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PUBLISHED BY THE
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published quarterly in March,
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OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY
President: Jerry Hyde
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1st Vice President: Thomas Watson
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2nd Vice President: Irving Eyster
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Secretary: Marion M. Almy
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Treasurer: Larry Hochen
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Editor: Jerald T. Milanich
Florida State Museum
Gainesville, FL 32611
Dade County Historical Survey
Kathleen A. Deagan
Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
University of Florida
John W. Griffin
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George M. Luer
Div. of Archives, History, and
Records Management, Tallahassee
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
VOLUME 32, NUMBER 2 JUNE 1979
Editor's Page ..................................... 33
Three Aboriginal Shell Middens on Longboat
Key, Florida: Manasota Period Sites
of Barrier Island Exploitation,
by George M. Luer and Marion H. Almy ....... 34
The Seminoles and Selective Service in
World War II,
by James W. Covington ..................... 46
Subsistence in the St. Johns Region:
The Alderman Site,
by Marilyn C. Stewart ...................... 52
Faunal Remains from the Alderman Site,
Volusia County, Florida,
by Arlene Fradkin .......................... 75
This issue of The Florida Anthropologist is tardy;
I was caught in the summer doldrums. September's number will
probably also be late.
There are three conferences being held in the fall that
may be of interest to the membership. The Conference on
Historic Site Archaeology will be held in St. Augustine on
October 5 and 6. Write to Dr. Kathleen A. Deagan, Department
of Anthropology, Florida State University, Tallahassee, Fl
32306 for local arrangements information. The Society for
Georgia Archaeology will hold a conference in Savannah, Georgia
on October 26-27. Papers and discussions at the meeting will
focus on coastal archeology of northeastern Florida, Georgia,
and South Carolina. Chester B. DePratter, Department of
Anthropology, University of Georgia, Athens, GA 30602 can
The annual Southeastern Archaeological Conference will be
in Atlanta, Georgia on November 8-19 at the Sheraton-Biltmore
Hotel, 30383. Local arrangements are being coordinated by Dr.
Roy Dickens, Department of Anthropology, Georgia State University,
Atlanta, GA 30303.
A monograph entitled The Buck Burial Mound authored by
FAS member Yulee W. Lazarus has recently been published by the
Temple Mound Museum, Fort Walton Beach, Fl 32548. The mono-
graph--sub titled "A Mound of the Weeden Island Culture"--is
47 pages in length and reports on the results of excavations
carried out at the site and their significance. The famed
polychrome burial urn on display at the Museum was recovered
from the mound. Yulee's report can be ordered for $4.75 plus
25 tax from the Temple Mound Museum.
THREE ABORIGINAL SHELL MIDDENS ON LONGBOAT KEY, FLORIDA:
MANASOTA PERIOD SITES OF BARRIER ISLAND EXPLOITATION
George M. Luer and Marion M. Almy
Three aboriginal shell middens on Longboat Key near
Sarasota, Florida have been disturbed, and much of each de-
stroyed, by dredging for the Arvida Corporation in making the
Bay Isles and Bayou developments. Before the middens undergo
further damage, information about the sites is being recorded.
As explained below, a new name is applied to the culture period
represented at the sites. The role of the sites in subsistent
activities of the Indians of the immediate vicinity is discussed
Longboat Key is a barrier island of the central Gulf coast
of peninsular Florida (Fig. 1). Buttonwood Harbor is a remnant
of a pass (Fig. 2) which during some unrecorded period divided
Longboat Key and connected the Gulf of Mexico with Sarasota Bay.
The mangrove-covered islands and the shallows to the north of
Buttonwood Harbor, and the beach ridges and shallows to the
east, are all deposits associated with the joint evolution of
this now-closed pass and of Longboat Key. The authors hypo-
thesize that Buttonwood Harbor was a pass during much of the
time that the Indians occupied the Longboat Key sites. In the
interior of Longboat Key, some low areas between beach ridges
held fresh water. In the 1950's these areas were drained and
connected to the bay with mosquito-control ditches. Land-filling
associated with the Bay Isles development has covered these areas
The bayshore at all three sites is covered by a narrow strip
of large trees of red mangrove (Rhizophora mangle), black mangrove
(Avicennia germinans), and white mangrove (Laguncularia racemosa).
The thin, scattered deposits of shell (So-384) lying upon a sandy
berm deposit at Buttonwood Harbor support a growth of live oak
(Quercus virginiana), red cedar (Juniperus silicicola), and
cabbage palm (Sabal palmetto). Much of the eroded bayside midden
deposit of the Walker site (So-66) supports mangroves. Higher
elevations of this shell deposit support sabal palm, Spanish
bayonet (Yucca gloriosa), and prickly-pear cactus (Opuntia sp.).
The midden of the Arvida site (So-33) lies upon a berm.deposit.
Lithified in places, the deposit consists of sand and worn shell,
especially valves of the cross-barred venus (Chione cancellata).
This midden once supported a thick hammock growth of live oak,
red cedar, sabal palm, strangler fig (Ficus aurea), and gumbo
limbo (Bursera simaruba) and an understory that included plants
of cherokee bean (Erythrina herbacea), marlberry (Ardisia
escallonioides), and wild coffee (Psychotria undata). Recently,
most of this growth was cut for Arvida.
The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 32, no. 2, June 1979
S Tampa Bay
Py i. s^ main-
(\: Sara- ..I
l a n d
N --Bay .
4 km .
Fig. 1. Longboat Key and nearby keys on the central Gulf coast of
peninsular Florida; aboriginal sites: 1, Perico Island; 2, Cow
Point; 3, Walker; 4, Arvida; 5, Whitaker; 6, Old Oak; 7, Roberts
Bay; dotted line encloses area covered by Figure 2.
LUER AND ALMY
Fig. 2. South-central Longboat Key ca. A.D. 1900; stippled area
represents grass or sand shallows; tree symbols represent man-
grove areas; swamp symbols represent tidal marsh or swales be-
tween beach ridges; 1, Buttonwood Harbor site; 2, Walker site;
3, Arvida site; Buttonwood Harbor is at upper left center of
figure, on the shore of which lies the Buttonwood Harbor site.
The shell at Buttonwood Harbor was scattered along the
shore about 100 m from north to south and for about 20 m inland
to the height of the berm deposit 2 m above mean high tide level.
The shells at this site were mostly those of the fighting conch
(Strombus alatus), left-handed whelk (Busycon contratium), brown
tulip (Fasciolaria tulipa), and bay scallop (Argopecten irradians
concentricus). Similar shells at the Walker site comprised a
deposit that stretched southeastward, from near the base of the
spit separating northern Buttonwood Harbor from Sarasota Bay,
for -perhaps 1000 m along the bayshore. This deposit, at places
a half meter in thickness, once extended inland about 20 m. The
central portion of the midden deposit at both the Buttonwood
Harbor and Walker sites was removed in dredging a canal parallel
to the bayshore along or just behind the entire shoreline of the
Bayou and Bay Isles developments. Little is left of the Button-
wood Harbor site and that which remains of the Walker site is
scarcely more than the eroded bayside periphery. Continued wave-
action may deposit much of this remaining shell into the canal.
The Arvida site lies along the sloping edge of a berm
deposit. The maximum berm height is about 1.5 m above mean high
tide level. Composed mostly of the shells of the fighting conch,
a midden stretched for about 80 m along the shore and for about
30 m inland. Much of this deposit was a meter thick. Additional
shell was scattered inland another 15 m and southward along the
shore another 100 m. It is not known how far additional shell
was scattered to the north. Dredging the bayside canal removed
much of this site. Some of the Arvida midden remains intact and
large rocks have been placed on the exposed shell to try to
minimize erosion, as has been done along most of the length of
The base of much of the midden deposits at both the Walker
and Arvida sites lies below present-day mean sea level. As is
discussed below, artifacts from the Walker and Arvida sites in-
dicate that the sites are of the same culture period as many
middens of the Manatee-Sarasota area. The base of almost every
one of these middens also lies below present-day mean sea level.
Three shells found lying at sea level in three of these middens
are C-14 dated at 1648+50 yr B.P. (Bullen 1971:2, 13), 2250+110
yr B.P. (Bullen and Bullen 1976:22-25), and 2215+65 yr B.P.
(Luer 1977b:126-127). These shell heaps probably began to accumu-
late on habitable ground above high tide level as at the Old
Oak site (Luer 1977a:42-45). The proveniences and ages of these
shells as well as the inundated bases of other middens of the
same culture period are consistent with a eustatic sea level
about 2 m below that of the present during the Florida Emergence
(Fairbridge 1961:158, 169-170, and 1974:227-228).
Potsherds. The authors found no potsherds at the Buttonwood
Harbor site. This was probably due to so little of the midden
remaining rather than to an original absence of pottery at the
LUER AND ALMY
site. Many potsherds were found at the Walker and Arvida sites.
The bayshore and canal banks at the Walker site yielded
a surface collection of 238 undecorated, sand-tempered sherds.
Six undecorated sherds containing sand and limestone temper
were found. One limestone-tempered sherd contains small,
broken, fossil univalve mollusk shells which apparently were
in the limestone used as temper. Twelve undecorated, sand-
and sherd-tempered potsherds (Luer 1977b:124) were found. Sand-
and sherd-tempered pottery is not identical to Perico Plain
pottery as suggested by Luer (1977b:124). The various limestone-
tempered ceramic types as well as sand- and sherd-tempered pot-
tery will be discussed by the authors in a forthcoming paper
concerning the subject. Other undecorated pieces discovered
at the Walker site included a gray sherd of temperless, lami-
nated, Pinellas-like ware and a mottled gray, beige- and pink-
colored fragment similar to St. Johns ware but not containing
sponge spicules. One black, hard, apparently temperless, check
stamped sherd, some checks of which are rhomboid-shaped, was
found. The checks of this sherd are similar to those of sherds
of the type Deptford Bold Check Stamped pictured by Waring and
Holder (Williams 1968:Fig. 42, a-c,f). A second decorated,
sand-tempered sherd displays Weeden Island Punctated decoration
and a third sherd, also of sand temper, displays barely dis-
cernible check stamped areas. The Arvida site yielded a surface
collection of only 65 undecorated, sand-tempered sherds.
Although some sherds are probably of the Florida Tran-
sitional period, most of the above-described potsherds appear
to be of the Manasota period which ranged from about 500 B.C.
to A.D. 800 and is described below. The sand-tempered rim
sherds are of simple and flattened-globular bowls and of pots
with a slightly converged orifice (Willey 1949b:Fig. 69, a,e;
Fig. 71, m). These straight or incurved rim sherds have the
smooth, rounded, and unmodified lips typical of most Manasota
pottery. Some of the sand-tempered sherds from the Walker site
are about 1 cm thick. Sand- and sherd-tempered pottery can occur
late in the Manasota period (Luer 1977b:127).
The sherd with punctated decoration is probably a fragment
of a vessel made north of the Manatee region and traded south-
ward late in the Manasota period. The sherd with Deptford Bold
Check Stamped decoration is also probably of a vessel that was
made north of the Manatee region during the Deptford period and
traded southward early in the Manasota period. Other Deptford
complex ceramic fragments have been found rarely at several
nearby sites such as Shaws Point (Willey 1949b:341), the Perico
Island site (Willey 1949b:176-177, P1. 14, g), and the Roberts
Bay site (Luer 1977b:124) which were occupied also during the
Manasota period. The single "gray sand-tempered check-stamped
sherd" from the latter site is assignable to the type Deptford
Check Stamped as pictured by Waring and Holder (Williams 1968:
Fig. 42, i,j). The six limestone-tempered sherds and the single
sherd of St. Johns-like ware are probably of the Florida
Transitional period. Locally, limestone-tempered plain sherds
have been found in a component of the Perico Island site
(Willey 1949b:179) assignable to the Florida Transitional
period as well as at the Canton Street site where the sherds
were assigned to that period (Bullen et al. 1978:23).
Shell. A valve of a ponderous ark (Neotia ponderosa), at the
beak of which is a hole, was found at the Walker site. This
valve is perhaps a net weight (Cushing 1897:38-39; Gilliland
1975:184-187, 237-244). Two small, smoothed columellae, each
of a left-handed whelk shell, were found at the Walker site.
Perhaps these small columellae are barbs that were used in
fishing. The Arvida site yielded four identifiable shell im-
plements. One implement is a quahog (Mercenaria campechiensis)
valve "anvil." Another is a horse conch (Pleuroploca gigantea)
columella "plane." The length of this columella exhibits a
flat surface apparently worn by use. The remaining two im-
plements are each made from a left-handed whelk shell. One
implement is a "spoon" cut from the body whorl of a shell and
the other is a "spokeshave" fashioned from an entire shell.
Food Remains. Two tiger shark (Galeocerdo cuvieri) vertebrae
were found at the Walker site. Four hammerhead or bonnethead
shark (Sphyrna sp.) vertebrae were discovered at the Arvida
site as well as bone of grouper (Epinephelus sp.), porcupine-
fish (Diodon hystrix), an unidentified bird, and deer (Odocoileus
virginianus). Also, a piece of the test ("shell") of a sea
urchin (Lytechinus variegatus) was found at the Arvida midden.
Shells of most of the species of edible mollusks native to
the shallows of the Sarasota area were present in the Button-
wood Harbor, Walker, and Arvida middens. Oyster shell was
scarce in all three middens, probably a result of the scarcity
of oysters in the vicinity. Fighting conch shells were excep-
tionally abundant in the Arvida midden, no doubt a consequence
of the former abundance of the mollusk on nearby flats. The
former abundance of left-handed whelks and brown tulips on near-
by flats is reflected also in the many shells of those mollusks
that were found at all three sites.
Human Bone. Many fragments of human bone were found by Jon
H. Walker of Sarasota at a location along the canal that cut
through the Walker site. The site is named in his honor. The
bones of a single burial investigated by one of the authors
were in a flexed position in the midden and lying in the present-
day tidal zone. Some human bones were found in midden material
dredged from the canal. Other bones of additional burials were
observed under the mangroves along the canal in the midden. No
artifacts were discovered with any of the observed burials.
Flexed burials in midden debris, without or rarely with associ-
ated artifacts, are recorded at the Bay Pines site (Gallagher
and Warren 1975:111-116), Cockroach Key (Moore 1900:360;
Willey 1949b:159-167; Bullen 1952:20-25), Perico Island (Willey
LUER AND ALMY
1949b:175-176), the Abel shell midden at Terra Ceia (Bullen
1951:7), the Venice Beach site (Clyde Higel, pers. comm.),
and apparently in a Manasota period ("Perico Island period")
level at Paulson Point (Bullen 1971:1-2,6,11-13). Burials
at Paulson Point and at the cemetery of the Perico Island site,
as well as those at the Walker site, were in the present-day
tidal zone, probably reflecting eustatic sea level rise since
interment during the Florida Emergence.
A Comment on the Manasota Culture
Many of the artifacts from the Walker and Arvida sites
are being assigned to the Manasota archeological culture and
period. The authors name and define this complex of traits
because the Perico Island period, as defined (Willey 1949b:
361-366), does not exist in the Manatee region nor elsewhere.
A more detailed definition of the Manasota culture will be
published in a forthcoming paper by the authors.
The assemblage of traits Willey defined as being charac-
teristic of the Perico Island culture (Willey 1949b:361-366,
507-508), is an assemblage characteristic of no known culture.
Most of the traits which Willey attributed to Perico Island
have been shown to be of two culture periods: the Florida Tran-
sitional and a "post-Florida Transitional" period. For example,
some traits, such as Perico Incised and Perico Linear Punc-
tated pottery sherdss of which are limestone-tempered), have
been shown to be of an early ceramic-producing period (Bullen
1950a; Bullen and Bullen 1950:44, 1953, and 1954; Coates 1955;
Bullen and Askew 1965; Atkins and MacMahon 1967; Bullen et al.
1978) named the Florida Transitional period (Bullen 1959).
Other traits, such as a preponderance of sand-tempered plain
pottery and shell tools, have been shown to be of a "post-
Florida Transitional" complex which has retained the appellation
"Perico Island" (Bullen 1950a:43, 1950b:27-29, 1955:55, and
1971:12-13, 27; Bullen and Bullen 1950:44; Bullen
and Bullen 1956:2-3 and 1976:20-29; Bullen in Willey 1973:
viii-ix; Luer 1977b).
The distinct "post-Florida Transitional" cultural complex,
only a few traits of which Willey included in Perico Island, is
the cultural complex that the authors define and name Manasota.
Archeologically, the Manasota culture is characterized by
midden sites which yield evidence of an economy based on fishing,
hunting, and shellfish-gathering. The sites yield evidence of
burial practices involving primary, flexed burials in ceme-
teries or in midden debris often without accompanying artifacts.
Ceramic manufacture was limited to sand-tempered, undecorated
utilitarian pottery such as simple and flattened-globular bowls
and pots with a converged orifice. The straight or incurved
rims of such vessels usually had a smooth, rounded, and un-
modified lip, although sometimes the lip was chamfered or tapered
to a point (Luer 1977b:Fig. 3). Many shell tools were used,
often including fighting conch shell hammers, left-handed whelk
shell "spokeshaves" (Goggin's Busycon picks A and B), columellae,
and hammers (Goggin's Busycon hammers A and B) (Goggin 1949:
77-80), and quahog valve "anvils," and sometimes including
left-handed whelk shell "spoons," pounders, or celts, and
horse conch columella "planes," There was little use of
stone tools; the few projectile points associated with the
Manasota culture include Hernando (Willey 1949b:596, P1 16,g;
Ruppe and Almy ms.), Sarasota (Bullen 1951: P1 II, M,Q,R, and
1971:17), and Westo (Bullen 1971:16) points. Bone tools in-
clude barbs and simple points made from longbones (Willey
1949b:Pl. 16d, 596; Luer 1977b:Fig. 4,f).
The period of the Manasota culture ranges in time from
about 500 B.C. to about A.D. 800; spatially, the complex of
traits is found from around Tampa Bay south to Charlotte Harbor.
As C-14 dates (Bullen 1971:13; Bullen and Bullen 1975:25;
Luer 1977b:27) and sherds of trade ware indicate (Willey 1949b:
176-177; Bullen 1951:14-15), the Manasota period is coeval
with Deptford and Santa Rosa-Swift Creek periods and with
early Weeden Island times of farther north. The Manasota
period can be identified (north to south) at pre-mound
Weeden Island (Willey 1948:214-217 and 1949b:107-108), the
Bay Pines site (Gallagher and Warren 1975:96-116), Cockroach
Key (Willey 1949b:158-172), a component of the Abel shell
midden at Terra Ceia (Bullen 1951:11-18), a component of Shaws
Point (Willey 1949b:340-342), a component of the Perico Island
site (Willey 1949b:175-177; Bullen 1950a:41-43), at the Cow
Point site, the Walker and Arvida sites, a component of the
Whitaker site (Bullen 1950b:27-29), at the Roberts Bay site
(Luer 1977b), a component of the Palmer site (Bullen and
Bullen 1976:20-29), at the Venice Beach site (Ruppe and Almy
ms.), and a component of Paulson Point (Bullen 1971:12-13).
To the north of Tampa Bay, the Manasota culture blends into
another that, ceramically, is characterized by a predominance
of sand-tempered plain and Pasco Plain utilitarian pottery and
a rare occurrence of ware of the Deptford and Swift Creek
cultures (Bullen and Bullen 1950:30,32,33, and 1963:84; Bullen
1953:16-18, 1966a:5, 13, 15, and 1966b:ll; Willey 1949a:44).
This culture north of Tampa Bay has been placed in the Deptford
and Santa Rosa-Swift Creek periods of the Central Gulf Coast
region (Willey 1949b:316, 347; Bullen 1965:306). At Charlotte
Harbor, the Manasota culture blends into another that, ce-
ramically, is characterized by sand-tempered plain utilitarian
pottery (Goggin 1939) and which Goggin placed in the Glades I
period (Goggin 1947:120) of the Glades subarea (Willey 1966:248).
Subsistent Activities and the Sites
The Buttonwood Harbor, Walker, and Arvida sites are small
shoreside sites located by necessity on well-drained ground
bordering the shoreline. Indians probably came by canoe to these
locations to reside while exploiting the surrounding food
resources. They collected mollusks from nearby sand and grass
shallows and shucked and consumed the mollusks at the sites.
They also ate fish caught in surrounding waters and deer, and
LUER AND ALMY
probably other animals, hunted and bagged on the key. Perhaps,
in summer, they caught sea turtles on the nearby Gulf beaches
of the barrier islands. Bones of the green sea turtle (Chelonia
mydas) have been found in a midden at the Old Oak site (Luer
1977a:53) 11 km to the southeast (Fig. 1). While residing at
the Longboat Key sites, Indians probably made use of the swales
between beach ridges in the interior of lower Longboat Key as
sources of fresh water.
The size of the three sites on Longboat Key contrasts with
larger, contemporary sites where, probably throughout much of
the year, Indians lived while combining marine and hinterland
exploitation. The nearest such sites (Fig. 1) are the Perico
Island site (Willey 1949b:172-182) about 14 km to the north-
northwest, the Cow Point site about 8 km to the north-northwest,
the Whitaker site (Bullen 1950b:21-30) about 7 km across Sarasota
Bay to the east-southeast, and the Roberts Bay site about 14 km
to the southeast. These large, shoreside sites, on or very near
the mainland, were the major villages of the Indians. The
necessity of proximity and easy access to regions of sufficient
area in which food could be reliably procured dictated that
villages straddle the marine and terrestrial environments.
This areal requirement also accounts for the distance between
contemporaneous shoreside villages in the Manatee region. Many
square kilometers of tidal flats and deeper bay and Gulf waters
lay westward of each village site. A hinterland of several
hundred square kilometers stretched eastward of the village
sites at Perico Island, Cow Point, Whitaker Bayou, and Roberts
Bay. Food bones in midden debris, although less conspicuous
than mollusk shell, substantiate that a hinterland provided
much food for the Indians (Luer 1977b:130, 132).
The smaller size and the barrier island location of the
Longboat Key sites appear to indicate a less intense inhabit-
ation than at larger mainland sites. The game of the small
area of terrestrial environment of a barrier island such as
Longboat Key would have helped to support only a small band of
Indians or the intermittent or seasonal hunting of temporary
residents from a mainland village. Camping on the key would
have been necessary, however, to make intermittent or seasonal
exploitation of the food resources worthwhile, whether terres-
trial or marine, because of the distance of the key from the
nearest mainland villages.
Most of the potsherds from the Walker and Arvida middens
appear to be of the pottery made by Indians of the Manasota
period. Perhaps some potsherds are of the Florida Transitional
period which ranged from about 1000 B.C. to 500 B.C. (Bullen
et al. 1978:22-23). The Manasota period ranged from approxi-
mately 500 B.C. to A.D. 800. Burials in midden debris are
evidence of Indians of the Manasota culture as are the various
shell tools discovered. The shell and bones of midden refuse
are evidence of hunting, fishing, and shellfish-gathering.
The smaller size and barrier island location of these sites in
comparison with larger mainland sites probably reflects a less
intense occupation of the Longboat Key sites.
Atkins, Steve and J. MacMahan
1967 The Zabski Site, Merritt Island, Florida.
Florida Anthropologist 20:133-45.
Bullen, Adelaide K., and Ripley P. Bullen
1950 The Johns Island Site, Hernando County, Florida.
American Antiquity 16:23-45.
1953 The Battery Point Site, Bayport, Hernando County,
Florida. Florida Anthropologist 6:85-92.
1954 Further Notes on the Battery Point Site, Bayport,
Hernando County, Florida. Florida Anthropologist
1963 The Wash Island Site, Crystal River, Florida.
Florida Anthropologist 16:81-92.
Bullen, Ripley P.
1950a Perico Island: 1950. Florida Anthropologist
1950b Tests at the Whittaker Site, Sarasota, Florida.
Florida Anthropologist 3:21-30.
1951 The Terra Ceia Site, Manatee County, Florida.
Florida Anthropological Society Publications, No. 3.
1952 Eleven Archaeological Sites in Hillsborough County,
Florida. Florida Geological Survey, Report of
Investigations, No. 8.
1953 The Famous Crystal River site. Florida Anthropologist
1955 Archaeology of the Tampa Bay Area. Florida Historical
1959 The Transitional Period of Florida. Newsletter,
Southeastern Archaeological Conference 6:43-53.
1965 Florida's Prehistory. In: Florida From Indian Trail
to Space Age, edited by Carlton Tebeau, pp. 305-316.
Delray Beach: Southern Publishing Co.
LUER AND ALMY
1966a Burtine Island, Citrus County, Florida. Contributions
of the Florida State Museum, Social Sciences, No. 14.
1966b Florida West Coast from Crystal River South.
Newsletter, Southeastern Archaeological Conference
1971 The Sarasota County Mound, Englewood, Florida.
Florida Anthropologist 24:1-30.
Bullen, Ripley P., and Adelaide K. Bullen
1956 Excavations on the Cape Haze Peninsula, Florida.
Contributions of the Florida State Museum, Social
Sciences, No. 1.
1976 The Palmer Site. Florida Anthropological Society
Publications, No. 8.
Bullen, Ripley P. and Walter Askew
1965 Tests at the Askew Site, Citrus County, Florida.
Florida Anthropologist 18:201-17.
Bullen, Ripley P., Walter Askew, Lee M. Feder,
and Richard L. McConnell
1978 The Canton Street Site, St. Petersburg, Florida.
Florida Anthropological Society Publications, No. 9.
Coates, Gordon C.
1955 Recent Tests at the Battery Point Site, Bayport,
Hernando County, Florida. Florida Anthropologist
Cushing, Frank Hamilton
1897 Exploration of Ancient Key Dweller's Remains on
the Gulf Coast of Florida. Reprint from Proceedings
of the American Philosophical Society 35(153):1-120.
Fairbridge, Rhodes W.
1961 Eustatic Change in Sea Level. In: Physics and
Chemistry of the Earth 4, edited by L.H Ahrens
et al. pp. 99-185. New York: Pergamon Press.
1974 The Holocene Sea-level Record in South Florida.
In: Environments of South Florida: Present and Past
edited by P.J. Gleason, pp. 223-232. Memoir 2,
Miami Geological Society.
Gallagher, John C. and Lyman O. Warren
1975 The Bay Pines Site, Pinellas County, Florida
Florida Anthropologist 28:96-116.
Gilliland, Marion Spjut
1975 The Material Culture of Key Marco, Florida
Gainesville: The University Presses of Florida.
Goggin, John M.
1939 A Ceramic Sequence in South Florida. New Mexico
1947 A Preliminary Definition of Archaeological Areas
and Periods in Florida. American Antiquity 13:114-27.
1949 Cultural Occupation at Goodland Point, Florida.
Florida Anthropologist 2:65-91.
LUer, George M.
1977a Excavations at the Old Oak Site, Sarasota, Florida.
A Late Weeden Island-Safety Harbor Period site.
Florida Anthropologist 30:37-55.
1977b The Roberts Bay Site, Sarasota, Florida. Florida
Moore, Clarence B.
1900 Certain Antiquities of the Florida West Coast.
Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of
Philadelphia, vol. 11, pp. 350-394. Philadelphia.
Ruppe, Reynold J. and Marion M. Almy
ms. The Archaeological Potential of Drowned Terrestrial
Sites. On file, Department of Anthropology, Arizona
State University, Tempe.
Willey, Gordon R.
1948 Culture Sequence for the Manatee Region of West
Florida. American Antiquity 13:209-18.
1949a Crystal River, Florida: A 1949 Visit. Florida
1949b Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Smithsonian
Miscellaneous Collections 113. Washington D.C.
1966 An Introduction to American Archaeology, Volume One:
North and Middle America. Englewood Cliffs, New
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
1973 Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Antiquities
of the New World, Early Explorations in Archaeology,
vol. 18. New York: AMS Press, Inc.
Williams, Stephen, ed.
1968 The Waring Papers, the Collected Works of Antonio J.
Waring, Jr. Cambridge: The Peabody Museum, Harvard
THE SEMINOLES AND SELECTIVE SERVICE IN WORLD WAR II
James W. Covington
In August, 1940 Congress passed the first peace time
selective service act which provided for the registration of
all eligible males between the ages of 21 and 36 on October
16, 1940. Under terms of the act some 16,400,000 young men
registered and, after their numbers were drawn in a lottery
held on October 29, 1,200,000 individuals from the ones who
registered were summoned for one year of military training
(Garraty 1978:686). There was only scattered white opposition
to this conscription, but surprisingly, some determined oppo-
sition came from various American Indian tribes. A Pagago leader
advised his young men to resist the law and when policemen entered
the reservation, they were disarmed. Wilfred Crouse, President of
the Seneca Nation, decided to seek a court test to ascertain if
the Indians were subject to such a law. However, Nocodemes
Bailey, a Seneca leader, ruled that all Seneca men 18-35 must
register. Thomas Alvarez, leader of the Yaquis who had fled
from Mexico to Tucson, Arizona during the 1900-1912 period, said
that his tribe was grateful to the United States for past pro-
tection and offered full cooperation (Newsweek 1940b:19).
The Zunis of western New Mexico resisted the law as best
they could. The council of high priests requested the local
draft board to exempt from the draft all persons holding positions
that could be deemed religious. When the request was approved,
the council requested that virtually all men be deferred for every
Zuni man was a member of a tribal priesthood. In rebuttal, the
draft board decreed that only lifetime high priests could be
classified as draft-exempt but in a counterattack the Zunis, by
researching their past religious history, were able to create
new positions and ceremonies. Consequently only 213 Zuni were
taken into the service (Farb 1978:290).
Perhaps the most stubborn and unyielding of all the tribes
in the United States and certainly in the eastern portion of the
country was the Seminole tribe of Florida. By the late 1930's,
only several hundred of the seven or eight hundred Indians re-
sided on the three reservations and fewer still had attended
school,learned English, or had become Christians (Stirling 1936).
Although some owned cars and had acquired various items of white
manufacture from local traders or storekeepers virtually all of
the Indians lived in palmetto thatched chickees like their an-
cestors had done a hundred years previously. The question was
how would these stubborn Indians react to a decree from Washington,
and the first indication was that they would obey. Erroneous
information came that a ceremonial council of elders had agreed
that the young men should register for the draft (New York Times
1940a). Plans were made for agents of the Federal government to
The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 32, no. 2, June 1979
visit each of the widely separated villages so that the men
On October 16, 1940 at Brighton Reservation, extension
agent, Fred Montesdeoca and school teacher William Boehmer waited
in the school building for men to register for the selective
service (New York Times 1940b). During the day none registered
but two women showed up and blew tobacco smoke on the building
to protect any men that might register (Personal communication
with William Boehmer, February 12, 1979). Finally under pro-
tection of the darkness, two men appeared and registered. The
registration process involved the filling in of sixty-one questions
contained within an eight page document. Answering such questions
required the knowledge of English.
The situation was somewhat better at one other registration
center. Josie Billie, medicine man from Big Cypress, appeared
to assist W. Stanley Hanson, Civilian Conservation Corps employee,
at Big Cypress Reservation and a more successful approach was
made. Of the sixty-four Seminoles eligible, Josie Billie and
Hanson were able to register twenty-nine (Cooper 1942).
At first superintendent of the Seminole agency Dwight R.
Gardin showed little concern over the situation. There seemed to
be no doubt concerning the willingness of the Indians to fight
for their country. In 1898, a group had showed their desire to
fight against the Spanish but the Governor of Florida had rejected
a bid to form a company of Seminoles (Coe 1898:242). Gardin pointed
out that no Seminole had been drafted in World War I and probably
no Seminoles would be called (New York Times 1940b). He said
that he would keep after the Indians during the rest of the week
urging them to register. Still most of the sixty-four persons
eligible for registration had followed the advice of their leaders
and gone into hiding.
When Gardin was not successful in registering more Seminoles,
he was forced to report on October 29, 1940 his lack of success to
Commissioner of Indian Affairs John Collier. In response Collier
requested him to report the names of those "recalcitrant" Indian
leaders who advised against registration. This report was to be
made to the state selective service director who should "initiate
necessary action based on law and facts." Accordingly, Gardin
reported to H.P. Baya, State Director of Selective Service, the
names of William McKinley Osceola, Cory Osceola, John Osceola,
and Josie Billie. All of these leaders lived in villages along
the Tamiami Trail. Gardin expressed the opinion that should the
four be taken into custody, they would soon advise their people
to register (Gardin 1940). Since Josie Billie had come under
heavy pressure from his fellows for taking part in the first
registration, he refused to have anything to do with subsequent
registrations. There seemed to be a breakdown in communications
between Gardin and Hanson for according to Hanson, Josie Billie
had been very helpful in the first registration (Hanson 1942).
W. Stanley Hanson-long-time friend of the Indians, fluent in
Mikasuki, and probably the only white man considered a member
of the Tribal Council-decided to make a thorough investigation
concerning the attitude of the Indians towards selective service.
Visiting villages along the Tamiami Trail he found little or no
desire on the part of the Indians to register for service.
When the federal government had not gotten tough with those
who failed to register in October, 1940, subsequent would-be
registrants decided to follow the lead of the recalcitrants.
According to Josie Billie and Corey Osceola the Indians did not
want to register but, if needed, would take their guns and fight
for as long a period as desired by the white man. Hanson believed
that some whites living near the Tamiami Trail had informed the
Indians that they would not have to register for the draft for
they were not citizens of the United States. Two Indians from
Brighton had gone to Miami to volunteer for army service but
had been rejected due to educational requirements. They had
asked the recruiter "do you want us to write to the enemy or fight
At first, officials in Washington and Hollywood wanted to
adopt a tough stand towards the Seminoles and force almost full
registration but that stand soon softened. Hanson was the first
to point out that a forced registration would destroy the cordial
relations existing between whites and Seminoles. Next, the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs sent out directions for the third
registration for men who reached their twentieth birthday by
December 31, 1941 and had not passed their forty-fifth birthday
by February 16, 1942. The registration was to take place on
February 16, 1942 (Greenwood 1942). It was up to the state di-
rector of selective service to have full responsibility for the
registration of the Seminoles. It seemed better for someone not
connected with the Indian service to do the registering but, if
no one was available, then Hanson would do the job (Jennings 1942).
In the third registration which took place in February, 1942,
W. Stanley Hanson was given the job of registering the Seminoles.
Hanson traveled 2,136 miles while attempting to locate and register
Indians from Silver Springs to Miami. By June 1, 1942, 67 of the
108 eligible Indians or sixty-two percent had registered. Such
a low figure was not disturbing to Hanson for he believed that
since a draft card was needed to secure employment, the hold-
outs would gradually register as they had done in 1940 (Hanson
1942). Opposition to registration was strongest among those not
living on reservations.
By the final week of February, 1942 the Florida selective
service officials had investigated the Seminole Indian registration
situation and concluded that the matter could not be corrected.
Captain Ralph W. Cooper was directed to make a thorough investi-
gation of the matter and report to the state director of selective
service for Florida. In February 25 and 26, 1942, he visited
Hollywood, Brighton, Everglades, Fort Myers, and camps along
the Tamiami Trail in a rather hurried trip and concluded that
the Seminoles had little knowledge of English and were somewhat
unsanitary. It would not be worthwhile to use force against
these Indians for such action would produce slight results and
arouse more distrust on the part of the Indians (Cooper 1942).
Several months later in April, 1942, officials in Washington
had reached a decision concerning the Seminole registration.
The matter had been discussed with the attorney-general of the
United States and he decided that it was a state of Florida
selective service matter. The Florida selective service officials
had decided to accept the conclusion reached by Cooper's in-
vestigation that should all of the Seminoles be forced to register,
the number accepted into service would not be worth the distrust
aroused. Captain Ralph Cooper and W. Stanley Hanson both realized
the value of the Seminoles who were willing to assist the govern-
ment in the war effort. Since coastal Florida was virtually
covered with military and naval aviation training schools the
Seminoles could assist in rescue work at any crashes that may
take place in the Everglades. Should enemy troops land by boat
or parachute near or in the Everglades the Indians would serve
as guides in locating the invaders (Zimmerman 1942). Hanson,
in June, 1941, had reported that the Seminoles were willing to
serve on patrol and guide duty and Secretary of Interior Harold
L. Ickes and Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson referred the matter
to the State Defense Council of Florida. So far as can be deter-
mined no use was made of the Seminoles in that capacity and they
were not required to register if they did not desire to do so.
The Seminoles played their role in the war effort as they
saw fit. Since workers were needed in the farms when the regular
laborers were drafted, the Seminoles were able for the first
time to be accepted as average Americans and work on nearby
truck farms. Some thirty to forty men worked in such defense
jobs as truck drivers, rough carpenters, laborers and mechanics
(Marmon 1943). Some who had available funds purchased war bonds
and savings stamps. It was nineteen year old Betty Mae Tiger
who purchased the first war bond before departing for school
at Cherokee, North Carolina. When sugar rationing took place,
the Seminoles stood in line to accept their ration cards. The
demand for beef during the war helped stimulate the development
of the herds at Brighton and Big Cypress Reservations. Finally,
three men including Moses Jumper, Howard Tiger and Jack Osceola
volunteered and were accepted for service in the armed forces.
First to volunteer was Howard, brother of Betty Mae, who served
in the United States Marine Corps in battles at Guam and Iwo Jima.
The Seminole fighting man had not changed since the days of
Wildcat, Alligator, Osceola, and Billy Bowlegs. It was that the
United State government needed only warriors that could read and
write and the spirit of distrust was still strong at that time.
The selectic service situation during World War II was one in
which the United States government repaid a little of the great
debt owed to the Seminoles by acting with great restraint and
Abbreviations used: F.R.C. Federal Records Center, East Point,
N.A. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
Coe, Charles H.
1898 Red Patriots: The Story of the Seminoles. Cincinnati:
Editor Publishing Co.
Cooper, Ralph, Capt.
1942 [Letter to State of Florida Director of Selective
Service. February 27, 1942.] 820 Selective Service
Record Group 75, Records of the Bureau of Indian
1978 Man's Rise to Civilization: The Cultural Ascent of
the Indians of North America. New York: Bantam Books.
Gardin, Dwight R., Superintendent, Seminole Indian Agency
1940 [Letter to State of Florida Director of Selective
Service. November 7, 1940.] Document 40-77334, Files
1940, Record Group 75, Records of the Bureau of
Indian Affairs. F.R.C.
1978 The American Nation: A History of the United States.
New York: Harper and Row.
Greenwood, H. Harlan, Commissioner of Indian Affairs
1942 [Circular to all Superintendents. January 16, 1942.]
Circular 3368-H, 820 Selective Service. F.R.C.
Hanson, W. Stanley
1942 [Letter to William Hill, Superintendent, Seminole
Indian Agency. March 10, 1942.] 820 Selective Service.
Jennings, Joe, Superintendent of Indian Schools
1942 [Letter to William Hill, Superintendent, Seminole
Indian Agency. February 6, 1942.] 820 Selective
Marmon, Kenneth, Superintendent, Seminole Indian Agency
1943 [Letter to Commissioner of Indian Affairs. October
9, 1943.] 220.1 War Savings Bonds. F.R.C.
New York Times
1940a [Newspaper. October 16, 1940.]
1940b [Newspaper. October 17, 1940.]
1940a [Periodical. Volume 16, October 21, 1940.]
1940b [Periodical. Volume 16, October 28, 1940.]
Report on the Seminole Indians of Florida.
Office of Indian Affairs, Department of the
Interior Library. Washington, D.C.
Zimmerman, William, Assistant Commissioner of Indian Affairs
1942 [Letter to Mrs. Ethel Cutler Freeman. October
22, 1942.] Files 42-46058. N.A.
SUBSISTENCE IN THE ST. JOHNS REGION:
THE ALDERMAN SITE
Marilyn C. Stewart
The Alderman site (8-Vo-135) is a ridge of shell
midden capped by a layer of sand. Located on the east shore
of Lake Harney, the site is approximately 460 m by 50 m and
2 m high at the apex. About 100 m to the east is another
ridge, part of a probable old lake terrace. Another site,
VO-136, is on the southern end of the ridge.
The immediate environment is the lake, which is about
three miles across and five miles long. The lake is shallow
and generally swampy around the edges, except during the
summer when it floods, as does the river. The St. Johns
River enters the lake in a maze of channels and islands about
750 m to the south of the site. In the last century the St.
Johns riverboats used to put in at Solee's Landing just south
of the site and passengers would board a coach on the Lake
Harney-Titusville tramway to the coast. Remains of the landing
and the tramway are still apparent to the south of the site.
Prior to the present investigations the Alderman site
had never been systematically excavated. It seems to have
escaped even the notice of pot-hunters, with the exception of
two or three small pits. This site and Vo-136 were examined
by Moore in 1892 (Rouse 1951:140). Apparently Vo-135 was
merely recorded, being less interesting than Vo-136 which con-
tained burials. Moore collected two St. Johns Check Stamped
and one Savannah Fine Cord Marked sherds. In 1947 J. W. Griffin
made a surface collection consisting of 24 St. Johns Plain and
39 St. Johns Check Stamped sherds, 2 stemmed flint projectile
points, and a piece of a Spanish olive jar (Rouse 1951:140).
Rouse and Goggin located the site on the property of
Morgan Alderman in 1949. From the shore along the lake they
collected the following:
447 St. Johns Plain, 250 St. Johns Check Stamped,
1 Dunns Creek Red, 10 Glades Plain, 5 Belle Glade
Plain, and 8 Wakulla Check Stamped sherds;
a stemmed knife and a retouched flake of flint;
the butt of a Busycon gouge) and a piece of a
Spanish olive jar (Rouse 1951:140).
Rouse concluded that the site was occupied during Malabar II
times (St. Johns II) and possibly during the Spanish "Period
of Hostility" (1564-1602).
The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 32, no. 2, June 1979
A somewhat different chronology is suggested by the
collection of Paul Alderman. From the lake shore along the
southern third of the site he has obtained about 55 identi-
fiable projectile points, hundreds of flake tools and debitage,
and numerous marine shell pieces, as well as pottery of the
same types mentioned by Rouse and a piece of Spanish olive
jar. The projectile points were of a variety of types with
middle and late Archaic period forms predominant. This
collection suggests heavy use of the site by middle Archaic
and late Archaic peoples, evidence not apparent in the
collections studied by Rouse.
Excavations were initially carried out by a Rollins
College Field School in January, 1977. Since this was the
first exploration of the mound, our goals were modest: to
determine the nature of the stratigraphy, including shell
quantities, and to produce a site map. We began with a 2 m
by 1 m test pit near the southern end of the site, but close
to the top of the ridge. Digging proceeded in 15 cm levels.
When postmolds were discovered at about 80 cm, the test pit
was expanded to 2 m by 2 m, and we switched to natural layers.
Finding more postmolds which we wished to leave intact, we
finished only one corner of the test pit, a 1 m by 1.5 m cut
taken out by natural layers to sterile soil and the water table.
Two additional squares, 2 m by 2 m in size, were begun,
using more systematic techniques (10 cm levels, with a 30 cm
corner baulk for shell column samples). But because of a
combination of unseasonably cold weather (the Big Freeze of
'77) and the occurrence of postmolds and complex lensing, we
were unable to get below the level of the postmolds in these
All material was sifted through 1/4" screens. Most
digging was by trowel, the exception being Test Pit 2, which
was shoveled. Only unusual artifacts (anything other than
pottery) and dating samples were measured three-dimensionally.
A shell column sample was taken from Test Pits 1 and 3, in 20 cm
The goals, modest though they seemed, were not entirely
met. The stratigraphic profile was obtained, though it was not
possible (because of time and the water table) to test below
the sterile soil for deeper cultural layers. Nor did we obtain
as refined a sampling of shell as desired. It was confirmed by
shovel test pits that the site extends only as far as the vege-
tation cover, at least on the south end, and a site map was
drawn for the south end.
In January, 1978 further excavations were undertaken
primarily to verify the stratigraphy further north on the mound
and to uncover additional postmolds in hopes of identifying
patterns. The stratigraphy was essentially the same in all
three 2 m by 2 m squares as that found in 1977. However, such
an abundance of postmolds and features were found that a
great deal more work will be necessary before any patterns emerge.
The data then, are from six provenience units (Squares
1-6; see Fig. 1). Stratigraphy, documented in Test Pit 3
(Fig. 2) and in two of the three squares dug in 1978, is as
Stratum 1: White sand, probably water lain;
modern fauna and historic artifacts mixed
with prehistoric remains.
Stratum 2: Dark to very dark sandy loam with
fragmented shells; subdivided as follows:
2A: dark sandy loam with some shells;
2B: very dark with high shell content;
2C: very dark with fewer shells; increased
fauna and pottery;
Stratum 3: White to light gray sand with little
shell, containing postmolds and features.
Stratum 4: Light gray sand with mussels, under-
lain by a black band.
Stratum 5: Loose shells in little soil; subdi-
vided as follows:
5A: pulverized mussels in little soil;
5B: whole snails in light gray soil; postmolds;
5C: pulverized mussels and whole snails in
dark gray soil, underlain by a black band;
Stratum 6: Pulverized shell in white sand.
Stratum 7: Pulverized shell in greasy white soil.
In Test Pit 3, the only square which reached bottom, the
bottom stratum rests directly on culturally sterile black muck.
The analysis of artifacts is incomplete. So far only the
test pits have been completely analyzed.
Fe ce TS 60
Lake 5 100
Fig. 1. Alderman site, 1977 and
1978 excavations. Contour interval
is 90 cm, with W50S100 at 3 ft +msl.
Fig. 2. Profile of test pits 2 and
3. Strata are described in text.
Ceramics. Seriation of ceramics from Test Pits 2 and 3,
carried out by Scott Chaffee (n.d.), indicated three separate
prehistoric occupations, with breaks at the top of Stratum 7
and the top of Stratum 3 (Fig. 3). These breaks occur roughly
where postmolds are found (in Stratum 5 and the top of Stratum 3).
The first occupation is dominated by sand-tempered plain, the
second by St. Johns Plain and the third by St. Johns Check
In the miscellaneous category from Stratum 2A are twelve
check-stamped sherds, with three identifiable as Deptford Linear
Check Stamped. Some of the six bold check sherds may also be
Deptford. In addition are four incised sherds, one with a
criss-cross design, one linear punctate, one interrupted incised,
and two interior red-slipped sherds. From Stratum 2C are two
unidentifiable wide-checked sherds. Stratum 6 has a large rim
which appears to be simple stamped. A large sherd from Stratum 4
which appears to be brushed is an enigma. It does not resemble
any of the historic brushed types made by the Seminole or other
Southeastern Indians. The writer has been unable to find de-
scriptions of any prehistoric brushed pottery.
Clay balls are found in all levels but predominately in
Strata 3 through 6. Many show evidence of heat.
Shell. Four Busycon gouges were recovered, two from Stratum 2A
in Square 2, one from a feature in Square 5, and one from Stratum
2 in Test Pit 1. A tubular shell bead from a Feature in Square 2
is 14 mm by 9 mm with a 6 mm hole. From Square 6 Stratum 2 and
3-4 are two cut pieces of Busycon. Another two come from Test
Pit 2 Stratum 2B and another from Test Pit 3 Stratum 6. In
addition are nine apparently unmodified fragments of conch or
whelk from various proveniences and one oyster shell from Square
4 Stratum 6.
Bone. A lovely inscribed bone pin with a peg for an attached
head was found in Stratum 2B in Test Pit 1. From Square 5
Stratum 2 came an awl and a polished piece that is flattened
on one side and has two parallel grooves on the same side. A
shark's tooth found in Test Pit 3 Stratum 6 shows no evidence
Stone. An unidentifiable projectile point fragment (Square 4
Stratum 2A), a tiny flake (Test Pit 2 Stratum 2A), and a core
or point fragment (Test Pit 3 Stratum 5) were the only chert
present. Three fragments of limestone, probably all representing
the same type of artifact, a flat ovoid, are from Square 6
Stratum 2 and Square 1 Stratum 2.
Historic Artifacts. Of most interest are the Spanish materials,
four olive jar sherds (Square 2 Stratum 2 and Test Pit 1 Stratum
2A and 2B) and a spherical blue bead (Square 4 Stratum 2B). A
rod of iron from Test Pit 2 Stratum 2C may also be of Spanish
origin. It seems to be a bolt that might have come from a ship.
5 L I
6 I I
280 I 8
10 L Z
10 1 I
35 I I
27 I I
28 I I
41 I I
26 I I
29% D 3% 230
66 2 674
Fig. 3. Seriation of pottery from Test Pits 2 and 3.
It is similar to two iron rods found in association with
glass beads in a burial in Orange County (Keith Reeves,
Central Florida,personal communication).
Other historical artifacts include numerous nails, spikes,
and fragments of iron; four pieces of lead; several pieces of
glass; some stoneware; one piece of china; two plastic buttons;
one copper button; a penny; a pipestem (nineteenth century?);
and modern bullets. The distribution of historic artifacts
is shown in Fig. 4.
Surface Collection. Five projectile points, all but one of
completely weathered white chert, were fished out of the lake.
Tentative identifications are Lafayette Corner Notched, Westo,
Florida Spike, Culbreath, and Florida Copena. Other chert
from the lake includes two cores, a fragment of a blank, and
three unidentifiable worked pieces. Twenty-four flakes and
a clay ball complete the prehistoric collection. Pottery,
all plain or check-stamped, was ignored.
Culture History. Alderman was apparently established and
occupied entirely during the St. Johns period. There are three
periods of intensive occupation:
1) an initial period of very rapid build-up of
shells with very little soil early in St.
2) an episode of structure-building followed by
more heavy shell deposition, still within
St. Johns I;
3) more structures possibly with prepared
floors, followed by layers of moderately
heavy shell content during St. Johns II.
There is a possibility that this occupation
might have been St. Johns II C, Spanish-
The division between Stratum 3 and 4 is a significant
one. Besides marking the main postmold layer, it represents
the transition from St. Johns I to St. Johns II. Stratum 3,
which was poor in artifacts and fauna appears to be a floor.
Its presence is patchy and numerous postmolds and features (Fig.5)
were found in all squares except Square 1. Both plain and
check-stamped pottery occur, with plain slightly predominant,
suggesting that the floor is early St. Johns II in age.
After the shell mound was abandoned there was a further
episode of sand deposition, probably by flooding, followed
by intermittent use of the mound during the historic period,
I Bu Pi
Pe C G
Distribution of historic artifacts in undisturbed squares.
< TP 1 --
< TP 2 >
< TP 3 >
Fig. 5. Square 3 depressions and postmolds at 80 cm.
-1- G- -
first during the Spanish-Indian period and later during the
time of early settlers up to the present. Seven Spanish olive
jar sherds collected at the site suggest occupation during the
Spanish period. A structure was apparently built in the area
of Square 5 in recent times, as indicated by two postmolds
originating in the sand layer and abundant recent artifacts.
Dating. Several datable charcoal samples were obtained
from Test Pits 2 and 3. Three were submitted to the University
of Miami Radiocarbon Laboratory. Sample 10 from Stratum 6
yielded 475+210 B.C. (UM-1152) for the middle of the St. Johns
I occupation. Sample 5 from Stratum 2C was A.D. 860+100
(UM-1153) for the St. Johns II occupation. A postmold in
Stratum 3 was dated by samples 2 and 3 to A.D. 760+125 (UM-1154).
These dates are consistent with the early St. Johns I and early
St. Johns II periods.
Activities. Very little can be said about activities carried
out on the site itself. People seem to have been here for
one purpose: eating. They collected mussels and fish from the
lake, pond snails from the ponds and sloughs, and a few mammals
from the woods (see Subsistence Analysis below). They used a
great deal of pottery, some for cooking as indicated by interior
carbon deposits. Most was probably for storage of plant foods,
though if they were drying fish for later use they may have
stored the dried fish in pots. Whatever the function of the
pottery its importance increased dramatically in the upper levels
of the mound, as measured by unit sherd density by stratum
(Fig. 6). The shell artifacts all seem to be for food preparation
or eating; the latter also is suggested by the clay balls.
The structures can be interpreted as either dwellings
or drying racks for fish. The writer favors the former inter-
pretation at present because of the evidence for prepared
floors. On the other hand, the abundance of charcoal and of
pits might argue for the latter. It should be noted, however,
that only one feature (16 in Square 6) showed any indication of
in situ burning.
The absence of evidence for stone working, pot making, or
other manufacturing activities argues for a seasonal camp rather
than a semi-permanent village. This is supported by the presence
of shell from the coast and by ethnographic analogy with the
Ais and Timucua.
Earlier it was stated that the inhabitants of the Alderman
site were apparently here for the sole purpose of eating. The
statement was based on the relative proportions of food waste
to artifacts. On the same basis it could be said that the
primary food would seem to be molluscs. Cumbaa (1976) has
recently challenged this assumption on the grounds that an
1 2A 2B 2C 3-4 5 6 7
Fig. 6. Sherd density by strata in number of sherds/m2 X 20 cm.
Modified from Cumbaa (1976:55).
1Combines Cumbaa's values for aquatic turtles,
land turtles, alligators and snakes.
Value for plants is estimated from general
Table 1. Contributions to diet for Colby site.
animal bone represents a great deal more food than a mollusc
shell. He demonstrated the point through a sophisticated
analysis of the calories contributed by the various food
sources represented in a cubic meter of midden on the Colby
site, a Mt. Taylor period shell mound in the northern St.
Johns region. Cumbaa found that shellfish were much less
important than mammals and he reasoned, by comparison with
modern hunter-gatherers, that they were somewhat less important
than plant foods (Table 1).
The present study is an attempt to refine Cumbaa's method-
ology, to compare his findings for a Mt. Taylor site to those
for our St. Johns site, and to introduce a method for study-
ing changing subsistence through time.
Molluscs. The amount of shell found in a shell mound is
overwhelming. It is physically impossible to collect it all
and take it back to the lab for analysis as is done with
animal bones. But this is unnecessary. All that is needed
is a sample large enough to extrapolate from for the site as
a whole. For animal bones, which are thinly scattered by
comparison with shells, we need a sample from a large square.
But the sample required for shell is much smaller. In California
the standard collection unit is a 10 cm by 10 cm by 10 cm cube.
A series of these samples is taken from an isolated column.
Then a 2000 gm subsample from each section is weighed out for
identification and quantification. The California method has
been somewhat modified here. It proved more practical with
inexperienced diggers to isolate a larger column, 15 cm by 15 cm;
although it was felt that 20 cm levels were enough, given the
depth of the mound. From each 15 cm by 15 cm by 20 cm sample
a 2000 gm subsample was analyzed. The shells were identified,
weighed, and converted to calories per square meter, 20 cm thick
(see Table 2). Rollins student R. Tate Anthony (n.d.) did the
identification and weighing.
Only two varieties of shellfish were found, the small
pond snail Viviparus (probably V. georgianus) and the mussel
Elliptio (probably E. dilatatus). Pomacea, a large pond snail
which occurs in other shell mounds in the area, is not repre-
sented. Shell weights were first extrapolated to the 15 cm by
15 cm by 20 cm samples, then converted to usable meat weights
by determining the number of whole shells represented and
multiplying by the average usable meat per individual. Average
shell weights (1.3 gm for Viviparus and 12.6 gm for Elliptio)
were obtained by weighing a sample of prehistoric shells.
Usable meat figures were obtained from live samples by Cumbaa
(1976: 2.2 gm for Viviparus) and by Paul Zeph, a student at
Rollins (4.46 gm for Elliptio). Meat weights were then con-
verted to calories using values from Cumbaa (72 calories per
100 gm for Viviparus) and Parmelee and Klippel (1974: 68
calories per 100 gm, average of two mussel species tested,for
Elliptio). For comparison with animal bone data another
extrapolation, to calories per square meter (of a 20 cm level)
(1) Average shell weight for Viviparus is 1.3 gm; for Elliptio 12.6 gm.
(2) Average usable meat is 2.2 gm for Viviparus; 4.46 gm for Elliptio.
(3) Calories per 100 gm is 72 for Viviparus; 68 for Elliptio.
Table 2. Estimation of usable meat and calories for shellfish.
was made. This unit was chosen rather than the cubic meter
used by Cumbaa because of the shorter time intervals being
analyzed (Cumbaa's analysis was for the mound as a whole--
probably 2000 to 3000 years).
The resulting graphs (Fig. 7, a and b) show a general
preference for mussles and a tendency for snails and mussels
to vary inversely. That is, when mussels decline snails in-
crease. Snails were preferred over mussels only in the 60-80
level (early St. Johns II). Total shellfish consumption stays
at about the same level after an initial low, except at the
80-100 level (the transitional St. Johns I-II postmold zone),
until a rapid decline in the upper levels.
Other Fauna. The vertebrate fauna were identified at the
Florida State Museum by Erika Simons. Arlene Fradkin did the
overall site analysis (see Fradkin, this issue). Fradkin
employed two methods of diet analysis, giving somewhat different
results. First, she used MNI (minimum number of individuals)
estimates to calculate the contribution of different animal
types. Then she used linear regression formulae to estimate
usable meat weights from bone weights. Both methods were used
in the present study. Since I wanted to compare molluscs
with the other fauna I converted both MNI's and bone weights
to calories, because the relative food values are very different.
It was also necessary to correlate the 20 cm levels of the
mollusc sample with the strata of the faunal sample. In the
future all faunal materials will be collected by arbitrary
levels within strata.
Our principal concern was site use through time. In
this case diet is the chief indicator of use. We therefore
examined the components of diet in each time interval and the
changing role of each component through time. In addition,
dietary consumption was used as a measure of the intensity of
site use through time, reflecting changing population size or
perhaps differences in the duration of stays. In the absence
of seasonal data or data on the plant component of the diet we
are limited here to a consideration of relative intensity of
site use as reflected in total meat consumption through time.
For the "MNI method" Cumbaa'a figures for average meat
weights and caloric values were used (Table 3). Then the
mollusc data were added and dietary contributions were calcu-
lated (Table 4). The results are graphed in Figure 7, c and d.
They show an overwhelming preference for mammals, followed by
either fish or shellfish. Total meat consumption, following
the mammal pattern in general, climbs to a peak in Stratum 3-4
(the postmold zone!) and declines thereafter, but at a slower
rate than the rate for shellfish alone. On the average the
Alderman meat diet computed from column totals in Table 4 was
54.7% mammals, 18.8% fish, 16.9% shellfish, and 9.6% reptiles
and birds. Except for Stratum 1, which is mostly historic
period; 2A, the decline in overall consumption; 7, the initial
occupation; and 3-4, the postmold zone; other strata come close
0- 20- 40- 0- 00- 100- 120- 111- 160- 180-
20 o0 0o 80 100 120 lLO 1i0 io0 200
a. Calories per m for molluscs
1 2A 23 20 13- 5 7 7
c. Calories per n2 for fauna
from :.-I estimates
1 2A 2' ?C 5 7
e. otasl -rFt calnries ner rn
from "oo-c -i "ht emtim tes
0- 20- 10- C0- 80- 100- 120- 140- 160- 180-
20 40 60 30 100 120 140 160 180 200
b. Shellfish calories per m
from F.::I estimates
1 2A 2A 2C 3-^ 5 6 7
d. Total meat calories per m2
from I.,,I estimates
SCalories 'cr In for fauna
from bor-e wei;lht estimates
Fig. 7. The Alderman site diet over time (calories/m2).
0-20 Sm mamm
20-40 Sm mamm
40-60 Sm mamm
60-80 Sm mamm
80-100 Sm mamm
100-140 Sm mamm
6 Deer 1
140-160 Sm mamm 3
7 Deer 1
160-200 Sm mamm 1
Strata 1-2C are from a
2 X 1 m square; strata 3-7 are
from a 1.5 Xl m square.
Table 3. Estimation of calories of useable meat/m2
using MNI method.
Table 4. Contributions of fauna in calories using MNI method.
to this pattern.
How does this compare with Cumbaa's results? The patterns
are very similar, as Table 5 shows. Since we are dealing here
with a partly agricultural people, no attempt was made to esti-
mate plant consumption. Looking at the meat diet, then, we
see an emphasis in both sites on mammals and shellfish, with
more of the latter at Colby. Alderman is much more fish-
oriented, with fish surpassing molluscs in later times. Colby
replaces fish with reptiles.
Mammals 50.8% 52.0%
Fish 2.4 18.1
Reptiles 12.3 7.9
Birds 0.4 1.5
Shellfish 34.0 20.3
Totals 98.9 99.8
Table 5. Overall contribution to meat diet for Colby
and Alderman Sites, using MNI Method.
Before accepting these results as gospel it might be wise
to reflect a bit on one of the assumptions involved. The MNI
method depends on counting individual representative bones,
for example right femurs. Three right femurs obviously repre-
sent three individuals. Can we assume, however, that one right
femur of a deer represents the meat of the entire deer? No, it
represents the meat of one thigh. The rest of the animal may
have been consumed elsewhere, perhaps not even on the site. As
long as we stick to small animals the MNI method probably does
not distort the data too seriously, since usually the whole
animal is consumed in one place. The problem becomes critical
though when we include large animals and when we try to compare
shell fish with other fauna. An MNI count of shellfish means
that so many snails or mussels were consumed pretty much on the
spot. But the bones of an individual mammal are scattered and
differentially preserved, so that the whole individual is rarely
there. I think the problem could be dealt with by taking differ-
ent sized samples depending on animal sizes. For molluscs the
10 cm by 10 cm column has proved ideal. For small fauna the
one meter or five foot square is probably fine. But for deer
and alligators I would recommend at least a 2 m by 2 m square.
My own sample I judge to be adequate, then, except for large
One way of avoiding the problems involved withthe MNI
method is to use a different method. The direct calculation
of usable meat weights from bone weights would seem to be ideal.
The Florida Museum linear regression formulae given by Fradkin
(this issue)were used to calculate usable meat weights within
each stratum (Table 6). These were converted to calories per
square meter (Table 7) and graphed (Fig. 7,e and f). Again
the mollusc data were added and dietary contributions were
calculated (Table 8).
The results of the bone weight method are drastically
different from those of the MNI method. Among vertebrate
fauna fish are two to six times as important as mammals, but
neither has much importance when compared with shellfish except
in strata 2A and 2B. Reptiles and birds hardly count. Total
meat consumption follows the pattern for shellfish, with a drop
in the postmold layer instead of a peak, and an earlier decline
as compared with the MNI pattern (Fig. 7,d).
Which are we to believe? Probably neither. The real
picture must be somewhere in between. The chief problem with
the bone weight method is that estimates are based on whole
skeletons rather than the meat weight represented by individual
bones. At present I am inclined to favor the bone weight method
because it seems intuitively to be a closer approximation of
the actual meat represented in a given volume of midden. The
argument that shellfish alone cannot provide an adequate protein
diet (because one would have to consume scores of them daily)
can be answered by postulating that the bulk of the diet actu-
ally came from plant foods.
Alderman is an unusual site in many ways. First, it is
a post-Archaic site in a region dominated by Archaic (Mt.
Taylor) occupation. As Goggin (1947) suggested many years ago,
it seems that populations moved first to the coast in Orange
times and then to the north during St. Johns I. The southern
St. Johns area, from below Lake Jessup, was used only spo-
radically throughout the late Orange, St. Johns I, and St. Johns
II periods. Alderman was apparently visited by Archaic peoples,
who left a considerable amount of stone debris along the lake
shore. But so far there is no evidence of an Archaic occupation
of the shell mound itself. The occupation begins in early St.
Johns I times and continues into St. Johns II, perhaps as late
as the early Spanish period.
The ridge shape and large size of the mound are also
different from the Archaic mounds to the south. The latter
are roughly circular hammocks less than half the size of
Alderman. The abundant postmolds and charcoal suggest that
Alderman is a combination camp and midden. If so, it is likely
that dwellings and midden areas were moved around so that each
activity occupied a different part of the site at any one time.
*incl. a few alligator fragments
Mammals log y = 1.09
(log x) 1.2147; r =
(log x) 1.3585; r =
(log x) 1.1871; r =
(log x) 0.69897;r =
(log x) 1.1938; r =
Table 6. Estimation of meat weights (gm) using correlations
between biomass and skeletal weight (bone weight method).
Average of deer and small mammals.
Strata 1-2C are from a 2
Strata 3-7 are from a 1.5
Table 7. Estimation of calories for vertebrate fauna using
correlations between biomass and skeletal weight (bone
Table 8. Contributions of fauna in calories calculated from correlations
between biomass and skeletal weight (bone weight method).
This could well result in a linear pattern of midden deposits.
There is no evidence of inhabitation of the Archaic shell mounds.
It is likely that by St. Johns I times the higher water level
made living in the lowlands impractical. People would have to
live on the only high ground available--the shell mounds. This
interpretation does not explain why the midden so far excavated
rests on black muck rather than an older mound. It is my
expectation that an older mound will be found, perhaps closer
to the lake shore where Archaic artifacts are abundant.
The diet at Alderman is not significantly different from
that of the earlier Colby site except in a greater reliance
on fish and mussels. Depending on the method of analysis fish
is either second to shellfish (bone weight method--which is
advocated here) or third after mammals and shellfish (MNI
method). At Colby fish are a poor fourth after mammals, shell-
fish, and reptiles (MNI method). If bone weights were avail-
able for Colby, fish would probably be fourth after shellfish,
mammals and reptiles. Another Mt. Taylor period site for
which I have data, the Palmer-Taylor site, is closer to the
Colby diet in vertebrate fauna (Fradkin n.d.). The molluscs
are still under analysis, but seem to be more like Alderman
in that mussels predominate over snails. This discrepancy
with Colby is difficult to explain, since as Thanz (1977) has
pointed out, mussels (and also Pomacea snails) prefer large
open bodies of water, whereas Viviparus thrive in smaller
quieter waters with abundant vegetation. Both Alderman and
Palmer-Taylor are close to the large St. Johns (the latter is
on the Econlokhatchee River near its intersection with the
St. Johns). But Kimball Island, which was the basis of
Cumbaa's shellfish estimate for Colby, seems to be just as
It must not be forgotten that Alderman represents part
of a way of life that is believed to include agriculture.
This fact may explain the decline in intensity of site use
through time, as measured by total meat consumption. Evident-
ly the population size or duration of stay began to decline in
early St. Johns II. It may be that as agriculture began to
contribute a large part of the diet the Alderman site became
less and less important since the area is not agriculturally
The potential of the Alderman site has barely been tapped.
The existence of structures and the abundant charcoal (some
of which may be plant remains) promise data on activities and
living habits that up to now have been very elusive in Florida.
A great deal remains to be done before we can begin to under-
stand the subsistence settlement system in the St. Johns region.
Alderman appears to be a key site inthe investigations of the
last 2500 years of that system.
I am indebted to the present owners, Mr. and Mrs. Hugh
Braddy, for permission to excavate and for occasional shelter
against the vicissitudes of winter. Mrs. Braddy's son, Paul
Alderman, graciously allowed me to photograph his collection
and lent a hand in the excavations. For introducing me to the
site and the area special thanks to Bob Steinmetz of Oviedo.
The dietary analysis was made possible by the expert advice of
Dr. Elizabeth Wing and the patient laboratory analysis of Arlene
Fradkin, Erica Simons, and R. Tate Anthony. Drs. Fairbanks
and Milanich have been very helpful in providing comparative
data and perspective. Funding was provided by Rollins College
and by a grant from the Rollins College Research Fund.
Anthony, R. Tate
n.d. Alderman Site Faunal Analysis. Manuscript
on file, Rollins College.
n.d. Alderman Site Ceramic Analysis. Manuscript
on file, Rollins College.
1976 A Reconsideration of Freshwater Shellfish
Exploitation in the Florida Archaic. The Florida
n.d. Palmer-Taylor Site Faunal Analysis. Manuscript
on file, Florida State Museum, Zooarcheology Range.
1947 A Preliminary Definition of Archaeological Areas
and Periods in Florida. American Antiquity 13:
Parmelee, Paul W. and Walter E. Klippel
1974 Freshwater Mussels as a Prehistoric Food Resource.
American Antiquity 39:421-434.
1951 A Survey of Indian River Archeology, Florida.
Yale University Publications in Anthropology, 44.
Thanz, Nina R.
1977 A Correlation of Environmental and Cultural
Changes in Northeastern Florida during the late
Archaic Period. The Florida Journal of Anthropology
Winter Park, Florida
FAUNAL REMAINS FROM THE ALDERMAN SITE,
VOLUSIA COUNTY, FLORIDA
The Alderman site, 8-Vo-135, is a ridge-shaped midden located
on Lake Harney in Volusia County, Florida. The midden is situated
directly on the east shore of the lake, actually a widening of the
St. Johns River.
Excavations at the Alderman site were carried out in the
winter of 1977 under the direction of Dr. Marilyn Stewart, a
professor of anthropology at Rollins College, Winter Park, Florida.
The present paper entails an identification, analysis, and inter-
pretation of the bone refuse recovered at that time.
The Middle St. Johns region, the area in which the site is
located, contains several major habitats: palm forests and pine
flatwoods and lakes, rivers, and ponds. Forests of cabbage palms,
Sabal palmetto, are a common natural feature. These vary from
scattered palms to groves of palms and oaks in hammocks. Pine
flatwoods are another dominant environmental zone (Harper 1921).
Freshwater areas, i.e., lakes, rivers, and ponds, are abundant in
this region. Such aquatic areas include Lake Harney and the St.
Materials and Methods
Analysis of the faunal remains from the Alderman site was
undertaken at the Florida State Museum, Gainesville, Florida, under
the direction of Dr. Elizabeth S. Wing. The sample consisted of
a total of 8,668 bone fragments. (Mollusk remains were separated
from the vertebrate bone remains and were not included in this
faunal collection.) Of the latter, 52% or 4,513 fragments were
identified to genus and species. Identifications were made by
The initial step in the faunal analysis was the taxonomic
classification of the faunal remains. Comparative specimens from
the zooarcheological collections were available for identification
purposes. Identification of the fragmentary animal remains was
at times difficult; while some skeletal material were identified
according to species, other animal remains were too fragmentary
and therefore could be determined only to the generic level. Fish
were identified primarily by cranial fragments. Vertebrae were
classified whenever possible.
Following identification, a list was made of the skeletal
fragments represented by each species, e.g., 1 right femur, for
each excavation unit. Any indication of the age or sex of the
animal was also noted and modification of bone fragments by burning
or butchering was recorded.
The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 32, no. 2, June 1979
Quantification of the material was conducted by three
methods: enumeration of the total number of fragments of identifi-
able bone of each species; calculation of the minimum-number-of
individuals (MNI); and measurement of bone weights. Although the
first procedure does provide some information regarding prehistoric
diets, the latter two methods yield more adequate and reliable
Tabulation of the number of individuals of each species within
the sample was based upon the minimum-number-of-individuals method
(White 1953). These calculations involve counting the most common
skeletal elements for each species in each provenience. The total,
in turn, corresponds to at least that same number of individuals
of that particular animal. Variations in size, age, and sex also
The MNI for several bony fish, which were represented solely
by vertebrae, i.e., Mugil sp., was determined by dividing the
number of vertebrae in the archeological unit by the average number
of vertebrae in the skeleton of the species in question. Actual
counts of vertebrae were based upon the comparative collections in
the zooarcheology lab.
MNI's were computed separately for each provenience unit
(Maximum Distinction Method) (Grayson 1973), and these, in turn,
were added in order to tabulate the total number of each species
for the site as a whole. Although this procedure generally in-
volves repetition in quantifying the MNI counts, such redundancy
did not occur in this analysis due to the relatively small number
of excavation units. Finally, the weight of the bone fragments of
each species was measured and recorded. The preceding methodology
provided the basic raw data for an analysis of the subsistence
pattern of the Alderman site aboriginal inhabitants.
A list was made of the various species identified with the
number of bone fragments, MNI counts, and bone weights. The latter
two were used in order to determine the relative importance of the
various animal foods in the diet. MNI's for each species were
totalled for each animal class for the site as a whole. These
computations, in turn, were converted to percentages.
Several methods have been developed to estimate the size of
the animals represented by archeological remains. White's method
(1953) employs MNI counts and is based upon the live weights of
extant individual animals. This procedure has a number of draw-
backs (Wing 1976). Casteel's method (1976), however, employs bone
weights and thus deals more directly with the archeological data.
The basic assumption is that the animal's live weight, or biomass,
can be predicted from its skeletal weight. Hence, weighing
the skeletons of a series of animals of known live weights and
plotting such data on a system of Cartesian coordinates results
in a curvilinear relationship between the two variables. This is
converted into logarithms theieby generating least squads regression
ALDERMAN FAUNAL REMAINS
lines. Some of the data and formulas used here for mammals and
birds were based upon measurements conducted on specimens in the
Florida State Museum (Prange et al. 1979) while information on
fish and reptiles was derived from Reitz (1979). The total live
weights calculated were converted to greatestpossiale edible neat weight
totals using the following percentages: mammals 60%; birds 70%;
turtles 50%; and fish 80%. Percentages were based upon the
comparative specimens at the Florida State Museum and such figures
include the weight of all non-skeletal tissue of the animals.
Approximate percentages of edible meat provided by each vertebrate
class were then calculated. Since amphibians constituted a very
minor role in the diet (3 individuals), while sharks (1 individual)
probably were not a food item, these two classes were not included
in this portion of the analysis.
Finally a list of the various species identified and the
environments (freshwater versus terrestrial) in which they are
naturally found was made. Two methods were employed to determine
the percentage of the total fauna that were exploited within these
two major ecological habitats. Such calculations would demonstrate
which environmental zone was exploited most. The first procedure
constituted a species checklist indicating merely those animals
identified while the second method employed MNI's for the site
as a whole. In each procedure, only those animals that were found
in significant amounts were recorded. Species occurring in minute
quantity, i.e., salamanders, or whose use as a prehistoric food is
dubious, i.e., shark, were excluded.
A total of 37 species were identified from the Alderman site
collection. This sum included: 9 species of mammals, 1 bird,
15 reptiles, 1 amphibian, 10 bony fish, and 1 cartilaginous fish.
Mammalian Remains. Deer (Odocoileus virginianus) was the largest
mammal exploited. Twelve individuals were represented at the site.
All parts of the deer skeleton were identified in the collection.
Several bones, including one phalange, were worked while a number
of metapodials were burnt. Cut marks were noted on a pelvis frag-
Rabbit (Sylvilagus sp.) was the most common mammal in terms
of both number of fragments (126) and MNI. A minimum of 34 indi-
viduals were represented: many of these were juveniles as evi-
denced by the lack of fusion of the long bone epiphyses. All
parts of the rabbit were represented in the collection. Further-
more, several bones, including 2 femurs, 1 scapula, and 1 humerus
Other mammals at the site included: 2 raccoon (Procyon lotor);
2 opossum (Didelphis virginiana); 1 river otter (Lutra canadensis);
and 3 cotton rat (Sigmodon hispidus). Of least importance were:
dog (Canis familiaris), represented by one right femur; fox
squirrel (Sciurus niger), 1 pelvis fragment; and bear (Ursus
americana), indicated by a phalange.
A number of osseous remains that could not be identified
precisely but were definitely mammalian, were burnt. Finally,
one unidentified mammal bone fragment was worked.
Bird Remains. Of the 101 bird bone remains, a total of 12 frag-
ments could be identified. Five ducks (Anas sp.) were recovered
while a minimum of 6 individual birds still are unclassified.
Some of the bird vertebrae, humeri, coracoids, and tibiotarsus
bones were burnt. None of the bones, however, exhibited butcher-
Reptilian Remains. Turtles and snakes were well represented at
the site. The former included carapace and plastron as well as
limb skeletal fragments of both freshwater--mud (Sternotherus
sp.), musk (Kinosternon sp.), pond (Chrysemys sp.), Florida soft-
shell (Trionyx ferox), snapping (Chelydra serpentina), and chicken
(Deirochelys reticularia)--and terrestrial--box (Terrapene carolina)
and gopher tortoise (Gopherus polyphemus)--species.
Snake remains consisted primarily of vertebrae and a few
articular bone elements. Six species were identified: 5 water snake
(Natrix sp.), 1 racer (Coluber constrictor), 1 rainbow (Farancia
sp.), 1 indigo (Drymarchon sp.), 4 rattlesnake (Crotalus adamanteus),
and 3 cottonmouth moccasins (Agkistrodon piscivorus).
Finally, 3 alligators, Alligator mississipiensis, were identi-
Amphibian Remains. Several salamanders were recovered. Although
only one individual was classified as siren, Siren lacertina, 2
salamanders (Urodela) could not be further identified.
Fish Remains. Bony fish remains were most abundantly represented
at the site: a total of 298 individuals were identified. Most of
the species are freshwater. The few marine fish identified (sea
cat fish, Bagre marinus; mullet, Mugil sp.; and croaker, Micropogon
sp.) are known for their migrations up river streams.
The major freshwater fish exploited include: 79 freshwater
catfish (Ictalurus sp.); 56 largemouth bass (Micropterus salmoides);
35 redear sunfish (Lepomis microlophus); 29 crappie (Pomoxis
nigromaculatus); and 33 gar (Lepisosteus sp.). Of lesser importance
were bowfin (Amia calva) and pickerel (Esox sp.). It is interesting
to note that a tooth from a tiger shark, Galeocerdo cuvieri, was
recovered. The results are tabulated on Tables 1-2.
The faunal sample examined demonstrates that the prehistoric
occupants of the Alderman site were exploiting many of the avail-
able resources. Deer and rabbit were the major terrestrial animals
ALDERMAN FAUNAL REMAINS
Faunal fragments, MNI counts, and bone weights.
Common Name # of fragments
Class--Chondrichthyes Cartilaginous fish
Galeocerdo cuvieri Tiger shark 1 1 0.9
Class--Osteichthyes Bony fish
Lepisosteus sp Gar 675 33 204.7
Ami calva Bowfin 120 14 7.0
Esox sp Pickerel 93 12 11.8
Ictalurus sp Freshwater Catfish 1027 79 246.2
Lepomis microlophus Redear sunfish 115 35 31.1
salmoides Largemouth bass 562 56 153.7
culatus Black crappie 145 29 18.7
Bagre marinus Marine catfish 2 2 0.2
cf. Micropogon sp Croaker 2 1 0.3
Mugil sp Mullet 693 36 69.5
Urodela Salamanders 7 2 0.9
Siren lacertina Siren 10 1 1.9
Chelydra serpentina Snapping turtle 8 3 8.0
Kinosternidae Musk turtle family 133 26.8
Sternotherus sp Mud turtle 6 4 2
Kinosternon sp. Musk turtle 11 5 4.2
Terrapene carolina Box turtle 242 23 182.4
Chrysemys sp Pond turtle 157 18 229.5
reticularia Chicken turtle 3 3 2.1
Gopherus polyphemus Gopher tortoise 10 3 4.1
Trionyx ferox Florida softshell
turtle 241 37 202.2
Serpentes Snakes 3 0.5
Farancia sp Rainbow snake 2 1 0.8
Drymarchon sp Indigo snake 1 1 0.4
Coluber constrictor Racer 1 1 0.1
Natrix sp Water snake 34 5 7.3
piscivorus Cottonmouth mocassin 4 3 3.2
Crotalus adamanteus Diamondback rattlesnake 10 4 3.9
mississipiensis Alligator 6 3 17.4
Anas sp Duck 12 5 3.8
Didelphis virginiana Opossum 3 2 4.5
Sylvilagus sp Rabbit 126 34 38.0
Sciurus sp Squirrel 1 1 0.2
Sigmodon hispidus Cotton rat 4 3 0.6
Canis familiaris Domestic dog 1 1 6.1
Procyon lotor Raccoon 7 2 11.8
Lutra canadensis River otter 2 1 3.0
Ursus sp Bear 1 1 0.7
virginianus White-tailed deer 42 12 169.9
Unid. Fish 3212 368.5
Unid. Turtle 693 409.7
Unid. Birds 89 6 24.2
Unid. Large Mammal 151 218.3
Misc. Bone 480.9
Totals 8668 483 3191
MNI and Useable Meat Weight Percentages
Linear Regression Formulas for calculating useable meat weight, where:
X = body weight in kilograms
y = skeletal weight in kilograms
log y = 0.9528 (log x) 1.3585; r = 0.92
log y = 1.03 (log x) 0.69897; r = 0.77
log y = 1.09 (log x) 1.2147; r-= 0.99
(Prange et al 1979)
log y = 0.872 (log x)
log y = 1.071 (log x)
- 1.1938; r = 0.90
- 1.1871; r = 0.99
(Prange et al. 1979)
Faunal Class MNI MNI % Bone weight Est. Useable % useable
(grms) meat wgt. (grms) meat
Mammalia 57 11.8 453.1 3,777 12.6
Aves 11 2.3 28.0 325.5 1.1
Reptilia 114 23.6 1104.6 2,825.7 9.4
Amphibia 3 0.6 -
Osteichthyes 297 61.5 1111.7 23,100 76.9
Chondrichthyes 1 0.2 -
Total 483 100% 2,697.4 30,028.2 100.0%
ALDERMAN FAUNAL REMAINS
hunted. All skeletal parts of the deer were represented, indi-
cating that the whole animal was taken back from the kill site
and eaten within the living area. Cut marks on a pelvis frag-
ment indicate that the deer were defleshed prior to butchering
in the process of food preparation (Guilday, Parmalee, and Tanner
1962.). Other land animals hunted were raccoon, opossum, cotton
rat, and otters. Gopher tortoise, box turtle, and several species
of snakes were also captured in the terrestrial areas.
Fishing was also important as the freshwater areas provided
a rich source of protein. The preponderance of fish bones within
the total faunal assemblage indicates the extreme importance.of
this food to the prehistoric inhabitants. Both the number of
fish (61.5% of the total MNI) and the meat they may have provided
(76.9% of the total edible meat) demonstrate further that fish
constituted the largest portion of the aboriginal diet and
consequently were the major source of animal meat and protein.
The majority of those species identified are freshwater inhabitants
captured within the local lakes and rivers.
Other aquatic animals consumed included certain turtles and
snakes, alligators, and salamanders. Although a variety of birds
are common residents in the freshwater swamps of the area, only
ducks were exploited by the Alderman inhabitants. A number of the
bird bones were burnt, though none exhibit cut marks, indicating
that such animals may have been roasted whole over an open fire or
the birds could have been stewed and the bones thrown in the fire.
Nevertheless, birds formed a very small role in the diet (2.3% of
the total MNI and 1.1% of the total meat provided).
The foregoing survey thus provides some information on the
types of animal foods consumed and the habitats which were
exploited. Freshwater areas were most intensively used while the
terrestrial environmental zones were utilized less (Table 3).
Furthermore, trade may have been carried out with the coastal in-
habitants, as evidenced by a tiger shark tooth. Unfortunately,
information on seasonality is lacking. Hence, the data does not
provide any clues on the nature of the settlement pattern, i.e.,
seasonal or year-round. The climate of the region is fairly
stable and therefore all the fauna identified can be exploited
throughout the year.
In summary, the study of the faunal remains at the Alderman
site, 8-Vo-135, Volusia County, Florida, has provided several in-
sights into the nature of the subsistence pattern of the prehistoric
1. the prehistoric inhabitants of the Alderman site subsisted
on a hunting and fishing economy;
2. a major percentage (ca. 80%) of the animal food consumed
was derived from the freshwater rivers, lakes, and ponds;
Table 3. Fauna by habitat based on MNI counts.
Species Terrestrial Freshwater
Didelphis virginiana 2
Sylvilagus sp 34
Sigmodon hispidus 3
Procyon lotor 2
Lutra canadensis 1
Odocoileus virginianus 12
Anas sp 5
Chelydra serpentina 3
Sternotherus sp 4
Kinosternon sp 5
Terrapene carolina 23
Chrysemys sp 18
Deirochelys reticularia 3
Gopherus polyphemus 3
Trionyx ferox 37
Farancia sp 1
Drymarchon sp 1
Coluber constrictor 1
Natrix sp 5
Crotalus adamanteus 4
Alligator mississipiensis 3
Siren lacertina 1
Lepisosteus sp 33
Amia calva 14
Esox sp 12
Ictalurus sp 79
Lepomis microlophus 35
Micropterus salmoides 56
Pomoxis nigromaculatus 29
Bagre marinus 2
cf. Micropogon sp 1
Mugil sp 36
Totals 86 (18%) 385 (82%)
ALDERMAN FAUNAL REMAINS
3. preponderance of fish remains in terms of MNI (61.5%)
and total edible meat (76.9%) indicates its significant contri-
bution to the aboriginal diet; such food was their major source
of both protein and calories;
4. conclusions on settlement patterns, i.e., seasonal or
year-round, cannot be drawn due to the lack of information on
seasonality; nevertheless, trade was being carried out with
inhabitants along the Atlantic coast.
Casteel, Richard W.
1976 Fish Remains in Archaeology and Paleo-environmental
Studies. Academic Press, London.
Grayson, Donald K.
1973 On the Methodology of Faunal Analysis. American
Guilday, John E., Paul W. Parmalee, and Donald P. Tanner
1962 Aboriginal Butchering Techniques at the Eschelman
Site (36Lal2), Lancaster County, Pennsylvania.
Pennsylvania Archaeologist 32(2):59-83.
Harper, Roland M.
1921 Geography of Central Florida. Florida State Geological
Survey. 13th Annual Report. The State Geological
Survey, Tallahassee, Florida.
Prange, H.D., J.R. Anderson, H. Rahn
1979 Scaling of Skeletal Mass to Body Mass in Birds
and Mammals. American Naturalist 113:103-122.
Reitz, Elizabeth J.
1979 Spanish and British Subsistence Strategies at
St. Augustine, Florida, and Frederica, Georgia,
between 1563 and 1783. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation,
University of Florida.
White, Theodore E.
1953 A Method of Calculating the Dietary Percentage of
Various Food Animals Utilized by Aboriginal Peoples.
American Antiquity 18:396-398.
Wing, Elizabeth S.
1976 Ways of Going From a Sliver of Bone to a Calorie.
Paper presented at the Society for American Archaeology.
St. Louis, Missouri.
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