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FINAL NOTES ON THE GOODMAN MOUND
The Goodman mound was located on the south bank of a marshy section
of the St. Johns River known as Mill Cove, approximately 3 km. west of Fort
Caroline and 11 km. west of the ocean, in Duval County, Florida. It was sur-
rounded by uncultivated ground, mainly covered with hardwood and under-
brush. The top of the mound was approximately 3 m. higher than the sur-
rounding area. The diameter of the more obvious rise in elevation was approx-
imately 30 m.
Dr. Thomas H. Gouchnour, president of the Northeast Florida Anthro-
pological Society, upon learning of the development plans for the Goodman site,
secured permission from the owner of the site, Dr. Morris Goodman. We owe
Dr. Goodman a vote of thanks for allowing the Society to do with Goodman
Mound what it deemed necessary.
Misfortune struck when Dr. Gouchnour attempted to obtain a date for
ground-preparation for construction from the construction crew. Someone from
this crew, with treasure on his mind and the controls of a backhoe in his hands,
cut the top of the mound in half, leaving a 3 m. wide trench with slopping sides,
and spreading the excavated materials left and right over the remaining parts,
thus destroying the physical aspect of the mound.
For this reason we have to rely on the wealth of information provided by
Dr. Douglas F. Jordan, who in 1961 was the first to excavate the Goodman
Mound. He published his findings in the Contributions of the Florida State Mu-
seum, Social Sciences Number 10. Dr. Adelaide K. Bullen published the find-
ings of physical anthropology of these excavations in the same issue.
To add to this recent destruction was the fact that the mound was a fa-
vorite playground for the children occupying the surrounding houses. These
were primary factors for the "rescue" image of the excavations, which turned
out to be a cooperative Society effort. Several members participated in accu-
mulating as much information and as many supporting artifacts as possible
before the mound would be destroyed.
Dr. Gouchnour and Mr. Irvy R. Quitmyer formed the first team to under-
take this task. They chose a spot on the east side of the recently dug back-hoe
trench, only 1. 5 meters away from a large oak. Consultation of Dr. Jordan's
contour map of the mound leads me to believe that this site was located within
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 28, no. 3, September 1975
3 m. east and 3 m. south from the center of the mound. Dr. Jordan excavated
in all the quadrants of the center except the one to the southeast, probably be-
cause of this large tree.
The stratification encountered was basicly the same as the one described
by Jordan. At the top was a layer of humic sand with sporadic oyster shells.
Below that a layer of loose oyster shell, in which they found a stemmed pro-
jectile point, 9 cm. long (Fig. 1, a). The next layer of ocher stained sand was
separated from a similar layer by not more than 10 cm. of white sand, con-
taining some charcoal fragments. Below the ocher stained layers was a layer
of yellowish sand containing little cultural material. Below the yellow sand
was what is assumed to be the original midden of oyster shell. It extends be-
yond the built-up part of the mound. At approximately 12 m. from the center,
this midden is found just below the top soil. The midden varies from 20 to 90
cm. and consists mainly of whole oyster shell riddled with bone, charcoal,
ashes, and potsherds. The bottom of this layer could be regarded as a separate
layer since it consists of very finely crushed shell. Under the midden lies a
30 cm. thick layer of gray sand, the top of which may contain some charcoal
fragments and small bones. The gray sand then changes into a yellow sand that
seems to be sterile and extends to an unknown depth.
In the midden they found an approximate 60 by 90 cm. area that contained
much more charcoal, ash and bone fragments than the surrounding midden. The
skeletal remains of a small child were found 60 cm. from the southwest corner
of this possible fireplace. The total depth of the burial was 1.8 m. from the
surface. It was located in the top of the gray sand, just below the midden and
covered with a mixture of shell and sand. In this layer two composite bone
pins were found, typical of the Goodman mound area. Jordan found ten of these
among a multiple child burial. They are about 25 cm. long, most often made of
deer bone, with a separately cut bone ring attached to one end of the pin which
is cut down some to accommodate the ring. Pitch-like material is used to se-
cure these rings, which are 1 cm. wide and incised with three different de-
signs (Fig. 2). Type 1 has two parallel lines cut all around the ring close to
the top and bottom. Type 2 has a diamond on two opposite sides, the hori-
zontal points touching each other halfway around the ring. Type 3 is a com-
bination of the other two, with the diamond between the two parallel lines.
The two pins found by Gouchnour and Quitmyer were of the first type. Un-
fortunately they were too badly deteriorated to be reconstructed.
Below the shell were the skeletal remains, most of which were unrecog-
nizable because of deterioration. Next to what appeared to be the left clavical
was a broken green stone celt (Fig. 3). The larger front part of the celt was
sound in a vertical position. The smaller section was laying horizontally. The
celt is 16. 6 cm. long, the largest diameter is 2. 3 cm. One end is circular and
blunt with a diameter of 1. 2 cm. The other end is tapered down to a cutting
Fig. 1, a-b.
Figs. 3-5. Greenstone celt, broken and repaired
with a pitch-like substance, prior to its final-use,
< /. Cv.
Fig. 2. Three types of designs on the ferrules of composite bone pins.
edge 2 cm. wide. The celt was broken before it was used the last time
in this burial. The 7 cm. long break shows a black coating on both sides
that appears to be pitch, used to "glue" the two parts together. Some bone
material still clings to the celt (Figs. 3,4 and 5). Its position would indi-
cate the possibility that the celt was used in the sacrifice of this child. In
addition to the celt, five "puma" canine teeth were found, 3 of which were
preserved (Fig. 6). One of these teeth shows half of a drilled hole for sus-
pension. A second tooth has two annular grooves at the thin end of the
root. The skull was broken in many fragments and crushed. Its fragments
were too widely separated to be accounted for by the usual crushing and
shifting by the earth.
This burial was unique for the Goodman mound not only because of
the green stone celt, but also because it is the only burial found below the
midden floor. All other burials found were located above or partially in the
Michael W. Fisher and the author were next to continue the excavation
of Goodman mound. Our first pit was dug in the southwest quadrant of the
mound, approximately 12 m. from the center. It was 1.5 m. square and 1.5
meters deep before the sterile yellow sand was reached. A humic topsoil
layer of 15 cm. covered an approximately 90 cm. thick layer of loosely
packed oyster shell. Many pockets of heavy charcoal deposits mixed with
small bones and ashes were found throughout this midden. The potsherds
were numerous but did not notably differ in quantity and frequency from the
ones listed by Jordan. Duplication of the pottery record as recorded by him
seems unnecessary. A projectile point, with features of the Taylor as well
as the Bradford kinds, was found 60 cm. from the top of this layer of shell
(Fig. 1, b).
The next location selected was in the southeast quadrant of the mound.
A 1.8 m. wide trench was started beginning at the edge of the backhoe trench,
approximately 6 m. south from the center of the mound, progressing in east-
erly direction. The first partial burial was found approximately 1.5 m. east
of the backhoe trench. It was located at the righthand side of the excavation.
At that location the layer of loose shell between the top soil and the ocher
stained sand was absent. The heavily ocher stained sand layer was just beneath
the 30 cm. thick cover of top soil. The left parietal bone of a human skull lay
across a 5 cm. thick root in the center of this ocher stained layer. The root
could have been responsible for the high location of the skullcap. The parietal
bone appears to be thinner and slightly large than usual.
No skeletal material was found between this skull fragment and the rest
of the burial which was located at the usual elevation, just in and on top of the
shell midden. Only a few fragments of longbones, ribs and some whole phalanges
Fig. 9. Composite feather holders or hair pins
Fig. 6. Drilled and
grooved puma teeth.
Fig. 10. Ornament
made of human
Fig. 7. Pendant of
very fine grained
Figs. 11-12. Object cut from a Busycon shell.
were found in addition to enough teeth and mandible fragments to reconstruct
the right side of the mandible with all the teeth up to and including the left ca-
nine tooth. The small overall appearance of the mandible suggests a child, but
the presence of the 3rd molar and severely worn teeth tell us differently. In
comparison with the male mandible found the following day, which has a width
of 4 cm. from the outside of the 3rd molar to the centerline, the first mandible
measures only 2. 5 cm. from the 3rd molar to the centerline. The distance
from the 3rd molars to the incisors however is the same in both mandibles.
The first mandible appears to have had only 62. 5% of the width of the second
mandible. This narrow mandible and the large thin parietal bone, assuming that
they were from the same individual, provided some speculation about deformity
of the skull in general. No cultural material, other than scattered po': sherds
in the fill dirt was found with this burial.
The loose dirt and shell that accumulated at the bottom of the trench dur-
ing the time between weekends, due to the neighborhood children who found great
joy in making round holes of square pits, was always sifted before continuation
of the excavation. In so doing a pendant (Fig. 7) was found, just before uncov-
ering the next burial. It was made of a very fine grain granite, which contains
some quartz, mica and amphibole (horn-blende). This type of granite occurs
throughout the Appalachian Mountains. The pendant measures 6. 2 cm. overall,
with the largest diameter of 1.6 cm. at the bottom, and the smallest 1.3 cm.
at the top. The bottom is flat, in contrast with most plummets. It has an annu-
lar groove for suspension one half cm. from the top. A much shallower groove,
0.5 cm. from the bottom, suggests secondary suspension. Whether this pen-
dant was associated with either burial will remain an unanswered question.
The complete burial of an adult male in a hyper-flexed sitting position
was found 1 m. to the east of the first burial. Again the layer of shell below
the top soil was absent, but the layer of ocher stained sand varied from only
20 cm. to non-existent. The burial shaft had been dug down to the midden mak-
ing a slight indentation in the shells. The skeleton was facing northeast, with
the back bent forward (Fig. 8). The skull was face down in a 450 angle, expos-
ing the top and back of the skull to the ocher. The top and back are therefore
notably darker stained than the frontal part of the skull. The mandible had set-
tled to the top of a pyramid of skeletal material with the pelvis for a base.
Centered above the pelvis were most of the hand-bones. The distal ends of the
ulnae and radiae were also close to and pointing to the center of the pelvis, in-
dicating that the hands were held close together rather than the arms folded.
Above these lay many fragments of ribs and the sternum. The humeri were in
their natural position in spite of the fact that most of the scapulae had disin-
tegrated. The clavicles were among the rib and vertebral fragments just above
and behind the pelvis. Five ribs and the corresponding vertebra were in their
original position. The feet were crossed, the left leg over the right.
-avV -ay -of lL
Li, ht broI
LighLy ochcr stai;hed
Oy.ter $e.LL -
Fig. 8. Burial of adult male in hyper-flexed sitting position
below about 40 cm of sandy top soil.
Three cultural artifacts accompanied the burial. These were personal
adornments. The pendant is not included in this count. Two of these were the
previously described feather holders. They are of the second type, the dia-
mond shape (Fig. 9). In contrast with all the previously found pins these were
found in the position that indicates their purpose and use. Both pins, with an
angle of 30 degrees between them were found within 5 cm. of the right tem-
poral bone, at the closest point. We may assume that these pins were indeed
worn in the hair. The bone rings were in place. One was loose, the other still
tight, with all the pitch present to completely fill the cavity between the ring
and the pin. Traces of pitch are also present throughout the diamond shaped in-
cision, indicating that the carving was highlighted by making it black in ap-
pearance. Both pins are exactly 24. 5 cm. long and make a perfect pair.
The third artifact was found to the right of the mandible among the frag-
ments of ribs. It was broken in several pieces, the smallest of which was not
found until after close examination of all the excavated bone material. Careful
preservation and reconstruction have revealed that the Post-Columbian Timu-
cuan Indian of the Goodman mound area used human skeletal material to make
personal ornamental objects. This particular one is an almost square section
of a human parietal bone (Fig. 10). The absence of sutures makes it difficult
to positively identify the parietal bone as being either left or right in spite of
the fact that the arterial impressions on the inside of the bone are very pro-
nounced. The artifact measures 9. 5 cm. across the center both ways. The top
measures 10 cm. the right side and bottom 9.5 cm. and the left side 8 cm.
The boss of the parietal bone provides a total height of 4 cm. Eight holes are
drilled through it, one at each corner and one halfway each side, except for the
hole on the left side which is located 3/4 of the distance from the top to the bot-
tom. The largest hole measures 5 mm. on the front, tapering to 3mm. on the
back. The front of this plate has an incised drawing of a face. The incision is
about 1. 5 mm. deep. The face is outlined by a straight line on top, and a con-
cave line on each side. A curl on the outside of each concave line represents
the ear. Two circles, one slightly larger than the other, represent the eyes.
From each eye two lines run on an angle to the side of the face. These lines,
according to Adelaide K. Bullen, may be representative of the paint markings
used by the Timucuan Indian. A pursed mouth is located between these two sets
of lines. Countless scrape-marks running in all directions over the ornament
suggest that the flesh was removed from the skull with a tool, rather than to
wait for nature to take care of this through decomposition. The quantity of holes,
located on all sides, suggests attachment to some piece of clothing rather than
suspension as a pendant, for which two holes at the top corners would have
been sufficient. Furthermore, the two holes at the top corners do not show
evidence of excessive wear.
The skeleton was that of a male, as indicated by the mastoid process and
the pubic arch of the pelvis. Several of the metatarsal bones show character-
istics of osteo-arthritis. The back of the right tibia shows a tumefaction of the
bone in the middle third section. The interpretation of a preliminary x-ray has
not yet been agreed on. Additional x-rays and research are necessary before
the cause can be identified as cancer of the bone, syphillis, or osteo-myelitis.
The cephalic index is 80, a borderline case between mesa- and brachy-
cephalicism. The nasal bones protrude'in an unusual manner, closer to the
horizontal than the vertical. The cusps of all molars have been worn to a smooth
surface. This is sometimes attributed to the sand in their diet. A large cavity
in the mandible, and the missing corresponding second molar on the right in-
dicate a one-time suffering from a severe toothache.
No other artifacts were found with this burial, unless the St. Johns check-
stamped sherd found in the dirt contained by the mandible was put there on pur-
pose. But this can only be a hypothesis, since the mandible was separarated
from the skull.
Another artifact of interest, not related to either burial, was found in the
sand layer above the midden. It is a scoop-like object, cut out of a busycon shell
(Figs. 11 and 12). It could have been hafted and used as a stirring tool.
During these excavations Dennis Bowles concentrated his efforts in the
southwest sector of the mound, an area which consists mainly of a thick layer
of oyster shell just below the surface-soil. In addition to a great quantity of
pottery, he found a greenstone plummet of the following description: overall
length 6.3 cm., maximum width 3 cm., maximum thickness 2 cm. The top is
more pointed than the bottom, with a shallow annular groove 0. 5 cm. from the
top (Fig. 13). It appears to have been a complete "pebble" of greenstone with
a rough irregular surface which was ground smooth except for some recessed
areas. Both narrow sides and the bottom show evidence of battering, which
seems to make it a useful rather than an ornamental object.
Arthur A. La Fond dug a pit on the east slope of the mound, approximately
6 m. from the center. At that location he found the major part of a vessel that
provides another example of the practice of copying concepts in pottery design
from distant areas (Fig. 15). The bowl was found on top of the shell midden
about 70 cm. below the surface. In Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast (1949:
410) Dr. Gordon R. Willey describes such bowls as follows:
... The bowls (Multiple Compartment Trays) of the Fla. West
Coast were made up of three or more container sections which
had a most common arrangement of 5 compartments with the
central section often a little larger than the others.
Dr. E. Thomas Hemmings, while at the Florida State Museum, identi-
fied the bowl found by La Fond as of the St. Johns I period, and made of typical
St. Johns paste. It is a "Multiple Compartment Tray" but it has 6 container
sections instead of 5. All 6 containers are almost identical in shape and size,
arranged to form a "cinquefoil-like" design. Two of the outside containers
were missing but have been reconstructed (Fig. 14-15).
The last minute excavations of Goodman Mound provided some answers
to existing questions. The greenstone celt showed us that pitch was used in re-
pair of broken articles. Its presence among the skeletal remains once again
points to child sacrifice. The greenstone celt and the plummet and the pendant
of granite were trade items and came as finished articles or as raw material
from places not closer than Northern Georgia.
The use of human bone for ornamental objects and of the human image in
surface decoration in the Goodman Mound area has been established by the pres-
ence of the decorated parietal bone. The location of the two bone pins does sug-
gest that these were indeed worn in the hair. The absence of an opening inside
the attached ring allows for a new theory. If these pins were featherholders,
the feathers would have to be bound to the shaft of the pin, thereby obscuring
the carved rings. The recurrent types of design could indicate that some status
might have been associated with each type of incision. If this were true, cover-
ing of these symbols would not be likely. The possibility that these pins were
used as decorative hairpins, rather than feather-holders should therefore be
To my knowledge no whole pots were found with any of the burials. Re-
construction of pottery never exceeded a third of a pot rim. Occurrence of one
of a kind pottery samples throughout the midden and the lack of stratification
for pottery raise the question whether the midden was not purposely built as
opposed to being an accumulation as the result of habitation.
In conclusion I would like to say that it is unfortunate that the words
FINAL NOTES can be used in association with one of the major Timucuan In-
dian monuments of this area. Throughout history new civilizations have built
their structures on the remaining rubble of previous cultures. The trend has
not changed, only the method. One man operating that destructive tool of our
times the bulldozer, levels what seems to him just another rise in elevation.
In a few hours he destroys what took centuries to accumulate and years to build.
More knowledge about many generations of American Indians was hidden in
Goodman Mound. The Europeans have already caused this Indian nation to be
extinct. Last year our eternal quest for "progress" has taken another part of
their history as well. The shell and dirt of Goodman Mound serve now as foun-
dation for a modern dwelling in a modern neighborhood. But not even the name
of the street indicates that native Americans once claimed these shores by right
Figs. 14-15. Top and side view of
restored cinquefoil multiple tray.
(Scale in centimeters)
of occupancy for thousands of years.
Bullen, Adelaide K.
1963 Physical Anthropology of the Goodman Mound, McCormack Site
Duval County, Florida. Contributions of the Florida State Mu-
seum, Social Sciences, no. 10. Gainesville.
Jordan, Douglas F.
1963 The Goodman Mound. Contributions of the Florida State Museum,
Social Sciences, no. 10. Gainesville.
Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Smithsonian Miscellaneous
Collections, vol. 113. Washington, D.C.
THE BAY PINES SITE, PINELLAS COUNTY, FLORIDA
John C. Gallagher and Lyman O. Warren
The Bay Pines Site (Pi64) is situated on the west side of a peninsula
that juts southward into Boca Ciega Bay on the west coast of Florida near St.
Petersburg. The peninsula is bordered on the west by Boca Ciega Bay proper,
and on the east by Long Bayou (Fig. 1). The southern point of the peninsula is
called Turtlecrawl Point. The Bay Pines area extends from this point to about
a mile north. In the northwest part of the government's tract is a bayou lo-
cally called "The Lagoon. It is nearly circular in shape and about 1500 feet
in diameter. Flowing into its northwest curvature is a freshwater creek which
drains Lazy Lake and a part of the ridge section of the town of Seminole. Near
the center of the government's acreage is a spring-fed pond about 500 feet in
diameter (Figs. 1-2).
The area consists of low land covered by pines, palmetto, cabbage
palms, and some live oak. The oaks concentrate in a roughly triangular zone
abutting the bay (Fig. 2) an area somewhat higher than the rest of the tract.
The extra height is due in part to shells, mostly of conch and oyster, dis-
carded by generations of Indians. In places these shells form heaps to a height
of 10-12 feet above mean high tide (Fig. 4). Construction activity and our ex-
cavations indicate that the greater part of the Indian occupation was concen-
trated in the area of the oak grove and shell heaps.
The Veterans' Administration hospital complex occupies the west side
of the peninsula and so is located just to the east of the Indian site. While sev-
eral middens remain in this section, several others, we have been informed,
were destroyed in 1932 during the construction of the hospital buildings, chapel.
and roadways. An aerial photograph (Fig. 2) shows a 1932 view of the section
Occupancy of the site in historic times was negligible, although there is
an account of a "tabby house" -- that is, one constructed of concretized shell--
located somewhere in the midden-oak grove area. It was destroyed in 1932.
There is no record of Spanish occupancy, nor did our excavations unearth any
Before 1932 the area was comparable to a jungle. Mr. Walter Fuller
and Major George Robinson, among others, have described to us the generally
pver-grown nature of the tract: it was a haunt of rattlesnakes, rabbits, and
raccoons, but not of man. Figure 4 shows a 1932 topographic map of the sec-
tion occupied by the Indian site.
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 28, no. 3, September 1975.
GALLAGHER AND WARREN
1@** 20** 3*** #00 raw feet
0_o- lo- 3- -w, f ft
Fig. 1. The Bay Pines site on the western part of the peninsula between
Boca Ciega Bay and Long Bayou.
In May, 1971, the General Office of the Veterans Administration in
Washington informed Mr. Ralph Reed of the Pinellas County Historical Com-
mission about the imminent destruction of an Indian mound at Bay Pines to
make way for a new nursing home. Mr. Reed contacted Mr. Walter Fuller
who suggested that one of us (Warren) be consulted. Very soon thereafter
Captain Raymond C. Robinson, President of the Suncoast Archaeological So-
ciety, offered his services and those of the Society for what would have been
otherwise impossible--a controlled dig. It was unfortunate that financial aid
for actual digging was unavailable from either the Federal or State govern-
ments, but it was possible, however, to obtain advice and some monitoring of
the dig from Ripley P. and Adelaide K. Bullen of the Florida State Museum.
William H. Sears of Florida Atlantic University and Charles H. Fairbanks of
the University of Florida gave helpful advice by long distance phone, and Rich-
ard Faust of the Department of the Interior visited the site and made useful
suggestions. Frank Bushnell gave of his time and knowledge and contributed
BAY PINES SITE
Fig. 2. Aerial photograph of 1932 showing lagoon to left and triangular
grove of oak trees to right. Ridge A extends from beach to triangle at
right edge of oak grove.
to the actual work of excavation. Officers of the Saunier Construction Com-
pany and of the Veterans Administration Center at Bay Pines were most help-
ful. Taking part in the dig were the following: Captain and Mrs. Raymond Rob-
inson, Major George Robinson, the Andrews sisters (Agnes, Ellen and Muriel,
and Doris Walts), Walter Askew, Lee Feder, Robert Evans, Jack Churchward,
Lloyd Shepard, Larry Keese, George and Norma Bilodeau, Ray Day, John and
Vera Gastoff, and many others too numerous to mention.
The Indian Site
The aerial photograph of 1932 (Fig. 2) shows the northwest corner of the
GALLAGHER AND WARREN
-- W->- =
Fig. 3. Diagram showing components of site: A, Ridge A; B, cemetery
area; C, ramp; D, Midden Zone D; E, short ridge; F, Longshore Ridge;
G, open space.
federal land with the lagoon and hospital buildings clearly visible. The Indian
site proper is represented by a roughly triangular dark area--a grove of oak
trees--with one side of the triangle abutting the beach. Evidence that the en-
tire triangular area had been occupied by the Indians in prehistoric times came
from our excavations, trenches for pipes and footings put in by the contractors,
and by the shell heaps or middens still intact in 1971. That the Indian occupancy
also extended around the lagoon was suggested by scanty finds of plain sand-
tempered sherds and spalls on the shores of the lagoon.
A topographic map of the area made in 1932 (Fig. 4) shows the location
of a number of elongated and circular elevations some of which seem to have
been leveled during the construction of 1932. Most impressive of these in 1971
was the one we have designated Ridge A, now largely supplanted by the Nursing
Home. Ridge A ran perpendicularly from the traffic triangle (Figs. 2-4) to the
beach. Just off shore at the beach the aerial photograph shows a crescent
shaped, slender, underwater deposit of sand.about 200 yards in length. In it,
and next to the shore, are two dark zones, one semi-circular, the other ovoid,
seemingly deep-water drop-offs. More recent Pinellas County photographs do
not show these features, probably because of silting from the dredge and fill
activities of the 1950's and 60's.
The triangular oak grove and shell midden complex (Fig. 2) seemed to
present seven features or areas (Fig. 3) which have been designated for de-
scriptive purposes as Shell Ridge A, Cemetery Area B, Ramp C, Midden D,
BAY PINES SITE
&3o2 Ci2*~ 6say
Fig. 4. Topographic map of Bay Pines site made in 1932 before installation
of traffic triangle. WW represents trench for footing of new nursing home.
Short Ridge E, Longshore Ridge F, and Open Space G. An extension of Ridge
A to the east existed prior to 1932 in yellow sand, not shell, and undoubtedly
represented an extension of the sand dune which underlay Rige A. The salvage
nature of our study enabled us to investigate only four of the seven features:
Shell Ridge A, Cemetery B, Ramp C, and Midden D.
Shell Ridge A
Ridge A was a shell heap measuring about 150 feet long by about 70 feet
wide with its long axis at nearly 90 degrees to the shore of the bay (Fig. 4).
This orientation seems to have been made to conform to an underlying sand
dune similarly oriented. It was the highest and most conspicuous feature of the
GALLAGHER AND WARREN
W60Wow0Wo W20 WIO 0
EIO E20 E30 E40E50
Fig. 5. Excavation plan of Ridge A and adjacent areas. I-J, M, O-X,
cemetery area; 1-5, Midden Zone D, XX and ZZ machine cuts.
site. The top of the ridge was gently rounded and nearly flat. The east end pre-
sented a rather steep face, while the western end graded gently as Ramp C
toward the shore to connect with Longshore Ridge F (Fig. 3). The northwest
and southeast slopes of the ridge declined gently from the summit height of
BAY PINES SITE
Fig. 6. Ridge A
upper, south slope
of Ridge A; lower,
looking north to
about 12 feet to sloping elevations of about seven to eight feet. The aspect was
that of a grassy knoll dappled by sunlight and shadowed by a magnificent grove
of live oaks (Fig. 6-7). We were eventually to find that the shell was between
four and five feet thick and resting on an elevation of sand having the powdery
qualities of wind-blown sand.
The ridge proper was examined by several excavations of which seven
will be discussed five dug by hand tools and two by machine cuts. They are
depicted in Figure 5 as follows: Tests BI, and D (each 5 by 10 feet), and
Tests N, K, and E, (all 10 by 10 feet). The two machine cuts were -ZZ done by
a bull dozer, and X-X, a back-hoe cut (Fig. 5). It can readily be seen that an
excellent sampling of Ridge A was obtained both by hand tools and machinery.
GALLAGHER AND WARREN
Test B started as a 10 by 10 foot square but below a depth of 12 inches
was reduced to a 5 by 10 foot area which was carried down to a depth of 50
inches. At 43 inches shell gave way to dune sand and at this level some of the
shells were encrusted by lime from percolation from above. A Sumter-like
point (Fig. 9, i) was found in the top 8 inches. No sherds were noted in a total
of about 250 cubic feet of shell sifted through hardware cloth. All 4 walls were
grossly homogeneous and featureless. Marly masses averaging about the size
of a football were found at all levels. Their nature was obscure, but small
flecks of charcoal within their matrix.suggested that fire may have played a
role in their genesis. The absence of pottery in this square made us believe
initially we were dealing with a preceramic midden, a concept we gave up
later as further data came in.
Tests C-D (Fig. 5) were begun as 10 by 10 feet but was carried down as
Test D as 5 by 10 feet to a depth of 116 inches by Robert Evans. Shell extended
down about 43 inches and the sterile sand of the underlying dune was excavated
for another 83 inches uneventfully. At this depth the water table was reached.
Test D was similar to Test B and no sherds were found in 200 cubic feet of
shell. Fragments of bones of small animals and claws of stone crabs were
common in this test, as in Test B.
Test N, 10 by 10 feet, occupied the highest part of the ridge, an eleva-
tion of between 11 and 12 feet. It was located at the west or bay end of the ridge,
a short distance east of Ramp C. It was excavated by the Andrews sisters,
Agnes, Ellen, Muriel, and Doris (Andrews) Walts. About 500 cubic feet of
shell and sand were removed, inspected, and screened, layer by layer, and
quadrant by quadrant. Significant finds were plotted by 6-inch depths in field
notes, and bagged or photographed. Digging occupied about 3 hours a day for
23 days, representing about 240 man-hours of labor. The material was predom-
inantly sand and shell (Fig. 7).
Sand was of a grayish color--probably from the associated grayish shell--
in contrast to the brownish sand of the sandy part of the cemetery (Fig. 3, B)
where the proportion of shell to sand was less, and in contrast with the color of
the midden (D) where the sand was nearly blackish in places and at times greasy.
Sand and shell in the faces of Test N presented faintly visualized layering, east
to west and north to south--features which were less apparent initially during
the dig, than a month or two later, after heavy rains had washed the faces.
Within Test N were six features thought noteworthy: (1) sherds; (2) shell tools;
(3) stone objects; (4) fragments of animal bone, fish bone, and stone crab
claws; (5) fragments of human bone; and (6) crumbly, varle-like gray masses,
containing tiny flecks of charcoal and shell.
Sherds in Test N, although few, were present in contrast to Tests B and
D where none were reported. There were 68 in all, and several seemed to
have been part of 2 or more bowls. They concentrated at various levels (Table 1)
and their characteristics were for the most part untempered or sand-tempered
plain. However, a Perico Incised sherd unillustratedd) at 39 inches was of con-
BAY PINES SITE
Fig. 7. Test N of Andrews sisters showing profile of test and
masses of shells. (Photograph by Ron Pinner, courtesy Bethia Caffery)
GALLAGHER AND WARREN
S' a- 4' 10
unexlored p yesv d "Stcrile sana"
Fig. 8. Profile from Test K showing divided shell layer.
Note -t t
S6,11 ehjs &-
& b4jdhl is
This 1is '1e
border f oone
Njer of siell
siderable interest, as it seemed to be in an undisturbed context and provided
an excellent diagnostic specimen.
Shell tools in Test N included the highly characteristic Busycon "conch"
shaped more by use than design as a pounder or hammer (Fig. 10, middle).
These tools were found everywhere at the Bay Pines site. They had been
crudely made by knocking off the outer part of the whorl, leaving the stronger
upper portion as the pounding surface. Most of the pounding--the evidence
suggested--had been to open holes in the outer whorls of living conchs to ex-
tract the meat (Fig. 10, upper). The central columella of each pounder pro-
vided an easily grasped handle, giving the tool as a whole a nice balance. It
is of importance to point out the ubiquity of these hammers and to differentiate
them from the more elegant "Busycon picks". These latter have their whorls
intact but perforated twice once by a semi-circular hole at 180 degrees to
the first, the two perforations permitting the insertion and lashing of a wooden
handle at right angles to the columella which then served as a brace to the han-
dle. In some of these picks the distal end of the columella is nicely bevelled
calling to mind a modern day chisel; in others, the end of the columella is
battered and has suggested use as a hammer. At Bay Pines a few Busycon
picks with bevelled bits were found but they were rare and none were present
in Test N. This probably suggests a non-agricultural orientation of the site.
Stone objects in Test N numbered 5 in all: a rather shapeless chert
flake, the tip of a projectile point of silicified coral, an unground cobble of
sandstone, and two small spalls. Bone fragments of animal origin in Test N
106 BAY PINES SITE
were found at all levels and included tubular bones of bird, oppossum, raccoon,
and deer. Haemal spines, dental plates of teleost fish, and bits of turtle shell
were common. It would seem as if the Indians had not suffered from the mo-
notony of an exclusively shell fish diet. No dog bones were found although
especially looked for.
Human bone fragments were also found. At the 13-18 inch level in the
northwest quadrant were found an axis, phalanx, and talus (ankle bone) and
at the same level in the southwest quadrant the chin (anterior third of the
mandible) of a toothless oldster. No qualifying context for these human bones
could be made out; they seemed to represent obvious discards comparable to
the shell and non-human bone. They did not seem to be explainable as burials,
even of the "pars pro toto" (part for whole) category. Also found was a
charred sacrum at a depth of 49 inches.
Table 1, Vertical distribution of bones and artifacts, Test N.
Depths Turtle, Fish bones, Stone Human Sherds Stone Shell
in mammal, haemal spines, Crab bones tools*
inches bird bones crushing plates Claws
0-6 "several" 24 0 "a few 8 0 0
7-12 116 40 2 7 27 0 2
13-18 61 20 9 3 27 3 3
19-24 106 10 15 1 3 0 1
25-30 105 22 17 0 0 0 8
31-36 98 36 20 0 0 2 9
37-42 53 37 75 0 3 2 19
43-48 73 15 37 0 0 0 33
49-54 18 3 69 2 0 0 22
Totals 630 207 114 13 68 7 97
*Includes all worked shell.
Ten, crumbley, clay-like, grayish masses of unknown nature, identical
with those found in Test B, were found in Test N. In shape, they were amor-
phously globular, some terminating below in a tapering cone. Measurements
varied vertically from 7 to 25 inches, and horizontally from 9 to 12. Because
of the flecks of charcoal they contained we had initially thought of them as fire
GALLAGHER AND WARREN
Fig. 9. Artifacts from Bay Pines site.
a, Deptford Linear Check Stamped sherd; b-c, Deptford Simple Stamped sherds;
d, fossil shark's tooth; e, small hafted scraper; f, Putnam-like point reworked
into a perforator; g-h, Archaic-like points (small sized holdovers); i, Sumter-
BAY PINES SITE
pits, a concept we abandoned after consultation with Ripley P. Bullen. An al-
ternative interpretation was that they were molds of palm trees. They were
found at median depths of 6, 12, 25, 29, 31, 35, 36, 44, 52, and 55 inches. If
they represent tree molds they would seem to serve as documentation for an
intermittent or interrupted accretion of shell on Ridge A over a longish rather
than short time span. In this the ceramic data and laminations of the shell de-
posits which we witnessed seemed to provide additional confirmation.
While the crest of the ridge was being investigated by Tests B, D, and N,
the north and south slopes were opened up for study by Tests AA and K (Fig. 3).
AA was initiated to see if there might be a conch facing or capping on the south
slope; for this, a 10-by 10-foot superficial square not more than 8 inches deep
was excavated. No conch capping was found. A trench, 3 feet deep and 30 inches
across and 10 feet long was put in at the west end of the square and nothing of
note was discovered. However, a similar profiling trench at the east end of the
square disclosed at a depth of about 8 inches, in a mixture of shell and sand
near the edge of the square, the articulated bones of a human foot. Since it was
not possible to determine whether this represented a part-for-whole burial, or
a simple discard, the square was extended from the base of the shell ridge out
into the sandy talus as Test I, and we then found that we were in a cemetery,
to which we will return later. We now wish to complete the analysis of Ridge A.
Test K (Fig. 5) was a 10 1/2-by 11-foot square on the north edge of the
mound. It was excavated to a depth of 5 feet. The vertical profile of the western
edge revealed that here the mound was composed of two separate layers of shell
Table 2, Square K
Depths Turtle, Fish Shell Sherds Human Stone
in mammal vertebrae columella bones tools
inches bones tools
0-10 270 11 14 18 8 7
11-20 265 28 21 7 11 7
21-30 306 76 49 10 9 4
31-40 212 26 87 5 9 5
41-50 174 5 19 0 0 5
51-60 0 0 0 0 0 0
Totals 1227 146 190 40 37 28
GALLAGHER AND WARREN
'I f lh glj! 1141Ilall ult 1 1 1 I 11111 lipiiI 11
Fig. 10. Artifacts of shell: upper, Busycon shells with holes for removal
of animal; middle, Busycon pounders; lower, eroded columella tools(?).
separated by a layer of sand (Fig. 8). This layer of sand was not found in
other areas of the mound; perhaps it was blown over the lower shell layer be-
fore the second layer of shells was added. In the northern half of the pit there
was a 3 inch thick stratum of blackened soil at a depth of 10 to 13 inches below
ground. This soil had many minute particles of charcoal mixed with the sand.
BAY PINES SITE
Test K contained shell tools, fish and animal bones, pot sherds, and
scattered human bones. In one area a cache of 18 shell tools (Fig. 10, lower) ,
made from the columellas of Busycon contrarium was found at 38 inches below
ground. These averaged 7.6 cms. in length and resembled picks or scrapers.
Four feet away, at a depth of 37 inches below ground was another cache of
similar tools, averaging 8.0 cms. in length; these 13 tools were located in an
area one foot square. Other findings were distributed as shown in Table II.
The human bones were scattered, as if from disturbed burials. Bones
represented at least three individuals: two adults and a child. Two left petrous
portions of the temporal bones of adults and one left petrous portion of the tem-
poral bone of a child were found; one adult right petrous temporal bone was also
present. In addition to the petrous temporal bones there were two cervical
vertebrae, a lumbar vertebra, a frontal bone, a maxilla with worn teeth, frag-
ments of calvaria, part of the right side of an adult mandible with teeth, a femur,
a tibia, a fibula, phalanges, and a child's humerus. These were scattered in
all areas of the pit and at depths of 4 to 35 inches below ground (median: 17
inches below ground).
Two stone pieces had evidence of purposeful shaping. One was a flat-
sided sandstone 20 by 15 by 12 mm that was evidently used for rubbing or pol-
ishing. Another piece, 21 by 21 by 17 mm, had a smooth groove several mm
in diameter in it, apparently made by rubbing. No projectile points were found.
Other findings in Test K included 19 tools made from the large whelk,
Pleuroploca gigantea, 15 scoops or cups made from the shell of the left-handed
whelk Busycon contrarium, 14 crab claws, 28 spines of teleost fish, 39 jaws of
drum and parrot fish, 10 deer teeth, one bird vertebra, one snake vertebra,
and 1227 miscellaneous small bones chiefly of deer, turtles, and rodents.
The findings in Test K suggest that this area of the mound was a ref-
use area for animal waste, with a few accidental deposits of human bones.
Two small sections were used as a repository for tools made from the
columellas of the left-handed whelk. The sherds were sand-tempered plain
and, to us, non-diagnostic.
The analysis of Ridge A was completed by the fortuitous activity of the
Saunier Construction Company and Howdeshell Plumbing Corporation. The
earth moving equipment of these companies effected 3 cuts (Figs. 5, XX,
ZZ; 4, WW). These three cuts were made at nearly right angles to the
long axis of the ridge and underlying dune. XX was intended for a sewer pipe;
YY for the footing of the west wall of the nursing home; and WW for the east
Cut XX disclosed on either side two faces of shell, mostly conch and
oyster, about 3 feet in greatest thickness and about 40 feet in length. No ev-
idences of layering could be seen, even after the faces had been washed by
GALLAGHER AND WARREN
several summer rains. The cut ZZ was at the end of the ridge and suggested
by the small size of the shell deposits, both vertically and horizontally, that
the shell component of the ridge had never extended much to the east beyond
this point; that is, prior to 1932 when the road and traffic triangle went in.
A typical Deptford Linear Check Stamped sherd was tossed out of this cut,
thus tying in this area with the midden (Fig. 3, D) where Deptford sherds
The third and most easterly cut (WW) disclosed about 40 feet of yellow
sand--undoubtedly an extension of the yellow sand of the dune which underlay
the shell ridge. At either end, north and south, this yellow sand made contact
with a looser white sand. At the bottom of the trench, in yellow sand, a small
cobble of worked chert was found, suggesting an earlier (Archaic?) occupancy
of the dune when it was forming.
The cemetery is shown in Figure 3 as "B", and the several squares or
tests that were opened up in it are shown in Figure 5 as follows: F, I, J, and
M--dug predominantly from yellow sand; and O-X where a predominance of
shell was found. The deepest burial, tightly flexed, was about 5 feet below
the surface of the sand in Test F; and the most superficial burials, at a depth
of 12 to 18 inches--so close to the surface that the bones were severely pres-
sure fractured--were located in Tests T and V.
Square I, a 10 by 10 foot extension of Square AA, was located on a
gentle slope (Fig. 6) at the edge of the south-east talus of Ridge A. It was
composed mainly of yellowish sand, but near the shell ridge, sand and shell
were closely intermingled, while, away from the ridge, shell became scarce.
A significant feature of the shell was the large number of columellas (picks?) ,
clam scoops, and pounders, so that our initial impression was of a shell work-
shop. Many of the shell objects had smooth edges, but whether this represented
an erosion by natural processes or by purposeful abrasion by Indian activity
for graves goods could not be settled despite a lively discussion. Definitive
bevelling of shell objects was very rare, but did occur.
Mr. John Gasthoff made two pH determinations of the sand of this burial
square obtaining values of 8.0 and 8.1. This alkalinity explained the well pre-
served nature of much of the skeletal material and was attributable to the shell
admixture and sparcity of humic and tannic acids from roots and leaves.
The first burial in Test I was an oddity, especially following the discov-
ery of the articulated foot bones in Test AA. In the northeast quadrant of the
square, and close to the slope of Ridge A, at a depth of 33 inches were 5 well
articulated lumbar vertebrae and three rib fragments (Fig. 11, upper). This
burial, seemingly of the "part for whole" category, and oriented along a north-
south axis, was shortly explained.
BAY PINES SITE
Fig. 11. Burial details from cemetery area: upper, articulated lumbar verte-
brae and three rib fragments, Test I; left, extended male skeleton except that
legs flexed at knees and heels touch pelvis, Test T; right, female skeleton
with legs flexed at knees and heels touching sacrum, Test V.
GALLAGHER AND WARREN
Diagonally across the square, and at the same depth, were three well-
articulated, tightly flexed burials, in the right lateral decubitus, heads to the
south, with faces to the east or down into the sand. One of these was devoid of
its lumbar vertebrae! A careful resection of the mid-torso had been effected
with separation of ribs as well as lumbar vertebrae suggesting perhaps a pro-
cedure on a corpus rather than a skeleton. Two of the burials were aligned,
like that of the lumbar vertebrae, along a north-south axis. One burial was of
especial interest in that, at a depth of 33 inches below ground, it had, above it,
at a depth of 17 inches, a plain unidentifiable sherd, and about three inches
above the sherd, the basal portion of a Sumter-like point.
Tests T and V each contained a skeleton, one male and one female, laid
parallel to each other along the true north-south meridian, due south of the
crest of the mound. Their heads were at the south end facing east. Both were
laid with the arms alongside the body with extended thighs but with legs flexed
at the knees so that the heels came into juxtaposition with the pelvis (Fig. 11,
lower). The skeletons were located quite superficially below ground at depths
of 12 to 20 inches, and as a result the bones had become badly fractured by
pressure. The skeletons were separated by a distance of about 6 feet.
A few artifacts were found with the skeletons. At the knees of the male
were a handsome fossilized shark's tooth (Fig. 9, d) and a pink, agatized coral
projectile point that had been modified in the shape of a drill (Fig. 9, f). Near
the thighs of the woman was an enormous, 9 pound, mass of yellow-red ochre.
At her head was a smaller piece of ochre (45 by 26 by 22 mm) formed with
rectangular sides. A single Hillsborough Shell Stamped sherd, and a chert
scraper (Fig. 9, le5f) were also found near her head.
Skeletons showed no pathological changes such as deformity, periostitis,
exostoses, or vertebral lipping. An erupted and worn third molar tooth was
present in the male. The only pathological change was a Schmorl's node, sev-
eral millimeters in diameter, in the body of a thoracic vertebra of the man.
This type of change is due to a herniated intervetebral disc.
Both skeletons rested on a bed of large Busycon contrarium shells set in
sand. Shells continuous with the mound (Ridge A) surrounded and covered the
graves but were not intermingled with the bones or grave artifacts. Vertical
sections of Tests T and V revealed a surface layer of four inches of humus, a
16- to 24-inch layer of shells, and below that a layer of sand devoid of artifacts
that was explored for a further 16 inches.
In addition to the skeletons, these pits contained a considerable number
of implements made from whelk shells: columella picks or drills, pounders,
and scoops or cups. A total of 207 such objects were found in the 204 cubic feet
examined. This is twice the frequency found in a sample of several pits that
averaged 0. 51 per cubic foot. Fish, turtle, and mammalian bone fragments
BAY PINES SITE
were sparser than average, only 233 being found, in contrast to an average of
2. 9 per cubic foot for the areas. Primarily these two squares were burial areas
with more implements and less refuse being deposited here.
The deepest burial, found by Shepard and Churchward in Test F was also
the most easterly with respect to Ridge A. The skeleton lay under 5 feet of sand,
unassociated closely with graves offerings, and presented in the lateral decubi-
tus, facing west, a fully flexed burial. A Deptford Linear Check Stamped sherd
overlay the skeleton by 18 inches. Yellow ochre around the interment was in-
terpreted as bog iron and not graves goods.
Other pits included two trenches put in on the east side of the cemetery
area, one by Captain Lazzaro and one by Shepard and Churchward. From them
it was hoped that one might be able to demonstrate a sherd floor or communal
sherd offering, were there a Weedon Island contribution to the site, as indeed
there seemed to be. No such sherd offering could be found. Just to the west of
Test I, Norma Bilodeau and Ray Day put in Test J, also in sand; from this pit
they exhumed two skeletons, both tightly flexed, one with a remarkable hyper-
extention or opisthotonus of the head and neck as if to present the neck for a
jugular vein transaction. This skeleton is available for study at the Pinellas
County Science Center. In Test M, Anita Trow uncovered a poorly preserved
flexed burial, the skull of which was reconstructed by Mr. Day. In Test O,
Larry Keese and Captain Robinson uncovered, in shell, a well preserved flexed
From the cemetery a total of about 10 individuals was exhumed, and from
the cemetery and elsewhere, identifiable human bone fragments of about 14
more, making a total of about 24 inhumations of which less than half could be
termed interments. Our data and technique did not enable us to interpret the
significance of the findings of random bone fragments: three obvious alterna-
tives are (1) disturbed burials, (2) human sacrifice, and (3) cannibalism or
A piece of charcoal in Test I at a depth of 2 feet below ground was sent
to Japan and a C-14 date returned a couple of months later: about 80 B. P. In
retrospect the hard part of a shellfish, for example, the rostrum of a Crassos-
trea or the columella of a Busycon would have been preferable
Comments on the cemetery, its
location and occupants
Perhaps the most important comment one can make about the cemetery
is that it is just that, a cemetery in shell and sand and not a burial mound.
Thus it is consistent with the sherd data, which speaks for Perico Island and
Deptford periods, with the exception of the Hillsborough Shell Stamped and Rus-
kin Dentate Stamped sherds which would be considered early Weeden Island
GALLAGHER AND WARREN
diagnostics. The location of the cemetery, in the shell of the southeast slope of
the shell ridge and in the sand of the contiguous slope of a putative sand dune,
presented a pleasant aspect. The deceased occupied a sunny slope, high and
dry, oriented to the south and to the dawn, and protected by the ridge against
the northwest winds of winter.
Possibly the ridge had been intended as a divider separating a sacred
area, the village cemetery, from a secular area, the village proper extending
to the north up the beach. And perhaps the ridge had been put to ceremonial use.
Certainly the skeletal remains on the two sides of the ridge differed, with artic-
ulated burials in the cemetery area (B) and nothing but scattered human bone
fragments on the crest and north slope of the ridge and in the midden area
(Fig. 3, D). It was of interest that the ages of the cemetery occupants seem to
have been rather youthful, especially in comparison with two toothless man-
dibles of senescent individuals found in the midden area.
No evidences of treponematosis (yaws and syphilis) were found. (This
might speak for small non-urban, migratory populations, in a pre-agricultural
setting.) Nor was there evidence of any other significant bony or dental pa-
thology, or any evidence of cranial deformation.
Area C ("Ramp") and Test 18
In Figure 3, Area C can be seen lying between areas A and F. In nature
it presented as gentle slope leading from the crest of Ridge A toward the bay.
We have termed it a ramp. It was explored by Test 18 (Fig. 5). This excavation,
3 by 15 feet, was dug to a depth of 25 inches below ground. A layer of humus
about 4 inches thick was at the surface. Below this was a zone about 12 inches
thick of densely packed shell, chiefly oyster. Sand devoid of artifacts was found
at 16 inches below ground. This pit had few finds, with an average of only 0.4
objects per cubic foot of earth. This is in contrast to an average of 4. 1 objects
per cubic foot found elsewhere. Finds included 1 small unmarked sherd, 4
columella tools, 1 pounder made from the shell of a Busycon contrarium, and
five animal bones.
Area D ("Midden") and Pits 1, 2, and 3
These three 10-squares were carried down to a depth of about 3 feet.
Oyster and conch shells predominated and the sand was darker than on Ridge A.
Animal and human bone fragments were found but no human burials. Two human
mandibles presented in the top 6 to 9 inches of Pit 3. The vertebra of a por-
poise also was found. While the thickness of the midden was about 24 inches,
shells extended lower, so that a definitive bottom was vague. A sherd similar
to Deptford Simple Stamped but on chalky ware came out of Pit 3. Cultural
material was predominantly from the 0-to 9-inch levels. Two Deptford Simple
Stamped sherds were found also (Fig. 9, b-c). Parenthetically we wish to re-
BAY PINES SITE
mind the reader that two Deptford Linear Check Stamped sherds (Fig. 9, a)
were found elsewhere: one in Test F and one in Cut XX.
References to food remain have been made earlier. The following is a listing
of shellfish varieties in percent of total number of shellfish counted: Aequipecten
irradians 12. 5, Atrina sp., prob. rigida .4, Brachiodontes exustus 3, Busycon
contrarium 2.2, Busycon spiratum .2, Cardita floridana .1, Chione cancellata .1,
Crassostrea virginica 67.2, Crepidula aculeata .5, Crepidula fornicata below .1,
Crepidula plana below .1, Dinocardium robustum vanhyningi below .1, Fasciolaria
hunteria .2, Fasciolaria tulipa .1, Macrocallista nimbosa below .1, Melongina corona
.5, Mercenaria campechiensis 2.5, Modiolus demissus .2, Murex dilectus .1, Murex
pomum .1, Pleuroploca gigantea below .1, Strombus alatus 1.9, Tellina sp. below .1,
Tachucardium egmontianum .1, and specimens too worn to identify 10.6 o/o
Excavation of the Bay Pines Site was carried out by the Suncoast Archae-
ologic Society as a salvage project. The site consisted of a complex of shell
heaps near Boca Ciega Bay. A shell ridge resting on a sand dune and its ad-
jacent cemetery in shell and sand were the chief objects of study. Ridge and
dune approached the bay at an angle of about 90 degrees. The ridge was con-
nected by a graded slope or ramp to a longshore elevation of shell much lower
than the ridge, and this runway extended to the north up the beach for over 250
yards. Here it gave off a small ridge at right angles to it and to the bay, thus
parallelling the first ridge. The ridges and runway formed three sides of an
open space, part of which was midden.
In the southeast slope of the large ridge and in the adjacent dune there
nestled a cemetery consistent with pre-burial mound times. Burials, totalling
twenty or more, were mostly tightly flexed and in the right lateral decubitus;
two were supine and semi-extended. Graves were poorly delineated from their
surroundings. Graves associations included a few small sherds, stemmed pro-
jectile points of the Florida Archaic tradition, crude shell tools, a shark's
tooth pendant, a very attractive gorget of shell, a pendant, and lumps of red
ochre. Bone pathology was minimal and included no treponematosis and no
The site was occupied, possibly discontinuously, over several centuries.
A pre-ceramic component was not defined but may be present although the Ar-
chaic-like points are rather small which suggest they may be post-Archaic in
date. Sherds suggest Perico Island, Deptford, and early Weeden Island time
periods, with an average life for the site of possibly 1200 years. No fiber-
tempered sherds were found.
St. Petersburg, Florida
April 8, 1974
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE: A RELIGION AND A WAY OF LIFE
Christian Science, a religion based upon the demonstration of mind heal-
ing, represents a unique way of life. Since its discovery a little less than a
century ago, this movement has expanded into an international organization
with adherents throughout the world. Within the city of Tallahassee, Florida,
there are approximately 200 members of the First Church of Christ, Scientist.
Christian Scientists believe their religion to be relevant in meeting the
demands of the modern world. These people rely on spiritual means alone for
healing every kind of human discord. By learning and studying the doctrines of
Christian Science, they strive to comprehend the spiritual nature of God and
man, thereby grasping the truth of being in its remedial aspect, and applying
it to human needs.
This paper examines the application of the concept of health to the daily
lives of the Christian Scientists in Tallahassee. It concludes with a functional
analysis of their belief system within the context of modern society.
The methods employed in carrying out this study included: attendance of
the Sunday morning services and the Wednesday evening testimony meetings at
the First Church of Christ, Scientist; participation at the meetings of the Chris-
tian Science Organization of Florida State University; acquisition of background
literature from the Reading Room, which is adjacent to the Church; interviews
with five local Christian Scientists, one of whom was a practitioner; and con-
versations with several public health administrators regarding the extent of the
legality of Christian Science religious practices in reference to the general
public health requirements.
The Theology of Christian Science
Christian Science is concerned primarily with the attainment of a greater
understanding of the true nature of God, man, and the universe. The approach
of Christian Scientists is to commence with God, the Divine Mind, the sole Cre-
ator. From this basis, they learn that man is created by God in His own image
Every human being, therefore, manifests, in a unique combination, the
infinite range of the qualities of God. In agreement with the Bible, Christian
Science presents the fact that health as well as holiness are conditions only of
God, and therefore, of man. Thus, sickness, sin, and disease, which are di-
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 28, no. 3, September 1975
ametrically opposed to health, are no part of God's perfect creation.
It is important to note that Christian Science does not dismiss any phys-
ical disharmony of the human body as imaginary. The theology of Christian
Science teaches that all physical discord is amenable to divine power when
this power is understood and utilized properly. This healing method which was
the way of Jesus Christ, is designed to bring the thinking of the individual into
harmony with spiritual law (Eddy 1875:167).
The Lives of Christian Scientists
The Christian Scientists of Tallahassee appear to possess a very posi-
tive outlook on life. They are calm, emotionally stable, quiet, and thoughtful
individuals. The external manifestations that distinguish these people seem to
indicate that Christian Science has had a great impact upon the lives of those
who seek its teachings.
Although some of the informants were born into a Christian Science fam-
ily, others were converted to this religious denomination. Nevertheless, every
one of the informants claimed that some incident in his past was causal to his
decision to fully accept the teachings. Each individual had experienced a major
healing, when he relied exclusively on God, which in turn, caused him to con-
vert, or, if already a Christian Scientist, to become more devout.
Following the healings of my informants, they began to explore and re-
flect upon the teachings of Christian Science. This requires daily study of the
Bible and Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures; the latter is the com-
plete and authoritative statement of Christian Science by its discoverer and
founder, Mary Baker Eddy.
As these individuals began to pursue the higher aspects of these lessons,
they realized that in order to benefit adequately from these doctrines, they had
to strive to live them. They adopted a new outlook on life: as Christian Science
revealed God, they began to use their understanding of Him as the great clar-
ifying force in all their experiences. Consequently, my informants began to
view all their situations in a positive and optimistic manner; they felt God's
presence in everything they did and, therefore they lost all sense of fear and
Christian Scientists view health as spiritual, and they attribute their gen-
eral well-being to their knowledge of God. Nevertheless, there are instances
when they, too, become victims of certain illnesses and diseases. When ques-
tioned about the nature of these physical conditions, they are reluctant to dis-
cuss them, and tend to avoid lengthy descriptions of their own particular ill-
nesses. Thus, they follow Mrs. Eddy's statement that "sick thoughts make
sick bodies" (Eddy 1875).
In their spiritual treatment of problems, Christian Scientists proceed
through a well-defined routine, although there are minor variations in method.
The first step is to think the problem out and to perceive the responsible, un-
derlying mental causes for a physical discord. This is followed by meditation
focusing on the relationship between God and man. In certain cases, this may
be done alone; in other instances, they may work out their problems by talking
with fellow Christian Scientists. In addition, they turn to certain passages in
the Bible and in Science and Health for inspiration and for the uplifting of
In other situations, the disease or discordant condition may be slow in
yielding; hence, they will seek the help of a Christian Science practitioner.
These individuals are experienced students in the method of metaphysical
healing and devote all of their time to the healing work. Their names are listed
in the Christian Science Journal and they are paid for their services.
The process of Christian Science healing relies solely upon spiritual
means. Although its fundamental assumptions are contrary to those of medical
theory, there is no existing church rule which prohibits Christian Scientists
from resorting to the use of doctors and drugs. They are free to make their
own decision. Nevertheless, they realize that relying concurrently on Chris-
tian Science treatment and medical methods does not work. The two systems
are totally different both in diagnosis and in treatment. While one deals with
physical concepts, the other calls for spiritual restoration.
The informants interviewed to not have family physicians. They rely ex-
clusively upon God. Nevertheless, they made no derogatory remarks of the
medical profession; rather, they expressed a deep respect for doctors because
of their efforts in helping mankind. Also, they never force their beliefs upon
others; they never attempt to infringe upon the rights of those who choose to
rely upon traditional medicine.
In spite of their strong convictions, most Christian Scientists, in times
of prolonged illness, will resort to medical aid. They are reluctant to acknow-
ledge this fact and usually will deny such action on their part. One common re-
mark is "but that would be a very last resort. This indeed appears contra-
dictory to their theology and hence, illustrates a vulnerable aspect to their
The curing of physical disease is only one element in the total message
of Christian Science. In addition to sickness or human discomfort, the heal-
ing ministry of Christian Science works to overcome sin (human evil) and death
(human disability) (Eddy 1875:404). The realm of "healing" also may include:
the betterment of personal relationships, the improvement of one's moral
character, as well as, the solving of business problems. Thus, Christian
Science healing can be applied to the whole of the human condition.
The preceding discussion has focused on the belief system of Chris-
tian Scientists, specifically as it is applied to the process of healing. That
Christian Science, in its healing aspect, is functional has been amply dem-
onstrated. However, it is the contention of my informants and as well as
implicitly my own that the function of Christian Science is far greater than
that of simply curing man's spiritual and physical illnesses. Rather, Chris-
tian Science provides a cosmology, a Logos within which an individual can
operate regardless of the state of worldly affairs.
Modern, secular society, largely because of its heterogeneity, has
placed a number of stresses on the individual. Despite the achievements
of technology and the comforts of material abundance, present-day life
abounds with anxiety, uncertainty, frustration, and anomie. Traditional
patterns of living. are being blurred by industrialization, urbanization, and
automation. The family, for example, as a stable social institution, is los-
Though modern man may find it difficult to preserve a cohesive self-
image, and while his outlook may be largely, or partly anomic, adherents
of Christian Science claim that their religion is functionally relevant and
adequate to the demands of modern society. Through its teachings, they have
acquired a new meaning to their existence as well as a way of contending
with (perhaps by minimizing) the real world. They strongly hold the con-
viction that neither technology nor materialism can substitute for a living
faith in God.
The Christian Science religion provides its followers with a means to
ameliorate the evil aspects of society. It teaches that the universe and man
exist only as perfect reflections of God. Since they view the underlying
facts of existence as spiritual, rather than material, all problems can be
solved by turning away from material explanations. Man, then, is not simply
a mortal continuously confronted with unfamiliar realities and situations de-
manding variable responses. His identity is spiritual and it is a manifesta-
tion of God.
This outlook gives Christian Scientists a whole world view. This new
sense of being transcends the mortal and the finite. They feel no bound-
aries to their capabilities: there is no limit to God. Since the Creator is
always there in time of need, this fundamental sense of man's unity with
God, functions to relieve them of anxiety, and to provide a social, as well
as, individual source of happiness and satisfaction.
Christian Scientists cope with temporality by focusing on the eternal
spiritual truths. Through study and prayer, they learn how to comprehend
and use spirituality as a means of defense against whatever is negative and
undesirable, i.e., sickness, famine, violence, by denying its reality. This
does not, however, mean that they ignore such discords. Rather, they sys-
tematically remove these threats by a correct understanding of God.
Through spiritual enlightenment, Christian Scientists view society with
expectations of hope and progress. Since they see man as good and indestruc-
tible, they do not see this as an age doomed to destruction. Instead, they feel
that Christian Science, through its revelation of God, sheds a new light onthe
problems of humanity and brings faith and confidence that the world will im-
prove. In this aspect, then, Christian Science may be viewed as a positive
proactive response to entropy: it does not exist. Indeed, to talk of any specific
illness is taboo. The maxim "sick thoughts make sick bodies" might be re-
phrased: "to think of entropy causes entropy. "
Since the movement began, the healing power of Christian Science has
been demonstrated innumerable times. It has restored primitive Christianity
to a recognized place in modern society. Today, the legality of the practice
of Christian Science is firmly established, both in the United States and through-
out the world. Its practice has gained recognition as an acceptable alternative
to medical treatment in the eyes of public and private agencies concerned with
health. Many insurance companies within the United States recognize and pay
for Christian Science treatment and care in lieu of medical treatment. The
informants also stated that they can be exempted from vaccinations which are
required normally for public school children and for traveling. An inquiry was
made at the local health department, which, in turn, affirmed the validity of
these statements. Practitioners in our country are exempted by statute from
the provisions of the medical practice acts of the various states since they are
engaged not in the practice of medicine, but in a religious ministry that in-
cludes healing. In the Florida Statutes, there is a law that practitioners are
exempted from the state requirement that they obtain a certificate of profi-
ciency in the basic sciences (Fla. Stat. 456.04).
The Christian Science movement is not indigenous to Southeastern cul-
ture, but rather was a development of northern cultural milieu, i. e. Boston,
Massachusetts. The majority of the adherents living in Tallahassee, Florida,
are immigrants from the North; the remaining few are first or second-gener-
ation Southerners. None of these people have adopted strong social affiliations
within their new surroundings. When they settled here, they realized that they
could not relate to the traditional religions; the latter are totally alien to their
own backgrounds. They required a framework in which to order their new en-
vironment. Christian Science, a tradition of the North, fulfilled this need.
In general then, Christian Science, both as a Logos and as a way of
life, is a viable, legal alternative to the secularity of our urban society. That
it works for the believers, and that it is an adequate framework for them, is
indisputable, if they strictly adhere, both in practice and in belief, to the doc-
trines of the Church. Thus, all discord may be obviated: the Christian Science
cosmos is well-integrated "All is infinite Mind" (Eddy 1875:468).
The Christian Science Publishing Society
1966 A Century of Christian Science Healing. Boston, Mass.
Eddy, Mary Baker
1875 Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures. Trustees under the
Will of Mary Baker Eddy, Boston, Mass.
1891 Retrospection and Introspection. Trustees under the Will of Mary
Baker Eddy, Boston, Mass.
1891 Rudimental Divine Science. Trustees under the Will of Mary Baker
Eddy, Boston, Mass.
1895 The Manual of the Mother Church. Trustees under the Will of Mary
Baker Eddy, Boston, Mass.
1896 Miscellaneous Writings. Trustees under the Will of Mary Baker
Eddy, Boston, Mass.
Leishman, Thomas L.
1958 Why I Am a Christian Scientist. Thomas Nelson and Sons, New York.
1941 The Life of Mary Baker Eddy. The Christian Science Publishing
Society, Boston, Mass.
May 9, 1974
ANOTHER CERAMIC CHUNGKE FROM THE FLORIDA PANHANDLE
Yulee W. Lazarus
This report is prompted by the account of a pottery discoidal (Morse,
Morse and Morse 1974) found in Wakulla County, Florida, and the comment
that no other ceramic discoidals have been previously reported from the pan-
handle area. A pottery discoidal has been on display in the Temple Mound
Museum in Fort Walton Beach since it was found in 1963 in the heart of the
Panhandle. Although the site where it was found was recorded in 1957, the
recovery of the discoidal was not publicized and this note is written to correct
The discoidal (Figs. 1-2) was found by Mike Edwards, Valparaiso, Flor-
ida, in 1963 and no other artifactual material was in association. Measure-
ments are 80 mm diameter, 35 mm in thickness. It is made of a buff sand-
tempered paste with a black core. Both sides are equally concave 7 mm and
55 mm diameter inside. It was obviously carefully fashioned by hand. Very
slight abrasion is apparent on the extreme perimeter from possible use as a
gamestone or chungke.
Walter Ruckel, Valparaiso, had collected artifacts from the site since
1920. In 1957 the William Lazarus report of the Ruckel site was given the
Florida State Number OK20. Located in Section 18, Okaloosa County, on the
west side of Boggy Bayou, the site was south of the swampy area draining into
the bayou. Terrain was fifteen feet above sea level with live oak and short leaf
pine the predominant growth. Village midden was thin with shell pockets of
oyster, quahog, and hooked mussel. The Ruckel collection was large and to-
tally Weeden Island, but it was not tabulated by Lazarus atthat time.
Subsequent material was recovered from the shore following hurricane
erosion by three different collectors. The total number of sherds, not counting
the Ruckel collection, classified by Lazarus numbered 2269 as follows:
Sherds classified by cultures
10 fiber tempered plain, 181 Deptford, 211 Santa Rosa-Swift Creek, 612
Weeden Island, 54 Fort Walton, and 1201 residual plain. This classification
shows a predominance of Weeden Island sherds but that all ceramic culture pe-
riods are represented at 80KZ0.
With the high ratio of Weeden Island sherds from this site both in the
Ruckel collection and that classified by Lazarus, the Morse estimate of time
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 28, no. 3, September 1975
period for the Wakulla discoidal at 1000 A. D. fits rather well for this Oka-
Lazarus, William C.
1957 Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, Site Index Card
Florida State University.
Morse, Dan F., G. Daniel Morse, and Daniel A. Morse
1974 A Biconcave Pottery Discoidal from Northwest Florida. Florida
Anthropologist, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp. 59-61, Gainesville.
June 11, 1974
Figs. 1-2. Photograph and cross section drawing of ceramic chungke.
CERAMIC FIGURINES, PORTER HOPEWELL, AND MIDDLE WOODLAND
John A. Walthall
During the Middle Woodland period many local communities in the East-
ern United States participated in a series of transaction systems or exchange
networks which have been collectively labeled the "Hopewellian Sphere of In-
teraction". This interaction sphere spanned a large geographical area, ex-
tending from the Great Lakes to the Florida Gulf Coast and, in some instances,
as far west as the Rocky Mountains. Among the items which were exchanged
were scarce raw materials and commodities as well as finished products. In-
cluded in the latter category of status-specific trade goods were small ceramic
figurines, most commonly representing human females. These anthropomor-
phic representations are as stylistically distinctive as the Olmec figurines of
the lowland Gulf Coast of Mesoamerica or the Chavin motifs of the Central An-
des. Detailed descriptions of the Hopewellian figurine types are given in ar-
ticles by Deuel (1952) and by Griffin (Griffin and others 1970:81-88).
Dozens of these figurines and figurine fragments have been recovered in
Hopewellian context in the Midwest (Fig. 1, a, c-d). They are relatively rare
in other areas. However, several fragments (Fig. 2) and at least two complete
figurines of this type have been reported from the Southeastern Gulf Coast re-
gion (Fig. 1, b). Among these are several fragments and one complete speci-
men from habitation sites in northwestern Florida which are associated with
the Swift Creek tradition (Phelps 1969; Daniel T. Penton, personal communica-
tion) a complete example and several fragments from Mounds A, B, and the
village area at the Mandeville site in southwestern Georgia (Kellar and others
1962), and a male torso fragment (Fig. 2, c) from a small village site in
Tallapoosa County, Alabama (Cottier 1970).
To this list may be added a previously unreported male torso fragment
recovered from a shell midden near Gulf Shores, Alabama on the southeastern
extreme of Mobile Bay. This figurine fragment was found by Mrs. Doris Allegri
of Daphne, Alabama, and is presently on loan to the University of Alabama. The
torso measures 33 mm in length, 49 mm in width at the shoulders, 18 mm in
width at the waist and is uniformly 17 mm in thickness. This hand-molded fig-
urine is waterworn but light incised lines are discernible around the neck and
on the chest and back areas. An inner line around the neck extends down the back
(or front?) forming a small loop. The outer incised line on the chest and back
forms a mantle extending across the shoulders (Fig. 2, b).
The figurine is broken in a manner common to ceramic representations of
this type. Primary stress areas appear to be at the appendages since a large
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 28, no. 3, September 1975
Fig. 1. Hopewellian ceramic
(Kellar and otjers 1962:342).
figurines. Specimen 1, b, from Manderville site
Others fromIllinois. Alout three-quarters size.
Fig. 2. Ceramic torsos. 2, a-b, Obverse and
reverse of Porter Hopewell figurine from Mobile
Bay area; 2, c, Tallapoose torso; 2, d, Swift
Creek torso (Phelphs 1969:22). Aboutfull size.
number of the known fragments are headless torsos and broken limbs. The
paste used in the manufacturing of the Mobile Bay figurine was tempered with
fine sand and clay particles. Several pottery sherds were found on the eroded
surface near the torso fragment. All of these are early Middle Woodland types:
Alligator Bayou Stamped, Santa Rosa Stamped, Basin Bayou Incised and Santa
Rosa Punctated. In the Mobile Bay area these ceramic types are associated
with a local tradition which has been given the name "Porter Hopewell" (Porter
Marksville). The recovery of this ceramic figurine in such a context represents
the first association of this type of artifact with this cultural manifestation.
Distributional data concerning these figurines indicates that they were
apparently traded along the Gulf Coast by groups participating in the Hopewellian
exchange network to the west and north in the Mississippi Valley and in the
Great Lakes-Riverine region (particularly in the Ohio River drainage area).
That the Mississippi Valley was a major avenue in the spread of these ceramic
products is almost certain. They have not been reported as being present in the
material cultures of the interior highland traditions such as Copena or the
Cartersville Hopewell complex in northwestern Georgia.
However, there appears to be some conjecture concerning the direction
of their diffusion through the western Mississippi Valley route (Fig. 3). Mc-
Michael (1964) has theorized that these figurines were among a complex of cul-
tural traits introduced into Eastern United States from Veracruz on the Gulf
Coast of Mesoamerica via Crystal River in west-central Florida. If this hypo-
thesis is valid then the figurines (or the stylistic concept) would have spread
along the Gulf Coast westward and then up the Mississippi Valley. James B.
Griffin, on the other hand, has argued for an indigenous origin:
A time period for Hopewellian figurines would probably be between A. D.
100 to 300. A connection to Middle America is possible but debatable and
is not supported by distributional, stylistic, or chronological data. One
would hardly consider the crude blobs at Poverty Point to be directly
stimulated from Mexico, or even to be a prototype for Hopewellian fig-
urines. As sculptured representations they should be also considered
along with other representations of humans and animals such as appear
on platform pipes or produced from bone, copper and other materials,
which had a strong development for the first time in the Eastern United
States in Hopewellian art (Griffin and others 1970:87).
If these figurines were an independent creation of Hopewellian artisans
in the Midwest then they should have diffused southward down the Mississippi
Valley and eastward along the Gulf Coast. Supportative data for this latter in-
terpretation has appeared in a recent article on Hopewellian interaction:
Nancy Engle (letter to Struever, November 14, 1969), in her recent anal-
ysis of Hopewellian pottery figurines, argues that the Mann site on the
Ohio River in southern Indiana was a major manufacturing center for
HOPEWELLIAN & RELATED
MIDDLE WOODLAND COMPLEXES
MI I ES I I I
'classic' Hopewellian figurines. More than 150 figurines are known from
Mann, more than 10 times the number found at any other Middle Woodland
site in the Great Lakes-Riverine area except for the Twenhafel site in
the central Mississippi Valley. Miss Engle notes that some of the fig-
urine fragments from Mann indicate that the artifact was broken during
the firing process.
The classic style figurine, so prominent at Mann and probably
manufactured there, was apparently distributed eastward into Ohio where
it occurs at Turner and possibly Marietta, as well as westward into
Illinois where it occurs at Twenhafel and various other sites, particularly
in the Illinois Valley (Struever and Houart 1972:77).
The ceramic figurine fragment reported here in Porter Hopewell context
reflects the participation of Mobile Bay area groups in an exchange network
(Fig. 3) with other coastal plain peoples to the east (Santa Rosa-Swift Creek)
and to the west (Marksville-Troyville). Little is known about the Porter Hope-
well tradition and a major synthesis of existing data has never been undertaken.
However, from the extant literature a number of facts and inferences concern-
ing this cultural manifestation can be drawn.
Porter Hopewell was first defined on the basis of south Alabama ceramic
types which exhibited a "Hopewellian look" (DeJarnette 1952:277). Several
habitation sites with major Porter Hopewell occupations have been investigated
and indicate that, like their Swift Creek neighbors to the east, their subsis-
tence base was at least partially a littoral economy (Wimberly 1960; Trickey
and Holmes 1971; Phelps 1969). Burial mounds and Hopewellian trade items
have also been reported from the area and can be assigned to this tradition
(Moore 1905 a, b; Wimberly and Tourtelot 1941).
Subsistence and Settlement Patterns
At least two functional types of habitation sites were present in the Porter
Hopewell cultural system. The first type was based upon littoral economic ac-
tivities and is represented by small shell middens along the coast and bay areas.
Trickey and Holmes (1971) have reported their investigations of two small shell
middens on the south bank of Tensaw Lake in Baldwin County, Alabama,whiqh
were occupied by Porter Hopewell groups. Both of the Middle Woodland zones
were shallow, indicating occupations of brief duration. All of the cultural zones
in these middens contained large numbers of Rangia cuneata shells, "a brackish
water clam found from Northwest Florida to Texas" (Trickey and Holmes 1971:
116-117). A sample (M-822) of clam shell from one of the Porter Hopewell
zones was submitted for radiocarbon analysis and produced a date of 2040 150
BP or 79 B.C. (Trickey and Holmes 1971:123). This absolute date, combined
with relative chronological calculations based upon ceramic seriation and ar-
tifact typology, suggests that this tradition began in the area during the first
two centuries B. C. and extended well into the first half of the first millennium
North of the Tensaw Lake area on the Lower Tombigbee in Clarke County,
Alabama several Porter Hopewell sites, both habitation localities and burial
mounds, have been investigated. Wimberly (1960) has reported the excavation
of five habitation sites with Porter Hopewell components. Two of these sites,
the Porter and McKay villages, revealed major Middle Woodland occupations.
The McKay Village (1Ckl) was located some 4 miles northwest of the
town of Salitpa on the crest of a low ridge paralleling the right bank of Kintusha
Creek, a tributary of the Tombigbee River. The surface material at this site
covered an area 400 by 650 feet. The site was excavated in the winter of 1940-
41 by a WPA crew under the direction of Harry A Tourtelot (Wimberly 1960:
12-14). The excavation of the village midden revealed "8 shallow, bowl-shaped
refuse pits containing animal bone, charcoal, pottery sherds and a few shells.
Both freshwater mussel and gastropod shells were scattered in small amounts
through the site" (Wimberly 1960:14).
The Porter Village (ICklZ), found a few hundred yards north of the Mc-
Kay site, was excavated in the spring of 1941. The village midden, 0.5 to 1.5
feet thick, contained a few scattered lenses of shell, mainly freshwater gastro-
pod. Several circular midden pits were recorded and 9 burials were exposed.
The midden pits, ranging from 2. 0 to 3. 5 feet in diameter and 1. 0 to 3. 5 feet
in depth, were found to contain "animal bone, pottery sherds, some shell and
other debris" (Wimberly 1960:28). Of the 9 burials 6 were flexed, 1 was ex-
tended, and 1 burial consisted of an unassociated skull. The remaining inter-
ment was found within the midden zone and was highly decomposed (only a
mandible and long bone fragment). Only one of these burials was accompanied
by grave goods. A child burial (Burial 3) was associated with a bone awl and
"some opossum bones" (Wimberly 1960:28-29).
Both of these village sites contained proportionately large amounts of
Hopewellian related ceramic types, Alligator Bayou Stamped, Crooks Stamped,
Basin Bayou Incised, Santa Rosa Punctated, and Franklin Plain. These two
villages differed from other near-by habitation sites dating to preceding or
later periods by the presence of a relatively large amount of lithic material
and by the absence of large amounts of freshwater mussels. Both the McKay and
Porter Villages yielded significant numbers of stemmed projectile points of
similar types made from Tallahatta quarzite (Josselyn 1960:215-225). Of 240
stemmed projectile points recovered from 8 Clarke County habitation sites ex-
cavated during the 1940-41 investigations, 197 were recovered from the McKay
and Porter villages.
The data recovered from these two habitation sites indicate that they
represent a functionally different type of settlement than the aquatic-ori-
ented collecting stations on Tensaw Lake or along the coastal shores. Both
sites contained only small amounts of naiad or gastropod remains. Although
quantitative data is lacking it appears likely that the subsistence activities
at these dispersed, interior settlements centered around hunting and the col-
lecting of lowland floral resources. The swamplands surrounding both sites
support several varieties of oak, black walnut, chestnut and several other
types of plants utilized by historic Indians as a source of food (C. Wimberly
1960:3). Whether the coastal sites and these interior villages were a part of
a seasonal settlement pattern or whether they represent separate adaptations
to diverse ecological zones cannot be determined at present. However, it
does appear that the Porter Hopewell economy was based primarily on the
intensive collecting of coastal and estuarine fauna and indigenous coastal
Several burial mounds which can be associated with the Porter Hope-
well tradition have been investigated in southwestern Alabama. C. B. Moore
explored a group of these small mounds on the lower Tombigbee River around
the turn of the century. These mounds were located some 10 miles south of
the McKay and Porter villages near present-day Jackson, Alabama. In the
center of one of these low-mounds Moore's crew discovered several burials.
Near these burials they found a Hopewellian copper panpipe (Moore 1905a:259).
Another Porter Hopewell burial mound has been investigated in the same
area. This is the McQuorquodale Mound (1CkZ5), which was excavated by a
WPA crew under the direction of Harry Tourtelot in the summer of 1941
(Wimberly and Tourtelot 1941). This structure was located some 2 miles
down the Tombigbee from the McKay and Porter villages and some 8 miles
north of the Jackson mound group.
The McQuorquodale Mound was a low, conoidal structure some 60 feet in
diameter and approximately 3 feet high. The structure was apparently built in
two construction stages. Ten burials were recovered, 6 lying on top of the
first mound stage and 4 included in the fill of the second or upper stage. These
interments consisted of 7 reburials, 2 extended burials and 1 unassociated qkull.
Among the exotic goods recovered from this mortuary unit were a copper bead,
a copper earspool, galena nodules, mica, a siltstone cup, greenstone celts,
hematite and limonite nodules, quartz discoidals, stone gorgets and a mass of
black asphaltic material (Wimberly and Tourtelot 1941:8-13). A number of
lithic artifacts, pottery sherds, and other village debris were found in the mound
area and in the mound fill indicating that the structure had been built on or
near an abandoned habitation site.
Further south, near the old town of Blakely in Baldwin County on the
northeastern shore of Mobile Bay, C. B. Moore investigated a shell midden
which contained Porter Hopewell burials. In association with these burials
Moore's workmen found another copper panpipe:
In one hole, not far from the surface were parts of four skulls, and
other scattered bones. At a depth of 16 inches was a circular deposit of
fragments of cremated, human bones, 10 inches in diameter, 4 inches
deep. No sign of fire marked the immediate vicinity of this deposit.
Just above the bones lay a tool with a blunt point, made from an antler
of a deer, showing no mark of fire. Thirty-two inches from the cremated
remains, in the same hole, at about the same level, was a mass of frag-
ments of calcined shell, including, however, a number of shells showing
no trace of fire. No charcoal was present in this deposit. About 1 foot
below a skeleton which lay near the creamated remains, was another
skeleton, flexed on the left side. One hand resting on the neck was in
contact with an ornament of sheet-copper that had imparted a green color
to some of the bones of the hand and to at least one of the cervical verte-
brae. This ornament, 3 inches long by 1.5 inches wide, is corrugated on
one side and.belongs to a type common to the mound at Crystal river,
northwest Florida; the larger mound at Murphy Island, St. John river,
Florida; and other localities. With the copper lay two mussel shells. One
(Lampsilis anodontoides) shows a perforation at one end; the other was
broken to fragments in digging. Near the skull of the skeleton on which
was the copper ornament lay an isolated calvarium (Moore 1905b:284-85;
Griffin and others 1970:110).
The information presently available indicates that the Porter Hopewell
communities utilized two types of mortuary systems, burial in contemporary
habitation areas and interment in burial mounds specially removed from living
areas. A number of burial techniques were practiced. In some cases the corpse
was flexed, extended, reburied or cremated. Isolated skull burials have also
Although little is known concerning the Porter Hopewell social system it
has been suggested that the local societies participating in the Hopewellian In-
teraction Sphere were not egalitarian but were ranked (ascribed status). It has
also been postulated that among these groups there was differential access to
the exotic goods procured in this exchange network and that these scarce items
served as status symbols of the elite within the local communities. If this is the
case then the mortuary patterns observed in the Porter Hopewell system may
reflect such status grading. The burials made at the village sites lacked any
exotic grave offerings (with the exception of the panpipe discovered by Moore
at the Blakely shell mound--which may or may not have been inhabited by
Porter Hopewell peoples) and may represent individuals of low status. On the
other hand the individuals interred in the mounds did receive elaborate care
and were accompanied by exotic burial goods. These latter individuals may
have been the elite in the Porter Hopewell social system.
Porter Hopewell and Middle Woodland Trade:
It has been suggested that in Mesoamerica groups were brought into the
Olmec exchange system because they had, or controlled, access to scarce
raw materials and commodities which were desired by the lowland Olmec elite
group (Flannery 1968). Groups whose territory contained nothing of value to
the Olmec were by-passed. An analogous situation probably existed in the
Eastern United States during the Middle Woodland period. Communities which
participated in the Hopewellian transaction systems more than likely controlled
access to certain goods which were valued by other groups in other areas.
This then raises the question, why did the Porter Hopewell ethnic group
participate in the coastal plain transaction systems? Several factors can be
offered in answer to this query. First, the geographical location of their terri-
tory appears to have been of primary importance. The Porter Hopewell peoples
inhabited both the eastern and western shores of Mobile Bay and the surrounding
Gulf Coast plain area. This placed them directly between the Santa Rosa-Swift
Creek peoples to the east and the Marksville-Troyville groups to the west (Fig.
3). Extensive coastal trade and contact among these groups is exhibited in their
material cultures. Besides the Hopewellian Interaction Sphere concepts and ar-
tifacts common to the traditions, they shared similar ceramic styles and motifs,
and their lithic assemblages are almost identical.
Exchange between these Mobile Bay region communities and the Santa
Rosa-Swift Creek and related cultures to the east seems to have been especially
important. The Santa Rosa-Swift Creek tradition in northwestern Florida was
originally defined by Gordon Willey (1949:336-396) and later divided into two
sequential phases (Yent and Green Point) by William Sears (196Z). Porter Hope-
well appears to have been more closely associated with the earlier Yent Phase.
Sears (1958, 1963) has placed the Yent Mound (Moore 1902:265-274), Pierce
Mound A (Moore 1902:217-228), and the central mound of the burial complex
at Crystal River (Moore 1903:1907; Willey 1950; Bullen 1953) into this complex.
Hopewellian trade with groups in the Florida area has been substantiated
by the recovery of Hopewellian copper artifacts panpipess, breastplates, and
earspools) and other exotic materials from Yent phase burial mounds. Con-
versely, artifacts which had their ultimate origin in the Florida region have
been recovered from Midwestern tumuli. Examples of these latter trade items
include marine helmit shells (Cassis) from east Florida, whelk (Busycon),
tulip (Fasciolaria) olive (Oliva), and dwarf olive (Olivella) marine shells
from the Florida Gulf Coast. Shark teeth, alligator teeth, barracuda jawy, and
marine turtle shells from west Florida have also been reported in this context
(Griffin 1967:184). Hopewellian Interaction Sphere artifacts have also been found
at a number of sites in the northern St. Johns River area (Moore 1894;1895) and
at the recently reported Fort Center ceremonial site in south central Florida
(Sears 1971). All of these sites appear to have been linked through the pan-
eastern exchange system which flourished during Middle Woodland times.
The Mobile Bay area was also of considerable economic importance dur-
ing this period because of the major river systems which flow southward into
the bay and Gulf of Mexico. The Bay was a strategic point to the early Euro-
pean settlers in the region because by controlling access to the area they could
dominate the interior trade which flowed up and down the Tombigbee and Ala-
bama River systems. Likewise, the Porter Hopewell communities would have
enjoyed differential access to interior trade because their territory included
this strategic confluence of these major river systems.
The Alabama River system, of which the Cqosa and Tallapoosa Rivers
are a part, was apparently a major route to the interior highland crystalline
area which covers the west-central counties of Alabama (Mosley 1958:13).
This area produces greenstone, steatite, mica, graphite, and other minerals
which were utilized in the Hopewellian exchange networks. It is known that this
area was exploited as early as the Archaic period and that the Tennessee Valley
Middle Woodland Copena peoples obtained, either through trade or direct pro-
curement, scarce raw materials from this source (Walthall and DeJarnette
1974). This crystalline area is only a short distance northwest of the Mande-
ville site on the Chattahoochie River. It is likely that, besides controlling the
interior trade along this river system, the peoples inhabiting this community
also acquired raw materials and finished products from this area as well. The
recovery of the Hopewellian figurine fragment, discussed earlier, from a small
site on the Tallapoosa River, in the heart of the Crystalline area, probably re-
flects trade with the coastal Hopewellian groups or the Mandeville peoples. The
cultural material collected from this interior site consisted of "greenstone celt
fragments, steatite vessel sherds, large and medium sized projectile points,
clay-grit and sand tempered plain ware pottery sherds and the ceramic figurine
fragment" (Cottier 1970:126).
Within the Porter Hopewell territory several types of goods were avail-
able which could have been used in exchange for exotic finished products. Alli-
gator and shark teeth and marine shells could have been procured from the
coastal areas. Inland there were three major natural resources over which the
Porter Hopewell group could have had economic control. First, the Tallahatta
geological formation, which is most extensive in Clarke County, produces three
major types of lithic materials utilized during the' Middle Woodland period.
These are quartzite, chalcedony and siltstone. The Tallahatta formation was
extensively quarried in this area during the prehistoric period and several
quarry workshops have been located (Dunning 1964).
It has already been noted that the two Porter Hopewell village sites (Mc-
Kay and Porter), located in Clarke County, produced more lithic artifacts
(stemmed projectile points, blades, and drills) than any of the other 6 sites
investigated in the area which date to other periods. The major materials used
in the production of these implements were Tallahatta quartzite and chalcedony.
The low debitage: tool ratio (2:1) at these two habitation sites suggests that,
while some lithic implements were manufactured at these localities, many
tools were "roughed out" or finished at the quarry workshops.
Projectile points made from Tallahatta quartzite have been recovered as
far north as the Tennessee Valley and are commonly found over a radius of
more than 200 miles from their source, especially in the Coastal Plain area
where good lithic materials are rare (Dunning 1964:50-60). The Tallahatta
formation also produced siltstone, which is formed when the Tallahatta claystone
is lightly cemented. Siltstone artifacts (a cupstone and gorget) were among the
mortuary goods recovered from the Porter Hopewell McQuorquodale mound
(Wimberly and Tourtelot 1941). Similar artifacts made from identical material
have been reported from Middle Woodland Copena burials in the Tennessee
Valley (Walthall 1973; Walthall and DeJarnette 1974).
A second natural resource in the Porter Hopewell territory was ocher.
Major deposits of siliceous iron ores, both hematite and limonite, are found
in sedementary deposits in southern Clarke County (Barksdale 1930). Hema-
tite, when ground, produces red ochers while limonite yields yellow, orange
and brown varieties. According to Barksdale (1930:8): "The ocher pigments
are 'permanent' that is, the colors remain unaltered, even upon exposure to
the atmosphere, for an indefinite period of time. Three ore bodies occur in
lenses or beds near Jackson, Walker Springs, and Choctaw Bluff in Clarke
County. All three sources have exposed out-crops which are easily quarried.
Faceted and ground nodules of both hematite and limonite occurred in associa-
tion with burials at the McQuorquodale Mound (Wimberly and Tourtelot 1941:12).
The common occurrence of minerals of this nature in many Middle Woodland
burial mounds throughout the Eastern United States indicates that ocher was
widely traded during this time period.
Up to this point only the non-perishable goods which could have been con-
trolled by the Porter Hopewell communities have been mentioned. However, it
is quite likely that a perishable natural resource which was found in Porter
Hopewell territory was procured by these peoples for use in the exchange net-
work. This commodity is salt. This author has previously hypothesized that
salt may have been a major exchange item in the interior highland Hopewell
transaction systems (Walthall 1973). Two salt springs are located in Clarke
County, some ten miles south of the city of Jackson, in the center of Porter
Hopewell territory. Both of these saline springs exhibit evidence of extensive
exploitation by both Woodland and Mississippian groups (Barksdale 1929:8;
Wentowski 1970:22). According to Wentowski (1970:22-23) in her study of salt
as an ecological factor in the prehistory of the Southeastern United States:
The Spanish complained that there was no salt in the provinces of Coza
and Tascaluza (Garcilasco de la Vege, Varner and Varner translation
1951:421-22). These provinces would have been located in central and
northern Alabama. Swanton (1946:303), in surveying sources of salt
along the Gulf Coast between Florida and the Mississippi River, finds
only one aboriginally known source other than the sea. This was the salt
springs of Clarke County, Alabama.
Porter Hopewell can be defined as the Middle Woodland tradition of the
southwestern Alabama region, comprising both the lower Tombigbee and Ala-
bama River systems as well as the Mobile Bay area (Fig. 3). Subsistence ac-
tivities were apparently centered around the procurement of indigenous Coastal
Plain and marine flora and fauna. Several types of cultural traits, including
burial of the dead in mounds, and the presence of exotic status-oriented items
(copper ornaments, galena, a ceramic figurine, etc.) at sites belonging to this
cultural manifestation, indicate that this group participated in the Hopewellian
Sphere of Interaction. An attempt has been made in this paper to briefly syn-
thesize the existing data concerning Porter Hopewell, and to some extent, to
delineate the scarce raw materials utilized by these peoples in exchange net-
works with contemporary interior and coastal ethnic groups.
Working with Midwestern Hopewellian manifestations, Struever and
Houart (1972:78) have postulated several levels of exchange transactions:
"Movement of interaction sphere artifacts and raw materials among local and
regional units is recognizable on at least three levels: a) among villages within
a region; b) among nearby regional cultures; and c) among cultures scattered
over a broad geographical area. It appears that the southern Middle Woodland
transaction systems functioned on a similar hierarchical basis. While this is
yet to be quantitatively demonstrated, several research projects are currently
being planned towards this end. By the use of detailed distributional studies,
combined with analytical techniques, such as neutron activation analysis, the
routes of trade and the geological sources of several of the major southeastern
interaction sphere artifact classes will be identified. Previous studies, like
that presented in the latter portion of this paper, when corroborated by the re-
sults of analytical procedures, will lead towards an operational explanation of
the southern extention of the Hopewellian Sphere of Interaction.
1929 Possible Salt Deposits in the Vicinity of the Jackson Fault, Ala-
bama. Alabama Geological Survey, Circular 10. University, Ala-
1930 Ochers of Alabama. Geological Survey of Alabama, Bulletin 41.
Bullen, Ripley P.
1953 The Famous Crystal River Site. The Florida Anthropologist,
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Cottier, John W.
1970 A Ceramic Figurine from Tallapoosa County, Alabama. Journal
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DeJarnette, David L.
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Griffin, James B., Richard E. Flanders, and Paul F. Titterington
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Kellar, James H., A. R. Kelly, and Edward V. McMichael
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pp. 129-246. Philadelphia.
1895 Certain River Mounds of Duval County, Florida. Journal of the
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June 25, 1974
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