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Title: The Florida anthropologist
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    Corn, Indians, and Spaniards in North-Central Florida: A Technique for Measuring Evolutionary Changes in Corn
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
    Social Name and Mixed-Blood Places: The Freejacks of the Fifth Ward Settlement, Louisiana
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    Bishops Hammock, Broward County, Florida
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        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
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FLORIDA

ANTHROPOLOGIST


PUuISHED BY THE
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.


MARCH 1979


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,- I
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VOLUME 32


NUMBER I


I ,
i








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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
(USPS 200880)










THE


FLORIDA


ANTHROPOLOGIST


VOLUME 32, NUMBER 1


MARCH 1979


Contents


Editor's Page ..................................... ii
Corn, Indians, and Spaniards in North-Central
Florida: A Technique for Measuring
Evolutionary Changes in Corn,
by Tim A. Kohler ........................... 1
Social Name and Mixed-Blood Places:
The Freejacks of the Fifth Ward
Settlement, Louisiana,
by Darrell A. Posey ....................... 8
Bishops Hammock, Broward County, Florida,
by Wilma B. Williams and Bert Mowers ....... 17


Page


0 Mo0







Editor's Page


The 1978 Annual Meeting of the Florida Anthropological
Society will be held in Miami on April 21st. More details will
be distributed via the Society's Newsletter.

The second volume of the Handbook of North American Indians
has been published by the Smithsonian Institution. Northeast,
Volume 15 in the series (they are not being published in order),
may be ordered from the United States Government Printing Office,
Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. 20402. Cost is
$14.50 and orders should specify stock number 047-000-00351-2.
Volume 8, California, has already been published ($13.50; stock
number 047-000-00347-4). Anyone interested in North American
Indians will find these encyclopedia-size volumes indispensable.
Future volumes will continue to be published at the rate of two to
three a year.

In an earlier Editor's Page it was mentioned that the format
of the Florida Anthropologist was to be changed with this number.
However, because of rising publication costs and because a change
in editorship may be forthcoming, this will not be done.

Members of the Florida Anthropological Society living in
south Florida may be interested in a program being sponsored by
The Sanibel-Captiva Conservation Foundation on Friday and
Saturday, March 23 and 24, 1979. The program will include two
speakers each morning from 9 to 12. William H. Sears will talk
about his research at the Ft. Center site in the Okeechobee Basin.
L. Ross Morrell is slated to discuss research carried out on
Marco Island and Carl Clausen will summarize the results of his
project at Little Salt Springs. I will talk about work carried
out on Sanibel Island in conjunction with the Foundation and on
the Indians of the southwestern coast. Liberal use of slides and
other illustrative materials will be featured. If tides and weather
permit, local sites on Sanibel and nearby keys will be visited.
The conference will be held at the Foundation headquarters, 3333
Sanibel-Captiva Road, Sanibel Island, Florida. For more infor-
mation contact the Foundation at P.O. Box 25, Sanibel, FL 33957.

I would like to thank all of the reviewers and contributors
who helped volume 31 of the Florida Anthropologist to be published.
Ms. Annette Fanus, Ms. Sharon Parr, and Ms. Becky Laman of the
Florida State Museum also contributed a great deal of time and
their own expertise to helping "get out" the journal.

JTM








CORN, INDIANS, AND SPANIARDS IN NORTH-CENTRAL FLORIDA:
A TECHNIQUE FOR MEASURING EVOLUTIONARY CHANGES IN CORN

Tim A. Kohler


It has been the grave problem of subsistence studies in the
southeastern United States that poor preservation of plant
materials seriously limits what can be said about that important
aspect of the economy. Outside of peat bogs (Byrd 1974) and dry
caves (Yarnell 1974) preservation of macroscopic floral materials
is rare. This has lead some investigators to intensify attempts
to locate microscopic remains such as possible cultigen pollen
(Sears 1971) or the hardy, but taxonomically unknown, opal
phytoliths (Rovner 1971). Presented here is a technique which
may be of use in the absence of organic remains where the
malleating of ceramics with dried corn cobs over an extended
period of time preserved a measurable record of evolutionary
changes, as is the case in North-Central Florida.

First a few botanical terms must be introduced. The female
inflorescence of corn, usually called the ear, is composed of
many spikelets each of which bears two florets which in most
races, if pollinated, develop into single caryopses, or kernels.
These kernels are usually arranged in an even number of rows around
the cob, or rachis. The slight oval indentation in the rachis in
which each of the kernels is seated is known as the cupule;
surrounding the kernels in the cupule is a series of floral bracts,
the most prominent of which is the lower glume. It is this lower
glume and also occasionally the less obtrusive upper glume which
leave the characteristic impressions on such diverse types as
Alachua Cob Marked, St. Johns Cob Marked, Walnut Roughened, and
Etowah Cob Marked. One of the few people to work with cob
morphology, Norton Nickerson (1953) has shown glume width to be a
racially variable characteristic and a useful indicator of the basal
width of the kernel.

Archeological Corn

It is generally thought that there were four races of corn
which were important in eastern United States in pre-contact and
early historic times. The earliest of these, known only
archeologically, is often referred to as "Tropical Flint" (H.C.
Cutler and L.W. Blake's unpublished manuscript cited in Struever
and Vickery 1973:1199). These are small-eared cobs with 10-16
(most commonly 12-14) rows which, according to Cutler's analysis,
resemble the "Guatemala Tropical Flints." Such corn has been
found in the Hopewell Ansell site in Illinois (McGregor 1958):


The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 32, no. 1, March 1979





CORN


Archeological specimens of corn indicate that the
early history of corn in almost any region began with the
arrival of small-cobbed, small-grained, usually 12- or
14-rowed corn, apparently flint or pop corn. As time
passed, other kinds of corn appeared. The early corn
usually continued to be grown for popping, long after
later kinds, which were easier to prepare and yielded
a greater harvest, were adopted by Indians (Cutler 1965:107).

Galinat and Gunnerson recognize this same early complex but see
its closest relationships with the Mexican Chapalote which they
believe spread from Mexico to the Eastern United States via the
Southwest (1963:132).

The race of corn which soon partially replaced this early
variety in much of the east is known as the Eastern Complex
(Carter and Anderson 1945) or the Northern Flints (Brown and
Anderson 1947). This race is typified by cylindrical cobs with
strong row pairing (that is, any row is much closer to one of
its neighbors than to the other) and a tendency towards 8 or
10 rows. The ear is often somewhat expanded at the base. Corn
from a Ft. Walton mound site in Houston County, Alabama, was
identified by Cutler as a Northern Flint. These ears were
8- or 10-rowed with a mean grain thickness of 3.25 mm (Neuman
1961). Another Ft. Walton site, this one a village on the
Chattahoochee River radiocarbon dated to A.D. 1400 + 200,
yielded a related variety identified as "Caribbean Flint" by
Mangelsdorf (Bullen 1958). The mean kernel width at this site
was 9.4 mm,the mean kernel thickness 4.7 mm, and the mean cupule
width on the cobs was 7.8 mm. The J-5 site was nearly unique
among Florida sites in having both kernels and cobs preserved:
most prehistoric sites where we are lucky enough to find maize
contain only kernels, while most early historic sites, such
as the probable Alachua Ranch (the Zetrouer site, Seaberg 1955)
contain only cobs.

A third type of corn, usually called Basketmaker, is
occasionally found as far east as southern Ohio but has its
center of distribution in the Southwest (Brown and Anderson 1947).
Most ears of this race have 12 or 14 rows on cobs tapering
towards both ends, with irregularly-shaped kernels.

The last race which will concern us here has been called the
Southern Dents by Brown and Anderson (1948). These are a highly
variable group distinguished primarily by characters not related
to cob morphology. They do, however, have either a high row number
or very wide kernels. Those varieties which are not 8-rowed
average 15.8 rows, while the 8-rowed varieties have kernel widths
averaging 12.6 mm in Brown and Anderson's sample of "Old Southern
Dents" (1948:262). There is still considerable controversy as
to whether this race was present in the East prehistorically, or
whether it arose due to the admixture of a Mexican race such as
Tuxpeno with native varieties in early historic times (Sturtevant
1960:13-15).




KOHLER


Brown and Anderson suggest that "the dented varieties published
in the Colonial records were relative newcomers and were in the
process of pushing northward and eastward at the time of European
contact."

Alachua Cob Marked Ceramics

The Alachua Tradition was a late Woodland-style culture
which may have had its origins on the Georgia coast, spreading
to North-Central Florida by A.D. 700-800 and persisting up until
contact times when it can be identified with the Potano branch
of the Timucuan li2uistic group (Milanich 1971). One of the
ceramic types characteristic of the Alachua Tradition is Alachua
Cob Marked. Though this ceramic type has an 800-year time span,
it appears to reach maximum popularity during the middle, or
Alachua, phase of the Alachua Tradition. The characteristic
impressions on the ceramics are made by malleating the unfired
exterior surface of the pot with a dried corn cob. This leaves
the impression of at least the lower glume, and occasionally also
the upper glume, on the unfired pot. Experiments were conducted
with an ear of Southern Dent to test whether the impression
on the ceramics accurately indicates the actual width of the
lower glume; substituting plasticene for ceramics, we found that
it did. (A shrinkage factor of perhaps 10% during the drying
and firing of the pot has not been taken into account here for
simplicity.) So these impressions on the ceramics accurately
model glume width, but do they also predict kernel width,
possibly a more useful criterion? Using another cob of Southern
Dent, we found that it was necessary to multiply the paste
impressions of the glumes by 1.35 to accurately model the actual
kernel width. Unfortunately, this correction factor would be
expected to vary somewhat from race to race, and so predictions
of kernel width from the impressions on the ceramics must be
made with caution. Glume width does, however, seem to be re-
lated to cupule width in a linear fashion (see diagram in
Nickerson 1953:97 where many races cluster along a line described
by y=.66x + 2.6"where x and y are lower glume width and cupule
width in mm, respectively). Cupule width is a measure frequently
used in describing racial variation.

Using glume width as it has been ceramically recorded, then,
we next attempted to test the hypothesis that there was no change
in the corn grown in North-Central Florida between the time of the
earliest Alachua Tradition sites (for which we have no actual
organic remains) dating to about A.D. 700 and the time represented
by the Indian-European contact sites dating to the 1600's. For
this purpose, measurements of glume width impressions were made on
sherds from the Woodward Village site located in southern Alachua
County, Florida. This site, according to ceramic seriation, was
occupied during the early Hickory Pond phase of the Alachua
Tradition, or between perhaps A.D. 700-900 (Milanich 1971:28).
A mean sample glume width of 4.4 mm was indicated.





CORN


This statistic was then compared with a similarly-derived
mean sample glume width from a first period Spanish site thought
to be the Spanish mission San Fransisco de Potano, now in north-
west Gainesville. The mean sample glume width obtained here
was 5.1 mm. A test for comparing two sample means was applied,
using as the null hypothesis that the sample means between the
two sets of impressions were the same. The test statistic was

z= x1- x2

s 2+ s2
1 2
nl n2
For this test, any value of z equal to or greater than 2.33
allows rejection of the null hypothesis at the .01 alpha level.
In fact the computed value of z = 3.24. The sample means are
significantly different, and it would follow that the races of
corn they represent are also. Moreover, the distance between
adjacent lower glumes in the same row was measured when this was
preserved on the ceramics. This measurement is an indicator of
kernel thickness. Using the same test, the impressions on the
sherds from the mission site were shown to be significantly
farther apart than their counterparts from the Woodward Village
site. Thus between A.D. 700 and A.D. 1600 both kernel width and
thickness seem to have enlarged significantly.

But was this change due to slow evolution of the corn through-
out this 900-year period, or due to introgression with new
varieties introduced by the Spaniards to the area? All the same
measurements were made on sherds from an immediately precontact
site of the Alachua phase which probably represents the pre-
historic location of the group which later moved 400 or 500
yards northwest to the mission site--Fox Pond--mentioned above.
Here the mean sample glume width was 4.7 mm, while the sample
mean distance between lower glumes along the cob was 3.5 mm. Both
measurements fall squarely between the values for the A.D. 700
site and the A.D. 1600 site, indicating that there was about as
much change in corn kernel width and thickness during the 200 years
spanning the early contact period as there was during the 500
years immediately prior to it. The obvious inference is that
corn was being imported by the Spanish which introgressed with
or replaced the already present varieties. In fact there is
documentary evidence that as early as 1565 Menendez was buying
corn in Cuba to supply St. Augustine, and by 1566 was obtaining
corn from the Yucatan (Lyon 1976:133-157). Apparently some of this,
at least, was being used as seed corn. When we compute an index
which allows us to compare the degree of relative variation between
the glumes modeled on the Hickory Pond, Alachua, and Potano phase
cob marked ceramics, we find relatively high variation in the
earliest material followed by a reduction in variation until the





KOHLER


arrival of the Spanish, at which time the coefficients of variation
for the indices reflecting both kernel width and thickness increase
substantially (see Table 1).

It is very possible that any corn being brought from the
Yucatan at that date would have been the race known as Tuxpeffo,
a race which has frequently been indicated as one of the sources
of germplasm for the Southern Dents of the Eastern United States
(Welhausen et al. 1952:149-155). It seems likely, though such
a statement is risky without actual organic remains, that the race
of corn being utilized by peoples of the Alachua Tradition (as
well as along much of the Gulf Coast during the late prehistoric
period: cf. Cutler's remarks in Neuman 1961:77) was a variety
of the Eastern Complex (or Northern Flint) race. The variety in
use by the Alachua peoples seems to have been very similar in
kernel width to that recovered at the Ft. Walton culture Seaborn
Mound by Neuman, but somewhat smaller in both kernel width and
thickness in comparison with the kernels found by Bullen at J-5.
The gradual prehistoric enlargement of the kernels which we have
hypothesized for the North Central Florida area could be due to
either conscious or unconscious selection for these (or linked)
characteristics, or it could be due to influence from larger
varieties in cultivation by some of the contemporaneous Weeden
Island or Ft. Walton peoples. It seems at least possible that
the introgression of TuxpeKo or a related Mexican race with the
already present Eastern Complex varieties in areas such as North-
Central Florida could have given rise to the Southern Dents, which
were soon to be brought together again with Northern Flints to
form our modern hybrid corn-belt maizes.

Table 1. Comparison of glume impressions on Alachua Cob Marked
ceramics from three sites.

Woodward
Village A-273 Fox Pond


Approximate date A.D. 800 A.D. 1400 A.D. 1600

Phase within Alachua Tradition Hickory Alachua Potano
Pond

Cob marked ceramics at site (%) 4.0 53.2 6.5

x impression glume width (mm) 4.4 4.7 5.1
n of measurements 27 24 30
standard deviation 0.58 0.41 0.67
coefficient of variation (%) 13 9 13

x vertical distance between
glume impressions (mm) 3.3 3.5 3.7
n of measurements 20 29 30
standard deviation 0.55 0.41 0.72
coefficient of variation (%) 17 12 19




CORN


Acknowledgements

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 33rd
Southeastern Archaeological Conference, November, 1976 in
Tuscaloosa, Alabama, and profited from criticism by Dr. Charles
H. Fairbanks, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida.





References Cited


Brown, William L. and Edgar Anderson
1947 The Northern Flint Corns. Annals of the Missouri
Bonatical Garden 34:1-29.

1948 "The Southern Dent Corns." Annals of the Missouri
Botanical Garden 35:255-268.

Bullen, Ripley P.
1958 Six Sites Near the Chattahoochee River in the Jim
Woodruff Reservoir Area, Florida. Bureau of American
Ethnology, Bulletin 169, River Basin Surveys Papers
14:315-357. Washington.

Byrd, Kathleen Mary
1974 Tchefuncte Subsistence Patterns: Morton Shell Mound,
Iberia Parish, Louisiana. Unpublished master's thesis,
Louisiana State University.

Carter, George F. and Edgar Anderson
1945 A Preliminary Survey of Maize in the Southwestern
United States. Annals of the Missouri Botanical
Garden 32:297-322.

Cutler, Hugh C.
1965 Cultivated Plants. In The McGraw Site, ed. by Olaf
Prufer, pp. 107-112. Scientific Publications of the
Cleveland Museum of Natural History, new series, 3(1).

Galinat, Walton C. and James H. Gunnerson
1963 Spread of Eight-rowed Maize from the Prehistoric
Southwest. Botanical Museum Leaflets, Harvard
University, 20:117-145.

Lyon, Eugene
1976 The Enterprise of Florida. Gainesville: University
Presses of Florida.

McGregor, John C.
1958 The Pool and Irving Villages. Urbana: University of
Illinois Press.




KOHLER


Milanich, Jerald T.
1971 The Alachua Tradition of North Central Florida.
Contributions of the Florida State Museum, Anthropology
and History, 17.

Neuman, Robert W.
1961 Domesticated Corn from a Ft. Walton mound site in
Houston County, Alabama. Florida Anthropologist
14:75-80.

Nickerson, Norton H.
1953 Variation in Cob Morphology among Certain
Archeological and Ethnological Races of Maize.
Annals of the Missouri Botanical Garden 40:79-111.

Rovner, Irwin
1971 Potential of Opal Phyoliths for Use in Paleoecological
Reconstruction. Quaternary Research 1:343-359.

Sears, William H.
1971 Food Production and Village Life in Prehistoric
Southeastern United States. Archaeology 24:322-329.

Seaberg, Lillian M.
1955 The Zetrouer site: Indian and Spaniard in Central
Florida. Unpublished master's thesis, University of
Florida.

Sturtevant, William C.
1960 The Significance of Ethnological Similarities between
Southeastern North America and the Antilles. X al
University Publications in Anthropology 64. New Haven.

Welhausen, E.J. et al.
1952 Races of Maize in Mexico: Their Origin, Characteristics,
and Distribution. Cambridge, Mass: Bussey Institute
of Harvard University.

Yarnell, Richard Asa
1974 Plant Food and Cultivation of the Salts Cavers. In
Archeology of the Mammoth Cave Area, ed. by P.J.
Watson, pp. 113-122. New York: Academic Press.



Gainesville, Florida
January, 1978







SOCIAL NAME AND MIXED-BLOOD PLACES:
THE FREEJACKS OF THE FIFTH WARD SETTLEMENT, LOUISIANA

Darrell A. Posey

The development of a distinctive group name is extremely
important in the development of a socially distinct group.
Naming represents a formal acknowledgement of a group's
existence and solidifies group boundaries (Cohen 1969:103).
For racially-mixed groups like the Freejacks of the Fifth Ward
Settlement in southeastern Louisiana, this name also denotes
a distinctive social and racial category.

Since colonial days racial mixing has frequently occurred
in the South due to the inevitable side-by-side existence of
various racial groups. Mixed-blood offspring often were able
to identify with and be accepted into one of the three socially
recognized groups: black, white, or Indian. In certain isolated
geographic areas, however, groups of mixed-bloods developed
that fell outside of the established categories. "In time, these
pockets of humanity came to occupy distinct areas, with more
or less recognizable, if variable, physical features, a name by
which they were known in the surrounding community, and often
a reputation as well" (Pollitzer 1972:719). The Fifth Ward
Settlement is such a community, whose distinctive development
and mixed racial heritage is reflected in the variety of expla-
nations of the group's name.

Names applied to mixed-blood groups are not merely labels
for genetic mixtures. These terms signify an actual social
category. Racial ambiguity of the category, however, makes its
use unclear and uncommon for most of main stream society. Since
mixed-bloods do not fit into any of the "pure categories" of
white, Indian or black, these groups have always been regarded
as puzzling and mysterious (Hudson 1971:8). The question of
socially defined and recognized categories of the race is itself
a complicated anthropological problem dealt with elsewhere by the
author (Posey 1973). Suffice it to say that the concept of
"racial purity" is still persistent in American ideology.

The anomalous nature of these groups has facilitated the
development of a vast lore and mythology explaining, justifying,
and, at the same time, reifying local stereotypes and social
boundaries. The name Freejack, for example, not only labels
residents of the Fifth Ward Settlement, but also crystallizes and
codifies the essential beliefs about them. Different interpre-
tations of the name reveal these beliefs and together establish
the place of the Freejack in the overall social structure of the
area.


The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 32, no. 1, March 1979




POSEY


The Fifth Ward Settlement

The origins of the Fifth Ward Settlement go back to 1785
when Jean Baptiste Raab received a land grant from Spain along
the northern shore of Lake Pontchetrain in eastern Louisiana
(then called West Florida). Raab had several children by a Free
Woman of Color who had fled the rebellions in Haiti and settled
in Louisiana. Free People of Color were people of mixed-blood
ancestry who entered Louisiana as free; many owned slaves as they
had previously done in Haiti (see Debow 1859). These people
enjoyed most of the freedoms afforded to whites until the racial
fright that struck the South in the 1820's (see Stahl 1934;
Sterx 1972; Rousseve 1937).

Raab was also married to a white woman and had several other
children by this woman. Since Louisiana did not recognize misce-
genous marriages, only the children of the white woman were con-
sidered legitimate heirs to Raab's wealthy estate. His mixed-
blood children were forced to leave the original settlement on the
coast and settle north along a nearby river. It was this latter
Creole group of Raab descendents that became the core of the ori-
ginal Fifth Ward Settlement. Creole is used here to refer to
mixed-blood or "colored" Creoles (see Cable 1884; Gayerre 1854).
This reflects the more modern use of the word, though technically
anyone of Spanish or French descent could be classified as Creole.

Eventually other mixed-blood families joined the small and
remote Creole group. When harsh laws were enacted in the South
just prior to the Civil War to restrict liberties of Free People
of Color, many of these people fled to remote mixed-blood communities
like the Fifth Ward Settlement to escape repression. (For example,
see Sister Frances Woods 1972 study of the struggle of a single
colored Creole Family in Louisiana through ten generations of chang-
ing racial attitudes). Creole families came to the Settlement from
New Orleans, Mobile, and as far away as the Carolinas and Georgia.

Free People of Color tried very hard to establish an identity
distinct from slaves and Freed Negroes. Many of these Free People
of Color were well-educated, wealthy, and themselves owned slaves
(Goodson 1924). After slave emancipation, however, mixed-bloods
were grouped together with all groups of blacks into a category they
despised--"Colored". Along with social humiliation came almost total
financial destruction. By the turn of the century, Freejacks and
other mixed-blood groups were reduced to poverty equal to that of
any black in the South. Most remain "poor dirt farmers" even today.

Throughout the history of the Fifth Ward Settlement the Free-
jacks have fought to be identified separately from the blacks.
Because of this they refuse to associate with blacks. Likewise
whites refuse to fraternize with the mixed-bloods. Freejacks are,
therefore, left in "social limbo", somewhere above blacks in social
status, but below whites (Parenton and Pellegrin 1950:152). This
enigma of racial mixture is expressed by their anomolous social status
and codified by their distinctive group name. ("Freejack" is the
actual name used to refer to this mixed-blood community. All family
names, however, are fictitious.)




SU


Analysis of the Settlement Name

One of the major qualifications for a community to be
classified as a racially-mixed isolate or marginal group is the
development of a distinctive group name. According to E. T. Price
(1962:5), "They must exist in such numbers and concentrations
to be recognized in their locality as such a group and usually be
identified by a distinguishing group name." This is not an
arbitrary statement resulting from a generalization about mixed-
bloods, but an important requirement for community maintenance
and development. Only when there are enough individuals of mixed-
race to receive a group name can these people assume a group or
community identity.

Group identity is often imposed upon the mixed-blood group
against its will and usually with serious objection. The identity
has nonetheless been established and made viable through use and
promulgation by other racial groups. This formalization of the
group's existence is followed by solidification of social boundaries
(Cohen 1969:103). It is much easier to perpetrate generalities
about a group than it is to create prejudice against many indi-
viduals. Once a name for the marginal group has been established,
others find it easier to attach labels, develop stereotypes and
advance derogatory generalizations about the groups. Naming can
also signal to scattered individuals of mixed-race the existence of
a group of "their kind" and encourage movement of such individuals
into formalized groups.

Hudson (1971:8) insists that mixed-blood group names are not
merely labels of genetic mixtures, but rather signify an actual
social category. The term "Redbone", for example, refers to a
racial-social category of mixed-blooded peoples scattered over
western Louisiana and eastern Texas. The name "Melungeon" has
similar connotations in eastern Tennessee and southwestern Virginia.
According to Werner (1974:83) this term indicates more about social
and cultural unity than biological unity. The name Freejack, how-
ever, not only denotes a particular genetic mixture and social
category, but also pinpoints an exact geographic location -- a
specific community. There are at least three additional communities
of people with similar racial mixture within thirty miles of the
Settlement. Yet only the Fifth Ward Settlement is associated with
the name Freejack. This name seems to indicate a high degree of
social and cultural unity as well as a biological unity. The Free-
jacks are in fact a recognizable distinct cultural and social group.
Their social distinction is a result of their anamolous racial
classification. Their cultural distinctions hinge on subtle differ-
ences in house type, life style, dress, food habits and standard of
living, which are delineated by non-Freejacks as being distinctively
different. Their biological unity is a result of a century and a
half of endogamy (Posey 1973).

The name Freejack is derogatory. As for other mixed-blood
groups, the name encompasses all the prejudices and stereotypes held
by the surrounding society. Freejack is never used jokingly. One
Settlement member would never call another a "Freejack" unless a
fight was in order. One incident was witnessed in a crowded bar


FREEJACKS




POSEY


that resulted from an inhabitant calling another a Freejack.
Pistols were drawn and participants squared off. Fortunately,
some sobriety rallied from a few bar frequenters and those riled
were hustled outside to settle things with their fists. The
barkeeper himself was as usual too drunk to be thankful that his
establishment was not dirtied with blood and bullet holes, but
the writer, not more than a yard away, was immensely relieved.

Black informants indicated that the term Freejack is used
between blacks when discussing people of the Settlement, but only
when privacy is insured. Blacks have most often been the object
of the wrath and volatility of the Freejacks and the black
community strives to avoid further confrontation. Blacks attribute
the name Freejack to the whites and often prefer to use their
own designation for Settlement inhabitants--"Crackers." Cracker
is used in parts of the South to refer to the traditional "poor
white". In the Settlement area, however, it has a more specific
meaning, for it is never used to describe any other except the
mixed-bloods. When asked why Cracker was used to describe the
people of the Settlement, one black informant explained: "because
they are like soda crackers--white and all, but with little brown
specks on them". This usage reflects the black community's
insistence that Freejacks are simple descendents of slaves who
mixed with whites. As one black put it, "they're just colored
people trying to pretend they ain't."

The real insights into attitudes about the inhabitants of
the Fifth Ward Settlement are reflected in the explanations about
the origin of the name Freejack. "I don't know for sure how they
got the name 'Freejack', said one white informant, "but it sure
describes that group real well--and when you say to somebody
around here 'Freejack', they know what you mean exactly". The
explanations for the origin and derivation of the name Freejack
are quite diverse, but each is indicative of persistent attitudes
and beliefs about the Settlement. The following were collected
while conducting research in the Settlement area. (Data for this
analysis was gathered during a six month research period in the
spring of 1973. The researcher lived in the Settlement during
this period but had visited the Freejacks periodically for eight
years previous.)

(1) Few things are written about Freejacks. One booklet
by Andre Cajun (1947) claims the term comes from an old Louisiana
custom: "In the early days a group of farmers who desired to
raise mules pooled the necessary amount of cash and purchased a
jack (a male donkey) and turned the animal loose on open range.
When a farmer required the services of the animal, he would round
up the jack, and after a period of time, drive it back to the
open range to be at the disposal of another farmer--hence the
term "freejack".

There is neither historical evidence nor local tradition to
add credence to this story. It would seem a vestige of folklore
would remain if this story had any factual basis. Besides the
account hardly explains the unique nature of the Settlement.




FREEJACKS


(2) A second explanation is equally amusing, though consider-
ably more colorful. It was related by a well-respected white
rancher in the area. Fancying himself as a local historian, he
began to explain: "You see, son, when them Indians lived round
here--and that wasn't too long ago--those young warriors'd go off
on raiding parties for months at a time and they'd leave their
women behind. I mean to tell you, son, some of those Indian women
were beautiful--that long black hair and dark eyes and pretty
complexion. Well, you see they got kinda lonely--you know what
I mean--for their menfolk and they kinda liked white men too. So
the menfolk around would venture off to the Indian camps for some
free 'jack'."

"What's free jack?" I asked with programmed naivete.

With slight disgust he grunted: "Jack is what you have to
pay to get down at those bawdy houses in New Orleans".

There may be some factual basis to this explanation, but
probably very little. It was related by two individuals, however,
and clearly has a few devotees.

(3) By far the most popular explanation for the origin of the
name Freejack concerns Andrew Jackson and the Battle of New Orleans.
Of the thirty whites asked about the derivation of Freejack,
twenty-four of them advanced this story or a variation thereof.

When Andrew Jackson came from Tennessee to help defend New
Orleans in the War of 1812, he and his troops traveled the Natchez
Trace (Watson 1963). The Trace ran from Nashville to Natchez with
an extension, called the "Turnpike", continuing to New Orleans.
The Turnpike ran through the center of the Fifth Ward Settlement,
or, more correctly, the Settlement grew up around the Turnpike.
Jackson and his generals needed laborers for carpenters, black-
smiths, cooks, etc. Slaves were acquired from local farmers to
perform these tasks. After the successful expulsion of the British
in the Battle of New Orleans, Jackson freed these slaves and gave
them land grants in the Settlement area as a reward for there
services. To prove their freedom, the former slaves were given
slips of paper with the simple notice "Men of Color, Freed by
Jackson". According to informants, Jackson's signature was
hurriedly scrawled so that only "Free Jack" was legible.

There is no historical basis to this account. Neither court-
house records nor the American State Papers (1832) suggest that
any land was granted to these "former slaves". Likewise, in none
of the numerous histories of Louisiana or the Battle of New Orleans
is there any evidence to substantiate the notion that Jackson
freed any slaves or had the power to do so. There is also a major
conflict of terms in this explanation. "Men of Color" were
already free and themselves could own slaves; therefore, "Men of
Color, Freed..." is a contradiction. The lack of distinction
between Men of Color and slaves is a post-Emancipation Proclamation
development and unfortunately persists in modern writings about




POSEY


the ante-bellum South. This explanation, therefore, is probably
a relatively modern development.

(4) A somewhat different account seems historically and
factually more possible. According to two white informants, the
term "Freejack" is derived from "Men of Color who fought for
Jackson". A search of Casey's (1963:ixii) compilation of men
who fought in Fortier's (Lacoste's) First Battalion of Free Men
of Color, shows no less than twenty-three individuals who later
reappear as residents of the original Fifth Ward Settlement.
This explanation was advanced by only three white residents, but
seems to be supported by documentary evidence. One major fallacy,
however, makes this explanation tenuous: Casey's list does not
show a single member of the Raab family, which was the nucleus
for the Settlement.

(5) Another account is heard that is simple, yet feasible
and historically accurate. "Jack" was a common name used through-
out the South to refer to black males. People who were racially
mixed, but who were not slaves, could logically be called "free
jacks". This explanation seems most feasible and is supported
by research with other mixed-blood groups. (for example, see Cohen;
1971:90-91, concerning the use of the term "jack").

The correct explanation of the origin of the term Freejack is
impossible to determine. Local documents and historical records
point to a combination of the last two accounts as being the most
historically feasible. Unravelling the origin of the term, how-
ever, is not as important as analyzing why certain explanations
predominate over others. It is indicative, for example, that the
most prevalent account of whites--that Freejack means "Men of
Color freed by Jackson"--is the least plausible based on historical
evidence. It is also significant that this explanation is most
evident in members of the white community under fifty years of age.
Older persons believe that Freejacks were simply "free niggers".

This seems to indicate that the former explanation was later
in its development, or perhaps more accurately, later in general
acceptance. The tendency for younger people to adhere to the
"freed by Jackson" account is possible due to a change in attitudes
toward Settlement residents. To older generations, Freejacks
were indeed the "scum of the earth" and it was harder to be scummier
than "free nigger" to the Anglo-American whites of the area.
Although today Freejacks are still in a social strata lower than
whites, they are thought to have made considerable "advancements"
(primarily financial) and are admired for their hard work, honesty,
family and community closeness. The idea that they are "Men of
Color freed by Jackson" satisfies both needs of the whites in
summarizing the status of the Freejack: a degree of honor is
afforded anyone who fought for Jackson and is worthy of praise, but
the never forgotten stigma of mixed-blood is preserved.

One perspective is missing: how do Freejacks account for their
name? In a fortunate and rare interview, several Settlement inhab-
itants talked about being Freejacks and explained the derivation




FREEJACKS


of the name as follows:

(6) The first settlers in these parts were English. They
came to America as indentured servants and settled here. That's
the only way they could afford to get over here. They had to work
for a long time and then after they'd worked off their indenture,
they'd be free to do what they wanted. So I guess when they were
free--lot of 'em would be called 'Jack something'--and they'd just
say to him, 'you're free Jack', and that's how our families got
that name."

This explanation gives a third angle of insight into naming.
There is no mention of any racial mixture; quite the contrary,
acceptable English ancestors as indentured servants account for
the origin. Their ancestors were just simple, hard-working folk.

In over eight years of periodic visits with the Freejacks,
this one account is the sole example collected in which Freejacks
openly talked about their name, or group origin. Any topic that
might lead to a discussion of or questions about racial origins
is carefully avoided. Freejacks consider themselves white and there-
fore to be like other whites in the area. To talk about anything
that might threaten that image is avoided. Thus explanations and
discussions of name and origin are activities of blacks and whites,
not Freejacks.

These six accounts are more than simple attempts to explain
the origins of a term. They represent in their use and explanation
the contrasting attitudes of the three social-racial groups (white,
black and Freejack) in the Settlement area toward the Freejacks.
Thus a name is considerable more important than just a group label.

Conclusions

The purpose of this paper has not been just to present folklore
about the name "Freejack", but rather to show explanations for this
name are used to define and delineate the anamolous nature of the
racially-mixed Fifth Ward Settlement The development of a group
name is very important in solidifying group boundaries. Naming is
a signal of formal recognition of a group's existence and begins
to facilitate the development and promulgation of stereotypes and
lore about that group. For the racially-mixed group, acquisition
of a special group name also reifies traditional "pure" racial
categories. Since the Freejacks fall outside recognized racial
groupings, they represent an anamolous group that remains puzzling
and mysterious. It is for this reason so much lore has grown up
around the Fifth Ward Settlement. Choice of name and explanations
for that choice reveal the Freejack's anamolous place in the racially
stratified society of the area and perpetuate traditional stereo-
types about mixed-bloods and the social barriers that separate and
define them. Even more importantly, this entire process underlines
the arbitrary, yet powerful, nature of socially determined racial
groupings. There is no way to prove which, if any, of the original
explanations is correct. Such an exercise would be futile, for
regardless of "fact", each story is used by its respective devotees




POSEY


as though it were fact. The value of this analysis thus lies in
revealing the importance of names and naming as a reflection of
social attitudes and barriers toward the perpetuation of traditional
social-racial concepts.


References Cited

American State Papers
1832 American State Papers. Washington: Geroge Washington
Press.

Cable, George W.
1884 The Creoles of Louisiana. New York: Charles Scribners
Sons.

Cajun, Andre (pseudonym for Andrew Navard)
1947 Why Louisiana Has. New Orleans: Cajun Publishing.

Casey, Powell A.
1963 Louisiana in the War of 1812. Baton Rouge: Claitor.

Cohen, David
1971 They Walk the Hills. Unpublished Ph.D dissertation,
Department of English, University of Pennsylvania.

Cohen, Yehudi A.
1969 Social Boundary Systems. Current Anthropology
10(1): 103-125..

DeBow, J.D.B., ed.
1859 Free Negroes in Hayti. DeBow's Review 26:526-549.

Gayarre, Charles
1854 History of Louisiana. New York: Redfield.

Goodson, Carter
1924 Negro Owners of Slaves in the United States in 1830.
washington, u.u.

Hudson, Charles, ed.
1971 Red, White, and Black: Symposium on the Indians in the
Old South. Southern Anthropological Society Proceedings
No. 5. Athens: University of Georgia Press.

Parenton, Vernon J. and Rolan J. Pellegrin
1950 The Sabines. Social Forces 29(21:148-154.

Pollitzer, William S.
1972 The Physical Anthropology and Genetics of Marginal
People of the Southeastern United States. American
Anthropologist 74(3):719-734.




FREEJACKS


Posey, Darrell A.
1973 The Freejacks of Louisiana: A Triracial Marginal
Group. Unpublished Masters Thesis, Department of
Geography and Anthropology, Louisiana State University.

Price, Edward T.
1962 Mixed-Blood Populations of the Eastern United States.
Unpublished Ph.D Dissertation, Department of Geography,
University of California, Berkeley.

Rousseve, Charles B.
1937 The Negro in Louisiana. New Orleans: Xavier.


Stahl, Annie
1934


The Free Negro in Ante-bellum Louisiana. Masters
Thesis, Department of History, Louisiana State
University.


Sterx, H.E.
1972


The Free Negro in Ante-Bellum Louisiana.
Fairleigh Dickinson University Press.


Cranbury, N.J.:


Watson, Elbert L.
1965 Tennessee at the Battle of New Orleans. Baton Rouge:
One-Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary Committee in
Louisiana.

Werner, Diana
1974 The Melungeons: An Interstitial Racial Category of the
Southern Appalachians. Unpublished Masters Thesis,
Department of Anthropology, University of Georgia, Athens.

Woods, Sr. Frances Jerome, C.D.P.
1972 Marginality and Identity: A Colored Creole Family
Through Ten Generations. Baton Rouge: LSU Press.

Atlanta, Georgia
March, 1977









BISHOPS HAMMOCK, BROWARD COUNTY, FLORIDA


Wilma B. Williams and Bert Mowers
Broward County Archaeological Society


Bishops Hammock is one of the many Everglades tree islands
or hammocks that were occupied by various South Florida aborigines
for about three thousand years. East of the Conservation Areas
all of the hammocks are privately owned and are in constant
danger of destruction by the developer. In the past, such sites
have been salvaged by excavation. Permission to excavate the
Bishops Hammock site, located just east of levee 35A in an area
which is developing rapidly, was granted by Mr. and Mrs. James
Swift.

The site was excavated in two stages, the first was from
April through July, 1971 and the second from January through
May, 1974. Since no excavations were done on the property between
these periods, this report treats the two together. The site,
8Bd66, is located in Section 18, Township 49S, Range 41E. Pres-
ently the hammock, which measures approximately 150 by 200 feet,
is covered on the north edge by Brazilian peppers and a large
ficus tree. On the south part of the mound was one lone bald
cypress, the remnant of an old stand.

Excavations

After the survey and contour readings were taken, a grid of
five by five foot units was laid out (Fig. 1). During the earlier
excavations the excavation units were placed on the base lines for
maximum retrieval. During the later excavation, the same grid and
datum was used and the work continued by expanding the original
area to include the higher part of the site and the perimeter.
A total of thirty three five by five foot squares were excavated,
all in arbitrary six inch levels.

Ceramic Artifacts

Glades Plain is the predominant pottery type found at the
site. Because it was manufactured during the entire range of time
from the Florida Transitional period through the Glades I, II, and
III periods it alone is not a good indicator of duration of site
occupation. However, most of the recognized decorated types of
the Glades pottery series were represented and indicate occupation
throughout the Glades tradition.

The Florida Transitional period (Bullen 1959) was marked by
a number of very early Glades gritty ware sherds and several pieces
of early St. Johns thick, chalky ware. The Glades I period was
indicated by a small number of Ft. Drum Punctated and Ft. Drum Rim


The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 32, no. 1, March 1979
























(0
CM
NYe


iE;1''
Nrz


I
N 1-
0
z


00


I -,


S --1 Z O c- 0 C


Fig. 1. Contours and excavation units. Contour
lines labeled in feet relative to datum.


BISHOPS HAMMOCK


S. .


Ca


Sa
I *


*
* *


ur





WILLIAMS AND MOWERS


Ticked Sherds (John Griffin, personal communication, 1968).
Eight sherds of a probable Ft. Drum variant were found
(Goggin 1964:171), all belonging to the same pot but found
in different levels in adjoining different squares. The two
lines of punctations are not continuous, but are in intervals
around the rim.

Glades II types present were Miami Incised, Dade Incised,
Key Largo Incised, Opa Locka Incised and Peace Camp Plain
(Mowers and Williams 1972). Representing the Glades III period
were Glades Tooled and Surfside, plus the St. Johns Check
Stamped which accounts for a large percentage of the final tally
of ceramics. A substantial number of Belle Glade sherds were
found throughout the mound. This ware has a wide areal dis-
tribution in the Glades region (Table 1).

A Glades Plain variant, tentatively called Broward Plain,
has been separated from the general grouping. It is buff to
light gray, with soft eroded surface but a hard irregular core.
When areal distribution is determined and this type becomes
better known, formal definition may be made (Table 1).

Bishops Hammock contains many unclassified sherds. A large
number of these can be identified only as being from outside
southeast Florida. The arrival and departure of many waterborne
visitors to the Everglades hammocks may account for this variety
of types (Fig. 2).

Non-ceramic Artifacts

The basic hand tool or shell celt made from the Strombus
gigas shell was found in quantity. Analysis of these celts showed
blanks, adzes, and axes were present (Fig. 3). Their numerical
distribution followed the same pattern of Laxson's study of 664
celts (Laxson 1964) which showed blanks most common and axes least
common. These tools were probably used in the construction of
shelters, dug-outs, paddles, and the like and in the preparation
of skins. Such celts, used in many ways, were probably an im-
portant tool in everyday life. The largest number of celts were
found in levels 2, 3 and 4 (Table 2), unlike the Markham Park No.2
site, where more were found in levels 5, 6 and 7 (Williams and
Mowers 1977).

Busycon tools were next in importance (Table 2;
Fig. 4). Each has the truncated beak, the notch in the outer
whorl and the hole in the opposite wall of the shell with either
one or two holes in the top. The haft was placed through the
notch to the opposite hole and twisted slightly against the
columella to hold it firmly in place. Lashing probably completed
the process. The uses of the Busycon contrarium were fourfold.
The animal could be eaten; the columella could be used for a pick
or chisel and the remainder of the shell used for a dipper or ladle;




BISHOPS HAMMOCK


Table 1. Pottery distribution by levels, all squares.
Pottery Types L-l L-2 L-3 L-4 L-5 L-6 L-7 Total
Glades Tooled 83 4 1 88
St. Johns Check Stamped 860 621 52 5 1538
Peace Camp Plain 26 31 2 59
Surfside Incised 2 9 3 14
Broward Plain (tentative) 166 141 9 316
Key Largo Incised 2 11 2 4 19
Dade Incised 4 4
Opa Locka Incised 1 1
Miami Incised 5 5
Ft. Drum Rim Ticked 3 20 1 24
Ft. Drum Punctated 5 8 5 1 19
Ft. Drum Rim Grooved 1 1
Pasco Plain 4 4
Belle Glade Plain 333 99 76 6 514
Glades Plain 3653 5277 1880 356 34 8 3 11211
St. Johns Plain 523 384 128 26 1061
St. Johns Decorated 1 11 2 14
Glades Red 12 7 17 6 1 43
Glades Plain Rim Grooved 2 8 10
unclassified decorated 1 20 4 8 5 38
unclassified ware 726 1261 502 191 13 2693
ceramic object 1 1 2
modern glazed ware 15 4 19
Totals 6411 7913 2703 603 56 8 3 17697



Table 2. Non-ceramic artifacts by levels, all squares.

Artifacts L-l L-2 L-3 L-4 L-5 L-6 L-7 Total
shark vertebrae 6 25 39 4 2 76
shark teeth 69 103 42 6 2 1 223
shark teeth (perforated) 3 5 5 1 14
bone bi-points 30 89 34 8 2 1 2 166
bone socketed points 4 7 10 2 1 24
bone gouges 2 2 4
bone awls 1 1
bone single point 1 1
bone double stemmed point 1 1
Strombus celts 12 36 21 14 4 2 89
Busycon tools & fragments 68 75 53 53 16 1 266
columnella tools & tips 28 21 18 7 3 77
worked shell fragments 3 9 8 3 1 24
worked bone 7 24 17 9 3 60
worked stone 1 1 2 4
Macrocallista fragments 25 34 34 12 10 115
stingray spline (worked) 1 1
antler 20 28 13 11 4 76
modern artifacts 3 1 4
Totals 280 462 294 133 48 5 4 1226





WILLIAMS AND MOWERS


*~t~A


3 -4 5 6


i 0 1 12 1;3 I;


I

Fig. 2. Unclassified sherds; a, random indented, half small pot;
b, light sand-tempered plain used as hone; c, heavy sand-tempered


$t#if I1





BISHOPS HAMMOCK


a. .
r ;.

/. 'r t- '.
:*?*' /*

/ r -|


I,


AF' -.


-. A .





<,


Fig. 3. Strombus celts; a, adze blade indented for hafting; b, axe
blade with fused food remains; c, axe blade with concretion.


nB
aw




WILLIAMS AND MOWERS


Fig. 4. Busycon tools.


_ _


X-J. V A/




24 BISHOPS HAMMOCK


Fig. 5. Columella tools; a,


scraper; b, awl; c, chisel.




WILLIAMS AND MOWERS


a b c










94









d e


TRC 2 43

Fig. 6. Miscellaneous artifacts; a, shell ring; b, unfired musket
ball; c, European bead with insets; d-g, columella pendants.


Fig. 7. Three miniature celts with adze blades (pointing down).





BISHOPS HAMMOCK


and the whole shell, slightly modified with the notches and holes,
could be hafted (Goggin and Sommer 1949:72).

The columella tool and pendants made from the Pleuroploca
gigantea were found in varying forms throughout the site
(Table 2). An exceptional columella chisel was found in square
K-20 (Fig. 5). It was 21 1/2 centimeters long and is notched for
hafting. Also found were smaller columella pendants (Fig. 6) and
three miniature celts, all with adze blades, possibly ceremonial
in function (Fig. 7).

Bone

Some bone artifacts show evidence of the process used in
their manufacture. The end of a deer cannon bone was ringed with
a cut. A three inch small animal bone has a saw mark near the
top; another three inch small animal bone was ringed and cut mid-
way of the bone (Fig. 8). Four specimens of carved bone pins,
pegged-top, flat-headed, side notches, and plain, and numerous
bone points were excavated (Fig. 9).

Burial

The one human burial, probably adult female, found at
Bishops Hammock was in grid N-19, level 5 (Fig. 10). It was a
primary, flexed burial with the skull pointed toward the west
and the face turned downward. Inside the mandible was a deer
antler tip. A number of Ampullaria snail shells were around the
skull and fire stones, fractured by heat, were under it. Bits of
charcoal were intermingled with the soil in the area of the rib
cage. Concretion had been forming at this level in the site and
completely incased the bones. The burial was lifted in two
sections and removed to Florida Atlantic University Anthropology
Department for analysis.

Historic Artifacts

Two historic artifacts deserve mention. A small oval bead
was found with four insets and blue, silver and red stripes of
either glass, enamel or paint. The other is a musket ball from
a percussion trade rifle. It had never been fired (Fig. 6).

Summary and Conclusions

All indications show that Bishops Hammock was a small,
thriving village or camp, occupied most heavily during the Glades
II and Glades III periods. Travel from coast to coast was evi-
dently a way of life even at that time. The 1841-42 map by
Sprague (Fig. 11) shows the Everglades much like it must have
been during the time of the Tequesta Indian. On the map, routes
of Major Child and Captain Wright followed the age-old routes
of the Indians from island to island. A modern infrared sat-
ellite map made 132 years later in 1974 (Fig. 12) still shows




WILLIAMS AND MOWERS 27


Fig. 8. Bone artifacts; a, cut deer bone; b-c, cutanimal bone;
d, deer bone gouge; e, socketed bone point.


LAj


a'.


4 5 65


Fig. 9. Bone artifacts; j-k,
m, long bi-point; n,
p, side-notched pin;


'4I
r- i .


I:
Ae+i~
..
t
t. `'"


-', t '* y
''** ?i r '
ai




a p q r


8 9 1'0 '2


broken bi-points; 1, socketed point;
side-notched pin; o, peg-topped pin;
q, carved-top pin; r, grooved-top pin.


f





BISHOPS HAMMOCK


I


Ir
15
.ts "rj

1-

L i


Fig. 10. Burial in concretion.


.-r


\y%





WILLIAMS AND MOWERS


the ancient waterways used by the aborigines centuries before.

From the west the Indian dugouts could leave the Immokolee
rise, skirt the Big Cypress swamp, and travel through the wet
prairies and sloughs around the cypress domes, to the river of
grass called the Everglades. Once there, the Indians could camp
on the tree islands. Similarly, if people came from the north,
passage was readily available down the small rivers flowing into
Lake Okeechobee.

It is increasingly evident that the Indians in southeast
Florida were water oriented by necessity, moving from place to
place via canoe trails. People from outside the region frequently
traveled into southeast Florida also via canoe, leaving behind
pottery different from that of the indigenous Indians. Trade of
shell artifacts out of southeast Florida must have been common
since Busycon contrarium containers and Strombus celts are found
in Florida sites far north of the normal range of the shells.

A late Florida Transitional period of Glades I period for
site occupation is suggested by a few early St. Johns Plain and
Glades Plain sherds found in levels 5, 6 and 7 of eight units.
Five of these units were excavated through the fifth level, three
were excavated through the seventh level. The early St. Johns
pottery, a thick, chalky ware, is coeval with the early Glades
Plain. Both fall into the Florida Transitional period (Bullen
1959), extending into the Glades I times. Some Belle Glade plain
sherds were found in levels 1 and 2. Evidently north-south travel
was well established in the early Glades I and Glades II times.
The Ft. Drum Incised pottery at the site helps to confirm that
trade from the west also was well established by the Glades I
period.

The aborigines had to go no farther than the warm, shallow
offshore waters of the Atlantic to find the raw materials for
their tools. The three large conchs, Strombus gigas, Busycon
contrairum, and Pleuroploca gigantea were all sources of food as
well as tools. Designs of these shell tools, ornaments, and
receptacles were simple and utilitarian and forms remained un-
changed for centuries, continuing to be made by successive
generations.

Enough hammock sites like Bishops Hammock have been studied
over a period of years to suggest that the occupants inhabited
them much of the year, moving perhaps from one to another as
subsistence needs dictated. The same hammocks were used over
hundreds of years. While at the hammocks their dietary staples
consisted of game, fish, and reptiles, including the ubiquitous
turtle. By moving east to the coast during the winter months
they could take advantage of the available seafood and
replenish their supply of shell tools.

Though shark could be taken throughout the year, they are
most abundant in the warm, southern waters during the winter





30 BISHOPS HAMMOCK


Fig. 11. Sprague map.


Fig. 12. Satellite map.






WILLIAMS AND MOWERS


months. Shark vertebrae and shark teeth which are found at
Bishops Hammock thirty miles inland also suggest winter
utilization of the coast. That cutting tools such as shark
tooth knives were used is indicated by the cut bones, carved
pins, and bone points. Indigenous plants, berries and nuts
were probably gathered and used for food, supplementing the
normal diet of the Indians.

Distribution of the artifacts at Bishops Hammock confirms
that the site was used throughout the Glades II and Glades III
periods into the proto-historic time of European contact. The
material culture and the basic subsistence pattern of the Glades
area Indians remained little changed for nearly three thousand
years. During that time,contact, most likely trade, with people
to the north and west occurred but had little effect on the
culture of the Glades people. Their lifestyle was evidently
well adjusted to the environment of southeast Florida.

Acknowledgements

Our appreciation is expressed to many people for their
contributions of time and labor. Ronnie Gray and John Favre
brought the site to out attention. Barbara Gortych of Broward
Community College, James Burke of Miami-Dade Community College
and Genevieve Bland of Stranahan High School brought many of
their students out on field trips. D. Eric Bradshaw took the
contour readings and Robert Pearsall made the contour drawings
and excavation plan. Gypsy Graves and Richard Friedman did the
excellent photographs. Sandra Schaps compiled the artifact
tables and statistics. Bert Mowers spent many hours as Dig
Director and prepared the field notes. Many thanks to all of
the members of the Society who volunteered their efforts for
the hard work of digging and screening. Wilma Williams prepared
the final manuscript.

References Cited

Bullen, Ripley P.
1959 The Transitional Period in Florida, Southeastern
Archaeological Conference 6:43-52.

Goggin, John M. and Sommer, Frank H.
1949 Excavation on Upper Matecumbe Key, Yale University
Publications in Anthropology Number 41.

Goggin, John M.
1964 The Snapper Creek Site, Indian and Spanish Selected
Writings, University of Miami Press, Coral Gables,
Florida. pp. 165-179.

Laxson, Dan D.
1964 Strombus Lip Shell Tools of the Tequesta Sub-Area,
Florida Anthropologist 17:215-220.




32 BISHOPS HAMMOCK

Mowers, Bert, and Wilma B. Williams
1972 The Peace Camp Site, Broward County, Florida,
Florida Anthropologist 25:1-20.

Williams, Wilma B., and Bert Mowers
1977 The Markham Park Mound No. 2, Broward County, Florida,
Florida Anthropologist 20:56-78.


Hollywood, Florida
August, 1978








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