including the currently-defined
Central) Mississippi Valley. They betray dissatisfaction,
however, with a perceived lack of creative elaboration or
critical refinement since then. "With the phase structure
largely in place by 1970, the general pattern in Central Valley
research has been to fill in the boxes represented by the phases
with substantive detail" (p.24).
Gregory Fox and Paul Kreisa address the issue of phase
definition. Fox contends that southeastern Missouri Mississip-
pian phases have not received trenchant reevaluation, and
shows that the various sites that have accumulated phase
designations do not form consistent groups or sets. Kreisa
considers data from western Kentucky, and illustrates that
ceramic assemblages in an apparently small region exhibit
variability within relatively short time frames. Both discus-
sions suggest that phases must be based on appropriate






THE FLOmDA ANTHROPOLOGIST 2000 VOL 53(1)


configurations of space, time and content, and that any scheme
will be modified as additional data provide new perspectives.
Other chapters contribute summary site reports: Robert
Mainfort and Michael Moore describe excavations at the
Graves Lake site western Tennessee; Timothy Perttula
synthesizes available information about the Powers Fort site in
southeast Missouri; and David Benn interprets the Moon site
in northeast Arkansas. Although Perttula's dates are a bit
inconsistent (the phase dates to AD 1200-1350 on page 169,
and 1250-1350 on page 196, while the average of uncorrected
14C dates is AD 1361+18 on page 183), all three chapters
contribute sound data.
Dunnell's description of the Langdon site in Dunklin
County, Missouri, is based on very preliminary investigation;
even so, "data acquisition has far outstripped analysis"
(p.205). Surface collection, topographic mapping, and some
small-diameter coring (and the innovative method of removing
a basement wall to study mound stratigraphy) provide an
introduction to this large Middle Mississippian fortified site.
Patrice Teltser also emphasizes non-invasive techniques
with a survey that centers on a Middle Mississippian fortified
settlement, the Sandy Woods site in the Cairo Lowland.
Teltser takes a regional, non-site survey approach. She finds
that the prehistoric record is "truly ubiquitous" in this locality,
and that the landscape of material culture is not confined to
high ground. Teltser stresses that certain settlement patterns
may reduce archaeological visibility, misleading researchers
into underestimating past human presence in periods of
population dispersal.
Robert Lafferty's survey, farther east in the Cairo Lowland,
offers compatible results. Lafferty found that sites predating
the Late Archaic period are rare in this meander-scarred
landscape, and that the surface expression of past land use is
complex, demanding careful study.
David Dye concentrates on Walls Engraved ceramics, a late
Mississippian fineware type that is distributed from southeast-
ern Missouri to northeastern Mississippi. He maps the distri-
bution, presents the range of vessel forms associated with the
type, and creates a five-variant typology of one motif, the
scroll. However, it is not clear that the variations among
scrolls has anything to tell us. Dye's descriptive chapter seems
to be more an introduction to a continuing study than a
changing perspective.
Patrick McCutcheon and Dunnell switch the focus from
ceramics to lithics. They sample three sources of Crowley's
Ridge gravels and compare them to archaeological assem-
blages. The archaeological samples do not match the nearest
gravel sources, which may mean that they have not sampled
the correct sources or that the inhabitants of the sites used
several sources for their local cherts. The results here are a bit
preliminary, but it is a very interesting direction for research,
combating a tendency to take local gravel sources for granted
and to concentrate analysis on the exotics.
Carol Morrow also focuses on lithics. The Middle Wood-
land Twenhafel site in southern Illinois is interpreted as an
entrepot for the trade of a distinctive blue-grey Cobden chert
that is widely associated with Hopewell-related prismatic


blades and blade production. Morrow shows that the local
people used this chert as a source for all kinds of stone tool
manufacture, but that other high-quality chert appearing at
Twenhafel probably arrived as prepared cores. The use of
blue-grey chert appeared earlier than, and post-dated, the
Hopewell horizon, and Morrow cautions against facilely using
Cobden chert as a strict Hopewell marker.
Diana Greenlee surveys bone chemistry data in northeastern
Arkansas and southeastern Missouri. Current data are still
based on small samples, but the implication of sudden increase
in corn consumption (as measured by 613C) is clear. More
surprising is the apparent variability among populations
during the next couple of centuries. Greenlee notes a number
of factors that complicate analyses, not least of which is the
post-depositional chemical environment, and that must be
considered in interpreting the variable readings.
The papers collected in this volume present continuing
research, both contributions to basic data and reconsiderations
of existing data. Many of the "changing perspectives"
advertised in the volume's title are the result of expanded data
bases, better chronologies, and the generation of new ideas and
critical questions that should always result from continued
discussion among an increasing number of colleagues working
in a region. Central Mississippi Valley archaeology needs
sustained attention, and O'Brien and Dunnell have collected
a number of intriguing and useful contributions in this volume.


TBE FLOREDa ANTHROPOLOGIST


2000 VOL. 53(1)










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The Florida Anthropologist,
the scholarly journal published quarterly by
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Donations are now being accepted from
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About the Authors:



Keith Ashley is an archaeologist with Environmental Services, Inc. in Jacksonville. He is currently pursuing a doctoral degree
at the University of Florida. Keith is interested in northeast Florida prehistory, Contact Period archaeology, and aboriginal
coastal adaptations.

Gary Beiter is the Cultural Resource Manager at the Graves Museum in Dania Beach, Florida. He has an M.A. in anthropology
from Florida Atlantic University. His specialties are Eastern United States prehistoric and contact periods.

Christopher Ohm Clement is an archaeologist with the South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology. He began
research on Tobago in 1991 under the auspices of the Tobago Archaeological Program, ajoint research effort of the Tobago
House of Assembly and the University of Florida Department of Anthropology's Institute of Archaeology and
Paleoenvironmental Studies.

Wayne "Bud" House started as an avocational archaeologist at Gait Island, just off Pine Island, in 1987 under the direction
of Dr. William Marquardt. He continued, in 1988, at Bokeelia, Pineland, and Horr's Island in Collier County. In subsequent
years he worked at Pineland, Useppa Island, Sanibel Island, Wightman, Marco Island, and various other sites wherever
possible. In the year 2000 he completed his fourth term of office as President of the Southwest Florida Archaeological Society
and his eleventh year on the Board of Directors of the Society. All of these operations were achieved after retiring as a
Network Planner with the Wisconsin Bell Telephone Co.in 1982 with thirty six years of service.

George M. Luer is an archaeologist who has worked with the Glades, Weeden Island, and Mississippian-related cultures of
Florida. He has conducted a number of studies of Florida's metal ceremonial tablets.

Katherine Parry is a member of the Science Committee at the Graves Museum. She is an avocational archaeologist. Her
specialty is literature research.

Wes Powell is a current director of FAS, a former director and officer of the Central Gulf Coast Archaeological Society and
a member of the Bead Researchers Society. He has worked for Janus Research and ARI on several projects, and has
volunteered for the National Park Service at the DeSoto Monument. Wes has written articles on beads, site reports, and
historical articles for local newspaper. He has given many demonstrations of primitive technology at historical reinactments.

Vicki Rolland has lived in northeastern Florida for many years and has had the pleasure of being involved in a variety of
research projects undertaken in the area.

Karen J. Walker is an environmental archaeologist with the Florida Museum of Natural History and its Randell Research
Center. With William Marquardt, she directed the major excavations at Pineland and is producing the Pineland volumes
due for completion in late 2000. Her next major project begins this October with archaeobotanist Donna Ruhl and focuses
on the Everglades National Park. A FLMNH faculty member, Karen taught Zooarchaeology in the Fall of 1999.

Kit Wesler holds a Ph.D. in Anthropology from the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He has served as a Project
Archaeologist for the Maryland Historical Trust and a Fulbright lecturer in archaeology at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria.
He has conducted research in prehistory and historical archaeology in the Central Mississippi Valley since 1981.

Nancy White is an archaeologist and associate professor of anthropology at the University of South Florida in Tampa. Her
research includes investigations of Mississippian and other past cultural adaptations in the region of northwest Florida-south
Georgia-south Alabama.


2000 VOL. 53(1)


TBE FLOREDA ANTnROPOLOGIST











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