• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Copyright
 Cover
 Membership Information
 Editor's Note
 A Florida Folsom (?) Point
 Kirk Serrated: An Early Archaic...
 Some Observations Concerning the...
 A Remarkable Treatment for Rabies...
 The Tierra Verde Burial Mound
 The Deer Tongue Industry in...
 Some Observations on the Manufacture...
 An Early Mikasuki Mortar
 Information for Authors
 Table of Contents






Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00175
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference: Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
quarterly
regular
 Subjects
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00175
Source Institution: University of Florida
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issn - 0015-3893

Table of Contents
    Copyright
        Page 1
    Cover
        Page 2
    Membership Information
        Page 3
    Editor's Note
        Page 4
    A Florida Folsom (?) Point
        Page 5
    Kirk Serrated: An Early Archaic Index Point in Louisiana
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
    Some Observations Concerning the Florida-Carolina INdian Slave Trade
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
    A Remarkable Treatment for Rabies Among the Plains Indians
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
    The Tierra Verde Burial Mound
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
    The Deer Tongue Industry in Florida
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
    Some Observations on the Manufacture and Utilization of Fishhooks Among Indians of North America
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
    An Early Mikasuki Mortar
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
    Information for Authors
        Page 97
    Table of Contents
        Page 98
Full Text





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THE
1' III 3

FLII)IDA

AN THR OPIOL O IST


Volume 20, Nos. 1-2
March June, 1967



THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY




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Florida State University
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EDITOR'S NOTE


A number of changes in the format and policy of The
Florida Anthropologist have been instituted with the change
of editors this year. Beginning with Volume XX, there will
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Changes in editorial policy include a number of inno-
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A FLORIDA FOLSOM(?) POINT


Ripley P. Bullen

At the Crystal River Indian Mounds Museum near Crystal
River, the Florida State Museum is exhibiting portions of
the large projectile point collection made over many years
by Mr. Donald B. Ward of that city and Maple City, Michigan.
Included in the exhibit is a remarkable point which is
fluted on both sides (Fig. 1).

When I examined Mr. Ward's collection some years ago,
he assured me this point was found on the bank of the Cryst-
al River. Fluted points are extremely rare in Florida.
This one more closely resembles Folsom than Clovis fluted
points, particularly in its shape, as the point of maximum
width of the blade is towards the tip. Both the fluting and
the careful shaping of the basal "ears" also distinguish the
Crystal River specimen from Suwannee points.

Because of the uniqueness of this point in the Paleo-
Indian period of Florida, I have written this note to record
Mr. Ward's point and to bring it to the attention of compar-
ative students.






Fig. 1. Obverse and reverse
sides of fluted
point from Crystal
River; length, 6.75
cm.





Department of Social Sciences
Florida State Museum
Gainesville, Florida





THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XX, Nos. 1-2, March-June,
1967.








KIRK SERRATED: AN EARLY ARCHAIC
INDEX POINT IN LOUISIANA

Sherwood M. Gagliano

ABSTRACT

Kirk Serrated points have been found in
six Louisiana parishes and five Mississippi
counties located in the Pleistocene terracelands
east and north of the Lower Mississippi Valley
and Deltaic Plain. The most distinctive of sev-
eral subtypes is described and designated the
st. tammany variety. The points are believed to
be Early Archaic and have been found in associa-
tion with Early Recent stream terraces in the
area. Kirk points are conspicuously absent from
sites west of the Mississippi River.

INTRODUCTION

During the past 10 years, a large number of chipped
stone projectile points have been classified from sites in
various parts of Louisiana and adjacent counties in
Mississippi. In collections from the Florida Parishes of
Louisiana (Parishes east of the Mississippi River and north
of Lake Pontchartrain), a very distinctive type of projec-
tile point has been periodically noted. The type conforms
to the description of the Kirk Serrated point originally
described by Joffre Coe (1959; Bell 1960: 63) from sites in
the North Carolina Piedmont.

Thus far, only 35 Louisiana-Mississippi specimens have
been studied in detail (Table 1), but their distinctive
appearance, distribution, and geomorphic associations war-
rant description and discussion. The Kirk Serrated group
can be recognized by (1) large toothed serrations along
blade margins, (2) a short, more or less rectangular stem,
(3) slight, but well marked shoulders, and (4) a medium-
sized blade with straight to excurvated sides and a charac-
teristic apiculate distal end. In the study area the points
can be readily divided into several subgroups. It is pro-
posed here that a binomial nomenclature be used to identify
the most common Louisiana variety. The system of type-
variety nomenclature devised by Johnson (1962) and Jelks
(1962: 23) has proven to be of considerable value. In this
scheme the initial letter of a type name is capitalized, all
letters of a variety name are lower case, and all names
(both type and variety) are italicized.

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XX, Nos. 1-2, March-June,
1967.





TABLE 1


OCCURRENCE OF KIRK SERRATED POINTS BY PARISH AND COUNTY

Louisiana
St. Tammany Parish 4
Tangipahoa Parish 2
East Baton Rouge Parish 2
East Feleciana Parish 1
St. Helena Parish 17
Livingston Parish 1

Mississippi
Adams County 1
Franklin County 2
Amite County 2
Lawrence County 2
Pike County 1


st. tammany variety. This projectile point (Fig. 1),
with straight sides, coarse serrations, apiculate distal
end, and square stems is by far the most common variety of
the Kirk type found in the area. Blades may be narrow to
relatively broad. Stems are usually straight and square,
but may have slightly excurvate bases. Stem edges are
ground on some specimens. Initial flakes are broad, shallow
and random. Superimposed on these along the blade edge is a
series of well executed short, deep flakes which form the
serrations. These tend to be symetrically paired, and on
well made specimens have a collateral appearance. Each of
the secondary flakes had its origin on the blade margin and
may extend to the median ridge. Serrations are characteris-
tically absent from the distal ends of the points. In cross
sections most are biconvex, but they may have prominent
median ridges. A few of the longer specimens show a pro-
nounced twist to the blade, and an occasional point is
assymetrical (Fig. If).

Dimensions (19 specimens)
Length 44 mm to 85 mm Avg. 61 mm
Shoulder Width 25 mm to 35 mm Avg. 28 mm
Stem Width 17 mm to 26 mm Avg. 22 mm
Stem Length 9 mm to 12 mm Avg. 11 mm
Thickness 8 mm to 14 mm Avg. 11 mm

On sites where the st. tammany variety of Kirk Ser-
rated points are most common, a related non-serrated variety
has also been identified. It has the same shape and general
characteristics, but lacks secondary serrations. Another
tentative variety has a short, straight-sided triangular
blade with coarse serrations and a pronounced bevel to the
blade.






















c d


e f g


0 2 3 4 5

cm.


Figure 1. Kirk Serrated st. tammany points.
from St. Helena Parish, Louisiana.


All specimens


a b





LOUISIANA



1*14*4 z 4 ///


FLOOD PLAIN & MARSH


Figure 2. Distribution of Kirk Serrated points in Louisiana
and adjacent areas of south Mississippi.



All specimens of Kirk Serrated from the area are manu-
factured from tan, brown, and reddish chert derived from
local Pleistocene and Recent stream gravels. Cortex or rind
has been carefully removed from most of the points, but
remanants are occasionally found on blade faces.

DISTRIBUTION AND GEOMORPHIC ASSOCIATION

In Louisiana, Kirk Serrated points are largely
restricted to the Pleistocene terrace lands east of the
Mississippi River (Fig. 2). A few have been reported from
central Louisiana (Clarence Webb and Hiram Gregory personal
communication) but their main distribution apparently lies
east of the river. It is significant that none have been
found in the Mississippi alluvial valley or deltaic plain.
These surfaces have generally developed in the last 5,000
years and are probably younger than the Kirk occupation.






In the Florida Parishes Kirk points are often found in
geomorphic associations that suggest considerable antiquity
(Gagliano 1963). For example, along the western side of the
Pearl River Valley, Kirk points have been found at several
locales which appear to be related to ancient meander scars
of a low terrace. These are attributed to a different
stream regime of the Pearl River and were probably active
meanders during Early Recent times. A similar situation
exists on the Amite River near Denham Springs, Louisiana,
where Kirk points have been found on an older, elevated
floodplain of the Amite River. At a locale near Pontcha-
toula, Louisiana, a Kirk Serrated st. tammany was found on an
old sand dune. Dunes of this type occur as isolated features
in the Florida Parishes. They are invariably located near
the point bars of old stream scars. The streams themselves
are extinct, and along with the dunes suggest conditions
considerably different from those existing in the region
today.

A number of Kirk points have been collected from sites
in the vicinity of Greensburg, St. Helena Parish, Louisiana,
by Mr. Clarence Reed. This collection, generously made
available for study, provides some of the primary data for
this paper. The sites near Greensburg are located along
small creeks in an area of dissected Pleistocene terraces.
Many of these creeks only function seasonally and at present
would be poor choices for habitation sites. Small springs
are found in the vicinity, but these too dry up during part
of the year. Aquifers feeding the springs have catchment
areas nearby, and under different rainfall conditions the
springs may have been quite prolific.

It is significant that Kirk points have not been found
on the modern floodplains or along active courses of the
larger rivers and creeks of the area, i.e., the Pearl, Amite,
and Tangipahoa Rivers. Such negative and positive associa-
tions taken individually are very inconclusive. However,
examination of the regional pattern indicates that Kirk
points are never associated with modern drainage systems,
but instead are found in isolated interfluve areas and in
association with relief features which suggest a different
climatic regime.

AGE AND CULTURAL AFFILIATIONS

In his original description, Coe (1959) suggested a
date between 5000 and 6000 BC for Kirk points. Subsequently
Kirk Serrated points have been found in Early Archaic to Mi-
ddle Archaic context throughout the southeast (Lewis and
Lewis 1961; DeJarnette, Jurjack and Cambron 1962; Coe 1964;
Cambron and Hulse 1964). It appears from the distribution
in Louisianathat the Mississippi River marks the proximate
western limit of the type. In this connection, it is inter-






testing to compare the distribution of Kirk points east of
the river with Scottsbluff and related piano forms west of
the river, as reported previously by Gagliano and Gregory
(1965). Since both series of points are of approximately
the same vintage, the distributions would suggest that
Louisiana was receiving influences from the Plains area as
well as from the Southeastern area during Late Paleo Indian-
Early Archaic times.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

This paper is a by product of studies of Recent and
Pleistocene geology and geomorphology conducted in Coastal
Louisiana and Mississippi by the Coastal Studies Institute of
Louisiana State University under the auspices of the Geog-
raphy Branch, Office of Naval Research (Contract Nonr 1575
(03) Task Order 388 002).

REFERENCES

Bell, Robert E.
1960 Guide to the Identification of Certain American
Indian Projectile Points. Oklahoma Anthro. Soc.,
Special Bull. No. 2, Oklahoma City.

Cambron, J. W. and David C. Hulse
1964 Handbook of Alabama Archaeology: Part 1, Point
Types. Archaeological Research Assoc. of Alabama.
D. L. DeJarnette editor, University.

Coe, Joffre L.
1959 Prehistoric Cultural Change and Stability in the
Carolina Piedmont Area. (Unpublished thesisT
Univ. of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

1964 The Formative Cultures of the Carolina Piedmont.
Trans. Amer. Philosophical Soc., Vol. 54, Pt. 5,
Philadelphia.

DeJarnette, David L., Edward Kurjack and J. W. Cambron
1962 Stanfield-Worley Bluff Shelter Excavations.
Jour. of Ala. Archaeology, Vol. 8, Nos. 1 and 2,
Ala. Arch. Soc., University.

Gagliano, Sherwood M.
1963 A Survey of Preceramic Occupations in Portions
of South Louisiana and South Mississippi. The
Florida Anthropologist, V. 16, No. 4, pp. 195-132,
Gainesville.

Gagliano, Sherwood M. and H. F. Gregory, Jr.
1964 A Preliminary Survey of Paleo-Indian Points from
Louisiana. Louisiana Studies, Vol. 4, No. 1, pp.
62-77. Natchitoches.






Jelks, Edward B.
1962 The Kyle Site; A Stratified Central Texas Aspect
Site in Hill County, Texas. Arch. Series, No. 5,
Dept. of Anthrop. Austin.

Johnson, Le Roy, Jr.
1962 The Fred Yarbrough and Manton Miller Sites, with
a Preliminary Definition of the La Harpe Aspect.
Bull. of the Tex. Arch. Soc., V. 32, pp. 141-184,
Austin.


Coastal Studies Institute
Louisiana State University
Baton Rouge, Louisiana








SOME OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING THE FLORIDA-CAROLINA
INDIAN SLAVE TRADE

James W. Covington

ABSTRACT

After the settlement of Carolina, the
Indians of Florida were subjected to raids by
Lower Creek and Yamasee Indians who were allies
of the English. Prisoners seized were taken to
Carolina and sold as slaves for the West Indies
and New England.


When the Spanish came to Florida during the early
years of the sixteenth century the native population num-
bered twenty-five thousand or more persons, but when they
surrendered the peninsula in 1763 that same population had
dwindled to several hundred, or less, persons. Causes of
the population decline can be traced to wars, epidemics,
migrations, and the slave raiders from Carolina. It is the
purpose of this article to examine the background and some
facts concerning the slave-capturing expeditions which came
from Carolina and raided deep into the Florida peninsula.

In 1663 King Charles II of England granted the area
known as Carolina to eight business men and politicians who
hoped to make a profit from their venture by establishing
large estates and selling part of the remaining land (Craven
1949: pp. 324-325). In 1670, Charleston was established by
pioneers from England and Barbados, and land grants were
given to persons who wished to establish plantations. Al-
though the king's grant had given the colony land extending
as far south as present day Daytona Beach, Florida, no at-
tempt was made to dislodge the Spanish chain of missions and
forts which had been erected along the lower Atlantic coast
(Caruso 1963: 127).

Actually, the Carolina proprietors wanted to keep
peaceful relations with the Spaniards. Anthony Cooper, or
Lord Ashley, believed that one means of making a profit from
the colony was by trading with the Spanish. During this
initial phase of Carolina history the proprietors did not
want to make slaves of the Spanish Indians or even the
Indians in Carolina (Juricek 1962: 27).




THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XX, Nos. 1-2, March-June,
1967.





There were two factors which finally determined the
Indian slave policy for the colony: (1) the majority of the
settlers had migrated from Barbados where the Indians had
been enslaved and forced to work on the sugar plantations;
and (2) the Indian slave trade offered a quick profit and
riddance of defeated foes by shipment to the West Indies. By
1671 Indian slavery was permitted in the colony and soon the
Westo Indians and militiamen were busy capturing any Indians
who could not protect themselves (Crane 1929: 18).

The establishment of the chain of forts and missions
along the Georgia and South Carolina coasts brought about
the relocation of many tribes. Sometimes these tribes dis-
liked the Spanish and moved away to avoid any contact with
them. The Adusta who lived near the mouth of the Savannah
River in the sixteenth century moved to the Edisto River in
the next century, and the Chicoras made the same move from
South to North Carolina during the same time period (Juricek
1964: 147). In 1685, the Yamasee Indians moved from Georgia
to coastal South Carolina. Probably the first Florida
slaves to be taken by the Carolina traders were from the
ranks of these Indians who had some contact with the
Spanish. In 1681, six Surruque Indians were transported
into slavery in the West Indies. These Indians, members of
the Timucuan Confederacy, had lived near Cape Canaveral
(Cape Kennedy) as late as 1674 and migrated northward
(Juricek 1964: 158).

The Florida Indian slave trade had four stages in its
development: (1) 1680-1702 seizure of present or former
Spanish mission Indians living in Georgia, Florida or South
Carolina; (2) 1702-1706 capture of Apalachee and Timucuan
mission Indians; (3) 1706-1713 seizure of non-mission
Indians living in central and southern Florida; and (4)
1715-1728 capture of former Indian allies who had migrated
to Florida.

In 1680, some three hundred Westos, Yuchis and
Cherokees invaded Guale and began attacking the several
Spanish missions situated there. The defenders at Santa
Catalina de Afuica and Guadalquini were able to drive away
the invaders but the mission Indians, taking alarm, gradu-
ally moved southward. In 1685, the Scots who had settled at
Stuart's Town or Port Royal gave arms to the Yamasee Indians
and told them to attack Santa Catalina situated near the
Santa Fe River in Florida. In the raid which followed,
buildings including a chapel and the priest's home were
burned. The raiders returned, bringing along twenty-two
Spanish Indians as slaves which they delivered to the Scots
(Crane 1929: 30-31). By 1703 the entire mission frontier
had retreated from Santa Catalina or Saint Catherine's
Island in South Carolina to Santa Maria (Amelia Island) and
San Juan (Talbot Island). So far as can be determined few
of these mission Indians were captured and sold as slaves.
In 1693 the Yamasees brought four Santa Maria Indians to






Charleston to be sold and exported to Jamacia and Barbados.
When it was discovered that they were Catholic, Governor
John Archdale ordered these Indians to be returned to the
Spanish governor at Saint Augustine (Crane 1929: 38).

There is ample evidence available in the records re-
lating to the frontier missions that many of the so-called
loyal Spanish Indians were enticed to Carolina by the
English gifts of rum, muskets and other items available there
(Boyd 1951: 25, 51). Of course, in that new environment they
fell prey to the slave traders (Milling 1940: 170).

Between the years of 1702-1713 Queen Anne's War took
place. It was during this period that the Florida Indian
slave trade assumed major proportions. In an effort to ob-
tain slaves, Lower Creek and Yamasee raiders began to strike
into Florida at the very beginning of the war. In May, 1702
a band of Lower Creeks attacked the village of Santa Fe de
Toloco in the Timucuan Province. Since the village was at-
tacked and burned early in the morning some prisoners may
have been taken. In the Fall of 1702 Governor James Moore
of Carolina gathered some five hundred Whites and approxi-
mately the same number of Indians for an attack against the
Spanish Florida. The goal of the expedition was announced
as a chance to obtain plunder and slaves which were avail-
able in Florida (Hewatt 1962: 157). First attacked were the
missions and villages at Amelia and Cumberland Islands. It
was estimated that at least five hundred Indians were cap-
tured by Moore's followers on their passage through these
villages lying to the north of Saint Augustine. Many other
Indians were able to escape and fled southward warning the
villages situated along the Saint John's River. At Saint
Augustine a considerable number of Indians were able to
enter within the Castillo de San Marco's walls and the
others fled to the woods for safety (Arnade 1959: 21-22).

Although the 1702 raid failed to capture the Spanish
fort at Saint Augustine and the good citizens of Carolina
had to pay for the raid through a system of heavy taxes
imposed for the first time, it had two important results.
First, Moore was able to display some of the captured reli-
gious articles in his home and use the Spanish Indian slaves
as laborers on his plantation. Second, as a result of the
criticism aroused by the ill-fated expedition, Moore was
forced to make a second raid into Florida.

In 1704, James Moore made his second raid into Florida.
This time he and his fifty Whites and one thousand Indians
struck at the mission belt in Apalache. After the raid
Moore carried back for settlement in a buffer zone some
three hundred men and one thousand women and children.
Taken as slaves to be sold for the West Indies or to work on
Moore's plantation were three hundred and twenty-five men
and four thousand women and children. Those Indians taken






from villages which fought the invaders were counted as
slaves but those villagers who surrendered their religious
ornaments and showed no opposition were invited to come to
Carolina as guests of the colony and to live on a buffer
zone between Carolina and Florida (Boyd 1949: 9-11).

During the period from 1704 to 1713 many expeditions
were organized in Carolina and dispatched to Florida in
almost frantic efforts to obtain as many slaves as possible
and to destroy the Indian population. The English, by arm-
ing the Westos, Savannahs, Yamasees and Lower Creeks, real-
ized that they could control the activities of these Indians.
They encouraged these Indians to attack the Florida Indians
for if the Florida Indian population was exterminated, Spain
would not be able to maintain much pressure against the set-
tlements in Carolina. It must be noted that the Florida
Indians, acting under Spanish encouragement and leadership,
made several raids against Carolina. One such expedition
wiped out the Scots' settlement at Port Royal.

In 1709 Thomas Nairne, who had taken part in the raids,
noted that the Indian allies had gone as far into Florida as
"the firm land will permit" and had driven the inhabitants
to the islands at the tip of the peninsula. These Lower
Creek and Yamasee Indians had brought in and sold hundreds
of the Florida natives. Nairne predicted that in a few
years there would not be as much as one village containing
ten houses remaining in Florida. He was right.

Francisco Corcoles y Martinez, the governor of Florida,
realized what terrible inroads the slave raiders were making
in his province. He believed that as many as ten or twelve
thousand Florida Indians had been seized and sold into slav-
ery. He learned about one group of twenty-eight Christian
Indians who had gone into the woods in search of wild roots
and had been captured by the Lower Creeks. Four of these
Indians were able to escape and inform the Spanish at Saint
Augustine about the raiders (Brooks 1907: 165).

Outside of retreating into the thick woods and swampy
areas, or fleeing within the confines of the Castillo de San
Marcos, the Florida Indians had no defenses against the
slave raiders. The Spanish would not supply them with suit-
able arms and the Lower Creeks and Yamasees were too skilled
in tactics for any successful defenses. Twice when they had
pursued a retreating Lower Creek force, parties of
Apalachees and Timucuans ran into skilled ambushes and were
nearly wiped out. Even in 1719 when the Spanish sought to
protect the Yamasee villages, they were no match for the
Lower Creeks and were defeated. The defeat was even more
embarrassing when most of the Spanish prisoners were stripped
naked and sent back in disgrace to Saint Augustine. The
Castillo de San Marcos was the only trustworthy haven from
the English and their Indian allies.





During the early days of the Carolina colony there
were few laws passed to regulate the Indian trader and by
1707 the trade in furs and slaves was in such chaos that
some type of regulation was desperately needed. Traders
often seized friendly Indians and shipped them off to the
slave market. Several of the Apalachees were seized and sold
into slavery and others were forced to work on a trader's
farm at harvest time. It was a matter of record that wives
were seized to be sold as slaves when the husbands were
absent assisting the colonists against other Indians or the
Spanish (McDowell 1955: 11). Sometimes members of an Indian
family were seized to be sold into slavery as compensation
for a debt which never existed (Logan 1859: 180-182).

It was James Moore who recommended that reforms must
be made in the Indian trade or else the colony would undergo
an Indian war. In 1702 the assembly awarded judgements
against seven traders who were guilty of burning Indian
houses, stealing guns or not paying for furs or deerskins
(Crane 1929: 144). Finally, in 1707 the assembly passed
laws providing for a system of licensing and regulations,
the establishment of a board of Indian commissioners, and
the appointment of an agent to visit the Indian towns and
supervise the trade.

By 1708 a procedure had been worked out for the recep-
tion and treatment of Indian prisoners. The captain in
charge of the slave hunting party was the person who could
purchase all Indians above the age of twelve who had been
taken captive. He, in turn, was obliged to sell to the
Public Receiver at a rate not exceeding & 7 per person all
captives taken during the expedition. There was a month's
grace allowed for the captives to be sold and, if not deliv-
ered by that time, a fine of F200 could be imposed. All
expeditions against the Indians or Christian enemies had to
be issued a permit by the Carolina House of Commons (Cooper
1837: 320-325).

In 1711, more rules were established for the Indian
slave trade. Anyone trading or selling slaves without a
license could be arrested and the slaves seized. No Indian
could be classified as a slave unless he was taken in war-
fare. No slaves could be purchased unless they had been
held in the captor's possession for three days in the Indian
towns (McDowell 1935: 12). No Indian slave was to be expor-
ted unless the duty was paid.

Within a few years a regular system of Indian slave
disposal had been established. The Public Storekeeper at
Charleston was authorized to purchase Indian slaves from the
friendly Indians at a rate not exceeding 7 per slave,
give twenty-four hours notice to the public and sell slaves
in single lots except for women with children in a public
auction. On February 12, 1717, four women and two children
sold for a 72.





Indian slaves had little value as workers on the South
Carolina plantations. The Indians could not work at a good
pace in the fields and accordingly were valued at half the
price of Negro slaves. The chief importance of the Indian
slave trade was the opportunity to rid the country of real
and potential enemies and to realize a quick profit with
little expense. It was said that each exported slave could
be exchanged for seventy-five gallons of rum in Barbados
(Juricek 1962: 57).

Only a few slaves were able to remain in Charleston or
other sections of South Carolina. In 1722, one parish
reported that one hundred families owned nearly one thousand
Negroes but only ninety Indian slaves. Captain Barnwell
purchased a slave boy at a cost of i 10, established -.500
bond as a promise to free him in ten years, educated him to
be a Christian and taught him a trade (Logan 1859: 175). A
few other persons made use of the Indians as wards or
apprentices.

With one exception, this researcher had been unable to
find in the files of the Public Record Office, London,
England, or the South Carolina Historical Commission,
Columbus, South Carolina, any detailed account of a slave
catching expedition. It is regretable that we are unable to
discover sufficient data concerning total numbers, treatment,
shipment and final disposal of the captives. The one avail-
able account concerns a party of some fifty Creeks and two
White men against the Yamasee villages situated near Saint
Augustine in 1719. This account is available in the Public
Record Office, London, England, under the heading of Records,
Colonial Office 5 1265, Number 144 and has been printed in
the Calendar of State Papers.

The 1719 raid against the Yamasee villages was not so
much an attempt to secure slaves but rather a desire to
inflict damages upon former allies. On September 28, 1719,
the party set out from Water Passage Fort in seven canoes
and arrived at the Saint John's River by October 10. After
leaving their canoes on the river banks, they travelled
night and day in a circular route to Saint Augustine. The
objective was Poctaligo, a Yamasee village situated some
three miles from Saint Augustine. It was reached at 2
o'clock in the morning and the planned surprise attack
appeared to be most likely of success. Unfortunately, one
of the Lower Creek scouts sent out to check the town's
defenses had a family living in the town and warned his
relatives about the pending attack. Such a secret could not
be kept from the neighbors and the whole matter ended when
the village was placed in a state of alert and the Spanish
at Saint Augustine were warned.

The Creeks decided to divide their force into three
groups and attack three of the nearby Yamasee villages. In





the attack twenty-four prisoners were taken, five or six
Yamasees were killed and much food and many houses were
destroyed. The village of Tolemato inhabited by the Youhaw
Indians was attacked, the church burned and a considerable
amount of loot was taken from the church and priest's house.
An Apalachee village had been chosen as a rendezous point
for the three parties, but when the village was visited, it
was found to be deserted. In retaliation for the broken
promises of the Apalachees, their corn storage houses and
council house were burned.

The Spanish sent out a force of fifty or more men
against the Creeks but it was easily defeated. The Creeks
killed fourteen Spaniards and captured ten more of them.
Seven were released but three were carried back to
Charleston.

By October 25 two canoes carrying twelve slaves and
ten Spanish prisoners had arrived at Charleston. The expe-
dition was deemed a success for twenty-four slaves, some
valuable loot and several Spaniards had been seized and
taken to Carolina. It was proclaimed to be even more suc-
cessful when persons learned that sixteen Creeks living
among the Yamasees deserted Florida and vowed they would
kill any other Creeks that did not join them.

The records of South Carolina offer rather limited
areas of information concerning the Indian slave trade. In
the Records of the Secretary of the Province 1675-1695 which
contain a listing of bills of sale, deeds and wills, very
few references to Indian slaves at all can be found. Since
The approval of the colony was needed to transport the sl-
aves to Barbados and Jamaica, the court issued and recorded
permits for each transaction. Several of these permits are
listed for the year 1681 but two observers feel certain that
many slaves were exported without the proper clearances from
the courts. (Juricek 1962: 125-126; Crane 1929: 114). Some
reference to the Apalachee Indians concerning their problems
with the traders can be found in the Journals of the
Commissioners of the Indian Trade, September 20, 1710 -
August 29, 1719. There was no mention, however, of those
Apalachees taken as slaves in 1704 and sold into slavery in
New England or the West Indies. Although there are scat-
tered references to seventy-five Tuscaroras being deported
in 1713 and three hundred and eighty Indians leaving after
the Yamasee War in 1716, it seemed most certain that thou-
sands of Indians including those from the Florida tribes
were exported but no adequate record has been discovered
concerning these transactions.


ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The author was aided in his research by an award of a
Shell Oil Company University of Tampa Faculty Research
Grant.





REFERENCES


Archdale, John
1707 A New Description of That Fertile and Pleasant
Province of Carolina. Privately printed. Charl-
eston.

Arnade, Charles W.
1959 The Seige of St. Augustine in 1702. University
of Florida Press. Gainesville.

Boyd, Mark F., H. G. Smith, and John W. Griffin
1951 Here They Once Stood. University of Florida
Press. Gainesville.

Caruso, John Anthony
1963 The Southern Frontier. The Bobbs-Merril Com-
pany. Indianapolis.

Cooper, Thomas (ed.)
1837 The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, Vol.II.
State of South Carolina, Columbia.

Crane, Verner W.
1929 The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732. University of
Michigan Press. Ann Arbor.

Craven, Wesley Frank
1949 The Southern Colonies in the Seventeenth Cen-
tury, 1607-1689. Louisiana State University Press.
Baton Rouge.

Hewatt, Alexander
1962 A Historical Account of the Progress and Rise of
the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, Vol.
I. London.

Juricek, John T.
1962 "Indian Policy in Proprietory South Carolina,
1670-1693." Master of Arts Thesis, University of
Chicago.

1964 "The Westo Indians." Ethnohistory, Vol. II, No.
2, pp. 134-163. Bloomington.

Logan, John
1859 History of the Upper Country of South Carolina.
Charleston.

McDowell, William L. (ed.)
1935 Journals of the Commissioners of the Indian
Trade. Colonial Records of South Carolina, South
Carolina Archives Department. Columbia.






Milling, Chapman J.
1940 Red Carolinians. University of North Carolina
Press. Chapel Hill.

Nairne, Thomas
1710 A Letter From South Carolina. Privately printed.
London.

Rivers, William J.
1856 A Sketch of the History of South Carolina.
Charleston.

Salley, Alexander (ed.)
1928 Papers in the British Public Record Office
Relating to South Carolina, 1663-1684, Vol. I.
Historical Commission of South Carolina. Columbia.

Te Paske, John J.
1964 The Governorship of Spanish Florida, 1700-1765.
Duke University Press. Durham.

Records, Public Record Office, Colonial Office 5-1265 Number
144, John Barnwell to Governor Robert Johnson (1719).

A. M. Brooks Transcripts, Library of Congress, Washington,
D. C.

Records, Public Record Office, Colonial Office 5-382 Number
11, Thomas Nairne to Earl of Sunderland, July 10, 1709.


Department of History
University of Tampa
Tampa, Florida








A REMARKABLE TREATMENT FOR RABIES
AMONG THE PLAINS INDIANS

Robert C. Dailey

ABSTRACT

There are several accounts in Plains
Indian literature describing a cure for rabies.
As best can be determined the method used
closely resembles modern forms of artificial
fever therapy. Though there are no confirmed
data as to its effectiveness, nonetheless, the
treatment seems remarkable and is reported here
for the record and on the chance it may have
merit.


There are at least two accounts in Plains Indian lit-
erature which describe a treatment for rabies. Though its
efficacy can never be proven, considering the current inter-
est in primitive medicine, a speculative paper may not be
entirely out of place. After all, many people today accept
the "success" of the primitive doctor as an example of psy-
chic suggestion though few have ever actually witnessed an
individual being "cured" by one of these practitioners.
Furthermore, authorities such as Ackerknecht, himself a phy-
sician, often delight in pointing out that "the medicine of
primitives shows occasionally amazing accomplishments"
(Ackerknecht 1958: 3). For these reasons it would seem of
some value to draw attention to this treatment not only for
the record but also in the event that it could have merit
and might be further explored.

The reports describing how these Indians are said to
have treated rabies (hydrophobia) are separated almost 100
years in time. The earliest and most detailed is that of
Edwin Thompson Denig, who was an agent of the American Fur
Company at Fort Union between the years 1833 and 1854. This
post, situated on the Upper Missouri near the mouth of the
Yellowstone, was regularly visited by most of the Indian
tribes on the northern Plains during the mid-nineteenth cen-
tury. As the principal trader in the area, Denig had the
rare opportunity to witness at first hand the panorama of
Plains Indian culture before much of it disappeared.

While at Fort Union, Denig received one of Henry
Schoolcraft's ethnological questionnaires (Schoolcraft 1851).
Denig prepared his replies with care and objectivity, but

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XX, Nos. 1-2, March-June,
1967.




for reasons that need not be considered here, his manuscript
remained in rough draft for 76 years before finally being
published (Denig 1930: 426ff). His description of Indian
life reveals a sensitivity and relativism that was unusual
for men on the frontier. At the same time his remarks are
not unduly romanticised, and I think there can be little
doubt as to their general credibility. Data on nine tribes
are included, but it is the Assiniboine who are the most
extensively reported. It is in his description of this
tribe that reference is made to their treatment for rabies.

Denig seems to have clearly recognized the signifi-
cance of the Indian treatment particularly in view of the
fact that there was no known cure for this disease at the
time; nor is there now. The vaccine which Pasteur invented
in 1881 is effective only if the individual who has been
bitten by a rabid mammal, usually a rodent or carnivore, is
immunized immediately. Otherwise death is virtually certain.
One is often reminded of this today through the sometimes
dramatic efforts of doctors and police departments to locate
an individual who, having been exposed, requires treatment.
Denig writes, "at the risk of a smile and perhaps something
more from the enlightened medical fraternity we will now
state how they absolutely can and do cure hydrophobia in
hopes of furnishing them with a hint that may be improved
upon. We have never actually seen this operation, but are
as certain of its being done as we can be of anything not
seen but in all other respects authenticated. Although
Indians are often bitten by mad wolves, yet they never die
from the disease if operated upon. After it is known that
the patient has hydrophobia, the symptoms of which they are
well acquainted with, and had had a fit or two, he is sewed
in a fresh rawhide of buffalo. With two cords attached to
the head and foot of the bale the man is swung backward and
forward through a hot fire until the skin is burnt to cin-
ders and the patient is burned and suffocated. He is
brought to the brink of the grave by this operation; taken
out in a state of profuse perspiration and plunged into cold
water; if he survives the treatment the disease disappears."

The other account appears in The Plains Cree by David
Mandelbaum (1940: 257ff), who studied this tribe during the
years 1934 and 1935. Though the treatment reported is not
as detailed as Denig's, it nonetheless contains a number of
identical elements. "Men," he writes, "who were bitten by
mad wolves or mad dogs were tightly wrapped in buffalo robes
until they were completely encased. A smudge fire was made
and the victim rolled in the fire and made to inhale, the
smoke from the fire and from the singed robes caused him to
vomit and cured him."

Presumably then, there cannot be much doubt that
rabies was a disease of which these Indians were well aware.
Though the incubation period in man may vary from ten days
to over twelve months, nonetheless, they seem to have
clearly associated the onset of the disease with the history





of the patient's being bitten by an animal. Whether from
time to time it may have been confused with other diseases
having similar warning signs is, of course, unknown. How-
ever, it seems highly unlikely that even the clinically un-
trained Assiniboine or Cree would have failed in most
instances to recognize rabies' dramatic symptoms. The fol-
lowing vivid description from Harris (1940: 1661) will serve
as a reminder of the violence of this disease. With its on-
set, he writes, the patient exhibits marked restlessness.
During this period delusions and nightmares are not uncommon,
and increased sensitivity to changes in temperature, cur-
rents of air, sound, and light all indicate a mounting con-
dition of cerebral irritation. As the victim's illness pro-
gresses, the eyes stare wildly, there is convulsive grinding
of the teeth, and an excessive flow of thick tenacious
saliva pours from the mouth. Convulsions are brought on by
the least irritation of the skin. These are accompanied by
respiratory difficulties which threaten death from suffo-
cation. The breath comes in spasms, and there are epilepti-
form seizures or tetanic rigidity. Again, to quote Harris
directly, "The manifestation which gives the disease its
common name, hydrophobia, appears as a rule 24 to 48 hours
after the onset. It is rarely absent. This symptom, due to
the reflex irritability of the centre of deglutition, gives
rise to those laryngeal spasms so agonizing to the patient
and so distressing to the attendants as to justify the uni-
versal dread of this disease. When the victim lifts a glass
to his lips there is an immediate vice-like contraction of
the muscles of deglutition with an excruciatingly painful
spasm of the glottis and pharynx. The entire body trembles
with convulsive movements, the jaws are clenched, respira-
tion is impossible. The patient feels he is being strangled
to death and, in fact, not infrequently dies suddenly during
the spasm.....Death may occur during a convulsion, but as a
rule after two or three days of suffering, exhaustion or
paralysis leads to death from cardiac or respiratory fail-
ure."

Now to the question, how did the treatment work? The
most obvious answer is that it represented a special appli-
cation of heat therapy hyperthermyy). Both descriptions
suggest that during treatment the rabid patient was exposed
to heat of considerable intensity. As is well known, this
was a universal technique of treatment on the Plains. The
sudatory or sweatbath was the more common but poultices and
burning various substances over an affected area are also
reported (Green 1930: 203, Hilger 1952: 140 and Hunter 1824:
431). Usually patients using the sweatbath heated the
stones, fetched the water and regulated the quantity of
steam themselves. Baths were invariably followed by rapid
immersion in a nearby stream or pond. During the winter
rolling in the snow provided a convenient substitute.

I would suggest that the unusual manner of treating
victims of rabies follows logically from the Indian's knowl-
edge and dependence on the sudatory as their only recourse






for febrile diseases. It will be recalled that both
accounts emphasize that treatment was not initiated until
after the patient had manifested several convulsions. This
would mean that nothing was done until some 24 to 48 hours
after the patient began to develop the symptoms, particu-
larly those which would produce considerable irritation of
the central nervous system. In this condition the patient
could hardly have been expected to administer the sudatory
to himself. This seems to be the rationale underlying the
use of the skin bale. Immobilized and securely wrapped, the
patient who was no longer in control of his faculties, could
be kept manageable and at the same time the fresh buffalo
hide would have possessed sufficient moisture when exposed
to fire, to produce the usual hot, humid milieu. Also these
'green' hides in which the patient was encased undoubtedly
permitted the use of much higher temperatures than those
attained in the conventional sweatbath.

Finally, is there any evidence, clinical or experi-
mental, that heat therapy is effective in treating viral
infections of which rabies is an example? Until the time of
World War II, hyperthermy was one of the principal tech-
niques used to treat certain bacterial infections, notably
syphilis. However, beginning with the development of the
sulpha drugs, a much more efficient and less costly means
became available. As a result hyperthermy has lost popu-
larity, and while there remains an interest in its use for
experimental purposes, very little has been done toward
testing its effectiveness in controlling virus diseases. An
exception may be the work of Hartman and others (1957:
335ff) who have been trying, without conclusive results, to
use fever therapy in the treatment of infectious hepatitis.
There may be other examples of which I am unaware, but the
fact remains that, aside from modern medical attitudes that
tend to preclude from consideration the possibility that
heat could be effective, there is nothing of an empirical
nature to support or deny the efficacy of the Indian treat-
ment reported here.

Unfortunately neither description of the Indian treat-
ment includes any observation as to the temperature or
length of time during which the patient was exposed. As
would be expected, our medical doctors exercise considerable
care in using this form of therapy. Obviously, in the
absence of modern technology, careful controls were impos-
sible to attain, nor is it likely that their necessity
would have been recognized. Indeed, this may have favoured
a successful outcome. Denig reports that the patient was
"brought to the brink of the grave" by the intense heat and
smoke. That it must have been considerable is suggested by
the fact that the bale was either suspended over the fire
(Denig) or rolled through it (Mandelbaum) for a period of
time long enough to cause the fresh hides to be severely
scorched and the patient all but asphyxiated.





Assuming, then, that the treatment used by these two
Plains Indian tribes was successful, the reason may be
attributable to the timing. Could it be that if tempera-
tures in excess of those used in modern fever therapy were
administered at the first signs of convulsion, a beneficial
effect might result? Recent experience with methods of
hyperthermy indicates that practitioners consider sustained
temperatures in excess of 1050F. to be dangerous and likely
to cause complications similar to heat stroke. Vomiting is
one of the signs of this condition, and that it was present
is reported by Mandelbaum who suggests that it was to this
that the Crees attributed the cure. It is also the case
that the practice of water immersion following the operation
would have been the most effective means of reviving the
exhausted patient. Though no one knows how many Indians on
the Plains contracted rabies, nor how many were treated by
this method--which surely must have been known to other
tribes as well--one is left with Denig's categorical state-
ment that if they survived the operation the disease disap-
peared.

SUMMARY

Ethnohistorical evidence has been presented to suggest
that two Plains Indian tribes, the Assiniboine and the Cree,
had a cure for rabies. Though no one with our medical
knowledge has ever seen the treatment used, the accounts
cited seem genuine and their authors credible. Speculating
as to how the treatment might have worked it was suggested
that the procedure was a unique application of heat therapy.
In line with this, some suitable means of testing this
method might prove of value.

REFERENCES

Ackerknecht, E. H.
1958 "Primitive Medicine's Social Function," in
Miscellanea Paul Rivet Octogenaria Dicata, XXXI
Congress Internacional de Americanistas, Vol. I,
Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico,pp. 3-7.

Denig, E. T.
1930 "Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri," 46th
Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology,
Washington.

Green, A. L.
1930 "The Otoe Indians." Nebraska State His. Coll.
Vol. 21, pp. 175-209. Omaha.

Harris, D. L.
1940 Hydrophobia, in Modern Medical Therapy in
General Practice, Vol. II. (D. P. Barr, editorT.
The Williams and Wilkins Company. Baltimore.

Hartman, F. W. et al.
1957 Hepatitis Frontiers. Little, Brown and Co.
Boston. 23





Hilger, M. I.
1952 "Arapaho child life and its cultural background."
Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 148.
Washington.

Hunter, J. D.
1824 Memoirs of a Captivity among the Indians of
North America. Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Brown,
and Green. London.

Mandelbaum, D. G.
1940 "The Plains Cree." Anthropological Papers of
the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 37,
pp. 257-258. New York.

Schoolcraft, H. R.
1851 Inquiries respecting the history, present condi-
tions, and future prospects of the Indian tribes
of the United States. Office of Indian Affairs.
Washington.


Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
Tallahassee, Florida







THE TIERRA VERDE BURIAL MOUND


William H. Sears


INTRODUCTION

The Tierra Verde Burial Mound is located on Cabbage
Key, one of the many small islands in the Tampa Bay area.
It is now in the Tierra Verde subdivision which, through
filling, combines a number of keys (Fig. 1). The structure,
approximately 8 feet high and 100 feet in diameter, was
built on a sand ridge which had an elevation of 2-3 feet
above sea level.

A few small shell midden areas, none over a foot
thick, were the only other indications of Indian occupation
on Cabbage Key. The few sherds which could be found in
these middens are all classifiable as variants of Pinellas
Plain, the common late protohistoric and early historic ware
of the area. Since the midden deposits here are so inconse-
quential, I think that the mound is really related to the
large Safety Harbor period site, with a temple mound, on
Maximo Point (Sears 1958). The distance by water is just
under two miles (Fig. 1).

Clarence B. Moore visited the mound in 1900 (Moore
1900), and described the mound and its situation, the south-
ern half of Pine Key, quite accurately. This location, sep-
arated from Pine Key, or its northern half by a narrow chan-
nel, was known as Cabbage Key at the time of our excavation.
Moore did some minor digging, noting flexed burials and
sherds. The large disturbed area we discovered (Fig. 2, 3)
is probably from his work. He also noted that some super-
ficial excavations were apparent when he started.

The mound first came to my attention in December 1959,
while making a routine survey of the right-of-way for the
new Bayway from the mainland to Mullet Key. On being infor-
med of the existence of the mound by a local fishing guide,
he, I, and Bob Becker visited the site. It was then iso-
lated in an area of heavy tropical growth. Then, and on a
later visit, spoil from a rather extensive system of old
holes was inspected and small test pits were dug. In no
case were any sherds or bones found. It appeared that this
was a small temple mound. However, the contractors for the
Tierra Verde Corporation, who were starting to develop the
key and the Bayway were contacted and were asked to notify
me when the clearing around the mound was completed and they

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XX, Nos. 1-2, March-June,
1967.











LAKE
MAGGIORE\


Moximo
Point
/ Site


PIN


INDIAN KEY



E KEY





Tierra Verde Mound

3 TARPON KEY
BBAGE
KEY


HOSPITAL KEY


MILES


Site area south of St. Petersburg.


BOCA


CIEGA


BAY


w

o
f^ LJ


I


Figure 1.




10-- Moore;
9- I
8-I
7-~ -,,
6- X
x x xx
4 X XXX XXXX
x x X xx Xx xxx
2- XX X
X XX 000 X
sea level-o-
I t I I i I S I I I S
00 RIO R20 R30 R40 RSO R60 R7O R80 R0 IORO

X Burial 0-Pot El Shell 1 Muck

I-- horizontal scale ti vertical scale






Figure 2. Schematic mound profile.

could loan me a bulldozer. They did this. About one-third
of the eastern part of the mound was removed by a very skil-
Iful bulldozer operator under my supervision. A clean floor,
6 inches to 1 foot below the present ground surface, was
kept and profiles were cut with side of the blade at 6 inch
to 1 foot intervals. All of the spoil was spread out for
further inspection. Again, not a sherd or a bone fragment
was found. At this point, I decided that the structure was
definitely a small temple mound which would not produce any
information by any means of excavation and crossed it off.

I was completely wrong. Some weeks later, Lyman War-
ren, M.D. of St. Petersburg, an active member of the Florida
Anthropological Society, wrote, stating that my diagnosis
had been in error since he and associates had been finding
quantities of pottery and some burials. When I visited the
site with him, several things became clear: (1) A deposit
of pottery lay just under the ground surface to the east of
my bulldozer cut. It was composed mostly of Safety Harbor
ware, but included some Weeden Island specimens. The exten-
sive excavations of Warren and his associates demonstrated
this quite clearly. The deposit was entirely outside the
periphery of the mound. Some traces of a small deposit at
the base of the north edge of the mound were also noted.
(2) Further bulldozer work, mostly done to remove trees,
had uncovered and disturbed burials and occasional sherds in
the mound fill a few feet west of my old bulldozer cut. It
was clear that the bulldozer operation which I directed
could not have been designed to miss pottery and burials
more completely if I had known exactly where they were.


9Y7


































20- x
1O'
10 -0

00oo- RIO 2- 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

X -Burial 0 Pot

-Pot deposits FSM excavations

-Part of area excavated by Warren





Figure 3. Schematic mound plan.




On May 1, 1961, the State Road Department made a small
crew of 6 men available from maintenance forces and our ef-
fort at salvage was started. The Florida State Museum
thanks the State Road Department for this labor and the
Tierra Verde Corporation, especially the late Fred Berlanti,
for its many favors and courtesies. These ranged from the
use of earth moving machinery to making telephone calls. We
owe particular thanks to Lyman Warren, M.D., for giving us
most of his collection from the site, and for making the
balance available for study.

EXCAVATION

The mound was staked out in a standard grid system.
Horizontal recording was according to grid co-ordinates.
Vertical control was based on a State Road Department cen-
terline stake at one corner of the mound which had a known
elevation of 3 feet above sea level. Vertical measurements
were then taken, and are here presented, in precise height
above sea level.

All of the trench east of the mound, the pottery de-
posit area, was excavated in 6 inch levels. Two levels gen-
erally removed all cultural material and exposed parts of
the 8 burials present. Deeper cuts were made at spots expo-
sing an old muck layer with a surface 10 inches or so above
sea level. Beneath it was a surface of crushed and water-
worn shell at present sea level, apparently an old beach.
This seems to demonstrate that there have been no sea level
changes here since the sand was deposited on the old muck,
let alone since the mound was built on the sand. Some evi-
dence of disturbance by previous excavators was apparent,
particularly in squares 00 and oR10. Part of Doctor
Warren's collection came from this area. He uncovered, but
did not remove, Burials 1 and 2.

Various techniques were used in excavation of the
remnant. Roughly, the bulldozer-cut and otherwise disturbed
profile was straightened out by vertical slicing until the
face was on grid lines and in undisturbed soil. Some fur-
ther vertical slicing to the west was carried forward from
this profile. It became apparent that there were very few
burials or artifacts in the upper 2 or 3 feet of fill. This
upper fill was then removed by machinery. A front-end loader
and an operator were provided by the Tierra Verde Corpora-
tion. Thin cuts made with the machine took the mound down
to a level platform with its top at 4 feet above sea level.
Due to the skill of the operator, the burials encountered
were recognized before they had been seriously disturbed.
They were recorded and removed. After completion of machine
excavation, most digging was vertical. Floors were kept
continuously level, and artifacts and burials were recorded
as they were encountered. Occasional vertical slicing was
used in specific circumstances.




FEATURES


Pottery Deposits East of Mound

Our excavations exposed some parts of two pottery, or
potsherd, deposits, one centering around 10R20 and another
around 10R50. In each instance the layer of sherds, some-
times two or three specimens thick, was in the base of the
present humus. It appeared that fragments of vessels occa-
sionally as large as half pots, had been placed on a ground
surface which was reasonably clean of debris. Topsoil had
accumulated since, especially in the base of the rather lush
palmetto growth. Burials were under, or near, both deposits.
Pottery was primarily of types which in this context should
be regarded as ceremonial. A great many sherds were re-
covered immediately over and around burials 1 and 2. It ap-
pears that another deposit here had been disturbed by pre-
vious excavators. Doctor Warren and associates excavated
extensive deposits which lay, primarily, immediately east of
the ones recorded here, a part of the same general area.
Further comments on the Warren pottery and its locale will
be found in the section on pottery.

The Mound

The area of pottery deposits and burials east of the
mound (Supra) was completely divorced spatially from the
mound per se (Fig. 3). The intervening area generally is
that eastern portion of the mound removed by bulldozer under
conditions which permitted near continuous inspection of
floors, profiles, and earth removed. There were no burials
nor deposits of pottery in this area.

In the remainder of the mound, the evidence indicates
only more or less continuous basket loading, and even the
minor soil changes indicative of this were seen but rarely.
Burials, excepting for those few below a 2 foot elevation,
appeared to have been placed on the surface and covered with
basketloads of sand or, at best, buried in very shallow
pits. A concentration of sherds was observed around burial
26. Others, disturbed or excavated by other persons, were
noted around 50-60 R 60-70 and still another in squares 40-
50. A few other such possibilities were reported.

Our limited amount of controlled data is clearly in-
adequate. It is my opinion that all sherd concentrations,
remembering that they are all ceremonial pottery types, were
associated with burials; were generally placed immediately
over them. Quite possibly, further use of the total complex
would have extended the mound over the pottery concentra-
tions and burials to the east.

All burials were secondary. Some are reported as fle-
xed, but here, as at Bayshore Homes a few miles to the north





Sears 1960: 19), it is my impression that the flexed bodies
had been in bundles for some considerable period of time be-
fore deposition in the mounds.

There is some evidence for complete contemporaneity of
the mound and the sherd deposit-burial area to the east.
Fragments of at least two vessels from the eastern area have
been fitted to fragments found well up in mound fill. Since
neither these, nor any other vessels are complete, it ap-
pears that a common source of broken ceremonial pottery was
available somewhere.

CERAMICS

No artifacts other than potsherds were found, except-
ing one very waterworn archaic projectile point. Pottery
however was plentiful and reasonably varied, occurring in
the various contexts which have been described. I wish to
emphasize again that virtually all of this pottery was manu-
factured or acquired for ceremonial purposes. The only ex-
ception is Pinellas Plain, which occurred in larger quan-
tities than here noted but was often completely disinte-
grated. The problems will be discussed in some detail in
the conclusion to this section, and again in the conclusion
to the total report. Essentially, pottery from middens in
this area, in any period, is plain. In this Safety Harbor
period it is Pinellas Plain, almost always in bowl forms,
with decoration limited to ticking on the rims of bowls.
Decorated pottery and other forms in plain pottery, were
imported, in style at least, and it appears almost entirely
in burial mounds, a ceremonial context.

Typology

Typology of this material presents serious problems.
The standard classification for all periods in the area is
that of Gordon Willey (1949). Since that time, some adjust-
ments have been made, such as dropping the Biscayne termi-
nology in favor of the St. Johns terminology. The Weeden
Island pottery classification continues useful, even though
it is a ceremonial ware in this area. However, and I will
attempt to demonstrate this, the typology offered for the
Safety Harbor and Fort Walton periods and cultures is not,
on the whole, useful today. This is in some part due to the
increase in our knowledge of archaeology in the southeastern
United States as a whole, and in some part may be laid to
our greater understanding of Tampa Bay area prehistory.
Contributing to the confusion is a fact, to be demonstrated
in some part here, that while Fort Walton culture to the
north is a real, if somewhat variable entity, the Safety
Harbor culture is sharply split into ceramically discrete
sacred and secular components. The sacred component is de-
rived either directly from Fort Walton and other Mississip-
pian cultures, or, in small part, from Weeden Island pottery
styles under Fort Walton or other Mississippian influence.






Thus some types can be clearly defined only from the North-
west Coast-Fort Walton point of view, where their distri-
bution and relationships to even more widely spread Missis-
sippian ceramics can be seen; others can only be defined
from Tampa Bay area specimens, since they are in styles
which developed there and are limited to that area.

The classification I suggest is as follows for the
secular component. The Willey terminology has been kept in
as many instances as possible, but is usually in such cases
restricted to some part of the original definition, in the
hope that this will lessen the inevitable confusion some-
what. Further discussion will be found at the end of this
section, and in the conclusions to this report.

COOL BRANCH INCISED

Synonomy Pinellas Incised (Willey 1949: 482, Pl.
51, f).
Pinellas Incised "A" (Griffin 1950: Fig. 37, 1-3;
p. 108).

Paste Usually Lake Jackson Plain paste. Occasion-
ally, especially in Tampa Bay area, paste is clay
tempered and laminated, within the Pinellas Plain
range.

Form Jars only. Usually short collars, occasionally
flared rims form slightly constricted necks.

Appendages 2 or 4 loop or strap handles. May be rim
points or nodes with either or both at handle junc-
tion or at other points.

Decoration Incised arches. Usually there are 4 en-
circuling the vessel. Arches may be formed of sev-
eral sets of parallel lines, sometimes combined
with modeled "lobes." Lines are usually bordered,
especially on top, by incised "ticks" at right
angles to line, or by one or more rows of punc-
tations. In rare cases the punctations or ticks
without the incised line or lines, make up the
arches.

Distribution Entire Fort Walton culture area of
South Alabama east to the Alabama River. On the
Northwest Florida Coast east of a point somewhere
between Pensacola and Fort Walton. On the West
Coast of Florida, generally in ceremonial context,
from the Aucilla River south to the North edge of
the Everglades area. Context is always ceremonial
from Tampa Bay area south. Moore (1902; 1903);
Willey (1949); John Griffin (1950); Caldwell (1955:
Fig. 5).














2 3


Figure 4. Fort Walton and Englewood series pottery.
1-4, Fort Walton Incised; 5-8, Englewood Incised.























































Figure 5. Safety Harbor Incised Pottery. 1-3, typical bottle
necks associated with body decoration in 4,5,7,8; 5,
body and part of neck (see artist's reconstruction
Fig. 8,2); 9, heavy appliques in rim area and vertical
strip.










2 -3


Figure 6. Weeden Island and related pottery. 1-2, Carra-
belle Punctated; 3, unclassified chalky ware, linear
punctated; 4, Little Manatee Shell Stamped; 5,
Carrabelle or Weeden Island Incised; 6, unclassified
coarse grit ware; 7, Keith Incised variant; 8, cord
marked chalky ware; 9, Wakulla Check Stamped.


E~J~ :

1P
1~























































Figure 7. 1-2, Lake Jackson Plain; 3, red-filmed, pre-
killed base, Weeden Island period; 4, complicated
vessel form, coarse paste; 5, Pinellas Plain, rim
sherd; 6, Point Washington Incised.





Chronological position Believed to appear first as
part of earliest Mississippian ceramic complex in
Fort Walton area, becomes less frequent as Fort
Walton Incised increases in popularity, (H. Huscher
personal communication; FSM collections).

Relationships Except for temper, this is a wide-
spread, if usually inadequately described type,
centering in the area from the Tennessee-Cumberland
to Moundville. The best known representative of
the shell-tempered variety is Moundville Incised
(Heimlich 1952: 24-25, P1.5). It is also included
in Dallas Incised (Lewis and Kneberg 1946: 105, P1.
61B, Pl. 60A, Pl. 57, lower right) and is part of
the Kincaid complex (Cole 1951: Pl. XXII B, a-f).
It has been illustrated from sites elsewhere in
Kentucky, Tennessee, and surrounding areas (Webb
1952: Pl. 49; Webb 1931: Figs. 63-65). Probably,
in total style, including vessel shape, appendages,
and decoration, this is the most widely distributed
representative of late Mississippian decorated pot-
tery.

LAKE JACKSON INCISED

Synonomy Pinellas Incised.

Paste As previous type.

Form As previous type.

Appendages 2 or 4 loop or strap handles, occasion-
ally a greater number, arcaded. Either form may
have buttons or knobs on handles or rim points.
Rim lugs may be substitutes for handles or combined
with them, with or without buttons or knobs.

Decoration Parallel incised lines in rim area (Grif-
fin 1950: Fig. 37, 5-7). Occasionally very sloppy
execution produces a brushed appearance. May be
combined with decoration of the previous type.

Distribution As previous type.

Relationships Shape and appendages have same distri-
bution as previous type. Decoration seems gener-
ally restricted to the Fort Walton and Safety
Harbor areas.

PINELLAS INCISED

Type Description Willey (1949: 482; Pl. 51 f).
Changes involved here are generally in the form of
removing some features, as with previous descrip-
tion, and adding Pinellas paste as a variant.





POINT WASHINGTON INCISED


Definition as a Type Willey (1949: 463).

Ware Characteristics

Method of Manufacture Coiled.

Temper Fine sand, clay grit, or crushed stone;
any or all.

Paste Texture and Color Most specimens utilize
comparatively fine sand temper, producing a fine
compact paste. Extremes include both Lake
Jackson Plain and Pinellas Plain pastes, includ-
ing the clay tempered and laminated variant of
the latter.

Surface Texture, Color, Finish Smooth, to near
polish in best of the fine sand-tempered speci-
mens. Others include typical Lake Jackson Plain
and Pinellas Plain finishes.

Hardness 2 to 4.

Thickness 6 to 9 mm.

Form

Total Vessel Cazuela and open bowl most common.
Other forms include globular bowl with flared
orifice and open effigy bowls as well as shallow
plates or bowls with flattened, near horizontal
rims and 4 corners pulled out into points.

Rim Cazuela rims are inturned. Collared ollas
have straight inslanting or outflared rims.
Rims often thickened near or at margin. Exterior
rim folds, when they occur, are thin and flat
but wide.

Lip Sometimes pointed or round-pointed, sometimes
flat or squared. A characteristic feature,
usually on cazuela forms, is a row of close
spaced notches which are placed on the exterior
edge of the lip.

Appendages Lateral or horizontal rim projections,
bird head and tail effigies placed on opposing
sides of rim. Small vertical lugs.

Decoration

Technique Incision. Use of 2, 3, or 4 lines to
carry out all designs. Lines are usually medium
broad.





Design Loop figures in isolation, complicated
scroll patterns, ovals intersected with cross
bars, diamonds and V-shaped figures. Frequent
use of horizontal lines parallel to rim, often
dipping into loops or U-shaped figures, which
are frequently combined with effigy heads and
tails in a fashion typical of the Middle Missis-
sippian ceramic tradition.

Geographical Range of Type As Cool Branch Incised.

Chronological Position Fort Walton and Safety
Harbor period. Introduced later than Cool
Branch and Lake Jackson Incised types.

Bibliography Willey (1949: 463).

Comment Generally this type parallels Fort Walton
Incised, but lacks the punctations. The open
bowls with parallel incised lines below the lip,
often dipping into loop or "U" patterns at 2 or
4 points, often with effigy heads and tails, are
widespread in Middle Mississippian and Caddoan
ceramics.

Quite possibly this form, usually made in the
best of the fine sand tempered paste, and usual-
ly quite recognizable in sherd form, should have
separate type status.

MARSH ISLAND INCISED

No changes in this type, except extension to include
Pinellas Plain paste in West Coast occurrences.

FORT WALTON INCISED

Definition as a Type Willey (1949: 460-462).

Ware Characteristics Most specimens are made with a
well smoothed, finely sand tempered and quite hard
paste, anywhere in the geographical range. Occas-
ional specimens with the shape and decoration of
this type are made with the grit-tempered Lake
Jackson Plain paste or with the contorted Pinellas
Plain paste, in each instance with the appropriate
finish and color range.

Decoration
Technique Incised lines and punctation. Lines
range from deep and wide, usually rectilinear in
cross section to narrow and fine with a V-shaped
cross section. Punctations are sized according
to area and line size. Most are rectilinear or
square, but all possible variations occur. There
39





is varying rare use of a fine incised line-punc-
tate technique which in some instances resembles
rocker stamping.

Design Elements are volutes, interlocked scrolls,
running scrolls, trifoil figures, crescentic
forms, S-shaped and reverse-S figures, rectili-
near stepped figures, pendant loops, and tri-
angles. Elements are usually repeated around
vessel in a connected design pattern. Dot punc-
tations are used as filler for both backgrounds
and for design proper. The reference in the
original type description (Willey 1949: 460; Pl.
45, f-g) would here be considered incorrect.
These sherds would here be classified as Point
Washington Incised.

Form

Total Vessel Cazuela bowls most common. Other
forms which occur are shallow bowls, shallow
bowls with lateral expansions, collared globular
bowls, short collared jars, beakers, beaker-
bowls, and, rarely with this decoration, bot-
tles.

Rim Usually inslanting or incurving, but depends
on total vessel form. Most rims are thickened
except for thinning at lip edge. Long, thin
folds are common, often underlined with an in-
cised line.

Lip Rounded or round pointed. Closely spaced
notches often placed on exterior lip margin.

Base Rounded.

Appendages Lateral or horizontal rim projections,
usually on "plate" forms. Bird head and tail
effigies occur, but are far commoner on Point
Washington Incised as noted above. Small verti-
cal lugs are found in a few instances.

Range As Point Washington Incised.

Relationships of Type General similarity to many
late Middle Mississippian incised and punctated
types in both grit and shell tempered wares,
such as Lamar Bold Incised and Pensacola In-
cised. The ultimate derivation of the cazuela
bowl form, and the scroll and punctate decora-
tion, is to be found in the Caddoan area, espec-
ially in such Alto Focus types as Pennington
Punctate Incised and Crokett Curvilinear Incised
(Krieger 1949). This form and decorative style,
although earlier there than in Florida, also





precedes, barely, the development of local
brushed wares.

SAFETY HARBOR INCISED

Definition as a Type Willey (1949: 479-482).

Ware Characteristics

Method of Manufacture Probably coiled.

Temper Ranges from fine sand through medium
coarse sand and occasional crushed rock or clay
grit to a clayey, possibly temperless paste,
i.e., from fine sand tempering, which is most
common, through the Lake Jackson and Pinellas
Plain ware pastes. Fine sand temper is common-
est.

Paste Texture and Color Depending on aplastic,
paste ranges from granular and compact to
coarse, contorted, and laminated. The latter,
Pinellas Plain paste, crumbles easily.

Surface Texture, Color and Finish Most specimens,
in the better paste, have surface finish and
color like Fort Walton Incised, above. Extremes
in the Lake Jackson and Pinellas pastes have the
characteristic finishes of those wares, with an
unusual amount of surface crackling in the case
of Pinellas.

Hardness 2 3.

Thickness Very variable. 4 to 10 mm.

Decoration

Body and neck decoration often differ considerably
on common bottle form.

Technique Bottle bodies and most other forms;
fine line incision and fine punctations. Bottle
necks are decorated with broad line incision 2-4
mm. wide. Applique features occur occasionally
as illustrated in Fig. 5,9; Fig. 9,2; and Fig.
8,1.

Design Bottle necks: Parallel incised lines,
horizontal or in bands at angle; concentric cir-
cles, others, in broad line incision. On bottle
bodies and other forms commonest designs are
scrolls, pendant volutes, and concentric cir-
cles. Common theme is use of alternate area
style, with punctate fills. See Willey (1949:





Fig. 67; P1. 52) as well as Fig. 5,9; Fig. 9,2;
and Fig. 8,1 herein.

Form Commonest forms are bottles and beakers. Bot-
tles range from varieties with narrow necks (Fig.
8, 1-2; Fig. 10, 1) to forms with comparatively low
and broad necks (Fig. 9, 1-2). The latter is the
form called collared jars by Willey.

Geographical Range of Type Manatee Region, Tampa
Bay, and for an unknown distance north of Tampa
Bay. A few sherds from the northwest Florida coast
and adjacent areas have been classified in this
type.

Chronological Position of Type Safety Harbor Fort
Walton period, late prehistoric into 18th century.

Relationships of Type Descendant of Weeden Island
Incised, under Middle Mississippian and Caddoan in-
fluence. Caddoan influence on common bottle form
is obvious. The scarcity of the form in Fort Wal-
ton suggests a direct Caddoan-Safety Harbor contact
of some sort. This is also suggested by some of
the motifs used and by the use of paint to fill in-
cised lines.

Bibliography Willey (1949: 479 482).

ENGLEWOOD INCISED

Definition as a Type Willey (1949: 472-474).

Ware Characteristics Most sherds are a fine sand
tempered ware, with well smoothed, near polished
surfaces. Extremes however, as with other types
included herein, run through the Pinellas Plain-
Lake Jackson gamut in temper, texture and finish.

Decoration

Technique Incision, from narrow and V-shaped to
medium width and rectangular or "U" shaped.
Generally the same as Safety Harbor Incised.
Punctations are usually rounded and elongate,
made with the punctating tool held at a slight
angle.

Designs Usually rectilinear designs incised with
space in rather narrow design units filled with
punctations. Simple curvilinear elements are
sometimes combined with the rectilinear ones.

Form As Safety Harbor Incised.





Geographical Range of Type Sarasota County to Tampa
Bay.

Chronological Position of Type Considered in Engle-
Wood area to occupy a position Between Weeden
Island II and Safety Harbor. There is some evidence
for this in the Tampa Bay area too, but generally
the type is there coeval with Safety Harbor Incis-
ed.

Relationships of Type Has resemblances to both We-
eden Island Incised and Safety Harbor Incised, as
well as to some Fort Walton Incised specimens.

Bibliography Willey (1949: 472).

Comment At Tierra Verde, and in other Tampa Bay area
collections, appears to be, in large part at least,
simply a variant of Safety Harbor Incised with rec-
tilinear motifs which occur on the same range of
pastes and vessel forms. It seems to be worth ke-
eping isolated typologically because of apparent
clearer separation to the South of Tampa Bay.

CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGES

POTTERY DEPOSIT AREA

Two areas of concentration were noted, as described
earlier. One of these was centered in squares 10R20 and
10R30; the other in squares 10R40 and 10R50. The few sherds
from other sections of the trench are lumped together as
general residue.
10R20-10R30
Safety Harbor Incised
Reconstructable Vessels
#5 bottle
#7 bottle
#9 beaker

Partial Vessels
#17 bottle neck
# bottle or beaker rims,
parallel line decoration 4 spec.

Fort Walton Incised
Reconstructable Vessels
#18-Cazuela bowl
Partial Vessels-1 bowl sherd

Lake Jackson Plain
Handles or handle welds
strap 1
loop (1/2 pot, restorable) 1





Plain, fine sand tempered bottle
or beaker necks or shoulders 2

St. Johns Series
St. Johns Check Stamped 39
St. Johns Plain 25
St. Johns Check Stamped, red
paint wash 1
Savannah Fine Cord Marked, like,
St. Johns Paste 1
Dunns Creek Red 1

Lake Jackson Incised
Sherds 2
Handle, type uncertain 1

Englewood Incised
Body sherds 4

Weeden Island Tradition
Partial Vessels
#14-compound form, base only,
(effigy?)

Weeden Island Series
Indian Pass Incised 1
Weeden Island Red 1

Pinellas-Lake Jackson Series
Point Washington Incised 2
Pinellas Plain 75

Miscellaneous
Savannah Fine Cord Marked 2
Flat base, sand-tempered,
pre-cut kill-hole 1
Sand-tempered plain, body 38
Pasco Check Stamped 1

10R40-10R50

Point Washington Incised
Restorable Vessels
#4-bowl sherd, effigy
head stub 1

Red Filmed, Sand-Tempered
Partial Vessels
#12-Effigy base (?), pre-killed.
Part of same specimen in
mound fill at 20R50.
#10-Similar to #12

Safety Harbor Incised
Bottle or beaker rims,
parallel line decoration 3




Hillsborough Series
Hillsborough Shell Stamped 3

Miscellaneous
Savannah Fine Cord Marked 3
Sand-tempered plain, flat,
pre-killed base 1
Sand-tempered plain 57
Belle Glade Plain 1
Wakulla Check Stamped 1
Pasco Plain 6
Unclassified, sand-tempered 6

Lake Jackson Plain
Restorable Vessels
#24-Jar, loop handles and
rim points
#71-Jar, loop handles. Paste
tends toward Pinellas range.
Handle, loop, on rim sherd 1

Fort Walton Incised
Partial Vessels
Cazuela Bowl, rim sherd 1
Sherd, body 1

Plain, fine sand tempered, beaker
necks or shoulders 2

St. Johns Series
St. Johns Check Stamped 49
St. Johns Plain 18
Keith-Incised like 4
Savannah Fine Cord Marked,
St. Johns Paste 1
Dunns Creek Red 1

SHERD DEPOSIT AREA RESIDUE
From Locations Other Than Specified Above

Safety Harbor Incised 2

St. Johns Series
St. Johns Plain 61
St. Johns Check Stamped 44
Dunns Creek Red 3

Weeden Island Series
Indian Pass Incised 1

Miscellaneous
Sarasota Incised 1
Pinellas Plain 49
Cool Branch Incised 3
Fort Walton Incised 1
Sand-tempered plain 47




Wakulla Check Stamped 6
Sand-tempered, red filmed 1
Unclassified plain 1
Shell tempered plain, fine shell 2

MOUND FILL

Lake Jackson Plain
Restorable Vessels
#1
#2
Handles and rims
Jar rim, strap handles 1
Jar rim, notched lip 1

Belle Glade Plain
Restorable Vessels
#3-Sherds 7

Safety Harbor Incised
Bottle or beaker, necks or
shoulders 8

Weeden Island Series
Carabelle Punctated 1
Weeden Island Red 2

Fort Walton Incised
Partial Vessels-typical bowl forms 2

Safety Harbor or Englewood Incised
Flat bases, pre-killed beakers
or bottles 3

St. Johns Series
St. Johns Check Stamped 28
Savannah Fine Cord Marked,
St. Johns Paste 2
St. Johns Plain 10
Dunns Creek Red 4

Miscellaneous
Pasco Plain 8
Wakulla Check Stamped 3
Sand-Tempered plain 55
Shell-tempered plain, fine shell 3
Misc. Unclassified 2

WARREN LOT

Safety Harbor Incised
Restorable Vessels
#11-bottle-red paint in lines.
(part with B.36)
#6-bottle
#20-beaker




Lot 38 beaker
Bottle or beaker rims 1
Sherd, body 22

Safety Harbor or Englewood Incised
Bottle or beaker necks or
shoulders, parallel line
decoration, some angular motifs 24

Point Washington Incised
Sherds 10

Little Manatee Shell Stamped
Partial Vessel
Lot 65 compressed globular
bowl

Englewood Incised
Partial Vessels
Lot 37 beakers 3
Lot 40 bottle 1
Bottle Necks 17
Sherds 37

Fort Walton Incised
Restorable Vessels
#8-Cazuela bowl. Poor paste
and design execution
Sherds 53

Savannah Fine Cord Marked
Partial Vessels
Lot 13 deep open bowls 2
Sherds 7

Pinellas Plain
Restorable Vessel
Lot 22 Lake Jackson type loop
handle with double rim nodes.
Some limestone in temper.
Pot form, 30 cm. diameter at
lip.

Rim Sherds
Notched lips open bowl forms 163
Plain bowls. Direct rounded
lips 27
Body Sherds 305
Total T95

Lake Jackson Plain
Partial Vessels
Lot 23 Pot, loop handles and
rim points
Lot 24 Pot, loop handles and
rim points
Lot 25 Pot, loop handles and
rim points




Lot 26 Pot, loop handles and
rim points
Lot 27 Pot, strap handles
Lot 28 Pot, loop handles, 3 lip
nodes
Lot 29 Pot, strap handles handle
and lip nodes
Lot 30 Pot, loop handles, handle
nodes

Rim Sherds
Soup bowl form, rim points 1
Bowl or jar, nodes below lip 1
Bowls, direct rounded lip 5
Jar, flat lip, exterior corner,
incised line below lip 1
Bowl, notched lip, rim points 1
Jar forms 7
Bowl, flat lip 6

Handles
Loop 2
Loops with nodes 1
Strap with node 1
Strap 5
Loop or strap 2
Arcaded handles 1
Flat lug handle 1
Other handles 1

Cool Branch Incised
Restorable Vessel
#31-Pinellas Paste. Punctate arcades,
notched lip, loop handle.
Sherds 9. Included are arcades formed
by plain incision, incision and
punctation, and incision and ticking.

Lake Jackson Incised
Sherds 5

Sarasota Incised
Partial Vessel
Lot 63
Sherds 7

Pinellas Incised
Handles, loop 6

Unclassifiable
Partial Vessels
#15-Rim and shoulder from compound
form. Grit and sand temper.
Probably Weeden Island period.
#21-Similar to #15, not same vessel.




Wakulla Check Stamped
Restora-le Vessels
1. Compressed globular bowl, 8" diameter.
6 checks per inch. Round lip. Plain
rim area at lip 1/4 inch wide.
2. Open bowl, 16 inch diameter. 5
checks per inch. Rounded lip.
3. Bowl, 16 inch diameter. 5 checks
per inch. Flat lip.
Sherds 62
Sherds, rim
flat lip 9
round lip 11
other lip 13

St. Johns Series

St. Johns Check Stamped
1 Bowl, 16 inch diameter. 5 checks
per inch. Rounded lip, plain rim
to incised line 1/4 inch below lip.
2 Open bowl, 16 inch diameter. 6
checks per inch. Flat lip.
3 Open bowl, 12 inch diameter. 5
rectangular checks per inch.
Rounded lip. Plain rim to incised
line 1/4 inch below lip.
4 Open bowl, 16 inch diameter. 4 very
sloppy square checks per inch.
Round lip.
5 Open bowl, 16 inch diameter. 5
diamond shaped checks per inch.
7 Open bowl, 12 inch diameter. 8
checks per inch. Round lip.
8 Compressed globular bowl, 8 inch
diameter. 7 diamond shaped checks
per inch. Lip is flat on vertical,
interior plane.
9 Compressed globular bowl, 12 inch
diameter. 5 checks per inch. Flat
lip, slightly expanded to wedge
shaped, incised line in center of
flat surface.
11 Compressed globular bowl, 8 inch
diameter. 5 checks per inch. Round
lip.
12 Open bowl, 12 inch diameter. 5
diamond shaped checks per inch.

Sherds, body 777
Sherds, rim
rounded 87
flat 50
other 51
Total 188




St. Johns Plain
S- hers, -bdy 129
Sherds, rim
rounded 32
other 51

Weeden Island Series
Carrabelle Incised 9
Carrabelle Incised (Beldeau
Incised-like variant) 1
Unclassified incised, ladder or
railroad track design 4

Sand-Tempered Plain Ware
Body Sherds 108

Miscellaneous St. Johns
Savannah Fine Cord Marked-like,
St. Johns Paste 15
Papys Bayou Punctated 19
Carrabelle-Like Incised 1
Carrabelle Punctated 9
Indian Pass Incised 1
Weeden Island Punctated 3

Rim Sherds

Compressed Globular Bowl Forms
round lips 31
flat lips 4
beveled lips 2
everted lip 0
Misc. vessel and rim forms 3
Open bowls
round lips 33
flat lips 4
beveled lips 0
everted lip 1

Belle Glade Plain
Body Sherds 23
Rim Sherds
Flat lip 10
Rounded lip 4

Pasco Series
Pasco Check Stamped
Restorable Vessels
1 Open bowl, 16 inch diameter,
8 checks per inch. Round lip.
2 Open bowl, 5 inch diameter.
4 diamond shaped checks per
inch. Round lip.




Sherds, body I
Pasco Plain, body sherds 5
Pasco paste, punctated 1
Red filmed, body 4
Misc. impressed 3

Miscellaneous Sherds, various pastes, series, etc.

Pinellas Paste

Incised 2
Checked stamped 1
Red filmed 4
Random punctated 10

Sand-Tempered

Parallel line incised decoration,
probably beaker or bottle necks 19
Beaker or bottle bases, prekilled 2
Plain beaker or bottle necks 12
Cord marked 4
Fabric marked, burlap-like fabric 7
Red filmed 2
Simple stamped, not Deptford 1
Incised 2

Chalky, St. Johns Paste
Misc. Incised 2
Simple stamped and red filmed 3
Shell tempered red filmed 3
Simple stamped 4
Dunns Creek Red 1
Plain, thin, cazuela form,
three vessels or more 7

BURIAL LOTS

Burial excavation and cleaning occasionally produced
some sherds which were in close proximity to the bones.
These were kept isolated and are here listed by burial num-
ber. Most burials either had no sherds definitely associ-
ated, or had only one or two plain specimens. These odd
sherds have been added to the general residue from pottery
deposit concentrations or the mound fill lot.

Burials 1 and 2 These burials were undoubtedly under part
of the 10R20-10R30 concentration in the pottery deposit
area. The large number of sherds may perhaps be accounted
for by the partial excavation and subsequent recovering of
these burials by Warren.





St. Johns Series

St. Johns Plain 19
St. Johns Check Stamped 8
Cord-marked, like Savannah
Fine Cord Marked 2
Papys Bayou Punctated 1

Pasco Series

Plain 1
Check Stamped 3

Misc. Sherds

Sand-tempered plain 23
Pinellas Plain 7
Wakulla Check Stamped 2
Check-stamped, Pinellas Paste 1

Burial 4

St. Johns Series

St. Johns Plain 1
St. Johns Check Stamped 3
Pinellas Plain 16
Sand-tempered plain 4

Wakulla Check Stamped 1

Lake Jackson Plain 1

Burial 11 3 sand tempered plain sherds from one bowl,
small, with rounded lip.

Burial 17

Sand-tempered plain 1
Hillsborough Shell Stamped 1
St. Johns Plain 1

Burial 26 Burial at base of mound fill. Previously dis-
turbed. Small deposit of sherds on mound base in area,
possibly over burial.

St. Johns Plain 6
St. Johns Check Stamped 17
Dunns Creek Red 1


51a




Vessel 11 1 sherd in this lot.
Balance Warren Lot.
Pinellas Plain 22
Sand-tempered Plain 19
Belle Glade Plain 1
Savannah Fine Cord Marked 1

Burial 28

St. Johns Plain 1
St. Johns Check Stamped 2
Sand-tempered plain 5
Pinellas Plain 5

Burial 30

Pinellas Plain 2
St. Johns Check Stamped 2
Belle Glade Plain 2
Weeden Island Red 1

Burial 33'

Pinellas Plain 9
St. Johns Paste Savannah
Fine Cord Marked 1
St. Johns Plain 1
Sand-tempered plain 4


51b





















a "~t







3

'Zy
/ p '1.
*.: ..w..#4 "ar~tk. r -... a ,b !
/'-* A.,. *-^ '.. ,>7' -'... > '-< 'st-A



i. .i;.
'" .' 2 .o.,,.
4." :. 9 .
















2, vessel restored from single sherd (see Fig. 5,5).










i C."'



*' I






4> a"h: f/f-~~
..-.~L*44V,,,..


011. Oft









t.4;
~r?~ ~ u .,y








*1 k



*r r A 7
if. ~ r~ *f*-., '
*'~'3 .4At
I.


Figure 9. Safety Harbor Incised vessels. 1, tentative
restoration from small sherds; 2, vessel 5.


















. "-...,*'.. .- ...! I--r^ .,:" .c .:
F.-=




'4 -.-



I'


4'


24
a ~


.4)-:



tQ


I -
. . . . .


3







Figure 10. Safety Harbor and Point Washington Incised
vessels. 1, vessel 11, Safety Harbor Incised; 2,
vessel 9, Safety Harbor Incised; 3, vessel 4, Point
Washington Incised.






















-.


V*-'- '.-~

I


Figure 11. Cool Branch and Fort Walton Incised vessels.
1, vessel 31, Cool Branch Incised, Fort Walton paste;
2, vessel 18, Fort Walton Incised.





VESSELS WITH PARTS IN TWO LOCATIONS


Vessels from Sherds, Same Vessels from Sherds, Same
Warren Lot Vessels, Warren Lot Vessels,
Other Other
Locations Locations

#4 10R50 #17 10R30
#5 10R30 #18 10R30
#7 10R30 #19 10R50
#9 10R30 #49
#11 Burial 26 Lot 66 10R10

Other vessels in two locations--#12, Mound Fill and 10R30.

DISCUSSION OF TIERRA VERDE CERAMICS

Safety Harbor, Fort Walton, and Related Series

An adequate discussion of the ceramics in this area
must be prefaced by the statement that previous interpreta-
tions have suffered from the lack of one significant bit of
data. That in the Tampa Bay area most pottery other than
simple plain bowl forms occurs only in mortuary context.This
holds true through the Weeden Island and Safety Harbor
periods for such pottery as the decorated types of the We-
eden Island, Safety Harbor, Lake Jackson, Englewood, and St.
Johns series or kinds. This phenomenon, actually widespread
in Florida, will be the subject of a separate paper. I will
here only point to the existence of the phenomenon, and to
the fact that interpretations which involve cultural rela-
tionships or the directions of movement of various traits
can scarcely be correct if burial mound and village assem-
blages over wide areas are treated as if they were equiva-
lent phenomena.

Safety Harbor Incised

The commonest vessel forms utilized in this type are
the bottle and the beaker. The beaker, immediately derived
from the Troyville ceramics of the Lower Mississippi Valley,
is quite common in Weeden Island Period pottery. It occurs,
particularly in Northwest Florida, in both the Weeden Island
series and in complicated stamped pottery. The bottle form
appears for the first time in Florida in this late period.
Its earliest appearance in North America is in the Alto
Focus of the Caddoan area (Krieger 1949). It spreads north
and east into Middle Mississippi culture (Moundville, for
example) and occurs in the Mississippian Fort Walton com-
plex. It is usually, in Middle Mississippian as in Fort Wal-
ton and Safety Harbor, used for ceremonial and/or mortuary
functions.





Willey (1949: 482) suggested that Safety Harbor pot-
tery styles derived from Weeden Island, under Mississippian
influence. This may be, but after reviewing this collection
from Tierra Verde, other Safety Harbor assemblages, and the
Fort Walton bottles, I suspect that very little is owed to
Weeden Island, perhaps no more than any Middle Mississippian
culture owed to influences from the Gulf tradition generally
or, in the case of Caddoan, to participation in the Gulf
tradition in the earlier development of the Caddoan ceramic
tradition. Both bottle and beaker decoration in Safety Har-
bor, and in Fort Walton, appear very closely related to Cad-
doan and Caddoan-derived Middle Mississippi decoration on
these same forms; vessels made primarily for ceremonial fun-
ction in most instances. Those Safety Harbor bottles and
beakers which have decoration most dissimilar to Caddoan-
Middle Mississippian decoration on these forms have decora-
tion most closely related to that on Fort Walton cazuela
bowls, and to the many related cazuela bowl decorative
styles in the Southeast. The relevant Middle Mississippian
styles may be seen in the Lower Mississippi Valley Archaeol-
ogical Survey report (Phillips, Ford and Griffin 1951: Figs.
103-104); the Caddoan styles in the Handbook of Texas Arch-
aeology (Suhm and Krieger 1954).

Englewood Incised

The beaker and bottle forms in these types are the
same as those for Safety Harbor Incised, and the same com-
ments apply. Bowls of various shapes are the common form
for the area and period, so that these Englewood Incised
vessels are distinctive. The decoration differs from Safety
Harbor incised in the use of angular punctate-filled motifs.
The source of this style is unknown to me. It must reflect
a local decorative style superimposed on the vessel form
ideas derived from Safety Harbor. The contemporaneity of
Safety Harbor and Englewood Incised is attested by their
frequent occurrence together in Safety Harbor burial mounds
in the Tampa Bay area.

Pinellas Incised

Herein subdivided into Cool Branch Incised, Lake
Jackson Incised, and Pinellas Incised. Further restriction
is involved in the redefinitions of Point Washington Incised
and Marsh Island Incised.

This type has been the subject of much comment and
discussion in the literature, including Willey's (1949) type
description and Griffin's (1950) subdivision at Lake Jack-
son. All of these discussions have failed, I think, to take
into account the relationship of the vessel form, appendage,
and decorative modes or styles with the widespread Mississi-
ppian ceramic tradition of adjacent areas. These modes
or styles are, in Fort Walton and Safety Harbor, representa-
tive of the extreme marginal southern spread of Middle Mis-





sissippian. Cool Branch Incised is simply the sand or grit
tempered representative of the widespread Middle Mississip-
pian type defined as Moundville Incised (Dunlevy 1952). It
appears to be the most important decorated utilitarian type
for Middle Mississippian cultures in a huge area, ranging
from the Gulf Coast of Alabama and Mississippi to southern
Illinois, with a center in the Tennessee Cumberland region
(Myers 1928). Since northwest, let alone peninsular, Flori-
da is at the extreme fringe of this area, and since this
local variant differs from the major variety in temper, it
seems scarcely conceivable that it could have developed from
Weeden Island in this area, as Griffin (1950: 109) suggests,
and have spread into Middle Mississippi from here. Recent
work demonstrates quite conclusively that it did not, since
in the earliest Mississippian cultures of the lower Chatta-
hoochee River, the shell tempered variant, Moundville, In-
cised, is popular (Caldwell 1955: 40); Huscher (personal
communication). The tradition, which lies at the base of
Fort Walton culture, appears then to have spread to the Fort
Walton area from the Moundville center and to have developed
into Cool Branch Incised by a single temper substitution.

Neither Pinellas Incised nor Lake Jackson Plain, which
is very closely related in vessel form, temper, and append-
ages, could have developed without antecedents in the Tampa
Bay area, where it was used only in ceremonial context, and
then have moved to northwest Florida. Actually, most Tampa
Bay area Pinellas Incised vessels in the classic Middle Mis-
sissippian form, often with loop or strap handles, were not
made in the Pinellas Paste, which was utilized largely for
the common bowls of the Safety Harbor period middens. In-
stead, these jars were made of the grit tempered Lake Jack-
son paste, and were probably imports.

Lake Jackson Plain

Rim sherds with handles or rim points were, as noted
in the definition, placed in this type even if the paste
seemed to be of the Pinellas variant. This did not occur
often, which reinforces the theory that only a few such pots
were made locally, in imitation of northwest coast vessels
imported for ceremonial purposes. Plain body sherds were
classified strictly according to paste.

Handles were quite common in this type. The following
occurred:

Strap 8
Strap with rim nodes 2
Total strap 10





Loop or strap 2
Flat lug 1
Loop 5
Loop with rim points 5
Total loop 13

Miniature arcaded strap 1
Other handles,
unclassifiable 1

It will be noted that at this site, as in contemporary
sites in the Fort Walton-Lake Jackson culture area in north-
west Florida and adjacent Georgia and Alabama, loop handles
with their nodes are very similar to Macon Plateau Bibb
Plain handles (Haag 1939) and to other loop handles in early
Mississippi context. This should not be taken, at least not
by itself, as evidence of direct temporal equivalence to
Macon Plateau, other Early Mississippi cultures, or the
Early Mississippi ceramic and cultural tradition. The pres-
ence of large numbers of strap handles, and of Cool Branch
and Moundville Incised in the earliest Fort Walton levels,
demonstrates that all of these assemblages are very late,
almost certainly post 1500 A.D. The loop handles are then a
late survival, here as elsewhere.

Fort Walton Incised

Most specimens were made with the fine sand tempered
paste which is indistinguishable from that used in many of
the Safety Harbor, Englewood, and Weeden Island series ves-
sels. Occasional vessels were made with the coarse grit-
tempered Lake Jackson paste, or the contorted Pinellas paste
rather than the fine-sand tempered ware. Decorative tech-
nique appears to have deteriorated in direct ratio to the
crudeness of the paste. A few beaker sherds had incised
scroll or guilloche and punctate decoration which is stylis-
tically very similar to Fort Walton. This is an area of
overlap between Safety Harbor and Fort Walton. If form was
definitely beaker or bottle rather than bowl, the sherds
were classified as Safety Harbor Incised.

Pinellas Plain

Great quantities of this type, most of it the very
soft laminated variant, were observed. Far fewer were re-
covered as most sherds disintegrated. Sherds so classified
are mostly from bowls, usually with the typical notched or
ticked lips, the typical midden ware for this period in this
area. Vessels in other forms were usually made of somewhat
better paste, tending to resemble the Lake Jackson Plain
ware.

Point Washington Incised

Herein restricted to bowls, in the parallel line in-
cised tradition, often with effigy features (Fig. 10:3). An
extremely widespread Middle Mississippian style of ultimate





Coles Creek origin. An example is the Middle Mississippian
type, Mound Place Incised (Phillips, Ford and Griffin 1951:
147-148). Caddoan area examples, derived from Middle Mis-
sissippian, are illustrated by Suhm and Krieger (1949: 270,
276).

Weeden Island Series

Weeden Island Punctated, Indian Pass Incised, Carra-
belle Punctated, Carrabelle Incised (Willey 1949) and Weeden
Island Red (Sears 1951) as well as copies of Weeden Island
types in chalky paste such as Papys Bayou Punctated (Willey
1949: 443) occur here. The total quantity is much less than
that of the Safety Harbor and Fort Walton wares, but there
is no doubt that these Weeden Island sherds were deposited
simultaneously with the later specimens, both in the sherd
deposit area and in the mound fill. This is attested to not
only by the physical facts of location, but by the fact that
Weeden Island pottery in this area, like the later wares, is
only found in significant quantities in the burial mounds.
The continuity of ceremonial and mortuary traditions is thus
indicated, emphasized by the fact that the large quantities
of St. Johns and Wakulla Check Stamped sherds found here and
in other Safety Harbor period mounds is also characteristic
of mounds with only, or predominantly, Weeden Island deco-
rated ceramics such as the smaller mound at Bayshore Homes
(Sears 1960), the Prine mound at Terra Ceia (Bullen 1951),
and the Weeden Island mound (Fewkes 1924).

St. Johns Series

St. Johns Plain, St. Johns Check Stamped, and Dunns
Creek Red (Goggin 1952) are present here, the first two in
considerable quantities, apparently outnumbering anything
else except, possibly, Pinellas Plain. The plain and check
stamped pottery constitute a normal St. Johns II assemblage
(Goggin 1952: 54). Dunns Creek Red, occurring predominantly
in simple bowl forms as do the plain and check stamped
specimens, seems to appear in burial mound assemblages of
most periods throughout peninsular Florida north of the
Everglades. The chalky-paste cord-marked ware in this mound
is quite obviously a copy of Savannah Fine Cord Marked, as
this Georgia type occurs here and elsewhere in Florida (see
below).

Wakulla Check Stamped (Willey 1949: 437-438)

All specimens found here appear to be from simple
bowls with minor rim modification, if any. The tall necked
or pointed base forms which occasionally occur on the north-
west coast do not seem to have been represented here. On
the whole, check size in this sample runs toward the larger
end of the range, about 5 to 6 checks per inch, the size
range at which Wakulla Check Stamped overlaps with Deptford






Check Stamped, and so is often, in the form of body sherds,
indistinguishable from it. A few sherds with very fine
checks were found.

Miscellaneous Types

All of these occur in small quantities. Type names
and references only are given except in those few cases
where some comment seems desirable.

Savannah Fine Cord Marked (Haag 1939)

Both the restorable vessel, lot 13 and the sherds are
normal specimens of this type. A few sherds have been found
in the Tampa Bay area at the Bayshore Homes site (Sears
1960: 8) and probably at Safety Harbor (Griffin and Bullen
1950: 11). It is a normal part of St. Johns II ceramic
assemblages on the upper St. Johns (Sears 1957: 24), where
it appears to persist into historic times (Jordan 1963: 42).

Savannah Check Stamped (Haag 1939)

The one vessel so classified can only be a specimen of
this type. It is distinguished by the coarse grit temper
and a distinctive surface appearance. Many vessels of this
type with finer temper could not be distinguished from cer-
tain Wakulla Check Stamped vessels.

Pasco Plain (Goggin 1948)

Pasco Plain is distinctive of a limited area of the
Gulf Coast around Crystal River, where it is quite obviously
representative of a distinct culture tradition. From the
advent of pottery making to the contact period, occasional
Pasco vessels bear decorations which copy other Florida
decorative styles, such as the Weeden Island. Occasionally,
as here at Tierra Verde, both plain and decorated Pasco ves-
sels were imported.

Pasco Check Stamped

Similar to Wakulla Check Stamped except for the typi-
cal Pasco series tempering material, large chunks of lime-
stone.

Sand Tempered Plain Ware

This is not, of course, a type. There are at least 4
variants at this site, distinguishable on a form basis. They
are: (1) Plain body sherds; (2) sherds from beakers or
bottles; (3) sherds from compound, probably effigy, forms;
and (4) pre-killed, flat disc bases.





Plain body sherds could have come from the plain por-
tions of Weeden Island series vessels or from Weeden Island
Plain bowls; from the plain portions of Safety Harbor In-
cised and Englewood Incised vessels, particularly those bot-
tles with only a few Incised lines parallel to the rim at
the top and bottom of the neck; and from the plain parts of
some Fort Walton Incised bowls. Obviously, we cannot "type"
them. In the full counts by excavation units, the beaker
and bottle sherds which could be recognized are separately
listed. A few specimens are from elaborate compound forms,
probably effigies. Some traces of red paint are present.
They do seem to show more wear and tear than Safety Harbor
sherds, and are probably Weeden Island "heirlooms."

Quite a few flat disc bases with kill holes cut
through before the vessels were fired are listed. Most of
them were sand tempered. I believe the greater part of
these are from Safety Harbor Incised bottles, but cannot
demonstrate this.

Shell Tempered Plain and Red Filmed

This very thin ware, plentifully tempered with finely
ground shell, could probably be assigned to any one, or
more, Middle Mississippian types. However, the character-
istics which would enable us to make a choice between vari-
ous types are not present. The plain sherds are very simi-
lar to those from the Bayshore Homes site (Sears 1960: 6).

BURIALS


Type


1-2 Multiple bun-


1-2 Multiple bun-
dle-2 persons

3 Single skull


4 Flexed


5 Bundle (?)


6-7 Multiple bun-
dle-2 persons

8 Bundle (?)


9 Flexed


Location-
Area


Pot
deposit

Pot
deposit

Pot
deposit

Pot
deposit

Pot
deposit

Pot
deposit


Mound
edge


Depth and/or
Grave Type


Shallow pit


Shallow pit


Shallow pit


Shallow pit


Shallow pit


Shallow pit


3 1/2 ft.
above old
surface


Comment


Old disturbance,
possibly C. B.
Moore





Location-
Area


Depth and/or
Grave Type


10 Flexed (?)


11 Bundle-par-
tial articu-
lation

12 Bundle


13 Bundle-no
skull

14 Bundle-no
skull


15 Bundle


17 Bundle or
flexed


18 Flexed


19 Flexed


20 (?)


21 Flexed plus
1 extra
skull

22 Scattered
bone

23- Double, fle-
24 xed, near
vertical

25 Flexed (?)


26 Flexed


27 Bundle (?)


Mound


Mound



Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound



Mound


Mound



Mound


Mound


Mound


Shallow pit
in old sur-
face

On old sur-
face


5 1/2 ft.
above old
surface

2 ft. above
old surface

4 ft. above
old surface


2 ft. above
old surface

On old
surface


On old
surface

On old
surface

On old
surface

On old
surface


On old
surface


3 ft. above
old surface


On old
surface

On old
surface


Disturbed by
visitors


No disturbance


Machine exca-
vated--no trace
skull


Old disturbance-
Moore (?)

Old disturbance-
Moore (?)

Old disturbance-
Moore (?)


Sherd layer over
or around


On old
surface


TvDe


Comment


' -L v e





Location-
Area


Depth and/or
Grave Type


28 Flexed


29 Flexed


30 Flexed


31 Flexed


32 Skull fragts


33 Flexed adult
plus infant

34- Flexed, near
35 vertical


36 Flexed, near
vertical


37 Single skull


38 Flexed, near
vertical


Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound


Mound



Mound


Mound


On old
surface

On old
surface

On old
surface

On old
surface

On old
surface

On old
surface

On old
surface


Shallow pit
into old
surface

On old
surface

Shallow pit
into surf-
ace


3 burials close-
ly associated.
36 lowest, 34
highest.Vessels
1-3 in shallow
pit, possibly
associated.


3 burials adja-
cent, near ver-
tical position,
pit tops, tops
of skulls nearly
to surface.


39- Flexed, near
40 vertical


Mound


We have already commented, in various places, on
burial types, locations, and associations. To summarize:

1. The flexed burials were here, as at Bayshore Homes
a few miles to the North, almost certainly wrapped when de-
posited. Quite probably they were, after removal from a


Type


Comment





charnel house at this time, dry bones, but still mostly
articulated. The single skulls are of course exceptions.

2. There are two major areas, and, in the mound
building sequence, times, for deposition of burials. These
are:

a. Into the original ground surface outside the
mound, the area referred to as the pottery deposit
area.

b. On or into the original surface under the
mound, associated generally with small pottery de-
posits, again usually placed over the burials.

There are other burials which were placed at higher levels
as the mound was built. They seem to be exceptions to the
general rule which cannot be explained now.

3. Excepting burials 34-36, and vessels 1-3 associ-
ated with them, under the mound, pottery seems to have been
uniformly broken ware, broken elsewhere and spread in a
layer over burials. It was often specifically ceremonial
ware in this context.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Summary

Investigations revealed that burials and ceremonial
pottery came from the burial mound itself and from an area
just to the east of the mound, but separated from it by a
few feet. The mound was, originally, 6-8 feet high and 80-
100 feet in diameter. The eastern area, with shallow buri-
als, appeared to cover, discontinuously, an area 70 feet
north and south and 20 feet east and west.

All burials were secondary. Most of them were, tech-
nically, flexed but it appeared that they had been wrapped
bundles of well dried and partially disarticulated bones.
This implies derivation from a community charnel house. The
scarcity of midden deposits on the key, and the scarcity of
sherds in these few deposits, suggests that the village
associated with this mound was probably the nearby, main-
land, Maximo Point site (Sears 1958). Probably the charnel
house was there too.

As noted, pottery, in batches of sherds, was associa-
ted with burials in that it was placed over them on the sur-
face in the eastern area. Due to shortness of time and to
destruction of data bearing on context and association by
previous excavators, we could not be certain that this had
occurred in the mound but it appeared to have been the case.
Deposits in the mound were smaller than in the eastern area.
One exception to the rule of sherd deposits associated by





superposition was the case of three nearly complete vessels
with three burials at mound base.

The hypothesis of a common source for burials is rein-
forced by evidence of a common source for ceremonial pot-
tery. In two cases, breaks on sherds from the eastern area
were matched to broken edges of sherds from the mound fill.
This also, of course, suggests near contemporaneity of depo-
sition in the east side deposit and in the mound. However,
if, as the evidence suggests, broken ceremonial pottery
accumulated in a temple or charnel house for a period of
time, the contemporaneity suggested by "withdrawals" from
this hoard may well be in terms of several generations.

All of the pottery recovered excepting the Pinellas
Plain, and even including some of it, was ceremonial ware in
this context. Some of it, as with most Safety Harbor and
Englewood types in beaker and bottle forms, was clearly in-
tended for ceremonial function. This was demonstrated by
killholes which had been neatly molded in before baking, an
old Weeden Island concept. Of even greater significance
however is the fact that these types and the Fort Walton and
St. Johns series types are found in only minute quantities
in middens in this area. They were all made or imported for
ceremonial function by the Safety Harbor culture.

The Weeden Island series sherds, particularly sherds
from effigies or at least complex forms, appeared to be gen-
erally from the most fragmentary vessels. They are often,
particularly the effigy sherds, very well worn.

I have suggested a certain amount of re-classification
in the Fort Walton-Safety Harbor types. Certainly the use
of available classifications of these, the Pensacola Series,
and the Moundville Series (Heimlich 1952) has been confus-
ing. I do not think that the concept of a Florida "Missis-
sippian" tradition (Goggin 1949: 17) has helped at all.
This concept started out by assuming what needed to be prov-
en; i.e., that there was a "Mississippian" cultural tradi-
tion. The use of Fort Walton period designation for Pensa-
cola series and complex types by Wimberly (1960: 179-183),
and others, creates problems faster than it solves them.
Preliminary verbal reports from the salvage work in the
Lower Chattachoochee suggest that the problems are of some
importance. The new typology suggested here, derived from a
partial break-down of the older typology, has been worked
out, in part, with Harold Huscher (personal communication).
It is hoped that it will be useful in working out the ori-
gins and development of the Fort Walton culture of that
area.

I should perhaps here state my point of view on cer-
amic typology and classification as well as on interpre-
tations based on them. This has been done before (Sears
1960), but perhaps needs re-statement in this context.






First, to be meaningful at all, classification, and the
typology derived from it, can only be based on the physical
characteristics of the specimens; cultural interpretations
follow, rather than precede. For example, one should not,
semantically at least, extend the Fort Walton culture area
to the Alabama and Mississippi coasts by assigning the hand-
iest period name from an adjacent area, the Florida North-
west Coast. Verbal, but not factual, fit is increased by
classifying shell-tempered pottery of the Pensacola and
Moundville series in the Fort Walton typology. Secondly,
reflected in the foregoing, no job of classification nor of
interpretation is complete without a thorough check of the
pertinent literature; meaning, essentially, the literature
of adjacent areas. This is considered essential and primary
in any other science, and I see no reason for excepting
archaeology. Yet new classifications or mis-classifications
are constantly being offered with the excuse, when the mis-
take is finally recognized and after the error has become
entombed in print, that the appropriate publication was not
available. While this is understandable, particularly in
the case of the amateurs in our field, it is not acceptable.
If this practice continues in the Southeast, we will be
drowned in errors and misunderstandings. Moundville Incised
is Moundville Incised, not Pinellas Incised variant A. It
is the writer's responsibility to know of the existence of
the type, and to find a copy of the appropriate report
(Heimlich 1952). A different way of stating the matter is
that thorough search of the literature, including bibliog-
raphies, will produce adequacy. Competent work requires
mastery of the archaeology of an area, and a thoroughgoing
knowledge of the prehistory of a much wider area. For the
Southeast, the wider area is Eastern United States. Every
culture is part of a wider system, as any anthropologist
knows. On the Gulf Coastal Plain, archaeological evidence
even just stylistic evidence, makes it clear that the Dept-
ford, Bayou La Barte, Tchefuncte, and Alexander cultures are
related, are parts of a system. Classification and typology
dealing with material from any of them cannot be adequate
without comprehension of the original Tchefuncte report
(Ford and Quimby 1945) with the basic data for the frequency
and position of the Alexander series in the Tchefuncte site.

The Southeastern United States is an interacting cul-
ture area. The period at the end of the preceding sentence
is stressed. Local units interact in different combinations
at different times; witness the late introduction of Caddoan
ceramic concepts to the Northwest Coast and Tampa Bay areas
as discussed herein. But, there is always some interaction
of every culture with some other one or more contemporaneous
ones at some degree of intensity. Interpretation which does
not investigate this cannot be adequate, and if the inter-
pretation, even at the simplest level of assigned time
period, has already been allowed to precondition classifi-
cation, the result is the chaos we are approaching.





Conclusions and Interpretation

The ceramic assemblage and the consistent use of flex-
ed burials combine to demonstrate that the Tierra Verde
Mound is a reasonably normal representative of Safety Harbor
burial mounds. The class is limited, as far as we know now,
to the Tampa Bay area. Published reports on mounds of this
type, all excavated before the development of modern stan-
dards of field work, analysis, and reporting, are:

Jones (Bullen 1952: 43-61)
Picnic (Bullen 1952: 61-71)
Buck Island (Bullen 1952: 75-79)
Safety Harbor (Griffin and Bullen 1952: 27-28. Willey
1949: 125-142)
Parrish Mound I (Willey 1949: 142-146)
Parrish Mound II (Willey 1949: 146-151)
Parrish Mound III (Willey 1949: 152-156)

Since I believe, and hope to demonstrate, that there
is real continuity in burial mounds in this area, with a
considerable overlap of the time periods involved, a list of
Weeden Island period mounds will also be helpful here. I
should stress, in advance, that assignment to Weeden Island
or Safety Harbor is in considerable part arbitrary. I have
not listed mounds which cannot be assigned to one or the
other period and type. There is such a class which will be
discussed further on.

Thomas (Bullen 1952: 7-20; Willey 1949: 113-125)
Terra Ceia (Bullen 1951)
Weeden Island (Fewkes 1924; Willey 1949: 105-113)
Parrish Mound 5 (Willey 1949: 156-158)

For present purposes, the problems of burial mound
interpretation in the Tampa Bay area begin with these Weeden
Island period structures. They are, including the type
site, characterized by large quantities of Weeden Island
series pottery, and by lesser quantities of pottery of other
series. None of these assemblages appear to represent the
earlier part of the Weeden Island period as defined in its
homeland on the Florida Northwest Coast (Willey 1949).

Certain mounds, such as Thomas and Jones (Bullen 1952)
have both Weeden Island and Safety Harbor series pottery
present in differing proportions. I would suggest that this
occurred through long term usage, and that these were con-
tinuous use mounds (Sears 1958), if it were not for the
Tierra Verde mound. We have here definite evidence for con-
temporaneous deposit of Weeden Island and Safety Harbor, as
well as Fort Walton, and other series pottery. Unfortun-
ately, most of the other mounds with both the early and late
ends of the ceramic spectrum present in them were not exca-
vated in such a way as to make it really possible to estab-
lish contemporaneity of deposition. They were dug, appar-





ently and in conformance with standards of the time, as
specimen repositories instead of as historical sources.

I suggest then that ceremonial pottery in mounds in
this area, as demonstrated elsewhere in the Weeden Island
tradition (Sears 1953: 40) represents pottery used in commu-
nity ceremonies, that it was not made or acquired simply for
function in mortuary rites. At a certain point in time,
some such weeden Island style ceremonial accumulations began
to add pottery of newly available styles, such as Safety
Harbor or Fort Walton. Later, with wear, tear, and depo-
sition during mortuary ceremonies, such accumulations had
fewer Weeden Island specimens and more specimens of the lat-
er styles. Finally, in this continuum, we have acculula-
tions of only the later styles and no Weeden Island.

Obviously, this demands development of ceremonial ware
as a tradition separate from the development of utilitarian
ware. Some of the reasons for believing that this happened
in the Tampa Bay area have been given herein, and elsewhere
(Sears 1960: 26). It will be the subject of a separate
paper now in preparation.

The origins, insofar as the Tampa Bay area is con-
cerned, of the Fort Walton, Safety Harbor, and Englewood
styles is of considerable interest. The matter was con-
sidered earlier under discussions of the relevant types.
Here, I can only point to the Northwest Florida Coast-South-
west Georgia-South Alabama area where Fort Walton pottery
was used in both sacred and secular contexts;to that area and
beyond it to the Caddoan area for the bottles, beakers,
design styles, and some decorative techniques of Safety
Harbor and Englewood. Even a Caddoan ear spool, complete to
the kind of stone material and copper coating illustrated by
Orr (1946, P1. XXVIII, a, b), came from the Picnic Mound
(Bullen 1952: Fig. 22). Since none of these have been re-
ported from the Fort Walton area, a direct Caddoan connec-
tion is at least possible.

Other sources of ceremonial ceramics, both in Weeden
Island and Safety Harbor times, are apparent. These include
north Florida and south Georgia cultures for complicated
stamped specimens in earlier, Weeden Island context such as
Terra Ceia (Bullen 1951: Pl. VI, B-D) and Weeden Island
(Willey 1949: Pl. 35, 36) as well as later Leon-Jefferson or
"Lamar" styles from the Parrish Mound (Willey 1949: Pl. 53,
54). The St. Johns area is represented early and late by
plain ware, by the copies of Weeden Island styles in the
Papys Bayou Series (Willey 1949: 443), and later by St.
Johns Check Stamped and copies of Savannah Fine Cord Marked
which occurs late in the Northern St. Johns. Others inclu-
ded are Pasco Plain ware and Belle Glade Plain. The one
nearby culture which never seems to have contributed deco-
rated ware is the Glades culture. Since it is, I think, im-
possible most of the time to tell Glades Plain from other
sand tempered plain ware excepting such odd situations as





that at the Bayshore Homes site (Sears 1960) there really is
no evidence for Glades culture contact with the ceremonial
aspects of Tampa Bay area culture from the earliest repre-
sented Weeden Island levels to historical times.

Dating is a problem. Certain artifacts from Safety
Harbor mounds, such as the glass ear bob from Parrish Mound
I (Willey 1949: Pl. 58f) and the Jefferson stamped pot from
another of the Parrish mounds (Willey 1949: Pl. 54c), sug-
gest that the Safety Harbor ceremonial culture was still in
existence in the late 17th or even 18th century. But, we
are dealing with a continuum. I would not be surprised if
there had been fair numbers of pots of Weeden Island style
in the temples seen by DeSoto. That is, that the mid-point
in the transition from Weeden Island to Safety Harbor prob-
ably took place about A.D. 1500. This would also fit my
concept of dating Fort Walton and late Caddoan materials.

REFERENCES

Bullen, Ripley P.
1951 The Terra Ceia Site, Manatee County, Florida.
Florida Anthropological Society Publications, Num-
ber 3. Gainesville.

1952 Eleven Archaeological Sites in Hillsborough
County, Florida. Report of Investigations No. 8,
Florida Geological Survey. Tallahassee.

Caldwell, Joseph R.
1955 Investigations at Rood's Landing, Stewart Coun-
ty, Georgia. Early Georgia, Vol. 2, No. 1, pp.22-
47. Athens.

Cole, Fay-Cooper
1951 Kincaid. The University of Chicago Publica-
tions in Anthropology. Chicago.

Fewkes, Jesse W.
1924 Preliminary Archaeological Explorations at We-
eden Island, Florida. Smithsonian Misc. Coll.,
Vol. 76, No. 13, pp. 1-26. Washington.

Ford, J. A. and George I. Quimby, Jr.
1945 The Tchefuncte Culture, an Early Occupation of
the Lower Mississippi Valley. Society for Ameri-
can Archaeology Memoir No. 2. Menasha.

Goggin, John M.
1948 Some Pottery Types from Central Florida. Gain-
esville Anthropological Association, Bulletin 1.
Gainesville.





Goggin, John M.
1949 Cultural Traditions in Florida Prehistory. In
The Florida Indian and His Neighbors. (J. W.
Griffin, ed.). Rollins College. Winter Park.

1952 Space and Time Perspective in Northern St.
Johns Archeology, Florida. Yale University Publi-
cations in Anthropology, No. 47. New Haven.

Griffin, John W.
1950 Test Excavations at the Lake Jackson Site.
American Antiquity, Vol. 16, No. 2. Menasha.

1950 The Safety Harbor Site. Florida Anthropologi-
cal Society Publications, No. 2. Gainesville.

Haag, William G. (ed.)
1939 Type Descriptions. Southeastern Archaeological
Conference Newsletter, Vol. I. Lexington.

Heimlich, Marion Dunlevy
1952 Guntersville Basin Pottery. Museum Paper 32,
Geological Survey of Alabama. University.

Jordan, Douglas F.
1963 The Goodman Mound. Papers on the Jungerman and
Goodman Sites, Florida. Contributions of the Flo-
rida State Museum, Social Sciences, No. 10. Gain-
esville.

Krieger, Alex D. and H. Perry Newell
1949 The George C. Davis Site, Cherokee County, Tex-
as. American Antiquity, Vol. XIV, No. 4, Part 2.
Menasha.

Lewis, T. M. N. and Madeline Kneberg
1946 Hiwasee Island. University of Tennessee Press.
Knoxville.

Moore, Clarence B.
1900 Certain Antiquities of the Florida West Coast.
Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Phi-
ladelphia, Vol. 11. Philadelphia.

1902 Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Northwest
Florida Coast. Journal of the Academy of Natural
Sciences of Philadelphia, Vol. 12, Part 2. Phila-
delphia.

1903 Certain Aboriginal Mounds of the Apalachicola
River. Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences
of Philadelphia, Vol. 12: 440-492. Philadelphia.





Myers, William E.
1924 Two Prehistoric Villages in Central Tennessee.
Bureau of American Ethnology, Smithsonian Institu-
tion, 41st Annual Report. Washington.

Orr, Kenneth G.
1946 The Archaeological Situation at Spiro, Okla-
homa; A Preliminary Report. American Antiquity,
Vol. XI, No. 4. Menasha.

Phillips, P., J. A. Ford and J. B. Griffin
1951 Archaeological Survey in the Lower Mississippi
Alluvial Valley, 1940-1947. Papers of the Peabody
Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol.
XXV, Harvard University. Cambrldge.

Sears, William H.
1951 Excavations at Kolomoki. University of Georgia
Series in Anthropology, No. 2. Athens.

1953 Excavations at Kolomoki: Season III & IV Mound
D. University of Georgia Series in Anthropology,
No. 4. Athens.

1953 Kolomoki Burial Mounds and the Weeden Island
Mortuary Complex. American Antiquity, Vol. XVIII,
No. 3. Menasha.

1958 Burial Mounds on the Gulf Coastal Plain. Amer-
ican Antiquity, Vol. 23, No. 3. Salt Lake City.

1958 The Maximo Point Site. The Florida Anthropol-
ogist, Vol. 11, No. 1: 1-10. Tallahassee.

1960 Ceramic Systems and Eastern Archaeology. Amer-
ican Antiquity, Vol. 25, No. 3: 324-329. Salt
Lake City.

1960 The Bayshore Homes Site, St. Petersburg, Flo-
rida. Contributions of the Florida State Museum,
Social Sciences, No. 8. Gainesville.

Suhm, DeeAnn and Alex D. Krieger
1954 An Introductory Handbook of Texas Archaeology.
Bulletin of the Texas Archaeological Society, Vol.
25. Austin.

Waring, Antonio J. and Preston Holder
1945 A Prehistoric Ceremonial Complex in the South-
eastern United States. American Anthropologist,
Vol. XLVII: 1-34. Menasha.





Webb, William S.
1952 The Jonathan Creek Village, Site 4, Marshall
County, Kentucky. University of Kentucky Reports
in Anthropology, Vol. VIII, No. 1. Lexington.

Webb, William S. and W. D. Funkhouser
1931 The Tolu Site in Crittenden County, Kentucky.
The University of Kentucky Reports in Archaeology
and Anthropology, No. 5. Lexington.

Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archaeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Smith-
sonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 113. Wash-
ington.

Wimberly, Steve B.
1960 Indian Pottery from Clarke Co. and Mobile Co.,
Southern Alabama. Alabama Museum of Natural His-
tory, Museum Paper 36. University.


Department of Anthropology
Florida Atlantic University
Boca Raton, Florida









THE DEER TONGUE INDUSTRY IN FLORIDA


Clyde E. Murphree

ABSTRACT

Deer Tongue has long been collected in
Florida for a commercial market, and for use in
folk remedies. Since 1952, its main commercial
use has been in tobacco products, external-use
drugs, and cosmetics. This paper describes the
little known practices involved in harvesting
and preparing the plant for market, as well as
offering a brief statement on its native range.

Deer tongue (Trilisa adoratissima) has apparently been
collected in Florida for centuries. In a study of folk
remedies, a pillow made of deer tongue was a frequently men-
tioned treatment for asthma (Murphree 1965).

The first collections of deer tongue for sale to com-
mercial buyers by Florida residents is unknown, but it was
probably long before 1900. A resident of Grandin, Florida,
remembers the aromatic odor of drying deer tongue leaves as
a child more than 60 years ago. It was known as "pernilla"
by collectors from its use in the manufacture of artificial
vanilla extract. During the "Great Depression" there was
sufficient interest in the plant as a source of income for
the Florida Agricultural Experiment Station to release a
publication dealing with the collection and preparation of
deer tongue for the market (Anon. 1937). It was described
as a plant growing on waste land with leaves that contained
coumarin. In addition to the manufacture of artificial va-
nilla extract, its use in the blending of tobacco was noted.

In 1952, the use of coumarin from deer tongue in pro-
ducts for internal use was banned; however, in the legisla-
tion tobacco was exempted. Since then, the major commercial
uses of deer tongue have been in tobacco products, drug
preparations for external use, and cosmetics.

An interesting feature of the deer tongue industry is
the extent to which it has escaped public notice. For most,
this activity is unknown except for an infrequent encounter
with an intriguing sign which proclaims "We Buy Deer
Tongue."

Interviews with informants in Putnam and Alachua Coun-
ties are the basis for a glimpse of the largely invisible
group of people responsible for the collection and sale of
deer tongue in Florida.

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XX, Nos. 1-2, March, June,
1967.




THE HARVESTING OF DEER TONGUE


The Plant--Deer tongue is a widely distributed plant
throughout the coastal plain of the southeast where moisture
is adequate. Its favorite habitat is the "flatwoods," but
it may be found in other locations where moisture require-
ments are met. It grows as far north as Wilmington, North
Carolina, near the coastline. Inland, growth is ultimately
restricted by winter temperatures; while not a tender plant,
its tolerance to low temperatures is limited.

In north Florida, the harvest of deer tongue begins in
late April and continues through November. Early in the
season, the leaves are a light green color but with matu-
rity, develop a yellow tinge. In late August a flower stalk
and a cluster of attractive purple flowers is followed by a
crop of extremely small seed. According to those familiar
with deer tongue, attempts to harvest seed and cultivate the
plant have never been successful.

A "patch" of deer tongue may be harvested more than
one time during the growing season. If in a good location,
four to six weeks are required for the plant to grow a new
crop of leaves.

The Collectors--Buyers estimate that more than 90 per-
cent of the deer tongue is harvested by Negroes. Some of
the collectors can be classified as "professionals" while
others are "in and outers." To qualify as a professional,
the collector of deer tongue needs a means of transporta-
tion, a supply of deer tongue to harvest, and a buyer.
Since selling deer tongue is not a problem, transportation
and a supply of deer tongue are the major factors which
limit entry into the professional ranks.

A buyer may acquire a truck for the dependable
collector who makes payments from the deer tongue receipts.
Consequently, the major problem facing the collector is a
supply of deer tongue which can be formidable. Traditional-
ly, deer tongue gatherers have owned little, if any, land on
which deer tongue grows. Most of the deer tongue land is in
large holdings used to produce timber or cattle. If it is
corporate-owned timber land, and unfenced, the gatherer can
normally use pulpwood roads and harvest deer tongue without
molestation. In recent years, however, an increasing amount
of highly productive deer tongue land has been fenced in
north Florida, and the collector must obtain permission for
the harvest of deer tongue. In some instances, the owner
will charge "stumpage" to gather deer tongue. The charge
may be a lump sum such as $100 for the deer tongue on a
tract, or from 50 cents to $1.00 per day for each collector.

The amount of deer tongue a person gathers per day
varies widely and depends on such factors as the stage of
growth of the plant and the density of the "stand" of





plants. However, it appears that 400 pounds of green mate-
rial per day is near the maximum. Early in the season, the
price received for deer tongue may be as low as 3 cents per
pound, but the plant leaves are high in moisture content and
consequently heavy. As the season progresses, the moisture
content of the plant declines and the price per pound ad-
vances in October and November, possibly reaching or exceed-
ing 6 cents. Most deer tongue is harvested in July and Au-
gust and sold for 4.5 to 5 cents per pound.

The harvested deer tongue is either sold directly to a
buyer or first dried and then sold. If it is dried, the
moisture content of the leaves must be reduced to approxi-
mately 25 percent. Drying may increase the price of the
deer tongue from as little as 3 cents per pound to more than
25 cents per pound. On the other hand, 100 pounds of green
leaves gathered early in the season are reduced to less than
15 pounds of dried material. Later in the season, the yield
increases to 25 pounds of dried material for each 100 pounds
of green leaves. However, the price received for green lea-
ves also increases. Whether deer tongue is sold green or
dried depends on individual preferences of the collectors;
with some the entire harvest is sold green while others pre-
fer to dry it before selling.

THE PREPARATION OF DEER TONGUE FOR MARKET

The collector sells his harvest to either a deer
tongue shipper, or a local buyer who represents a shipper.
If the deer tongue is dried, the function of the shipper is
minimal. It is the drying of green leaves that is the major
problem of the buyer.

Invariably, deer tongue leaves are brought to the buy-
er for sale in the late afternoon of the day picked, because
the moisture content of the leaves tends to decline as soon
as they are picked. With such a decline in moisture the
weight and value of the leaves are reduced. Consequently,
in the late afternoon the buyer of deer tongue is faced with
a long line of impatient deer tongue sellers who are apt to
view the slightest delay with suspicion.

In order to insure himself a steady supply, the buyer
weighs each lot of deer tongue as rapidly as possible and
pays the collector. If time permits, each purchase is
transported to the drying area and spread immediately. If
the supply is heavy, however, it is necessary to temporarily
forego spreading and concentrate on buying. Often flood-
lights are required during the night to spread a mountain of
deer tongue leaves for drying the following day.

Drying deer tongue on a large scale is usually accom-
plished in a sandy area from which the vegetation has been
removed. On a cloudless day during mid-summer in Putnam
County, Florida, the drying of a layer of deer tongue leaves





proceeds at an accelerated rate, requiring a number of work-
ers who constantly turn the leaves with lawn rakes. Under
ideal conditions during a heat wave, it is possible to dry
deer tongue in a single day. However, a full day of ideal
drying conditions for deer tongue is a rare occasion. Dur-
ing the summer rainy season, at least one shower a day is
almost guaranteed. These showers greatly hinder the drying
process and, with sufficient frequency, will cause the deer
tongue to first mildew, and ultimately rot.

After the deer tongue is dried, it is transferred to a
large shed where it is pressed into bales that weigh more
than 100 pounds. These bales are placed in a burlap bag and
are ready for sale and shipment to buyers, most of whom are
located in North Carolina, Virginia, and New York.

REFERENCES

Murphree, Alice H.
1965 Folk Medicine in Florida: Remedies Using Plants.
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. XVIII, No. 3.
Gainesville.

Anon.
1937 Collecting Deer Tongue Leaves. Florida Agri-
cultural Experiment Station Press Bulletin 501.
Gainesville.


Department of Agricultural Economics
University of Florida
Gainesville, Florida






SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE MANUFACTURE AND
UTILIZATION OF FISHHOOKS AMONG
INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA

Alan K. Craig

ABSTRACT

Literature describing folk fishing methods
lacks explanations of several apparently imprac-
tical items, particularly the circular hook. A
new concept of its possible utilization is of-
fered followed by comments on other little-known
aspects of aboriginal fishing techniques.

INTRODUCTION

Fishing has often received attention as an important
aspect of the culture of certain North American Indians, al-
though relatively little work has been done concerning the
specific subject of fishhooks. This brief survey suggests
there are patterns of considerable significance present in
the morphology of fishhooks.

Where pottery was absent in the culture of primitive
hunting and fishing groups, fishhooks can occasionally be
used in the same manner as sherds to establish stratigraphic
chronology. Obviously this approach has severe limitations,
but it is a useful technique in sites where these artifacts
have been preserved in quantity.

With the exception of the Pacific Coast tribes, it
does not appear that fishing has ever been a dominant means
of obtaining food for most North American Indians. It is
evident from Rostlund's (1952) study that the various fish-
ing techniques were restricted to those areas where there
was an abundance of fish, and physical conditions were such
that they could be caught without great difficulty. These
two factors eliminate much of the interior of North America
where the majority of Indians were located.

In those areas where fishing did have a substantial
role in the primitive economy, Rau (1884) indicates that
traps, weirs, and nets were more often used than hooks.
Since these other methods involved items of a perishable or
transitory nature, it is usually fishhooks alone that sur-
vive to form a fairly continuous stratigraphic record.




THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XX, Nos. 1-2, March, June,
1967.




TYPOLOGY


A classification system based on form rather than
usage has more practical advantages, but examples of systems
based on either factor can be encountered in the literature.
Fundamental hook types are relatively few, although there
are many confusing variations. Figure 1 illustrates the
basic form of the gorge, circular, single point, and multi-
ple point fishhooks. These primary forms will be discussed
further in the section concerned with utilization.

a b, c d





..?

... .. .




Figure 1. Types of fishhooks; a, gorge; b, circular,
c, single point; d, multiple point.

There is no typologic significance in the presence or
absence of barbs, methods of attachment to the line, or
joining techniques between point and shank. These features
do, however, show gradual changes with time and are invalu-
able in establishing stratigraphic correlations.

Distribution of the primary hook types in North Ameri-
ca has been studied by Bonnerjea (1939), whose work suggests
that several interesting patterns are present. Much poten-
tially valuable information can be gained from a detailed
study of these distributions but elaboration of this topic
is essentially outside the scope of this paper. Neverthe-
less, it is worthy of note that circular or "rotating" hooks
of Haliotis shell have an almost continuous circum-Pacific
distribution with the exception of the western coast of
South America (which lacks both the form and the genus).

The outstanding work of Emory, Bonk, and Sinoto (1959)
describing approximately two thousand years of continuous
fishhook development in the Hawaiian Islands, indicates the
fundamental conservatism that appears to be a typologic
characteristic of these artifacts.

MANUFACTURE

Hooks appear to have been made by the fishermen them-
selves rather than some particular group of specialized
artisans. While the designs remain largely traditional,





slight variations often make it possible to identify out of
context hooks used by a single village and, in some cases,
by an individual fisherman.

Many different materials have been used by Indians in
the fabrication of fishhooks. A partial list would include
wood, bone, shell, teeth, slate, copper, thorns, and flint.
None of these substances is ideally suited for the manu-
facture of hooks. It is necessary for the finished product
to be substantially heavier than water, relatively small in
size, capable of considerable strength in shear (but at the
same time somewhat elastic), durable, sufficiently hard to
maintain a sharp point, and workable into the shape of an
acute angle.

Since all of the materials available to aboriginal
fishermen lacked one or more of these qualities, a common
solution was to effect some type of compromise. Often the
shank was made of wood or bone while the throat, point, and
barb were fashioned from shell, teeth, or stone.

Construction of a hook composed of two different parts
required careful joining. These parts were usually brought
together at the base of the shank by ingenious methods of
notching and binding, or by passing the point entirely
through the shank by means of a joint to form what is gen-
erally described as a composite hook (Fig. Ic).

Archaeological evidence repeatedly indicates that one-
piece hooks (Fig. la-b) carved from a single substance were
characteristic of the earlier periods in North America., and
that the gradual introduction of composite hooks (Fig. Ic-d)
was a more recent development.

It is apparent that a fairly elaborate inventory of
tools was necessary to manufacture fishhooks. Drills, prob-
ably of bow design, rasps and an assortment of different
shaped files were especially useful. Unfortunately, these
tools are seldom recovered and when present, their function
is often not recognized.

Steps in the process of shaping hooks are well under-
stood due to detailed descriptions of partially finished
products that occasionally have been found in considerable
numbers. Figure 2, adapted from Emory (1959), illustrates
these steps in the case of a single-point shell hook.




Figure 2. Shaping of a single
Point shell hook
(after Emory 1959).




Animal teeth are often well suited for conversion into
small fishhooks. They possess the required properties of
strength and durability although crown enamel cannot be used
for the point and barb in single-piece hooks because of the
inherent shape of a tooth. Fig. 3, also adapted from Emory
(1959), shows portions of dog teeth that have been fashioned
into hooks. In the canine tooth at the extreme right, ad-
vantage has been taken of the enamel to produce the point,
barb, and throat of a single-point, composite hook.




S) \ Figure 3. Use of dog teeth in
llE J'l Ahook manufacture
(after Emory 1959).





UTILIZATION

To an observer familiar with the mechanics of fishing
there are a number of significant details apparent in the
design of various hook types. An analysis of these details
usually provides a logical explanation of how the hook was
utilized. The four basic designs illustrated in Fig. 1 will
be discussed from this standpoint.

GORGE HOOK

The gorge hook is generally recognized to be the most
ancient and primitive design but its use extends into modern
time. Manufacture of this hook requires only a rudimentary
technology and it seems quite likely that the earliest
Indians to inhabit North America brought the knowledge of it
with them. There are no technical problems involved in pro-
ducing a short, pointed jamb or gorge-piece. Thin strips of
rawhide could have been used long before fibres of wild or
domesticated plants were available.

Utilization of the gorge hook is also relatively
simple, but requires complete baiting. It is ingested by
the fish which passes it from the mouth through the spinc-
ter muscle that controls the stomach opening. Contrary to
the opinion of Kroeber and Barrett (1960: 273), this swal-
lowing movement is quite rapid in fish, otherwise prolonged
relaxation of the sphincter will cause loss of stomach con-
tents by inrushing water--a condition that leads to so-
called "drowning." Therefore, it is incorrect to consider
the gorge hook as being restricted to "slow-swallowing"
fish.

Once the bait has been completely swallowed, any
slight movement will cause the hook to jamb laterally behind





the sphincter so that it cannot be regurgitated, and the
fish is effectively caught. Obviously, the size of the
gorge-piece must be appropriate to the particular fish being
sought. This hook is a remarkably effective means of catch-
ing larger fish such as the halibut, sturgeon, and catfish.

CIRCULAR HOOK

Heizer (1949) and other writers have puzzled over what
appears to be the paradoxical design of the circular, or
"rotating," hook. From an inspection of Fig. lb it is dif-
ficult to understand how such a circular hook could possibly
have been used to catch fish. The position of the shaft in
relation to the point seems to prevent any effective pene-
tration.

In spite of its peculiar design, the abundance and
wide distribution of this hook in archaeological remains,
particularly along the Pacific coast, indicates that it was
successfully used over a long period of time. Three pos-
sible explanations are offered: (1) The hook is actually
part of a lure whose perishable components) have disappear-
ed; (2) the point was intended to entangle gill structures
rather than pierce mouth parts; or (3) a slight longitudinal
offset between point and shank may exist that has not been
properly recorded in the literature.

In considering each of these possibilities it should
be mentioned that there are many variations in the degree of
circularity that change the angle of bite as the point is
brought back in a full circle toward the curved shank. Some
examples strongly resemble modern "duster" hooks that are
used in combination with feather trolling lures. Fig. 4 in-
dicates how the primitive hook might have been utilized in a
similar manner to make it more effective.


Figure 4. Hypothetical uti-
lization of a
circular shell
hook.



A further characteristic in favor of the lure expla-
nation is found in the fact that Haliotis shell was the are-
ferred material used in the manufacture of these hooks.
Aragonite from Haliotis, Spondylus and Ostrea species usual-
ly displays a pronounced irridescense that would make the
surfaces of the hook itself an attractive lure.

Attached to a hand line and employed with a "jigging"
motion, a decorated circular hook may have been used in much
the same way as ivory or pearl-shell decoys carved in the
shape of a small fish that were common to certain tribes in
the northern United States and Canada.





The second explanation presents a possibility that has
been entirely overlooked by previous writers. We must not
assume that a hook is always designed to pierce the mouth
parts of a fish with the point and barb. In some species,
notably the gar and tarpon, bony jaw processes make this
difficult to accomplish even with present day equipment. On
the other hand, there are other fish with extensive mem-
branous mouth parts that tear easily so that an embedded
hook will not hold under strain. From a technical stand-
point, it is the gill structure of a fish that offers the
most reliable point of attachment for a hook, particularly
in view of the fact that no penetration is required. These
structures are shown diagramatically in Figure 5.















gill openings















Figure 5. Diagrammatic gill structure.

If a circular hook is ingested by bottom-feeding fish
which habitually expell material through their gill rakers,
it is quite possible that it would become entangled. This
is particularly true if the third possibility is present;
that there is a slight longitudinal offset between the,point
and shank as shown in Figure 6.







Figure 6. Longitudinal view
showing offset in
a circular hook.








In the event there is some offset, the angle of bite
is greatly improved and the hook can be effectively used in
the conventional way. The rather formidable difficulties in
carving this offset with primitive tools make it a somewhat
unlikely explanation for the prevalence of the circular
hook. In any event, it does not appear that longitudinal
offset is characteristic of this design.

SINGLE-POINT HOOK

This is the traditional design most often encountered
among North American Indians and, in fact, is the preferred
form the world over. Since the function of this hook is
quite evident, it will not be necessary to consider in de-
tail how it was normally used. But there are a few aspects
of single-point hooks that deserve special mention.

In the section on manufacture, it has been pointed out
that the barb presented a problem in construction. Conse-
quently, we find many single-point hooks fashioned without
this feature. As far as utilization is concerned, the ab-
sence of a barb on the point of a hook is particularly sig-
nificant. Lacking a barb, it follows that some means of
keeping the hook embedded was obligatory in order to prevent
the fish from escaping. Maintaining tension on the barbless
point could only be done by skillful efforts on the part of
the fisherman. Once the hook was engaged, he was forced to
retrieve the line in such a manner that it did not become
slack until the fish was actually in hand.

The bluntness of some points implies that considerable
jabbing force had to be applied to successfully penetrate
the mouth parts. It often appears that both design and
materials found in aboriginal hooks were inadequate to with-
stand the strain of constant tension and abrupt jabbing that
have been mentioned in preceding paragraphs. Logic suggests
that a more subtle technique was available to the Indians,
as indeed it was.

An exceedingly large fish can be caught with a hook of
very small size and strength once the proper technique is
understood, but the method is practical only under certain
conditions. These conditions are often present in the lar-





ger streams and rivers, where large predatory fish tend to
congregate at the upstream entrance to narrow "chutes" or
passages that develop between enlongated islands (towheads)
separated only a short distance from the adjacent bank.
They gather here to feed on schools of bait-fish that have
been funneled by chance into this restricted corridor.

If a baited hook is allowed to drift into this passage
it will be seized by the fish which immediately turns down-
stream to swallow the bait and then return to its former
position of ambush. Assuming that the banks and channel are
free of obstructions, and that the fish has been allowed to
run freely downstream, the critical point in this technique
is to observe when the fish reverses direction and heads
back upstream (at which time it will show a tendency to swim
slightly bankward where there is less current resistance).
After the turn has been completed, the hook is set rather
gently and the fish urged obliquely toward the bank in the
same general direction as its movement. If this maneuver is
successful, the fish can actually be brought into water so
shallow that the dorsal and tail fins are exposed. When
this happens, tractive power of the fish is greatly reduced
and it can easily be displaced on its side and rapidly haul-
ed over the remaining water surface to the bank and dis-
patched. South American Indians have been observed by the
writer as they applied this technique with extremely light
equipment to capture fish in excess of 25 kilos. By exten-
sion, we may assume that this method was also practiced by
many tribes in North America.

MULTIPLE-POINT HOOK

It is doubtful that hooks of this type were primarily
intended to be used in the customary manner with weighted
line and bait. The extra work involved in the manufacture
of additional points and the increased difficulty of attach-
ing them to the shank indicates that they were specifically
designed to be used in a different manner than the single-
point hook.

There are two ways in which the functional advantage
of a multiple-point hook might have been effectively uti-
lized; (1) by passive entanglement, and (2) by "snatching."

The excellent monograph by Rohan-Czermak and Heizer
(1963) illustrates and describes in great detail how multi-
ple-point hooks of various designs have been used in quan-
tity throughout parts of Europe and Asia to entangle large,
freshwater sturgeon. The principle is simple. Numbers of
these hooks are fastened to drop lines of varying depth that
are in turn closely spaced along a main line placed trans-
versely across a restricted natural passage in a river fre-
quented by these fish. Sturgeon move rather slowly with
deliberate sweeps of the tail; moving either upstream or
downstream, they enter the area where these hooks have been




concentrated and occasionally become snagged. Powerful
struggles of the fish trying to free itself result in more
of the droplines and hooks becoming entangled around the
body.

The second method of application is idiomatically
known as "snatching." It is most effective in shallower
waters containing dense schools of small fish. The fisher-
man attaches a single, weighted, multiple-point hook to a
thin, strong line fastened to a pole of convenient length.
Next, the fisherman must place himself in an appropriate
position so that the unbaited hook rests directly on the
bottom and the line is kept taut. When shoaling fish are
immediately above the hook, it is suddenly jerked or
"snatched" upward so that it is possible to impale a fish on
one of the points.

This system is only practical when the fisherman can
occupy some vantage point similar to a fallen tree spanning
both banks of a stream, a rock ledge projecting out over the
water, or a simple platform specifically built for this
purpose. Canoes would not have provided the necessary sta-
bility for execution of the sudden upward movement, or the
desperate struggles that occur when a large fish has been
accidentally foul-hooked.

As a contemporary practice, this manner of fishing is
largely restricted to the South East, especially along the
coasts of Florida, but there is no evidence that it was em-
ployed before the time of European contact. More likely it
was also part of the diversified fishing methods used by the
Pacific Northwest Indians who are known to have produced
these hooks in many different shapes and sizes.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

An attempt has been made to clarify certain problems
concerning design and utilization of fishhooks in native
North America. Several explanations have been offered to
modify or replace widely held conceptions that are either
incorrect or have little basis in fact. The emphasis in
this paper has been directly toward a more credible inter-
pretation of the factors involved in the special designs of
primitive hooks and descriptions of how they were most
likely utilized.

A definitive study of these artifacts is needed, but
has yet to appear. The same comments apply to an analysis
of the distributions of fishhooks from which some interpre-
tation of possible diffusion routes might be made. A com-
parative study of types and techniques found on the coasts
of North America would be particularly interesting in view
of the fact that simple diffusion across the continent seems
less likely than independent invention.




REFERENCES


Bonnerjea, Biren
1939 Fish-hooks in North America and Their Distri-
bution, Based Principally on Museum Collections.
Journal of the Indian Anthropological Institute.
Vol. 1, pp. 69-147. Calcutta.

Emory, Kenneth P., W. J. Bonk and Y. H. Sinoto
1959 Fishhooks. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special
Publication, Vol. XLVII. Honolulu.

Heizer, R. F.
1949 Curved Single-Piece Fishhooks of Shell and Bone
in California. American Antiquity, Vol. 15: 89-
97. Menasha.

Kroeber, A. L. and S. A. Barrett
1960 Fishing Among the Indians of Northwestern Cal-
ifornia. Anthropological Records, Vol. 21, No. 1.
University of California Press. Berkeley.

Rau, Charles
1884 Prehistoric Fishing in Europe and North America.
The Macmillian Co. New York.

Rohan-Czermak, A. and R. F. Heizer
1963 Sturgeon Hooks of Eurasia. Viking Fund Publica-
tions in Anthropology, No. 35. New York.

Rostlunk, E.
1953 Freshwater Fish and Fishing in Native North
America. University of California Publications in
Geography, Vol. 9. Berkeley.


Department of Geography
Florida Atlantic University
Boca Raton, Florida





AN EARLY MIKASUKI MORTAR


Ethel Cutler Freeman

New material is always of interest for often it dove-
tails with previous knowledge in unexpected ways. So this
mortar and the information that the Mikasuki Seminoles gave
me about their customs may help to clarify the migrations of
the southeast Indians and the diffusion of culture.

Early one morning a Mikasuki Seminole came to my chiki
on the Big Cypress Reservation in Hendry County and held out
this mortar for me to see. "I found this next to the chip-
ped jar that Billy Doctor gave you. Maybe you want this old
burned thing too?" he asked, mystified by my acceptance of
things that he considered trash.

Of course I was pleased, and took pictures of it which
I showed to many of the Seminoles when I visited their
camps. The young people did not recognize it but the older
men and women said, "Yes, we made mortars like that to take
in our dug-out canoes when our kin groups went out gathering
coonti, wild potatoes, and pumpkins. We made them like our
camp mortars from a short section of a tree trunk which we
stook upright on the ground. The bark was removed and the
top hollowed out by chipping or charring. This type of mor-
tar was chipped off more on the outside to make it lighter
to carry. Sometimes, one or two women pound the corn with a
long heavy live-oak pestle. The people who made this must
have left it too long and it got burned through. Maybe
something happened and they had to leave in a hurry. We
don't know."

The corn was grown on hammocks in the Big Cypress
Swamp and the Everglades. After harvesting it was parched,
pounded, and winnowed in split palmetto baskets. Until the
Tamiami Trail was built through the Everglades of south Flo-
rida and for many years thereafter, this pounding of corn
was the daily task of Seminole women. It was not until the
Seminoles were forced by ecological change and an encroach-
ing civilization to accept a money economy and daily wages
in order to remain independent, that they could no longer
grow their own corn and resorted to packaged milled flour.
Now, only a few of the old women use their mortars, and soon
they will be considered a rare and precious cultural item.

A number of Indian tribes have used this "V" mortar,
sometimes called "bell shaped." The distribution seems to
be wide spread. The Nanticokes, an important Algonquian
tribe living on the Nanticoke river in Maryland in 1608, had
this mortar. The Shinnecocks, also an Algonquian tribe,
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XX, Nos. 1-2, March, June,
1967.























































Fig. 1. Mikasuki mortar. Total height 26"; basal and lip
diameter, 9 1/2"; diameter of taper just above
basal section, 6 1/2"; height of basal section,
5 1/2". Ethel Cutler Freeman Seminole Collection,
No. 50.2-597, American Museum of Natural History,
New York.


an


m I I






linguistically and ethnicly related to the Delawares and the
Convoy Indians, used this type of Mortar. But few of the
Shinnecocks are left, and they have lost the knowledge of
their old tribal customs as well as all but a few words of
their language.

The general term mortar is applied to any utensil used
for crushing or grinding food or other substances with a
pestle, whether the material of the area is stone, bone,
rawhide, or other materials; but here we are discussing only
the upright wooden mortar.

The Mikasukis say that they used the "V" shape only
when traveling but returned to their more stable heavier
mortar in camp. Was this shape used only by nomadic people?
Does this Mikasuki mortar add in any way to our knowledge of
diffusion or was this usually a locally developed practical
means of achieving a desired end?


Morristown, New Jersey









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CONTENTS

Sherwood M. Gagliano
Kirk Serrated: An Early Archaic Index Point
in Louisiana . . . ... 3

James W. Covington
Some Observations Concerning the Florida-Carolina
Indian Slave Trade ... . . . 10

Robert C. Dailey
A Remarkable Cure for Rabies .-mrng the Plains
Indians . . . . . 19

William H. Sears
The Tierra Verde Burial Mound . . .. 25

Clyde E. Murphree
The Deer Tongue Industry In Florida ... . 75

Alan K. Craig
Some Observations on the Manufacture and Utilization
of Fishhooks Among Indians of North America .. 79


BRIEF NOTES

Ripley P. Bullen
A Florida Folsom(?) Point . . . 2

Ethel C. Freeman
An Early Mikasuki Mortar . . . .. 89

Editor's Note . .. . . 1




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