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Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00157
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
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Volume ID: VID00157
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Table of Contents
    Membership Information
        Unnumbered ( 3 )
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    Editor's Page
        Page 130
    Indians of North-Central Florida
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
    Cades Pond Subsistence, Settlement and Ceremonialism
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
    Two Cades Pond Sites in North Central Florida - The Occupational Nexus as a Model of Settlement
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
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        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
    Ownership statement and Circulation Report
        Page 174
        Page 176
    Back Cover
        Page 177
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Editor's Page ..................................... 130
Indians of North-Central Florida,
by Jerald T. Milanich ........................ 131
Cades Pond Subsistence, Settlement, and
by E. Thomas Hemmings ........................ 141
Two Cades Pond Sites in North-Central Florida--
The Occupational Nexus as a Model of
by Jerald T. Milanich ........................ 151

Ownership Statement and Circulation Peport ......... 174



This issue of The Florida Anthropologist is devoted to
the archeology of North-Central Florida. One article presents
a somewhat popularly written overview with a bibliography of
selected sources for additional reading.

Several subscribers have written to inquire about the cost
of Tacachale--Essays on the Indians of Florida and Southeastern
Georgia during the Historic Period, mentioned in the June, 1978,
issue. The monograph (217 pages and hardback) costs $10.00, and
can be ordered from University Presses of Florida, 15 N.W. 15th
Street, Gainesville, FL 32603. Proceeds from the sale of the
book will be used for publication of future numbers of the series.

Two other books offered for sale by the University Presses
which might be of interest to readers are Marion S. Gilliland's
The Material Culture of Key Marco, Florida ($15.00), and Kathleen
A. Deagan's Archaeology at the National Greek Orthodox Shrine,
St. Augustine, Florida ($7.50).

I would like to thank the members of the Editorial Board
of The Florida Anthropologist as well as other professional and
non-professional anthropologists and archeologists who reviewed
manuscripts over the past year. This system has continued to
function well and, hopefully, has resulted in better articles
being published.

Over the past two years the types of articles published in
the journal have remained much the same as those published during
the preceding two-year period (1975-76), except for more student
articles in 1977-78. A comparison of these two two-year periods
is as follows (professional is defined as one who receives pay as
an anthropologist, a non-professional is a person who is not paid
for his or her work, and a student is someone enrolled in a course
of anthropological study who hopes one day to get paid; these
figures ignore four short, one ortwo-page notes published in
1975-76; such notes are now published in the Newsletter):

Articles by 1975-76 1977-78

Professionals (total) 20 18
archeology 14 12
ethnology/ethnohistory 4 6
physical anthropology 2 0

Non-professionals 11 9

Students 1 10

Total articles 32 37
One monograph was published in 1975-76 and two in 1977-78.



Jerald T. Milanich

North-Central Florida, a geographical and cultural region,
is bordered on the north by the Santa Fe River and on the south
by a line drawn through southern Marion County; this line marks
the beginning of the more subtropical part of Florida. The east
and.west edges of the region terminate at the beginning of the
coastal flatlands. All of Alachua County and part of Marion
County are contained within these boundaries along with portions
of counties to the east.

The region is largely characterized by hardwood forests,
gently rolling topography, and a large number of lakes, ponds,
swamps, and streams. Lakes and swamps predominate in the extreme
eastern part. The various environmental habitats presented the
aboriginal inhabitants with a variety of natural resources that
could be used for food and as raw materials for the manufacture
of tools. eMost of North-Central Florida has both well-drained
soils suitable for agriculture and a relatively long growing
season. Consequently, the region was occupied by a succession
of aboriginal cultures from as early as 10,000 B.C. up into the
historic period. By A.D. 1720, however, the last of the indige-
nous Indian groups had been destroyed by diseases introduced by
Europeans, by warfare, and by raids carried out by the English
based in the Carolinas.

Because of the agricultural potential of the area, North-
Central Florida was rapidly resettled during the early eighteenth
century by Creek Indians moving southward from Alabama and Georgia.
By 1750 these Creeks, taking advantage of the destruction of the
Florida Indians, established villages in southern Alachua County.
Later, in the early part of the nineteenth century these same
Indians, then known as the Seminole, were forced southward into
Central Florida, and North-Central Florida was again resettled,
this time by whites.

After the end of the Pleistocene Ice Age, about 12,000 years
ago, Florida's environment was quite different from what it is
today. The climate was cooler, and rainfall was much heavier.
Florida's shorelines extended many kilometers farther out because
the ocean level was almost 100 meters lower than at present. The
northern two-thirds of the state harbored an animal population
which included many species that are extinct today. Wandering
hunters, descendants of people who thousands of years earlier had
crossed into North America over the Bering land bridge, moved
southward into Florida to take advantage of the accessibility of
the game. These aborigines, Florida's first inhabitants, are
known as Paleo-Indians. They hunted manatee, deer, horse, camel,
and mastodon along the lakes and rivers of northern Florida.

The Florida. Anthropologist, vol. 31, no. 4, December 1978


Because of their nomadic type of subsistence they left little
refuse, and Paleo-Indian sites are not numerous. Although a
few campsites have been found, including sites at Silver Springs
and on the south side of Paynes Prairie, the largest number of
Paleo-Indian sites are at river crossings where animals were
ambushed and butchered. Divers have found many of the tools used
by these Indians as well as bones of the animals that they hunted
in the Santa Fe, Oklawaha, Suwannee, and Withlacoochee rivers.

By 7,000 B.C. Florida's climate was gradually becoming drier
and forests grew, the result of the ending of the Pleistocene.
Some of the animals became extinct; others, including the ele-
phants, continued to live in Florida for almost two thousand more
years before facing extinction. These environmental changes seem
to correlate with changes in the stone tools manufactured by
Indians in North-Central Florida, and mark the beginning of the
Archaic period. Like their Paleo-Indian ancestors, the early
Archaic peoples continued to be nomadic hunters of big game. But
through time the hunting or snaring of small game and fishing and
collecting of wild plant foods evidently became more important.

The Archaic peoples moved between different habitats,
utilizing those resources which were most abundant at a particular
time of year; shellfish began to be eaten. Due to the transitory
nature of the Archaic lifesytle, North-Central Florida contains
many Archaic sites, perhaps more than from any other period.
Archaic campsites, characterized by scatterings of stone, chips,
and tools, are generally found near lakes or ponds on high ground.
Chert or flint, which could be quarried from exposed outcroppings,
was fashioned into a variety of stone tools, especially Christmas
tree-shaped projectile points and knives.

Because these campsites were often originally established
on high ground or close to lake shores, many have been disturbed
by erosion. Once the soil is plowed or the ground cover is
destroyed by timbering or clearing, rain washes away the earth
matrix which held the tools. Evidence of pits, hearths, post-
molds,.and other remains of human occupation is eroded away along
with the soil, leaving the chips and tools lying on the eroded

Due to the presence of chert outcroppings in North-Central
Florida, there are also a large number of Archaic sites which
usually consist only of chert chips lying on eroded surfaces.
These are found around the edges of many lakes, as well as on the
edges of former lakes which are now dry, such as Paynes Prairie.
Indians picked up nodules of chert and chipped them into tools,
discarding the chips and taking away the finished tool. The
true worth of any Archaic site, however, cannot be firmly
established except by test excavations which reveal what lies
beneath the ground surface.



There were additional changes in the climate of North-Central
Florida at about 3,000 B.C. Analysis of pollen recovered from
corings indicates that wetter conditions began to prevail. Pine
forests and cypress swamps began to replace some of the hardwood
forests. Food sources previously available grew scarcer, and the
expanding populations of North-Central Florida apparently began
once again to shift their subsistence emphasis. This time they
turned toward the coastal lagoons and marsh of the Gulf Coast
where shellfish were abundant and could provide a readily
accessible source of food. In addition to shellfish, the coast
provided a variety of marine resources, especially fish.

Shellfish also proliferated in the St. Johns River and
4,000 B.C. or slightly before marks the first appearance of large
shellfish gathering sites along its shores and those of its tribu-
taries in eastern Florida. Although these late Archaic hunters
must have still occupied sites in North-Central Florida, they
spent some of the year in eastern Florida or on the Gulf. The
more sedentary nature of their existence eventually led to many
new cultural developments, including the first manufacturing of
fired clay pottery by 2,000 B.C. Once pottery began to be
manufactured, different groups created different styles of
manufacture and decoration. Such differences allow archeologists
to define separate aboriginal groups, and after 500 B.C. we can
speak of more specific cultural groups than just Paleo-Indians or
Archaic Indians.

After 500 B.C. the first Indians to use the North-Central
area to any extent were the Deptford culture peoples who spent
most of the year along the lagoons and salt marshes of the Gulf
Coast. Small Deptford campsites, probably used for hunting, are
found scattered throughout northern Florida. No doubt these
Indians also came inland to quarry chert from the same outcroppings
used during the Archaic period.

The way of life of the first Deptford peoples was little
changed from that of their late Archaic ancestors of the Gulf
Coast. However, by A.D. 1 maize agriculture was apparently intro-
duced to northern Florida. And the presence of a more dependable
major food source gradually brought about changes in Deptford
subsistence. Also, since agriculture requires specialized know-
ledge of rainfall patterns, planting dates, harvest times, etc.,
a religious-fertility complex, including individuals who held
this knowledge, apparently developed. Burial mounds and other
ceremonial structures and specialized religious paraphernalia
are archeologically observable items which were part of these
new developments also found elsewhere in the eastern United States
during this time.



By A.D. 200 late Deptford peoples began moving to inland
locations where soils were better suited to agriculture and
where there was more room for the expanding coastal populations.
The name of the group who was present in North-Central Florida
at this time is the Cades Pond culture. Although they probably
did practice horticulture on a small scale, the bulk of the
Cades Pond diet was still based on foods taken from lakes,
swamps, and forests, much like that of the Archaic peoples.
All of the Cades Pond sites known are within less than two
kilometers of major lakes (including Paynes Prairie which must
have been a lake at that time). Sites are found grouped around
Lake Lochloosa, Orange Lake, Newman's Lake and the Prairie.

At about A.D. 800 North-Central Florida experienced the
entrance of a new culture from southeast and south-central
Georgia. This culture, named the Alachua Tradition, used
extensive horticultural methods and depended more on farming
and less on wild foods than did the Cades Pond culture. The
Alachua peoples were able to farm the potentially rich soils
of the region and were able to oust the Cades Pond peoples and
establish their own villages.

Alachua sites are always found next to a freshwater source
on high well-drained ground suitable for agriculture. Large
groups of sites are found around Orange Lake, on the north side
of Paynes Prairie, and in the Moon Lake region near Bucholtz
High School west of Gainesville.

When the first Spanish explorers entered North-Central
Florida in 1528 they encountered the descendants of the Alachua
Tradition. These Indians were known as the Potano, the name by
which they referred to themselves, their head chief, and their
main village.. The region of the Potano coincides quite well
with modern Alachua County. Farther south, west of present-day
Ocala, were the Ocale Indians, also descendants of the Alachua
peoples. Both the Potano and the Ocale spoke dialects of the
Timucuan language and are often referred to as Timucuans.

Beginning in the 1580's the Spanish established mission
stations visitsa) among the Potano. Later, beginning in 1606,
missions with full-time resident priests were built. From
documents and archeology we have been able to identify the
locations of some of these historic period Indian-Spanish
villages. These include the mission of Santa Fe de Timucua
south of the Santa Fe River, the mission of San Francisco de
Potano just northwest of Gainesville, and the visit (where
traveling priests preached and performed masses) of Apalu on
the west shore of Orange Lake.

As a result of disease the Potano population was severely
decimated by 1650. Indians moving southward from Georgia coast
joined the Potano and other North Florida Indians at the mission
villages. However, the aboriginal (and Spanish) populations of



North Florida were not able to withstand the attacks against
them by the English and their Indian allies who swept through
the region beginning in 1700, intent on destroying the Spanish
mission and ranch system. By 1710 the Potano and other Indians
were withdrawn to St. Augustine for protection, and North-Central
Florida was deserted.

This population vacuum did not last long, however, for the
Spanish invited Creek Indians to move southward into the region.
The Spanish hoped the Creeks would act as a military buffer
against the English who threatened Spain's hold on Florida.
Beginning in the 1720's Creeks moved down into Florida,
establishing settlement areas around Tallahassee and in the area
of the Alachua Savannah (now Paynes Prairie). They hunted,
fished, grew corn and other cultigens, and herded the cattle
left by the Spanish and the mission Indians. One of the most
prominent Creek villages was Tuscawilla or Cuscowilla,
established by 1750 and located in the vicinity of Lake
- Tuscawilla in southern Alachua County. Later these Creeks
became known as the Seminole.

The Alachua area is believed to have been mainly resettled
by Creeks from the Creek town of Oconee located in Georgia on
the Oconee River. Most of the Oconee came as a group and retained
their tribal (or town) identity, establishing the village of
Cuscowilla. Little is known about the early history of the town.
However, in 1776-77 the Quaker naturalist, William Bartram,
visited the village of Cuscowilla. Bartram described his trip
from the St. Johns River and the town itself in his diary which
is extant and has been published in several forms. Bartram's
route from the St. Johns River brought him around the south side
of Paynes Prairie (then dry) and north of Orange Lake. As he
approached the general area of the Seminole town from the east,
he reports riding through an open pine forest, after which he
saw at a slight distance, a large clear lake (Lake Tuscawilla).
He passed by a "...large Indian Mound...which stood on the high
banks of the Lake." Known as the Cameron mound, it is located
about one-half mile east of Micanopy on an old shoreline of the
lake. The mound is some 80 feet in diameter and six feet in
height. Local residents report that it was much higher before
being disturbed by plowing.

After passing by the mound Bartram traveled another quarter
of a mile to arrive at the village of Cuscowilla which was
composed of 35-40 structures. At the village Bartram was feasted
by Cowkeeper, the chief of the Alachua area Seminoles. Seminole
is a corruption of the Spanish word cimarrone which-means "wild
one" or "runaway." After leaving the village Bartram rode four
miles north to view "...an enchanting scene, the great Alachua
Savanah..." which today is Paynes Prairie.



Several years after Bartram's visit, an Englishman,
Arthur Middleton, also traveled to the village of Cuscowilla.
He describes it as

...charmingly situated on a high, swelling
ridge of sand hills, opposite a large,
beautiful lake; the sloping bank terminated
on one side by extensive forests, composed
of orange groves, over-topped by grand
magnolias, palms, poplars, oaks, etc. Huge
herds of cattle, belonging to the Cowkeeper
and his townsmen, graze in a vast savannah
that stretches out at some distance from
the town.

About the time of the end of the American Revolution,
Cowkeeper died and was succeeded by the chief known to the
whites as King Payne, for whom Payne's Prairie is named.
During the early nineteenth century the Alachua Seminoles
raided several Georgia settlements and in retaliation,
Colonel Newnan, Inspector General of Florida, led a party
against the town of Cuscowilla. In the ensuing fight King
Payne was killed and a Seminole village located near the
prairie was burned. Payne was then succeeded by Bowlegs and
by 1814 the town was moved farther south, probably to the
vicinity of Lake Harris. There, at the time of the outbreak
of the First Seminole War, a new chief called Mikonopi
assumed leadership of nearly all the Florida Seminole.

About a decade later, William H. Simmons wrote a first-
hand account of a visit to Florida (Notices of East Florida).
In February 1822 he visited the former location of Cuscowilla
where evidence of the Seminole occupation still existed.
At that time he noted that the

...intended town of Micconope is situated on
an elevated spot, on the northwestern border
of Cuscowilla Lake, near to the site of the
ancient Tuskawilla town, mentioned by Bartram.
A few wild plum trees, and corn hills, mark
the spot where the rude forefathers of the
wigwam once dwelt.

Simmons also noted that "Not more than two miles further north,
are the remains of Loatchaway town, burnt during the late war,
by an unauthorized act of Col. Newland's [sic]."

Soon after the abandonment of the Lake Tuscawilla area by
the Seminole, white settlers began moving into North-Central
Florida for the purpose of establishing farms, ranches, and small
towns like Micanopy. Soon the farmers were joined by businessmen,



craftsmen, school teachers, and a variety of people from other
occupations. Villages became towns, towns became cities.
Many of the residents of the Gainesville and Ocala areas trace
their ancestry back to these early Florida pioneers. The
history of North-Central Florida is a long and varied one, one
in which present-day inhabitants can take pride.

Selected References Organized by Topic

Environment and Settlement Patterning through Time

Richards, Storm L.
1978 Geographic Techniques for Differentiating
Archaeological Sites in Florida. Unpublished
M.A. thesis, Geography, University of Florida.

Thanz, Nina

Watts, W.A.

A Correlation of Environmental and Cultural
Changes in Northeastern Florida during the Late
Archaic Period. The Florida Journal of Anthropology
2(1):3-22. University of Florida, Gainesville.

A Pollen Diagram from Mud Lake, Marion County,
Northcentral Florida. Geological Society of
America Bulletin 80:631-642.

1971 Postglacial and Interglacial Vegetation History
of Southern Georgia and Central Florida.
Ecology 52:676-690.

Webb, S. David, ed.
1974 Pleistocene Mammals of Florida. Gainesville:
University Presses of Florida.

Paleo-Indian and Archaic Periods

Bullen, Ripley P.
1958 The Bolen Bluff Site on Paynes Prairie, Florida.
Contributions of the Florida State Museum,
Social Sciences, No. 4.

Bullen, Ripley P., and Carl A. Benson
1964 Dixie Lime Caves Number 1 and 2, A Preliminary
Report. Florida Anthropologist 17:153-164.

Bullen, Ripley P., and Edward M. Dolan
1959 The Johnson Lake Site, Marion County, Florida.
Florida Anthropologist 12:77-04.

Clausen, Carl aon
1964 The A-356 Site and the Florida Archaic. Unpublished
SM.A. thesis, Anthropology, University of Florida.



Goggin, John M.
1950 An Early Lithic Complex from Central Florida.
American Antiquity 16:46-49.

Hemmings, E. Thomas
1975 The Silver Springs Site, Prehistory in the
Silver Springs Valley. Florida Anthropologist

Hemmings, E. Thomas and Timothy A. Kohler
1974 The Lake Kanapaha Site in North-Central Florida.
Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties Bulletin
4, pp. 65-93, Florida Department of State.

Jenks, Albert E., and Mrs. H.H. Simpson, Sr.
1941 Beveled Artifacts in Florida of the Same Type
as Artifacts Found Near Clovis, New Mexico.
American Antiquity 6:314-319.

Neill, Wilfred T.
1964a The Association of Suwannee Points and Extinct
Animals in Florida. Florida Anthropologist

1964b Trilisa Pond, An Early Site in Marion County,
Florida. Florida Anthropologist 17:187-200.

Purdy, Barbara A.
1975 The Senator Edwards Stone Workshop, Marion
County. Florida Anthropologist 28:178-189.

Waller, Ben, I.
1969 Paleo-Indian and Other Artifacts from a Florida
Stream Bed. Florida Anthropologist 22:37-39.

1970 Some Occurrences of Paleo-Indian Projectile
Points in Florida Waters. Florida Anthropologist

Deptford Period

Bullen, Ripley P.
1969 Excavations at Sunday Bluff, Florida. Contributions
of the Florida State Museum, Social Sciences, No. 15.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1973 The Southeastern Deptford Culture: A Preliminary
Definition. Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties
Bulletin 3, pp. 51-63, Florida Department of State.



Cades Pond Period

Cumbaa, Stephen L.
1972 An Intensive Harvest Economy in North Central
Florida. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Anthropology,
University of Florida.

Smith, Samuel D.
1971 A Reinterpretation of the Cades Pond Archeological
Period. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Anthropology,
University of Florida.

Note: also see articles by E.T. Hemmings and J.T. Milanich,
this volume

Alachua Tradition

Bullen, Ripley R.
1949 The Woodward Site. Florida Anthropologist 2:49-64.

Loucks, Jill
1976 Early Alachua Tradition Burial Ceremonialism:
The Henderson Mound, Alachua County, Florida.
Unpublished M.A. thesis, Anthropology, University
of Florida.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1971 The Alachua Tradition of North-Central Florida.
Contributions of the Florida State Museum:
Anthropology and History, No. 17.

Potano Indians and Spanish Period



Jerald T.
Excavations at the Richardson Site, Alachua County,
Florida: An Early 17th Century Potano Indian Village.
Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties Bulletin
2, pp. 35-61, Florida Department of State.

Jerald T., and William C. Sturtevant
Franciso Pareja's 1613 Confessionario: A Documentary
Source for Timucuan Ethnography. Tallahassee:
Florida Department of State.

Seaberg, Lillian M.
1955 The Zetrouer Site: Indian and Spanish in Central
Florida. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Anthropology,
University of Florida.

Seminole Peoples

Fairbanks, Charles H.
1973 The Florida Seminole People. Phoenix: Indian
Tribal Series.



Fairbanks, Charles H.
1975 Ethnological Report on the Florida Indians.
New York: Garland Publishing, Inc. [Originally
1956, Ethnohistorical Report of the Florida Indians,
Indian Claims Commission, Dockets 73, 151.

Gluckman, Stephen J., and Christopher S. Peebles
1974 Oven Hill (Di-15), A Refuse Site in the Suwannee
River. Florida Anthropologist 27:21-30.

Harper, Francis, ed.
1958 The Travels of William Bartram, New Haven: Yale
University Press.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1975 Cuscowilla: A Seminole Village in 1776. In Born
of the Sun, ed. by J.E. Gill and B.R. Read, pp. 24-25.
Hollywood, Florida: Florida Bicentennial Journal, Inc.

Sears, William H.
1959 A-296-A Seminole Site in Alachua County.
Florida Anthropologist 12:25-30.

Simmons, William H.
1822 Notices of East Florida. Charleston. [Reprinted,
Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1973].

Gainesville, Florida
February, 1978


E. Thomas Hemmings

Early in the first millennium A.D. significant new developments
occurred among the relatively sparse populations of upland North-
Central Florida. As reflected in the archeological record, these
developments include (1) an increase in population indicated by
greater numbers and size of settlements, (2) semi-sedentary or
sedentary hamlets or villages--a new degree of residential stabil-
ity, (3) the appearance of intensive burial ceremonialism practiced
in mound-village complexes or centers and in many lesser mound
sites, and (4) participation by the indigenous population in an
interaction sphere which extended from Gulf Coastal lowlands to the
St. Johns River Valley and well beyond. One other development
undoubtedly accompanies the others, but has so far escaped proof--
the introduction of horticulture and its successful integration
into a well-developed, riparian, wild-foods economy.

None of these events is unique, grand, or especially early in
North-Central Florida when compared to other non-nuclear and nuclear
areas of North America (Caldwell 1958). The developments enumerated
above are quite clearly the emergence of village Formative life in
the context of a distinct regional or sub-regional tradition and
under the stimulus of the expanding Hopewellian interaction sphere.
In North-Central Florida the Cades Pond archeological period encom-
passes this Early Formative stage. Before reviewing Cades Pond
subsistence, settlement, and ceremonialism, it will be useful to
describe the origin of the term and what it has come to mean.

Goggin borrowed the place-name "Cades Pond" from obscure early
publications (Gillman 1878, 1879) describing a burial mound near
Santa Fe Lake. There appears to be no remaining collection from
this site and no record that Goggin ever visited it. In a chrono-
logical chart arranged by "archaeological areas" for Florida, Goggin
(1948:58) included Pre-Cades Pond and Cades Pond periods between
Orange and Hickory Pond. In this pre-radiocarbon era the dates were
awry and the new area, Central Florida, had to be summarized in a
few sentences. The following year (1949) Goggin synthesized the
age-area approach with his interest in "environmental relations" in
an important paper, "Cultural Traditions in Florida Prehistory."
Cades Pond, however, got short shrift; it was viewed as "a western
extension of St. Johns lb," presumably because ceramic traits for
burial mounds were virtually the only available data (Goggin 1949:
25). When Griffin (1952:332) reviewed Florida prehistory a few
years later, Pre-Cades Pond meant "Deptford material" and Cades
Pond was "...characterized by St. Johns Plain and Duinns Creek Red
pottery and burial mounds." Here the concern for Cades Pond rested
for nearly two decades until mound and village site excavations were
undertaken by University of Florida archeological field schools,
The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 31, no. 4, December 1978



Fig. 1. Location of Cades Pond period and related sites
in North-Central Florida (see Table 1 for site



Table 1. Summary of Cades Pond Period and related sites
in North-Central Florida.

(Fig. 1)












Running Lake Mounds
(Al-182, Al-183)

Simmons Place

Cades Pond Mound
(no number)

Griner Mound

Shirea Site
(Al-49, Al-84)

Melton Site
(Al-5, Al-7,

Ramsey Pasture Mound

Wacahoota Mound

River Styx Site

Cross Creek Site
(Al-2, Al-3)

11 Hawthorne Mound

12 Evinston Mound


2 burial mounds

village area

burial mound

burial mound

burial mound and
village area

2 or more burial
mounds and
village area

burial mound and

burial mound

cemetery or mound
(?), earthwork,
and village area

burial mound, sub-
structure mound,
earthwork, and
village area

burial mound(?)

burial mound



Smith 1971

Gillman 1878



Sears 1956;
Smith 1971;
Cumbaa 1972

Smith 1971
Smith 1971

Smith 1971

Smith 1971
Smith 1971


*Where no reference is shown, data were obtained from archeological
site files in Florida State Museum and Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida.


resulting in two graduate theses (Smith 1971; Cumbaa 1972). In
the most recently published chronology for North-Central Florida,
"Pre-Cades Pond" is eliminated and Cades Pond, as an archeological
period, extends from A.D. 100 to 700 (Bullen 1973). At the present
time Cades Pond is adequately known from a few systematically
excavated sites near Gainesville, and poorly known on a regional
basis. Can we now say more about cultural processes in this region
and era? I think we can; certainly we can devise some new questions.


Cades Pond subsistence is inferred from site locations in
relation to North-Central Florida prehistoric environments, and
from one excellent analysis of food remains and associated tools
and debris in a village midden (Cumbaa 1972).

The distribution of Cades Pond sites is tentatively indicated
in Figure 1. This region may be described as a mosaic of lakes,
prairies, ponds, and diverse soil and vegetation zones, intricately
connected by a few surface streams and sloughs. The core area in
south central and eastern Alachua County is flanked by similar lake
and prairie zones in Marion, Putnam, Clay, and Bradford counties.
Cades Pond sites also appear to extend down the upper Santa Fe
River to River Sink. This entire sustaining area is included in
the Central Highlands division of the Florida peninsula (White 1970)
and sits astride the watershed of the Oklawaha-St. Johns and Santa
Fe-Suwannee river systems. Major vegetation types, presumably
similarly distributed in the past, include hydric hardwood forest,
mesic and xeric hardwood hammock, pine flatwoods, stands of longleaf
pine-turkey oak, and marsh-aquatic communities (Snedaker 1970).
Upland soils range from excessively drained to poorly drained, and
from nutrient-deficient acid soils to moderately fertile ones, the
latter occurring especially in mesic hammock areas. To characterize
this region generally as well-suited to agriculture is incorrect;
it is markedly diverse with large areas entirely unsuitable for
aboriginal agriculture (Goggin 1949; Milanich 1971). Whether Cades
Pond village sites are in fact correlated with fertile soils has not
been demonstrated, except in one important case described below.
It is clear, however, that Cades Pond sites on lake and prairie
shorelines, ponds, and interconnecting sloughs were advantageously
located for exploiting abundant riparian food resources.

Only in the case of the Melton Site (Fig. 1) are there empiri-
cal data for the nature of this exploitation. The village area,
marked by a dense midden about 1/3 of an acre in extent, lies a
mile from the edge of Paynes Prairie on good agricultural land and
in the vicinity of several lakes, ponds, and sinks. University of
Florida field schools excavated here in 1951 and 1971 under the
direction of Goggin and Fairbanks respectively. An analysis of the
unusually well-preserved food remains from Melton Village provides
solid evidence for Cades Pond subsistence and may be characterized
as follows: (1) primary dependence on hunting, fishing, and collect-
ing, (2) utilization of a wide variety of animal species, especially



from marsh-aquatic environments (Fig. 2), (3) procurement systems
emphasizing the "harvest" of particularly abundant useful species,
including certain lake fish, white-tailed deer, muskrat, and hickory
nuts (Carya tomentosa), and (4) spring-summer-fall and possibly
year-round occupation (Cumbaa 1972). There was no evidence of plant
domesticates, but their utilization cannot presently be ruled out
(an initial identification of cultivated beans was later eliminated).
Cumbaa (1972) has described this subsistence pattern, based on diver-
sity, but focused on particular resources, as an "...intensive
harvest economy."


S80 -
0 so


S60- A

Z 40 T_

S 20

(N 27) (N= 58) (N=91) (N= 125) *

Fig. 2. Histogram of the occurrence of aquatic (A) and terrestrial
(T) vertebrate species, expressed in minimum numbers of individuals,
from three test squares in midden zone and three sub-midden pits at
Melton Village site; minimum number of individuals for fishes (N=658)
not shown (adapted from Cumbaa 1972:Table 2).

The extractive implements and facilities associated with Melton
Village subsistence were hardly elaborate. Extraordinary amounts
of sand tempered plainware from simple utilitarian vessels in the


village midden suggest the importance of boiling and "wet" cookery.
An equally impressive concentration of sub-midden storage and/or
roasting pits, reused for refuse, attests to processing and pres-
ervation of foodstuffs, such as acorns and hickory nuts. The
leister and atlatl were undoubtedly essential implements, and
probably also dugout canoes and nets or fishtraps. Surprisingly
little grinding equipment, used in preparation of wild or domesti-
cated seeds or grains, was recovered, but such equipment may well
have been wood and thus perishable. A radiocarbon date of 1730+90
radiocarbon years: A.D. 220 (N-2169) was obtained from the Melton

Prior to agricultural and other land modification there were
an estimated 50 mounds or mound groups in North-Central Florida.
Most of these were probably constructed and used by Cades Pond
settlements; a few postdate this period. In all but a few cases,
burial mounds were destroyed before they could be systematically
examined and cannot be confidently attributed to Cades Pond. Far
fewer residential sites are known--for this same reason and also
because small Cades Pond settlements with nondescript ceramic
assemblages (largely sand tempered plainware) are easily "lost" in
larger sites of the Alachua Tradition. It seems likely that as many
residential sites as Cades Pond mounds once existed, perhaps more
if several hamlets were associated with a ceremonial center. There
are no data for house types or numbers of households, but the lay-
outs of two complex Cades Pond sites have been determined by mapping
and excavation.

Table 1 tentatively summarizes some Cades Pond sites, based
about equally on excavated sites and others imperfectly known from
surface collections or casual records. An initial typology of
Cades Pond settlements might include the following:

(1) ceremonial centers consisting of some combination of
mounds, cemeteries, earthworks, ponds, and village

(2) ceremonial centers consisting of two or more burial
mounds and a village area.

(3) single mounds associated with hamlets.

(4) outlying hamlets.

The River Styx Site near Micanopy, Florida, was excavated in
1971-72 (Bullen and others 1972). It consists of a horseshoe-shaped
earthwork, about 330 feet by 240 feet, opening westward on a small
pond. A half-acre village area unexcavatedd) lies on the north
shore of the pond and 800 feet from a tributary slough to Orange
Lake. The earthwork enclosed a cemetery (possibly a low mound)
containing at least 40, perhaps 80, cremations and caches of socio-
technic items. Although the earthwork was low (ca. 2 feet, it
represents construction on a monumental scale. The mortuary



ceramics include tetrapod Deptford Check Stamped and St. Johns
Plain compartmented vessels and trays, as well as Weeden Island-
like plainware. This assemblage places River Styx on a Deptford-
Cades Pond transitional horizon or about A.D. 100-300. A radio-
carbon date of 1770+85 radiocarbon years: A.D. 180 (N-2170) came
from charred wood associated with the burial area. In certain
respects the River Styx Site closely resembles a Deptford midden
and cemetery at Carrabelle in West Florida (Moore 1918; Willey 1949;
MacDonald 1950).

A second, apparently later, and more complex ceremonial center
is the Cross Creek Site between Orange and Lochloosa lakes (Smith
1971). It consists of a semicircular earthwork about 650 feet
across, partly enclosing a small burial mound, a large low sub-
structure mound, an intervening village area of about three acres,
and a small pond on the south. University of Florida field crews
excavated here under the direction of Goggin in 1957 and Fairbanks
in 1964 and 1970. The ceramic assemblage from Cross Creek is gener-
ally similar to Melton Village with the addition of several Weeden
Island types, but Deptford types are absent.

One other ceremonial center, the Ramsey Pasture Mound-Wacahoota
Mound complex at Wacahoota near Levy Lake (Fig. 1), may have ranked
with River Styx and Cross Creek, but hardly anything is known about
these sites. Likewise, for lesser mound groups and isolated mounds
and hamlets little information is available. Our view of Cades Pond
regional settlement is therefore inadequate and biased toward the
core area and its more complex centers.


Cades Pond ceremonialism shares the general mortuary-religious
orientation of Eastern Woodlands cultures during the so-called
"Burial Mound" period from 1000 B.C. to A.D. 700 (Willey 1966).
Presumably, a mortuary-religious complex was transmitted to peninsu-
lar Florida from the north via Santa Rosa-Swift Creek peoples of
Central Georgia and Northwest Florida. The diffusion mechanism may
have been a widespread exchange network through which exotic objects,
raw materials, ritual concepts, and perhaps agricultural techniques
moved over long distances. In the case of Cades Pond, there are
limited data for participation in this network and for the expression
of elaborate ceremonialism. Monumental earthworks, on a lesser
scale than Crystal River, Fort Center, or the Ohio Valley centers,
were nevertheless important throughout the Cades Pond Period.
Inevitably, these are associated with burial sites. Table 2 sum-
marizes four, more-or-less systematically excavated, mortuary
mounds in the core area. There is a degree of uncertainty with
regard to the record for all these mounds, but some generalizations
can be drawn from them. Each is of moderate size and relatively
simple construction without elaborate tombs or high-status individual
burials. Mass secondary burial was the common mode of interment
with primary burials and cremations occurring in low frequency.
Caches or offerings, not obviously oriented to specific burials, gen-
erally included "killed" mortuary vessels and sherd deposits,



occasionally exotic objects or raw materials. These vessels and
objects in many cases lack utilitarian form and must have func-
tioned entirely in social-ritual context (socio-technic items).
The Cades Pond mounds in Table 2 reflect weak social stratifica-
tion, if any. It thus appears that the indigenous population
incorporated and reinterpreted the mortuary-religious complex,
achieved greater economic complexity, and stabilized in an advanced
"village community" level of territorial organization. The lines
of reasoning followed here were, of course, pioneered by Sears
(1958, 1968).

So far, nothing has been said with regard to ceremonialism
adduced for the relatively large, prolific cemetery at River Styx.
Although the quantity and variety of socio-technic items deposited
in caches is impressive in this early site, again there are no
definable, elite, cremation burials or groups of burials.

Table 2. Summary of excavation data for four Cades Pond
mounds in Alachua County, Florida.

Cross Creek 1 conical, 7+ burials mortuary vessels Smith 1971:86
(Al-2) single stage(?), (unclassified)
60x8 feet
Melton Mound 3 conical, 22+ burials mortuary vessels, Sears 1956
(Al-5) 2-stage, (1 primary flexed, sherd deposits,
50x4 feet 2 cremations, conch shell
19+ secondary)
Melton Mound 1 conical, 17 burials mica Smith 1971:29
(Al-7) single stage, (3 primary flexed,
90x5 feet 14 unclassified)
Wacahoota Mound conical, 32 secondary ---------------- Smith 1971:112
(Al-58) multiple stage(?), burials
40x8 feet


Cades Pond settlements in North-Central Florida define a
distinct prehistoric sociocultural system which persisted over six
centuries. This system was adaptively similar to others southward
in the Central Highlands and stylistically similar to many others
distributed over the peninsula. Planned ceremonial centers, not
of the "vacant town" type, but associated with villages, functioned
throughout the Cades Pond continuum. Apparently these do not
increase markedly in complexity through time and do not continue
into the era of Hickory Pond-Weeden Island II (after A.D. 700),
although there are a few isolated late burial mounds and relatively
many Hickory Pond village sites. This synthesis of inadequate data
provides more challenging questions than the ebb and flow of ceramic
traits, usually described as "influences." What were the processes
that led to the appearance of ceremonial centers, their apparent
stability, and eventual abandonment without replacement? What were
the social-religious structures articulating hamlets, villages,
lesser and greater ceremonial centers? What was the role of domes-
ticated plants in Cades Pond subsistence? I can only offer an
optimistic note--these questions fall easily into the realm of
archeological method and theory today and new Cades Pond sites are
still being discovered in North-Central Florida.




This paper was originally presented at the 39th Annual Meeting
of the Society for American Archaeology, Washington, D.C., May, 1974.

References Cited

Bullen, Ripley, P.
1973 Introduction. In Archeology of the Florida Gulf
Coast, by Gordon R. Willey, pp. vii-xi. New York:
AMS Press.

Bullen, R.P., A.K. Bullen, and E. Thomas Hemmings
1972 The River Styx Site: A Depository for Deptford
Cremations. Paper presented at the 37th annual
meeting of the Society for American Archaeology,
Bal Harbor.

Caldwell, Joseph R.
1958 Trend and Tradition in the Prehistory of the Eastern
United States. American Anthropological Association,
Memoir 88.

Cumbaa, Stephen L.
1972 An Intensive Harvest Economy in North Central Florida.
M.A. Thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Gillman, Henry
1878 Crania Used as Cinerary Urns in a Burial Mound in
Florida. American Naturalist 12:753-754.

1879 Remarkable Burial Custom from a Mound in Florida:
The Crania Used as a Cinerary Urn. Proceedings of the
American Association for the Advancement of Science

Goggin, John M.
1948 A Revised Temporal Chart of Florida Archaeology.
Florida Anthropologist 1:57-60.

1949 Cultural Traditions in Florida Prehistory. In The
Florida Indian and his Neighbors, edited by John W.
Griffin, pp. 13-44. Winter Park: Rollins College..

Griffin, John W.
1952 Prehistoric Florida: A Review. In Archeology of
Eastern United States, edited by James B. Griffin,
pp. 322-334. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

MacDonald, Robert
1950 A New Interpretation of the Carrabelle Site. Florida
Anthropologist 2:45-49.



Milanich, Jerald T.
1971 The Alachua Tradition of North-Central Florida.
Contributions of the Florida State Museum,
Anthropology and History, No. 17. Gainesville.

Moore, Clarence B.
1918 The Northwestern Florida Coast Revisited. Journal
of the Academy of Natural Sciences, Vol. 16.

Sears, William H.
1956 Melton Mound Number 3. Florida Anthropologist

1958 Burial Mounds on the Gulf Coastal Plain.
American Antiquity 23:274-284.

1968 The State and Settlement Patterns in the New World.
In Settlement Archaeology, edited by K.C. Chang,
pp. 134-153. Palo Alto: National Press.

Smith, Samuel D.
1971 A Reinterpretation of the Cades Pond Archeological
Period. M.A. Thesis, University of Florida,

Snedaker, Samuel C.
1970 Soils-Vegetation Complex of the Oklawaha Regional
Ecosystem. In Environmental Impact of the Cross-Florida
Barge Canal with Special Emphasis on the Oklawaha
Regional-Ecosystem, pp. 25-27. Florida Defenders of
the Environment, Gainesville.

White, William A.
1970 The Geomorphology of the Florida Peninsula.
Department of Natural Resources, Bureau of Geology,
Bulletin 51, Tallahassee.

Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast, Smithsonian
Miscellaneous Collections, VoL 113. Washington, D.C.

1966 An Introduction to American Archaeology. Volume 1,
North and Middle America. Englewood Cliffs:

Morgantown, West Virginia
January, 1978



Jerald T. Milanich

The article which follows consists of two site reports and
brief discussions of some aspects of Cades Pond culture history
and settlement patterning. I have been somewhat tardy in making
the site data available to other researchers (one site was exca-
vated in 1974, the other in 1976). It is hoped that this presen-
tation will stimulate more research into settlement patterning in
North-Central Florida during the A.D. 200-800 period.

Excavations at the Olster Site

In 1961 a field party of University of Florida students
recorded archeological site 8-Al-346 near the southwestern edge
of Newnan's Lake just east of Gainesville in Alachua County.
Limited testing and surface collections showed that the village
site, later named the Olster Site, contained a large amount of
ceramic and lithic artifacts (Hoffman 1961). Later, Samuel D.
Smith (1971:56-68) discussed this site in relation to others
attributable to the Cades Pond culture. Cades Pond is now known
to be the principal aboriginal culture occupying the Alachua
County area from ca. A.D. 200 to 800, or from the Deptford period
until the intrusion of the Alachua tradition peoples which marks
the beginning of the Hickory Pond period (see Hemmings, this

In 1974 it was noted by the Division of Archives, History
and Records Management that a proposed highway would probably cut
through a portion of the site. James J. Miller, division archeol-
ogist, carried out a surface reconnaissance and verified the route
of the road over the edge of the site. Because only one other
Cades Pond village had been thoroughly excavated--site 8-Al-169
(Cumbaa 1972)--the site was felt to be of sufficient significance
to warrant limited salvage excavations. Subsequently, funds for
the research were obtained by J.T. Milanich from the Alachua County
Commission. Excavations and analysis were carried out in the
summer, 1974, by Karl T. Steinen under the direction of Milanich.
This site report is based on the data collected by Steinen, which
is on file at the Florida State Museum.

Goals of the research were threefold: (1) to determine the
extent of the deposits that would be destroyed by construction;
(2) to conduct limited excavations in those portions of the site
that would produce the most data; and, (3) as a result of these
excavations, to produce information on Cades Pond temporal place-
ment and village life to supplement the data from site 8-Al-169,
the Melton village. The planned excavations were short-termed
and were not designed to address more specific research hypotheses.

The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 31, no. 4, December 1978


Prior to excavation, a post-hole digger was used over the
entire area to determine the pattern of artifact deposition.
These and subsequent tests showed that the site extended north
intermittently for about one-quarter mile along the east side
of a swamp-pond. Sites 8-Al-350, 351, and 352 comprise the
northern portion of this depositional pattern; each, along with
the Olster site, apparently comprise a "hot-spot" or area of
dense artifact distribution along the pond.

Four 5 by 5-foot units and one 5 by 10-foot unit were then
excavated along the proposed right-of-way. It was determined
that the road would cut across the southernmost portion of the
north-south line of midden and would be adjacent to one area of
dense midden about 100 feet north of the right-of-way. Permission
from the landowner was obtained to investigate this area and
the excavations were shifted north.

Initially, two excavation units were placed in the western
portion of the dense midden. Later, these units were expanded
to form a 10 by 25-foot excavation block. Additional tests to
the west and the south showed that the midden stratum faded out
in those directions and the number of artifacts became less.
To the northwest the artifact area was bounded by the pond and its
surrounding swamp. To the east was very thick pine and scrub
vegetation which prevented adequate excavation. Although it could
not be determined exactly, the dense midden (one "hot-spot")
seems to have covered an area about 20 yards on a side.

In the main excavation area the midden stratum appeared as
a dark brown humic zone 10 to 12 inches thick underlying a plowed
stratum about six inches deep. Though excavated separately, this
upper six inches represents the upper part of the midden plowed
during the twentieth century. Under the dark midden stratum a
few artifacts continued to be found for another four to six inches.

Despite the presence of a thick midden stratum rich in decayed
organic matter and artifacts, few features were located in contrast
to site 8-Al-169 reported by Cumbaa (1972). A line of six post-
molds across the southeast corner of the main excavation block
led under a large pine tree and were not followed. In the northern
end of the block five deer metatarsals and two metacarpals from
three separate deer (two of which were immature) were uncovered
in the midden stratum. Perhaps the bones were a cache of raw
material to be used later to fashion bone points or other tools,
although no such tools were found. In fact, no other bone was
found at the site, either bone fashioned into tools or the bones
of animals eaten for food, due to the high acidity of the soil.
The isolated preservation of the deer bone cannot be satisfactorily
explained. Perhaps they had been placed in some sort of container
that, when decomposed, reduced the acidity of the soil surrounding
the bones. Charred hickory nut hulls were found in all three zones.



Table 1 shows the various types of potsherds recovered
from the main excavation unit. The frequencies of potsherds
from the two tests to the south and west are essentially the
same, although quantity is much less. (Note: Catalogue cards
and notes for these tests and the five tests in the right-of-way
are on file in the Florida State Museum along with the artifacts,
Accession #74-74).

Table 1. Olster site ceramic counts and frequencies.

0 4J
0 H

44 00
'0 0 (3 4 W
a* rn 1- Ul r
fl 0
0n o 3 03
H- (3 03 03
030i- 03 03
aJ0 0 01 1*1 1.
S0 ) 03 03 i.l i)
4U ) 3 :3 C.) C.

a o

0 0 'W W
0 P

03 0a C W
P4 P4 P U 03
CO CO U) i 0
03 03 03 43 U 0 PLi P-< 3 bt p4i U 0

Plowed 2,234 41 8 1 51 55 54 1 1 1 3 4 1 1 1a 2,457
midden 90.9 1.6 .3 2.1 2.2 2.2 .1 .1

3,334 71 21 1 95 78 125 9 7 5 11 11 8 5 8b 3,789
hidden 87.9 1.8 .5 2.5 2.0 3.3 .2 .2 .1 .3 .3 .2 .1 .2

Below 414 13 1 1 11 9 19 1 2 1c 472
midden 87.7 2.7 .2 .2 2.3 1.9 4.0 .2 .4 .2

5,982 125 30 3 157 142 198 11 8 6 14 15 11 6 10 6,718
TOTAL 89.0 1.9 .4 2.3 2.1 2.9 .2 .1 .1 .2 .2 .2 .1 .2

Pass Inc; 2 St.
River Comp Stpd,

Johns paste with comp stpd, 1 New River Comp Stpd,
1 Indian Pass Inc, 2 Orange P1; 1 Weeden Island Red.

Top number in chart is quantity; bottom is percentage.

al Indian
2 Crooked


Lithic artifacts were mainly debitage--flakes removed
from nodules of locally obtained chert. Pinellas points,
triangular knives and perforators, and the tools known as Cross
Creek perforators (Smith 1971:128) were also present. Table 2
lists the lithic artifacts by excavation zone for the 10 by
25-foot excavation block. None of the large, stemmed knives
present at Cross Creek (Smith 1971:123) or 8-Al-169 were present
(Cumbaa 1972:Fig. 6). Percentages and types of artifacts do
not differ significantly between the plowed midden and midden
strata, indicating a single component site.

Table 2. Olster site lithic artifacts.

Pieces of chert

Other tools

Plowed midden

2 flake tools
5 Pinellas points
1 blank for Pinellas point
2 Cross Creek perforators
(1 isosceles shape)
1 broken, retouched end of bifacial knife
1 bifacial triangular knife
1 "chisel"; reused piece of greenstone

Midden 605 8 flake tools
4 Pinellas points (2 broken)
1 core
1 flat base of bifacial knife (?)
1 fragment of blade from bifacial knife (?)
1 Cross Creek perforator
1 scraping tool

Below midden 84 1 flake tool
1 bifacial triangular knife
1 sandstone abrador

All lithic artifacts are manufactured from local chert unless noted.



Excavations at 8-Al-462

Site 8-Al-462, the Hawthorne mound and village site
located about six km south of Hawthorne and 1.75 km east of
Lake Lochloosa, was recorded in the state archeological site
file in 1973 by C.H. Fairbanks. Surface collections made then
and over the next three years indicated that the site consisted
of a rich midden, rectangular in shape and measuring about 300
meters north-south and 60 meters east-west. A large sand mound,
presently 60 meters in diameter and three meters high, is
immediately adjacent to the village on its southeast side.
Southeast of the mound is a small lake; another much smaller
mound lies on the southeast bank of this lake. This latter
mound has been totally destroyed by pothunting. A third mound
is east of the lake. The large mound, presently flat-topped,
was originally rounded and at least one meter higher prior to
being reduced in height by heavy machinery used in clearing the
land for planting pine trees.

During the spring, 1976, the University of Florida archeo-
logical field school under the direction of Milanich spent nine
days excavating in the village portion of the site. Arthur
Rountree, a graduate student at the University, served as field
assistant. The limited excavations were intended simply to
assess the nature of the midden and determine the degree of
preservation of organic materials, especially the bones of
animals used for food.

In discussions with local people, at least four other Cades
Pond middens in the immediate area were located. These sites
are east and northeast from Lake Lochloosa extending into Putnam
County. Some have mounds adjacent to them and one has a mound
with a semicircular earthwork.

Surface surveys in the Hawthorne village had shown that
artifacts were distributed in much the same density over the entire
area. Consequently, a 3 by 3 m square excavation unit was randomly
selected in the southern part of the village about 80 meters
northwest of the mound. This initial test produced a large amount
of artifacts as well as features and the excavation was expanded
to a 9 by 9 m square.

The stratigraphy at the site was simple; artifacts were
found in the 50 cm zone below the ground surface. The upper 25 cm,
excavated as a separate zone, was heavily disturbed by clearing
and tree planting. The lower 25 cm of the artifact-bearing zone
was a gray sand midden stratum. Below 50 cm the soil rapidly
leached out to even tan sand. Almost no artifacts were found
below the midden.



Figure 1 shows the various firepits, shallow pits, storage
pits, a hearth, and postmolds uncovered in the nine-meter-square
excavation. Most of the features were observed in the lower
portion of the midden and extended down into the sub-midden
lighter-colored sand. The one shallow hearth was oval to
rectangular in shape with a very irregular bottom varying from
10 to 20 cm in depth. It appeared to have had different
portions dug out and reused through time. Charred bone, charcoal,
and ash filled the depression along with a small amount of
debris evidently swept into the hearth after it was abandoned.

All seven of the storage pits had straight sides and all
but one had flat bottoms (the other one had a rounded bottom).
Depth of the storage pits ranged from 53 to 69 cm (mean of
61.6 cm) and diameters ranged from 70 to 90 cm (mean of 81.7 cm).
All of the storage pits contained refuse which had been dis-
carded after the pits were no longer used for storage. The size
and shape of the pits as well as the practice of subsequently
using them for deposition of debris are very similar to the
Melton village site (Cumbaa 1972:10-13).

The two fire pits contained ash, charcoal, and burnt bone,
all indicative of in-place burning. Diameters of the fire pits
were 97 cm and 85 cm; depths were 26 cm and 33 cm. Both were
straight-sided with slightly rounded bottoms. A large quantity
of partially calcined bones was recovered from the -easternmost
fire pit. Exposure to fire helped to preserve the bone from the
dissolving action of the acidic soils which destroyed most of the
bone in the site. One fragment of charred split cane (from a
basket or mat?) was also recovered from the same fire pit.

The six pits designated shallow pits in Figure 1 all were
basin-shaped depressions from 19 cm to 25 cm in depth (mean of
21.8 cm), excepting one which had been redug at least two times
and was 40 cm deep with a diameter at the top of 90 cm. The other
pits had top diameters of 55 cm to 73 cm (mean of 64 cm). These
pits contained no evidence of fire and little refuse (only 10.4
percent of the artifacts from the various pits and hearth came
from these pits; 74 percent came from the storage pits). Their
function is unknown, although they might have been used for
anchoring posts.

The postmolds observed had flat or slightly rounded bottoms.
Together, the distribution of features and postmolds suggest that
they were within a rectangular structure. However, no living
floor was discernible (although root action had been severe) and
no pattern of wall posts was evident. Perhaps the structure was
much larger than nine meters on a side and the observed features
were located in a central part, away from the walls. Similar
clusterings of features with no clear patterns were present at
8-Al-169 (Cumbaa 1972).



0 postmold

m 3m

O storage pit

fire pit

shallow pit

Fig. 1. Features uncovered at site 8-A1-462.



Within the excavation block, however, artifacts were not
randomly distributed. More than 48 percent of the artifacts
recovered came from the southwestern one-third (33 percent) of
the area excavated. This distribution may reflect a doorway in
that area and the sweeping of debris outside of the structure.
Thus, perhaps the structure was only as large as the area enclosed
by the features, ca. nine by five meters.

Table 3 shows..the types. and frequencies of pottery recovered
from the two excavated strata and the features. The pottery type
listed as "plain tempered with white substance" resembles Pasco
Plain limestone tempered ware in appearance but tests have shown
that the white tempering substance (mixed with quartz sand) is
not limestone or shell. Rather, it appears to be fuller's earth.
Fuller's earth occurs naturally in the Hawthorne geological
formation and is easily obtainable in Alachua County (Cooke and
Mossom 1929:129-130).

Table 3.

Hawthorne site ceramic counts and frequencies.




& 8

n 4i

Plowed 2,449 253 3 1,084 19 1 64 35 6 5 1 6a 3,926
midden 62.4 6.5 27.6 .5 1.6 .9 .1 .1 .1
Midden 3,227 429 9 1,138 15 5 86 28 4 5 5 13 4,964
65.0 8.6 .2 22.9 .3 .1 1.7 .6 .1 .1 .1 .3

Features 569 38 11 117 1 22 1 3 1c 763
74.6 5.0 1.5 15.3 .1 2.9 .1 .4 .1

TOTAL 6,245 720 23 2,339 35 6 172 64 13 10 6 20 9,653
64.7 7.5 .2 24.2 .4 1.8 .7 .1 .1 .2

a2 Carrabelle Inc, 1 Wakulla Ck Stpd, 3 smoothed pl; 5 Deptford Simple Stpd,
1 stab-and-drag punc, 2 Alachua Net Impressed, 3 smoothed p1, 1 Carrabelle
Inc, 1 Weeden Island Punc; c1 Weeden Island Inc.

Top number in chart is quantity; bottom is percentage.


The percentage of St. Johns ware at the Hawthorne site is
surprising; the high relative frequency suggests that the ware
was locally manufactured from clays naturally containing sponge
spicules. Vessels of St. Johns ware are identical in shape to
those tempered with sand, i.e., large bowls with straight to
slightly incurving rims and rounded or flattened lips. Sponge
spicules occur naturally in clay deposits in North-Central
Florida (personal communication, Graig D. Shaak, Assistant
Curator in Invertebrate Paleontology, FSM, 1978). Thus, it
seems likely that the presence of relatively large amounts of
St. Johns ware and fuller's earth (?) tempered ware at the site
is simply a reflection of the clay sources utilized.

The frequency distribution of ceramics in the two artifact-
bearing strata does not differ significantly. Consequently,
like the Olster site, at least that portion of the Hawthorne
village excavated can be considered to be restricted in time
and constituting a single cultural component.

Lithic artifacts from the site are very similar to those
recovered from the Cross Creek site midden, 8-Al-3, (Smith 1971)
and the Melton site, 8-Al-169 (Cumbaa 1972). Other than 5,179
pieces of chert debitage (mostly flakes from the manufacturing
of tools) and 237 chert flakes showing some use-chipping, the
most common lithic artifacts were hafted knives and/or scrapers.
Thirty-nine intact or broken (but identifiable) examples were
recovered. Nearly all show extensive use along one or both edges
and many have been resharpened and reworked. According to Bullen's
projectile point typology (Bullen 1975:13-14,19-21) many of these
tools could be typed as Duval-Bradford or Columbia-Taylor-Jackson
points (Fig. 2). But the majority do not fit well in his classi-
ficatory system. Rather, they seem to form two continuums: one
of poorly-flaked, corner-notched tools with expanding stems (Duval
to Bradford) and one of poorly-made, side-notched tools with
expanding stems (Columbia-Taylor-Jackson). Some of the Taylor-like
specimens are certainly larger, Columbia-like knives that have
been broken and repointed. As noted, these knife-scrapers are of
the same types recovered from the Cross Creek and Melton Cades
Pond villages (Smith 1971:123; Cumbaa 1972:Fig. VI). Clearly,
they can be used as one of the identifying characteristics of the
Cades Pond lithic complex found at villages between ca. A.D. 200
and 800.

Other lithic tools include 23 fragments of blades, tips, and
bases of bifacial knives which were broken during use (Fig. 3,
center and bottom). Four "blanks" for such tools, all discarded
during manufacturing due to imperfections in the chert, were also
found. Three heavily patinated, Archaic stemmed points, a broken
Lafayette point, and a Kirk Serrated point all probably are
specimens from earlier times that were found and reused by the
Cades Pond peoples. Two uniquely shaped attempts to make points




Fig. 2. Lithic artifacts from 8-Al-462.

Bottom left two specimens are expanded base perforators;
rest of artifacts are stemmed knives or points.

I- =7









^ ,- 1*
4 hr
.l BF" R.


Fig. 3. Lithic artifacts from 8-A1-462.

Top: limestone metate and coral mano; center: snapped
tips from bifacial knives; bottom: snapped bases from
bifacial knives.







probably were experiments. Like site 8-A1-346, Pinellas points
were present and indicate presence of the bow and arrow. Six
were found.

No Cross Creek perforators were found although there were
two bifacial, expanded base perforators (Fig. 2, bottom left) and
one perforator formed on a spur of a flake. Another type of
knife, other than the tanged varieties, was well-made and
bifacially flaked with the base thinned (for hafting?). The
nine specimens were all broken (four flat bases, two slightly
rounded bases, and three rounded bases). Some of the broken
tips mentioned above are well-made and probably came from similar
bifacial knives. One fist-sized agatized coral manoo" that shows
heavy pounding and rubbing use is like the manos recovered by
Cumbaa from the Melton site (Cumbaa 1972:Fig. V). A large metate
of limestone, also like those from the Melton site, was surface
collected at 8-Al-462 (Fig. 3, top). One fragment of a banner-
stone, three pieces of large scraping-pounding tools, and four
sandstone abradors complete the lithic inventory.

Other artifacts include an eroded Busycon columella tool
and a large number (20+) of muscovite mica fragments. All of the
latter are less than five mm square.

Because of the soil acidity, the amount of bone recovered
from the site was small. That which was recovered was calcined
and came mainly from the various pits. Table 4 lists the various
species of the fauna identified by Tim A. Kohler working with the
comparative collections of the Zooarcheology Range of the Florida
State Museum. The few charred fragments of nuts and seeds
recovered, also identified by Kohler, were pignut hickory (Carya
glabra), black gum (Nyssa sylvatica), and unidentified oak
(Quercus sp.).

Although the subsistence date is very limited, what is
present agrees with Cumbaa's (1972) detailed observations from
the Melton site. The Cades Pond peoples made extensive use of
aquatic habitats (lakes and swamps) along with hardwood hammocks.


Although the excavations at the Olster site and the Hawthorne
site were limited in nature, we can compare the obtained data
with information from previously known sites and make at least a
few statements concerning Cades Pond culture history. Our base-
line for establishing a chronology for the Cades Pond sites comes
from the River Styx site and from the Melton site (8-Al-169).
As noted by Hemmings (this volume), River Styx is a transitional
Deptford-Cades Pond village-mound-earthwork complex dated at
1770+85 radiocarbon years: A.D. 180 (N-2170). A relatively large
amount of Deptford pottery came from both the mound and the
village (Bullen et al. 1972). We would expect the occupation at
River Styx to have terminated about A.D. 200.



Table 4. Hawthorne site fauna list.


Odocoileus virginianus
white-tailed deer

Unidentified small mammal


Amia calva

Ictalurus sp.
unidentified catfish

Lepisosteus sp.
unidentified garfish

Micropterus salmoides
large-mouth bass

Pomoxis sp.
unidentified crappie

Unidentified fish


Amphuuma means

Siren lacertina
freshwater eel


Alligator mississipiensis

unidentified poisonous

unidentified nonpoisonous

Natrix sp.
unidentified water snake

Chrysemis sp.
unidentified painted

Gopherus polyphemus
gopher tortoise

Kinosternon sp.
unidentified mud turtle

Terrapene carolina
box turtle

Unidentified turtle

The Melton village reported by Cumbaa (1972) has a date of
1730+90 radiocarbon years: A.D. 220 (N-2169). There is no St.
Johns Check Stamped pottery from the village and the amount of
Weeden Island decorated ceramic ware is less than one percent.
Consequently, we would expect that occupation to have begun at
about A.D. 200 and to have ended prior to A.D. 800. Nor was St.
Johns Check Stamped pottery present in the two excavated Cades
Pond mounds nearest to the Melton site (Melton #1 and #3, 8-Al-6
and 7, Sears 1956; Smith 1971:39-41). These two mounds contained
one percent and zero percent Weeden Island series decorated


At the Cross Creek complex, Smith's excavations in the
village midden also showed that St. Johns Check Stamped pottery
was not present, and Weeden Island series decorated types con-
stituted about 1.5 percent of the total village pottery
(percentages for the various Cades Pond middens are summarized
in Table 5). Nor was St. Johns Check Stamped pottery found in
either Cross Creek mound (Smith 1971:83-84, 91).

In contrast are the two sites reported here and site 8-Al-188
(Simmons village) which is reported by Smith (1971:59-60) on the
basis of a large surface collection. At all of these latter sites
St. Johns Check Stamped pottery is present and at sites 8-A1-188
and 8-Al-346 Weeden Island series pottery constitutes about five
and six percent respectively of the total ceramic samples (see
Table 5). These data suggest that the three sites were occupied
up to about A.D. 800, later than the Melton, Cross Creek, and
River Styx sites.

Table 5. Ceramic percentages for Cades Pond series.

Cross Creek Village 79.0 12.1 4.3 3.1 1.5 994
) Pa

W 0) En o

Melton Village 94.4 3.3 1.6 x 0.7 12,000

Cross Creek Village 79.0 12.1 4.3 3.1 1.5 994

Bolster 89.0 2.9 1.9 0.2 6.0 6,718 x

Hawthorne Village 64.7 24.2 7.7 0.4 1.8 1.2 9,653 x

8-Al-188 92.5 0.2 2.0 0.1 x 5.2 6,007 x




An interesting correlation exists between presence-absence
of St. Johns Check Stamped pottery and presence-absence of
Pinellas points, thought to be indicative of the use of the
bow and arrow, a characteristic of the post-A.D. 800 Alachua
tradition peoples in Alachua County (Milanich 1971:37-38). No
Pinellas points were recovered from the two village sites with-
out St. Johns Check Stamped pottery (Cumbaa 1972:18; Smith
1971:77, 79). The three sites with St. Johns Check Stamped
pottery and thought to be occupied until A.D. 800 (Olster,
Hawthorne, and 8-Al-188) all have Pinellas points (Smith

This very small sample suggests that the bow and arrow was
present in North-Central Florida prior to the entrance of the
Alachua tradition and was used by the Cades Pond peoples.
Pinellas points have now been well-documented by A.D. 400
(at least nine radiocarbon dates) for the McKeithen Weeden Island
culture in North Florida, based on excavations being carried
out under the author's direction at the McKeithen site in
Columbia County. Knowledge of that weapon must have diffused to
the Cades Pond population between A.D. 400 and 800. Verifying
this, however, will require better temporal data on the Cades
Pond sites and on the distribution of the Pinellas point in
North-Central Florida.

Another positive correlation apparent in Table 5 is the
presence of a higher percentage of Weeden Island decorated pottery
in the presumed later sites. This may indicate the increased
popularity of those types nearer A.D. 800. Again, a larger
sample based on more field work is needed.

Comparison of the Hawthorne and Olster sites with Cross Creek,
Melton and 8-Al-188 can also provide some indication of site
function. All the sites but Olster have large consolidated
village middens and the two excavated villages--Melton and
Hawthorne--contain a number of storage pits reflective of some
degree of village sedentism. A wide range of lithic tools is
also present at these sites (as in the collections from Cross
Creek and 8-Al-188), but not at Olster. The distribution of
debris at Olster and the three related sites immediately to the
north seems to be one of intermittent "hot-spots," the result of
widely-spaced (geographically and temporally?) occupations
rather than a single consolidated village. All of the other
sites are probably villages occupied a large part of the year
and a wide range of everyday activities is represented in the
artifact inventories. Olster, on the other hand, seems to be a
specialized site without the full range of the Cades Pond lithic
complex thought to be used for processing and manufacturing a
variety of raw materials and food. Perhaps the site functioned
as an intermittently used camp (for hunting?) late in the Cades
Pond period. Or, perhaps it and the small sites to the north


reflect a dispersal of the previously nucleated populations
into smaller units which could relieve economic pressures
resulting from the growth of village populations. Increased
importance of agriculture may be another contributory factor.
The paucity of the Cades Pond lithic inventory at the site,
however, makes the latter hypotheses unattractive. Differing
economic functions for Cades Pond sites is an interesting
topic (and a reasonable one) for future research.

Cades Pond and the Occupational Nexus Model

To date, five types of Cades Pond archeological sites have
been identified (this typology is a refinement of Hemmings'
typology presented in this volume):
(1) Mound with semicircular earthwork and adjacent
village (e.g., Ramsey Pasture mound, River Styx, and Cross Creek);
a village is defined here as a site containing evidence of
long-term (more than a generation?) and sedentary--the largest
part of the year--occupation; such evidence includes structures,
food storage, and a broad range of economic activities. This
type of mound site appears to be the earliest one within the
Cades Pond culture. The River Styx burial area enclosed in the
earth embankment contained artifacts suggestive of the Hope-
wellian-affiliated Yent complex (Sears 1962), which is also
represented in the earthwork-enclosed Crystal River burial mound
at a comparable date. Such sites date about A.D. 200.

(2) Mound(s) with adjacent village within one-half km
(Hawthorne; Shirea mound and village 18-Al-49, 84; Running Lake
mounds and village, 8-Al-181-183; Simmons mounds and village,
8-Al-187, 188, 191); Wacahoota mound and village 8-Al-58, 59)
(3) Mound(s) with associated village within one-half to
one and one-half km (Melton mounds #1-3 and Melton village;
8-Al-44 mounds and 8-Al-505 village site).
(4) Specialized site with relatively dense but localized
midden accumulations not containing artifacts indicative of the
full range of village activities (Olster).
(5) Camp site represented by diffuse midden refuse; such
sites are numerous where there are chert outcroppings, especially
around the fringe of Paynes Prairie (8-Al-36, 65, 76, 192, 438,
502, 523, 528).

There are additionally in North-Central Florida a number of
small sand burial mounds without village sites in association.
Many of these have been destroyed by extensive pothunting
activities. Examination of the spoil turns up a few fragments
of badly-preserved human bone and little else. Recent excavations
in two such mounds (Loucks 1976; Fradkin and Milanich 1977)
has shown that they are associated with the Alachua tradition.
I suspect that most of the other such isolated, small sand mounds
in North-Central Florida are also Alachua tradition (e.g., the
Evinston mound reported by Smith, 1971:111-112). Until proven
otherwise, these sites will not be included in the Cades Pond
site typology.



When the geographical locations of the known Cades Pond
sites are compared with information on relative ages and types
of sites and on subsistence activities, an explanatory model
can be generated. This model, termed the occupational nexus,
is offered as a working hypothesis which requires additional
empirical testing. It is based on the following observations.

Cades Pond sites appear to occur geographically in
clusters or groups (although I have not done it here, this
clustering can be quantified using statistical nearest-neighbor
correlations). Each group or nexus contains one or more type
#2 or type #3 sites, and the older nexuses also contain one
or more type #1 sites, thought to be earlier in time. Type
#5 camps occur in all nexuses: the Olster site is the only
#4 site investigated sufficiently for classification, but
similar sites probably also occur in all nexuses.

Examples of such nexuses are shown in Table 6 and Figure 4.
Each nexus contains at least one major mound-village complex.
Where more than one complex is present, the sites are either
sequential in time, or the newer site is placed relatively
far away from the older sites (a new nexus being formed?).
Sites are probably related synchronically through economic
and social ties (camps and specialized sites occupied concomi-
tantly with the major village-mound complex; new villages
budding off from older ones). Additionally, each nexus contains
sites related diachronically to one another (a village, camp,
or specialized site was abandoned and new ones established).

The resulting pattern is one of related or connected sites
occupying a restricted geographical locality (about 5,000
hectares--12,355 acres--the equivalent of a rectangular locale
about 5 by 10 kn-. Position of sites is relative not only to the
social environment (other sites in the same nexus and to other
nexuses), but it is relative to the natural environment also.
Villages were placed to maximize accessibility to aquatic
habitats (lakes, ponds, and their bordering and often extensive
swamps and marshes). Cumbaa's (1972) analysis of the fauna
remains from the Melton village demonstrated that 85 percent of
the sample of more than 1500 individual animals used for food
came from aquatic habitats. These individuals included snails,
clams, 12 species of fish, frogs, 7 species of turtles, 5 species
of water snakes, alligator, 7 species of water birds, and marsh-
aquatic-dwelling mammals such as the otter and muskrat. Table
6 shows the various lake-pond-marsh systems adjoining each nexus.

The importance of aquatic habitats to Cades Pond subsistence
cannot be overemphasized. For example, within three km of the
Cross Creek site (an area of 2,830 hectares or about 7,000 acres)
there are about 2,330 hectares of aquatic habitat and 500 hectares
of mesic and xerix hammock. These figures are in marked contrast
to the figures for Alachua tradition sites in North-Central Florida.




Fig. 4. Cades Pond nexuses.

Numbers are keyed to Table 6.


Nexus Mound-Village Complex1 Other Sites Aquatic Habitats

1. North Paynes Prairie Melton complex 8-A1-36, 65, 80, 86, Paynes Prairie
Melton mounds #1-3 150-152, 192, 346, Perch Lake
(8-A1-5, 6, 7) 355, 523, 528 Newanes Lake
Bell mounds (Bell 1883) Swamp system west of
Melton village Newnans Lake
Shirea mound and village
(8-A1-49, 84)

2. Levy Lake a) Ramsey Pasture mound 8-A1-76, 412 Levy Lake
and village (8-A1-78) Paynes Prairie
b) Wacahoota mound and Kanapaha Prairie
village (8-Al-58, 59) Grass Prairie
Prairie Creek

3. Cross Creek a) River Styx complex 8-Al-110, 267, 438, River Styx
(8-Al-458) 502 Orange Lake
b) Cross Creek complex Little Lochloosa Lake
(8-Al-2, 3, 4) Lochloosa Lake
c) 8-A1-44 (mounds) and Watson Prairie
8-A1-505 (village) Fish Prairie
(Mullins 1977) etc.

4. East Lochloosa Lake a) Unnumbered mound with Four unnumbered sites Lochloosa Lake
circular embankment Lake Jeffords
b) Hawthorne mounds and Star Lake
village (8-A1-462) Little Orange Lake
Unnumbered mound and Swamps east of Lochloosa
village (not visited) Lake, etc.

5. Natural Bridge Running Lake complex At least 10 sites in Santa Fe River and swamp
8-Al-181 (village and locality of Simons Buzzard Roost Prairie
8-A1-182-183 (mounds) and Running Lake Swamp system in Natural
Simons complex, 8-Al-188 complexes Bridge area
(village and 8-A1-187,
191 (mounds

6. Santa Fe Lake Griner mounds and village Santa Fe Lake
(poorly known) (8-Bf-8) Little Santa Fe Lake
Saluda Swamp
Lake Altho
Lake Geneva
Swamp system north of
Little Santa Fe Lake

1Small letters, where present, indicate hypothesized relative age within a nexus (e.g., "a" River Styx,
preceded "b" Cross Creek).
2Griner mounds were excavated by Col. L.M. Pearsall. The mound excavated by H. Gillman (1878, 1879) was
probably one of the Griner mounds which are also known as the Keystone Club Estates mounds.
Based on the distribution of the nexuses and the availability of aquatic systems, it is likely that
two-four additional nexuses exist in the aquatic systems in the Melrose-Putnam Hall region between
the Lake Santa Fe-Lake Geneva nexus and the east Lochloosa Lake nexus.


Table 6. Cades Pond occupational nexuses.


Within three km of the center of the densest distribution of
Alachua sites (east of Moon Lake in Alachua County) there are
less than 100 hectares of aquatic habitats; the remainder is
hammock. The amount of these habitats for the Alachua sites
to the north in the 8-Al-272, 273 area where a large number of
sites also are found, is very similar. Although some Alachua
tradition sites are found adjacent to large bodies of water,
such as 8-Al-27 located on the bluffs bordering the north
side of western Paynes Prairie, these localities have little
swamp nearby. The determining factor for Alachua sites seems
to be soils suitable for aboriginal agriculture, not accessi-
bility of aquatic resources.

One hypothesis present in the model is that each nexus
functioned as a separate political unit, bound together by
social organization, shared beliefs, and economic ties. One
major mound-village complex served as a "center" at any one
time with a large portion of the nexus population residing
at the village adjacent to or associated with the mound(s).
Although a second mound-village complex may be present in the
same nexus, it probably represents a new center budded off
from the old.

By using archeologically obtainable data (such as artifact
manufacturing techniques) this model could begin to be tested.
For instance, we would expect the paste types found in the ceramic
series of one nexus to be more similar to other sites in that
nexus than it would be to the sites in another nexus. And
such data could be quantified.

If the nexus model, revised as a result of testing, proves
to be consistent with additional observed data, Cades Pond could
serve as a laboratory for the anthropological study of such
topics as increasing settlement and social complexity among early
Formative societies with expanding populations. The role of
economic competition between small independent polities in the
evolution of complex societies is another general topic for
consideration. And deriving demographic figures on rates of
growth might also be possible once we have identified all of the
nexuses and can determine the size and number of sites through
time within a nexus. A hypothetical example is as follows:
If the initial Cades Pond population is 200 persons (coastal
Deptford peoples shifted inland), and if at A.D. 800 there are
eight nexuses each with a population of 900 persons, then a
growth rate of 0.6 percent per year occurred. (Actually, this
"hypothetical" figure is not out of line with estimates of
0.3 percent hypothesized for Upper Paleolithic populations in
Europe [Cowgill 1975:127], and slightly less than 1.0 percent for
Southwest United States prehistoric pueblo populations
[Longacre 1975:72-73]).



Although the occupational nexus is based on data from North-
Central Florida, I believe that it could be applied to other areas
of the state. The Lake Okeechobee Basin between ca. 500 B.C. and
A.D. 1000 or later is one such area. Data presently being
collected from the excavation and survey of Weeden Island sites in
Columbia and Suwannee counties is suggesting that between about
A.D. 200 and 800 (concomitant with Cades Pond) occupational nexuses
were also present. It is perhaps no coincidence that in all three
areas during the period of the presumed nexus settlements, the
societies were evidently evolving into the non-egalitarian social
systems of chiefdoms. This evolution, once documented as separate
from that occurring in the regions of origin of the Mississippian
chiefdoms, may eventually help to explain differences between the
nature of various of the post-A.D. 1000 cultures in peninsular
Florida and Southwest Georgia and the contemporary Mississippian
cultures elsewhere in the Southeast (the "Gulf" culture pattern
versus the Mississippian pattern).


The Alachua County Commission provided funds for the excava-
tion of the Olster site. Owens-Illinois, through Mr. Bill
Schlitzkus, Timber Manager, granted permission for the excavation
of the Hawthorne site. Mr. Schlitzkus and Mr. Carrol Wood of
Owens-Illinois also provided important information about other
sites located on Owens-Illinois land. Ms. Malinda Stafford of the
Florida State Museum did her usual expert job in the preparation
of the figures. I am especially indebted to Dr. E. Thomas
Hemmings who allowed his paper to be published along with my own
research. His paper serves as an excellent introduction and over-
view of the Cades Pond culture and previous archeological investi-
gations of it. Sue Ann Mullins provided her unpublished data on
sites 8-Al-505 and 8-A1-44 which she is presently analyzing for
future publication.

References Cited

Bell, James
1883 Mounds in Alachua County, Florida. In Smithsonian
Annual Report, 1881, pp. 635-637. Smithsonian
Institution, Washington, D.C.

Bullen, Ripley P.
1975 A Guide to the Identification of Florida Projectile
Points. Kendall Books, Gainesville.

Bullen, Ripley P., Adelaide K. Bullen, and E. Thomas Hemmings
1972 The River Styx Site: A Depository for Deptford
Cremations. Paper presented at the 37th Annual
Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology,
Bal Harbor.



Cooke C. Wythe, and Stuart Mossom
1929 Geology of Florida. Reprinted from The Twentieth
Annual Report of the Florida State Geological Survey,
pp. 29-228. United States Geological Survey and
Florida State Geological Survey.

Cowgill, George L.
1975 Population Pressure as a Non-Explanation. In
Population Studies in Archaeology and Biological
Anthropology: A Symposium, ed. by A.C. Swedlund,
pp. 127-131. Society for American Archaeology
Memoir 30.

Cumbaa, Stephen L.
1972 An Intensive Harvest Economy in North Central Florida.
Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida.

Fradkin, Arlene, and Jerald T. Milanich
1977 Salvage Excavations at the Law School Mound, Alachua
County, Florida. Florida Anthropologist 30:166-178.

Gillman, Henry
1878 Crania Used as Cinerary Urns in a Burial Mound in
Florida. American Naturalist 12:753-754. Philadelphia.

1879 Remarkable Burial Custom from a Mound in Florida: The
Crania Used as Cinerary Urn. Proceedings of the
American Association for the Advancement of Science
27:309-312. Salem.

Hoffman, Charles A., Jr.
1961 Some Surface Surveys in Alachua County. Manuscript on
file, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida.

Longacre, William A.
1975 Population Dynamics at the Grasshopper Pueblo, Arizona.
In Population Studies in Archaeology and Biological
Anthropology: A Symposium, ed. by A.C. Swedlund,
pp. 71-74. Society for American Archaeology Memoir 30.

Loucks, Jill L.
1976 Early Alachua Tradition Burial Ceremonialism: The
Henderson Mound, Alachua County, Florida. Unpublished
M.A. thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of
Florida. Gainesville.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1971 The Alachua Tradition of North-Central Florida.
Contributions of the Florida State Museum: Anthropology
and History No. 17.



Mullins, Sue Ann
1977 Archeological Survey and Excavations in the Paynes
Prairie State Reserve. Unpublished M.A. thesis,
Department of Anthropology, University of Florida.

Sears, William H.
1956 Melton Mound Number 3. Florida Anthropologist

1962 Hopewellian Affiliations of Certain Sites on the
Gulf Coast of Florida. American Antiquity 28:5-18.

Smith, Samuel D.
1971 A Reinterpretation of the Cades Pond Archeological
Period. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida.

Gainesville, Florida
January, 1978



In accordance with U.S. Postal Regulations No. 132.622, the
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is included in this. issue.


The Florida Anthropological Society, Inc.
c/o Norcott Henriquez, Resident Agent
1510 Dewey Street
Hollywood, FL 33020


Officers of the Society
See inside cover for names and addresses


Total number of copies
printed varies from 1062
to 1195

Sold to UF Library for
foreign exchange

Mail subscriptions

Total paid circulation

Free distribution

Total distribution

Office use, left-over


Average number of
copies each issue

June, 1977, vol.
31, no. 2













Jerald T. Milanich
Editor, FAS
8 September 1978


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