Table of Contents
 Eighteenth Century Culture Change...
 The Wash Island Site, Crystal River,...
 Vertebrate Remains from the Wash...
 Membership Information
 Back Cover

Group Title: Florida anthropologist
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Title: The Florida anthropologist
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Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
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Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
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Table of Contents
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    Eighteenth Century Culture Change Among the Lower Creeks
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
    The Wash Island Site, Crystal River, Florida
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
    Vertebrate Remains from the Wash Island Site
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
    Membership Information
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
    Back Cover
        Page 100
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3 175J-T


a publication of the florida anthropological society

Volume XVI, No. 3


C 0 N T E N T S

Eighteenth Century Culture Change Among The Lower Creeks
Carol I. Mason . . . .

The Wash Island Site, Crystal River, Florida
Adelaide K. and Ripley P. Bullen . ..

Vertebrate Remains From The Wash Island Site
Elizabeth S. Wing .. . . ..

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. 97


Carol I. Mason

Archaeologists working with historic Indian materials

in the Southeast often feel obliged to comment on culture

change occurring as a result of contact of the Indians with

Europeans. Very often the most that can be said is that a

simplification or breakdown of aboriginal culture occurred

through the acceptance of European technology in the form of

trade goods and a consequent tie-in with European economic

systems. Viewed as a whole, this is a fair statement of fact,

for the technological innovations and sweeping population

displacements of the early historic period are unparalleled

for their abruptness and violence and caused severe cultural

dislocations in many areas. Crane, in his classic study of

the southern frontier (1956), pointed to the introduction of

the English trade as a precourser to "an economic and social

revolution" (p. 116) among the Indians, creating "new habits

and ways of living which f bred dependence upon the

white man." Viewing the situation more microscopically from

the point of view of a site or a series of similar sites, it

is often very difficult to demonstrate these changes in terms

of specific social institutions and specific cultural


The most obvious forms of culture change on archaeologi-

cal sites consist of European trade artifacts, and in most

cases the difficulties involved in interpolating alterations

in social and ideological systems from these data are enor-

mous, even granting the existence of a suitable body of his-

toric source materials from which to draw. The replacement

of native made artifacts by European ones often coincides

with the breakdown and disruption of aboriginal culture, but

it is not always possible to frame this as a causal relation-

ship or to assume that everywhere the presence of European

artifacts in a site necessarily indicates a concommitant

breakdown of social and ideological systems. The thesis that

technological change is a determining factor in the altera-

tion of the rest of culture is one that I would accept; what

needs demonstration in the case of certain historic Indian

sites is that technological change as opposed to artifact

replacement has in fact occurred. And by technological

change is meant alteration in the tools and techniques uti-

lized by a cultural system to extract a living from its phys-

ical environment; in other words, alteration in the basic

means that a society uses to exploit the world around it.

The Lower Creeks offer an example of a group of towns

whose economy was linked closely to the English trade and

whose sites show considerable replacement of aboriginal arti-

facts with European ones. However, their social and ideo-

logical systems persisted as recognizably Creek in character

for at least a hundred years after the inception of a re-

markably active acculturative situation. The Lower Creek


towns are represented in the earliest known phase of contact

with Europeans by Ocmulgee Fields, an archaeological complex

demonstrating eager acceptance of European trade materials

and a consequent decline in native handicrafts. The economy

of the Lower Creeks of this period (1690-1715) was commencing

a relationship with the deerskin trade that ultimately placed

the Indians in a position dependent upon the English for

guns, knives, clothing, and many kinds of ornamental non-

essentials. The problem becomes one of determining why Creek

culture managed to retain its character in spite of years of

European encroachment, the introduction of new tools and

weapons, and periods of conscious action anthropology on the

part of the United States government and its officials.

It is true, of course, that the most obvious changes in

Lower Creek culture as a result of contact with Europeans

took place in the area of material culture. The inception of

the English trade brought many new classes of artifacts to

the frontier, as the archaeological remains at Ocmulgee

Fields sites amply demonstrate. These things replaced arti-

cles of native manufacture and as a result produced rapid

changes in handicrafts and the patterns of behavior associ-

ated with the production of these things in the home. The

loss of home craft was such that Benjamin Hawkins, principal

Indian agent for United States territories south of Ohio, rue-

fully acknowledged that "they (the Indians) have played the

spoiled child for so long that many of them have ceased

to do anything useful for themselves" (Hawkins 1916: 76).

the disappearance of native-made objects may have contributed

to some of the estrangement between generations so noticeable

in the eighteenth century, at least as far as the men were

concerned. Boys no longer learned from their elders the arts

of making tools and weapons, and hence one important learning

situation insuring continuity of knowledge from generation to

generation was eliminated almost without replacement.

Perhaps the most important single artifact introduced to

the Indians through the trade was the flintlock musket. Ana-

lyzing the effects of this weapon on the native peoples must

include not only its effectiveness as a means of producing

deerskins for trade but also its efficiency in restructuring

relationships between Indian groups on the frontier itself.

Smith has pointed out with reference to the introduction of

the flintlock rifle that it eventually caused significant al-

terations in the ecology of whole regions by allowing more

complete elimination of the game than had ever been possible

before (Smith 1956: 104). This type of scouring of the

countryside for game must have had some influence on the di-

rection and even the frequency of the movements of the Indian


As striking as the replacement of native-made artifacts

by European ones is, however, even more striking is the per-

sistence of certain others in the face of what must have been

long standing and fairly formidable competition. The most


important of these holdouts is pottery, which, instead of

suffering a rapid decline in importance and disappearing en-

tirely, continued to be made by the Creeks through the nine-

teenth century (Speck 1907). Indians in other areas seem to

have been more than willing to abandon aboriginal ceramics

for copper, brass, or iron kettles or for European or Ameri-

can ceramics, but the Creeks seem in many instances to have

preferred their own earthenware, which often appears with

European or American pottery on the same sites. At Ocmulgee

Town, the Lower Creek site in Macon, Georgia, native pottery

as yet had no real competition, judging from the relatively

few sherds of European ceramics present. Copper was found on

the site, presumably the debris from manufacturing ornaments

from copper kettles, but no whole kettles and very few rec-

ognizable kettle fragments were found there.

It is in areas where native patterns of behavior were

intensified the most through new weapons that the really far-

reaching effects were felt in the social system. These

changes centered about male roles in the society and left

those of the women basically unaltered. When the deerskin

trade commenced, men were the principal participants in it

since they were the principal (and usually only) hunters.

Joining the trade created a circle from which it was im-

possible to escape: hunting provided skins which could be

traded for goods which were consumed in prodigious quantities

by the Indians. The more the Indians acquired, the more


desirable the trade goods became and the more necessary it

became to hunt intensively for deer. Hunting deer was the

only way an individual Indian could reap the rewards of the

trade and bring the highly desired produce of the Europeans

to his friends and relatives, ceaseless and unrelenting con-

sumers. The Indians had no other means of access to the

trade; the Southeast provided them with no other raw material

desired by Europeans, and they possessed no skills that Euro-

peans could purchase in a labor market. As time went on and

European goods attained the status of necessities if not of

life itself of respectable life as the Indians viewed it,

more and more men were removed for longer and longer periods

from other customary activities in order to hunt deer and

thus be able to acquire trade articles. Ceremonial activi-

ties suffered by the removal of the men into the woods for

prolonged deer hunting. Hawkins' 1796 tour through the Creek

country found very few men at home; most of them were out

hunting for a season that often lasted three or four months

(Hawkins 1916). There is no reason to believe that this

three or four month deer hunting season represented an origi-

nal aboriginal pattern. Judging from the one-time excellent

supply of deer, such a prolonged hunting season would hardly

have been necessary in pre-contact times.

Evidently the length of the hunting season was directly

related to the decline in numbers of deer available. Even-

tually at the end of the eighteenth century, the game was


clearly on its way to extinction because of over-hunting, and

longer and longer periods had to be spent in the field in

order to find any fur-bearing game at all. The desperateness

of the situation was made graphic by Benjamin Hawkins. In

commenting on the natural wildness of the Creek country in the

last of the eighteenth century, he stated that normally one

would expect game in abundance there, but actually the con-

verse was true: "the whole of the creek claims, the Semi-

noles inclusive, cover three hundred miles square; and it is

difficult for a good hunter, in passing through it, in any

direction, to obtain enough for his support" (Hawkins 1848:


Because of the decline in the deer population, the posi-

tion of the Creek men at the end of the eighteenth century

was a precarious one as far as their integration into the

general economic organization of the Creek community was

concerned. Hawkins stated that ". the game has become

scarce; the wants of the Indians are increasing, the men too

proud to labor; the distemper has destroyed their horses;

the presents heretofore given by Great Britain, in quantities

sufficient to cloathe all the idlers, has ceased; those

given by Spain are mere baubles. The men, bred in habits

proudly indolent and insolent, accustomed to be courted .

will reluctantly and with difficulty, be humbled to the level

of rational life" (Hawkins 1916: 240). The "rational life"

proposed by Hawkins and consisting of orderly farming-for-

profit activity on the part of the men was not an indigenous

pattern, but by that time was the only alternative left the

Creek men if they were to contribute actively to the economic

life of the community. The development of an alternative to

the declining hunting-trading pattern had been for a long

time inhibited in its emergence through the continued prac-

tice of European governments of giving "gifts" to the Indians.

In many cases, they came to expect generous gifts of European

goods and, when the decline in the deer supply limited parti-

cipation in the trade through normal channels, to depend on

gifts as a major source for the highly desired trade goods.

When the United States government developed its new policy of

discouraging presents and encouraging individual initiative

and self-sufficiency, this pattern was of such long standing

and of such strength that it proved a real stumbling block to

continued progress. Hawkins, a most temperate individual and

very sympathetic to the Creeks, occasionally grew so impa-

tient with the repeated requests for gifts that he denounced

his charges as a nation of "beggars" (Hawkins 1916: 57).

With the diminution in the supply of game animals and

the discouragement by the government of gifts, the men of the

Lower Creeks substituted stolen horses for deerskins as a

means of trade and put off in time somewhat their inevitable

reorganization as far as roles in the economic system were

concerned. The brisk trade in stolen horses required almost

the same organization as deer hunting. Men organized "hunts"

for the purpose of horse stealing and continued to partici-

pate in the trade using stolen horses rather than deerskins.

This kind of trade was more difficult since former owners had

a habit of turning up to reclaim their property, sometimes,

however, only after the horses had exchanged hands many times

and had successfully provided stimulus for the flow of goods

to a number of individuals. Horses as a new type of commod-

ity remained within the same old pattern of economic activity,

and the major lines of Lower Creek economic organization re-

mained the same.

The removal of the men from the villages and towns for

very long periods tended to preserve the aboriginal pattern

of matrilineal land control and matrilineal descent in spite

of the increasing importance of deer hunting to the community.

The core of women who remained home in the villages were the

agriculturalists as they had always been and retained their

control over land and the products of the land. Women,

therefore, and particularly the martilineage, served as the

thread of cultural continuity from generation to generation

and certainly were a powerful force for cultural conservatism.

The relative stability of female roles in the society was

probably the reason for the retention of such things as pot-

tery and the resistance to change of certain ceramic motifs,

which were passed along the maternal line from mother to

daughter (Fairbanks 1962: 51).

When culture change affected the women of Creek society,


it was mainly to intensify the already existing patterns of

matrilineality by placing even more control over basic pro-

duction in their hands. The traders, ironically, proved to

be important innovators, introducing the women to new crafts,

new agricultural plants, and even new domestic animals. Haw-

kins' reports of important changes in farming, stock-raising,

and other similar activities seem to center for the most part

around the homes of the traders (Hawkins 1848). In these

homes, shared by Indian wives, some traders consciously at-

tempted to implant European social usages upon the children

and to provide them with European educations, but, judging

from the number of offspring of such marriages later to ob-

tain prominence as Creek leaders, the matrilineal line re-

tained its vitality in such culturally mixed situations.

In some of the towns, the traders further increased the

economic power of the women by establishing certain kinds of

markets. Hawkins reported that some of the towns had "a

powerful stimulus to industry" in the creation of markets for

the express purpose of supplying the traders with food at set

prices. One of these markets resulted in as much as $2750 in

money and goods being injected into the economy of one town

over a period of two years. Since the women supplied many of

the sundries for the markets from their gardens, they began

to have a direct means of access to European goods instead of

being dependent upon the hunting (or horse stealing) activi-

ties of their male relatives. Other forms of industry intro-

duced by whites added to the possibilities of earning by

Creek women. At least one local cotton gin operated in the

Creek country in 1796, hiring Indian women to pick cotton and

paying them beads, salt, and "taffra" (Hawkins 1916: 30).

All of these new patterns of behavior in the economic sphere

resulted not so much in dislocation as intensification of the

aboriginal form since the traditional roles of the women as

providers were not being re-defined or altered in any really

radical way.

Perhaps the single most important plan of induced culture

change among the Lower Creeks was that organized and promoted

by the United States government under the immediate direction

of Benjamin Hawkins. Hawkins realized the hopeless position

of the Creeks in competing with the expansion of Georgian

farmers into Indian lands and attempted to alter Creek cul-

ture in a direction most nearly approximating the frontier

farming community as was possible. He believed that if the

Creeks possessed some form of economic life not dependent

upon hunting or theft or upon continual village movement,

they would be in a better position to resist the encroach-

ment of white farmers and to develop stronger governmental

machinery for so doing.

Stock raising was one of the important new forms of

economic activity encouraged by the government. It not only

formed a new and stable form of wealth for the Indians but

also had some effect on settlement patterns and village size.

The people began to settle out from the main towns in smaller

villages "for the conveniency of stock raising" (Hawkins

1848: 30) through better access to grazing lands. The Indi-

ans so settled out in villages retained less of their old

"customs of indolence" and "sitting daily in the squares"

(Hawkins 1848: 56) perhaps because these new village Indians

had already adopted the frontier settler-farmer way of life

before moving out in the villages rather than vice-versa as

Hawkins seems to have thought. Certainly Hawkins' descrip-

tions of these smaller villages indicate that some strides

had been made in reintegrating the men directly into the

basic subsistence system, an area from which they had long

been absent during the years of intensive hunting and trading

for really non-essential (in terms of the subsistence system

at any rate) goods. In at least some instances, however,

stock raising remained in the hands of the women (Hawkins

1916: 16), even when it was the raising of such large animals

as cattle and hogs.

The introduction of the plow in agriculture was a direct

onslaught on the position of the men in the Creek community.

Plow agriculture is usually male agriculture, and where it

was introduced successfully among the Creeks, it proved use-

ful in encouraging a new role, that of frontier farmer, for

Creek men (Hawkins 1848: 60). Introduction of the plow was

handled directly by white farmers sent into Creek territory

by Hawkins to teach the Creeks the use of it (Hawkins 1916:


As a whole, though, many of the technological innova-

tions promoted by Hawkins were rejected by the Creek men, who

were very often reluctant to alter their patterns of living

and totally uninterested in his plans for their economic bet-

terment. Efforts at teaching them animal husbandry, iron

craft, and agriculture were hampered not only by the long

hunting season but also by long entrenched attitudes as to

what was proper male behavior. It was particularly dis-

couraging to Hawkins to find that some of his successes later

relapsed into their old ways and preferred "roving idly

through the woods, and down on the frontiers, to attending to

farming or stock raising" (Hawkins 1848: 61). His introduc-

tions of spinning, weaving, and carding among the women were

as a whole more successful, but these activities produced no

real changes in the social organization since they acted to

make the means of production even more firmly entrenched in

the female sphere. Although movement toward the frontier

farming pattern continued among the Creeks, the good old days

of hunting, trading, and roving idly through the woods lost

none of their appeal. Even in the middle of the nineteenth

century, after the Creek removal to Oklahoma, this way of

life had a brief revival in the game rich lands of that

territory. Contemporary observers noted the rapidity of

the disappearance of the game, particularly the fur-bearing

game, as the old pattern emerged once more (Schoolcraft



As a summary statement, it can be said that the coming

of the English trade changed the economic organization of

Creek culture in certain ways, particularly in providing new

tools and weapons and thus altering somewhat the position of

men in the society. The English trade increased the impor-

tance of deer hunting; and when the game disappeared, Creek

men were left without an easy means of access to the by then

necessary trade goods. The early periods of the influx of

Europeans into America, however, saw the presentation of

these new tools, new weapons, and many other kinds of new

things to the Creeks, but these artifacts were not new in the

sense that they introduced an entirely alien technology. As

a matter of fact, the new articles brought to the Creeks

through trade did not present to them a new technology at all.

The new artifacts, manufactured by processes unknown to the

Indians and probably unimportant to them, simply substituted

for the aboriginal artifacts within the framework of an

essentially aboriginal technology and aboriginal economic

system. Changes, of course, did occur as a result of the

introduction of these new tools but only in so far as the new

tools intensified through increased efficiency an already

existing means of exploiting the environment. No really new

ways of acquiring daily bread were imported into the Indian

territory, and the people used the shiny new tools in much

the same way as their parents had used artifacts of shell,

flint, and ground stone.

The role of women was less strikingly affected by the in-

creased importance of deer hunting, and because of this, pro-

vided some measure of stability during an era when physical

displacement and tribal disorganization were the rule in the

Southeast rather than the exception. Needless to say, cer-

tain commercial attitudes, particularly as associated with

the acquisition of trade goods,invaded sectors of the culture.

Even the ideology of the Creeks reflected the importance of

the trade to the people. Swan reported in 1791 that the

major religious personality of the Creeks, the Master or

Maker of Breath, was said at that time to inhabit "some dis-

tant unknown region, where game is plentiful and goods very

cheap" (Schoolcraft 1855: 269).

The University of Wisconsin
Fox Valley Center
Menasha, Wisconsin

Works cited

Crane, Verner W.
1956 The Southern Frontier. Ann Arbor: University
of Michigan Press.

Fairbanks, Charles H.
1962 Excavations at Horseshoe Bend, Alabama. The
Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 25, no. 1, pp. 41-56

Hawkins, Benjamin
1848 A Sketch of the Creek Country in the Years 1798
and 1799. Collections of the Georgia Historical
Society Vol. 3, pt. 1.

1916 Letters of Benjamin Hawkins. Collections of the
Georgia Historical Society, Vol. 9.



Henry Rowe
Historical and Statistical Information
Respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects
of the Indian Tribes of the United States. Vol.
2. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo, and

1855 ibid Vol 5.

Smith, Hale G.
1956 The European and the Indian. Florida
Anthropological Society Publications, Vol. 4.

Speck, Frank G.
1907 The Creek Indians of Taskigi Town. American
Anthropological Association Memoir, Vol. 2, pt. 2



Adelaide K. and Ripley P. Bullen

ABSTRACT: Specimens from a stratigraphic test at Wash Island
are contrasted with those from the beach. Occupation during
several archaeological periods is evident. Typology of Flo-
rida basally notched points and suggestions as to their dat-
ing are included.

In 1961 the authors were taken on an archaeological sur-

vey of Crystal River by Charles P. Barnes, a fishing guide

interested in archaeology and well acquainted with the river

and the neighboring islands. Specimens from the beach at

Wash Island differed from those found at other sites and be-

longed to the Transitional or immediately post-Orange (fiber-

tempered) period (Bullen and Bullen 1961).

While much of the shell midden deposit at Wash Island

had eroded away before our visit, the small remaining portion

presented the possibility that a stratigraphic test would

shed light on the Transitional period. Barnes very kindly

arranged for permission from the owner of the island, Mr.

Maurice Hollins of Crystal River and St. Petersburg, to make

such a test. We appreciate this permission. The site was

revisited in February 1963 with Barnes and L. D. Milton,

another guide at Crystal River, and the test excavated. A

second collection was also made from the beach.

The 1963 collection from the beach at Wash Island in-

cluded a hammerstone, 10 worked fragments of chert, 3 arrow

or spear points (Fig. 1, b-d), a ground stone cylindrical

cube (Fig. 1, a); 2 fragments of steatite vessels (Fig. 1, 1),



*, ~ L~ ,



I i inches
0 2

Fig. 1. Specimens from the beach at Wash Island.
a limestone cylinder; b, stemmed point; c-d, narrow
Wasally-notched" points; e-j, sherds (e-f- Pasco In-
cised; g, Perico Incised; E, Perico Linear Punctated;
i, Perico Punctated B; ., St. Johns Incised); k, Busycon
gouge; 1, fragment of steatite vessel.


2 Busycon hammers, 2 Melongena hammers, a columella (Fasciol-

aria) hammer, 2 Busycon gouges (Fig. 1, k), 6 pieces of

worked bone, and various sherds (Fig. 1, e-i). Of the last

we kept 2 St. Johns Plain, 3 St. Johns Incised, 4 Pasco Plain,

5 Pasco Incised (Bullen and Bullen 1950: 35), 4 Perico Punc-

tated, 1 Perico Linear Punctated (Bullen and Bullen 1953),

2 Perico Incised, 2 Deptford Simple Stamped, 1 Deptford

Linear Check Stamped, 5 Deptford or Wakulla Check Stamped, 2

Pasco Check Stamped, 1 micaceous check-stamped, 1 Thomas

Simple Stamped, 1 Ruskin Dentate Stamped, 1 St. Andrews Com-

plicated Stamped, 1 sherd-tempered plain, and 2 Weeden Island

Plain sherds. This collection was similar to the earlier one

(Bullen and Bullen 1961) but added sherds of the Weeden

Island period to the inventory from the beach. It suggested

that the stratigraphic test should uncover deposits of the

Weeden Island period overlying those of the Transitional and

Deptford periods. As will be seen shortly, such did not

prove to be the case.

Results of our 5- by 10-foot stratigraphic test in terms

of the vertical position of different pottery types are pre-

sented in Table 1. Other excavated specimens were 2 utilized

flakes from depths of 0-6 inches, a crude small chert scraper

and a clay spindle whorl (Fig. 2, b) from depths of 6-12

inches, a limestone chipping hammer from depths of 30-36

inches, a small bone bead (Fig. 2, a) from the muck below 36

inches, and 64 Melongena hammers. Of these hammers, 2 were



Depths in inches 0-6 6-12 12-18 18-24 24-30 30-36 36-42d Totals

Jefferson ware

Pinellas Plain, notched lip

Pinellas Plain

Wakulla Check Stamped

Pasco Check Stamped,

Ruskin Dentate Stamped

Thomas Simple Stamped

Pasco, interior red painted

Pasco Interior Slippeda

Weeden Island Plain, inc. r:

Weeden Island Red, wedge rir
Smoothed over surface

Sand-tempered plain

Pasco Plain

St. Johns Plain


aBullen and Bullen 1950: 34-35.
bSears 1950: 22-23.




2 1



1 1

26 19 43 27 7

11 7 32 107 27


72 55 113 137 42

cLinear punctated or
dIn muck.




I I I inches h


Fig. 2. Specimens from the test at Wash Island.
a, bone bead; b, clay spindle whorl; c-h, 1-k, sherds
Tc, Jefferson ware rim; d-e Wakulla Check Stamped; f,
Weeden Island Plain with incised rim; g-h, Weeden Is-
land Red with wedge-shaped rim; J, Thomas Simple
Stamped; k, smoothed-over linear punctated or cord-
marked); Z, narrow "basally-notched" point.


in the first, 1 in the second, 15 in the third, 27 in the

fourth, 17 in the fifth, and 2 in the sixth level from the

surface. Food bones from this test are covered in the fol-

lowing article by E. S. Wing.

The cultural deposit consisted chiefly of shells native

to the area, of which oysters were the most common, mixed with

other midden debris. The profile showed four zones which from

the surface downward could be defined as 1) shells, roots,

and black dirt, 9 inches thick; 2) fairly clean shells, 18

inches thick; 3) black dirt and shells, 15 inches thick; and

4) an underlying black muck-sand zone which in its upper part

contained fingers of shells extending towards the northeast

away from the beach. Water, encountered at a depth of 45

inches, made delineation of these "fingers" impossible.

It was noted that oyster shells were small in the first

6 inches, larger between depths of 6 and 18 inches, small be-

tween 18 and 24 inches, and large again between depths of 24

and 30 inches. At a depth of 24 inches was uncovered an area

of burnt shells, 18 inches across and at least 36 inches in

length, extending into the southeast wall of our trench. A

lens of clay and burnt shell was also found between depths

of 30 and 36 inches.

Correlation of these deposits with the vertical distri-

bution of pottery gives a good degree of congruence with

zone 1 (0-9 inches) equating with the Safety Harbor period,

zone 2 (9-27 inches) with the Weeden Island period, and zone

3 (below 27 inches) with St. Johns Plain and extremely high

percentages of Pasco Plain with earlier times. The distribu-

tion of Wakulla Check Stamped sherds would by definition di-

vide zone 2 into an upper Weeden Island II and a lower Weeden

Island I subzone with the division coming on the chart at 18

inches. The Weeden Island Red with wedge-shaped rims and the

Pasco Interior Slipped are Weeden Island I in date.

The vertical distribution of sherds in our test (Table

I) follows the anticipated sequential arrangement for the

Wash Island region. It is interesting to note the relatively

deep provenience of Pasco Interior Slipped, previously re-

corded at nearby Johns Island in a similar position (Bullen

and Bullen 1950). While the lowest zone might pertain to the

Transitional period, St. Johns Incised and Pasco Incised,

diagnostic of that period in this region, were not found.

Comparison of the two collections from the beach with

that from the excavation immediately demonstrates their dif-

ference. A great majority of the decorated sherds from the

beach pertain to the Transitional period while no definitive

sherds of that period came from the test.

The beach at Wash Island consists of a narrow sandy

strip which connects the irregular and eroded surface of

limestone, exposed at low tide, with the remaining portion of

the midden where we made our test. The present surface of

this midden slopes downward away from the beach, towards a

marsh immediately to the northeast. Our excavation revealed


the midden rested on mucky sand. A small hole in the beach,

at the high tide mark and near the face of the midden, dis-

closed muck below the beach at about the same elevation as in

our test. No midden remained between the beach sand and the

muck but there were in this hole, as in the test, suggestions

of fingers or lenses of shells in the muck.

Mr. Barnes advised that at least 40 feet of Wash Island

had eroded away in the past 40 years. It seems evident the

earlier occupation was situated to the southwest of the pre-

sent remnant of the island in the location where to-day lime-

rock is exposed at low tide. Probably here, as at Johns

Island fifteen miles to the south, occupation started during

the Transitional period, around 750-500 B.C., and at a time

when the sea level was lower, relative to the land, than at

present. As time went on and occupation continued, shells

were deposited on the surface of the marsh to the northeast.

As the sea rose so did the surface of this marsh burying

there shell lenses or "fingers." With continued growth, the

accumulating midden, during the Weeden Island period, ex-

panded considerably to cover a portion of the marsh. Growth

during the succeeding Safety Harbor period seems also to have

been mainly horizontal as opposed to vertical.

After final abandonment, which must have been late

enough for the introduction of vessels of Jefferson ware,

storms and the continued rise in sea level have completely

eroded away the earlier portions of the Wash Island midden

leaving artifacts of the Transitional period on the limestone

and on the beach. What is left of the island to-day is

formed by a Weeden Island and Safety Harbor period midden.

Wash Island is one of a number of sites where narrow,

basally-notched, points have been found. We suggest such

points be referred to as Hernando points, using the name of

the county in which the majority have been found, and that the

term be defined as given in the following paragraph.

Hernando points are relatively long, narrow, and thin

stemless points having straight sides and a base which is

divided into three parts by basal notching. These points are

neatly made by pressure flaking. Customarily, they vary from

1l to 2k inches in length, 1 to 1l inches in width, and are

about k inch in maximum thickness. Basal notching is usually

neatly and evenly done but sometimes a crude effect is pro-

duced by the (accidental?) removal of a large basal flake.

There are three varieties of Hernando points. In the

first, Variety A, the basal notching is evenly done so that

the straight basal portion of the point is divided into three

very nearly equal parts by the shallow basal notches (Fig. 1,

c; Bullen and Bullen 1953: Fig. 1, H; 1954: Fig. 1, 2-3).

In the second, Variety B, the basal notching is deeper and

the mid part of the basal portion is small and does not ex-

tend downward as far as the corner parts (Bullen and Bullen

1953: Fig. 1, I; Goggin 1951: Fig. 9, 0). In Variety C,

the mid portion of the base have been removed, intentionally


or accidentally (Fig. 1, d; 2, i; Bullen and Bullen 1950:

Fig. 20, x). This may give the point a fluted appearance

(Bullen and Bullen 1950: Fig. 20, j).

Another variety might appropriately be called Hernando

Broad but we would suggest the term Citrus Point. Citrus

points are similar to Hernando points except that they are

larger, have curved as opposed to straight sides, an overall

ovate shape, and a rearrangement of the basal notching. They

are probably knives or spear points. Their large size, es-

pecially the greater breadth (1 to 2 inches) necessitated a

revision in basal chipping. The space between the basal

notches has been made wider and approximately equal in width

to twice that of either corner portion (Bullen and Bullen

1953: Fig. 1, J-K). In the larger and broader forms, basal

corners have been cut off at an angle so that the basal pa-

rameter appears curved (Bullen and Bullen 1954: Fig. 1, 4).

More Hernando points have been found on the beach at

Wash Island and among specimens pumped from a submerged site

at Battery Point, Bayport, than elsewhere in Florida. As

most of the material from these locations pertains to the

Transitional period of Florida (Bullen 1959), it might seem

likely that such was also the case for Hernando (and Citrus)

points. Stratigraphic data, however, does not support such

dating .

At Johns Island (Bullen and Bullen 1950) and at Wash

Island (earlier this paper) the excavated specimens came

from levels attributable to late Deptford or early Weeden

Island times. That such dating is probably correct is indi-

cated by the provenience of an Hernando, Variety B, point

found at the Fort Center site on Fisheating Creek in the

Glades area. This point, at a depth of 24-30 inches, was in

a level which must be chronologically the equivalent of late

Deptford or early Weeden Island I times Dunns Creek Red

sherds present and stratigraphically below St. Johns Check

Stamped and above St. Johns Incised sherds (Goggin 1951: 57-


The larger Citrus points may or may not be temporal

equivalents of Hernando points. Until Citrus points have

been found in a stratigraphic situation or in an unequivocal-

ly unmixed surface collection we cannot tell. Undoubtedly

both forms represent introductions from the north and west

which eventually can probably be traced back to their origins

in the Archaic.


Bullen, Adelaide K., and Ripley P.

1950 "The Johns Island Site, Hernando County, Florida."
American Antiquity, Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 23-45.

1953 "The Battery Point Site, Bayport, Hernando County,
Florida." The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 6, No.
3, pp. 85-92. Gainesville.

1954 "Further Notes on the Battery Point Site, Bayport,
Hernando County, Florida." The Florida Anthropolo-
gist, Vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 103-8. Gainesville.

1961 "Wash Island in Crystal River." The Florida
Anthropologist, Vol. 14, Nos. 3-4, pp. 69-73. Tal-

Bullen, Ripley P.

1959 "The Transitional Period of Florida." Southeastern
Archaeological Conference Newsletter, Vol. 4, pp.
43-62. Chapel Hill.

Coates, Gordon R.

1955 "Recent Tests at the Battery Point Site, Bayport,
Florida." The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 8, No.
1, pp. 27-30. Gainesville.

Goggin, John M.

1951 "Archeological Notes on Lower Fisheating Creek."
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 4, Nos. 3-4, pp.
50-66. Gainesville.

Sears, William H.

1950 "The Prehistoric Cultural Position in the South-
east of Kolomoki, Early County, Georgia." Micro-
film. University of Michigan.

Florida State Museum


Elizabeth S. Wing

ABSTRACT: Vertebrate material from the Wash Island site are
identified and compared by cultural levels. The high per-
centage of species that inhabit salt water agrees with the
environmental location of Wash Island. An explanation in
terms of food preparation is given for the greater number of
front than rear limbs of turtles.

The vertebrate material studied was excavated from the

Wash Island site located near the mouth of the Crystal River,

Citrus County, Florida by Adelaide K. and Ripley P. Bullen of

the Florida State Museum. Their account of the cultural ma-

terial appears in the preceding paper. The faunal material

they found represents the remnants of the Indians meals. Such

remains give an indication of the eating and hunting habits

of the Indians and the ecology in the vicinity of the Indian


The excavation consisted of one test pit, five by ten

feet, dug by six-inch levels to a depth of 42 inches. The

bone and tooth fragments were identified by direct comparison

with skeletons of modern identified animals. The excavation

yielded 448 identifiable specimens of which 40 represent

mammals, one bird, 341 turtles, and 66 fishes.

As can be seen in Table 1 the most abundant remains are

of sea turtle. Only one specimen of the sea turtle could be

specifically identified, a complete dentary of the green tur-

tle, Chelonia mydas. The 26 humeri of sea turtle range in

length from about 2 to 4 inches, which would come from ani-


TABLE 1. Vertebrate species found in each of the seven levels of the Wash Island site. The
upper number is the number of specimens, the lower number the minimum number
of individuals.


Odocoileus virginianus
Procyon lotor
Lophodytes cucullatus
Hooded Merganser
Mud Turtle
Terrapene carolina
Box Turtle
Pseudemys sp.
Gopherus polyphemus
Gopher Tortoise
Sea Turtle
Lepisosteus sp.
Sea Catfish
Ictalurus sp.
Fresh-water Catfish
Caranx sp.
Pogonias cromis
Archosargus sp.
Chilomcterus schoepi
T piny T oxtA s


Safety Transi- Weeden Weeden Weeden
Harbor tion Is. II Is. I Is. I
8/1 2/1 10/1 10/1 2/1

-. 1/1 1/1 --

-- 2/1 -- 2/1 -

1/1 -- 3/1 6/1 10/1

-. 1/1 .. ..

12/1 15/1

17/1 73/1 32/4 74/6 60/6

3/1 4/1 2/1 -- 1/1

-- 61 .- 3/1 1/1

-. 2/1 --

1/1 2/1

-- 311 1/1 1/1 3/1

2/1 5/1 4/1 7/3 3/1

4/3 3/Z 2 -

31/5 99/10 57/13 119/18 97/14

Early kre-















S 4/2

22/6 22/7

mals about 15 to 18 inches long (Hirth, H. p.c.). A sea tur-

tle of this length is immature and probably about one year

old. Today green turtles and ridleys of this size are found

feeding during the summer on the turtle grass banks on Flori-

da's west coast (Carr and Hirth, 1962). Turtles at this age

feed in fleets and could have been netted as they are today,

harpooned, or caught by hand by the Indians. Of the sea tur-

tle remains 38 are limb elements and the rest shell fragments,

and of the 38 limb elements 25 (66 per cent) are proximal ends

of humeri. In addition to the humeri there are two coracoids

and one iliumand ten elements too fragmentary to determine.

The front limb of the sea turtle provides the principal pro-

pelling force and is therefore more muscular than the hind.

Since the front leg provides more meat, it is possible that

it was cooked and the meat eaten off the bones which were

then discarded while the hind quarters continued to cook to

make a broth or stew thereby softening the bones to such an

extent that they crumbled when discarded and these fragments

could not be recognized. This may account for the large per-

centage of humeri.

The sea turtle and the fish and other turtles that in-

habit brackish or salt water constitute 80 per cent of the

total remains excavated. The deer, gopher tortoises, and box

turtles that constitute the remaining material typically in-

habit dry habitats. All the animals represented are abundant

in the vicinity of the site today. Differences among the

levels suggestive of different Indian cultures were not found.


This work is supported by grant G-17948 of
the National Science Foundation.


Carr, A. F. and H. Hirth. 1962. The ecology and migrations
of sea turtles, 5. Comparative features of isolated green
turtle colonies. Amer. Mus. Novitates No. 2091, 42 pp.

Florida State Museum



As a member of a regional archaeological society, you

are well aware that the prehistoric Indian cultures did not

respect present state boundaries. In fact, increasingly

broader connections are being demonstrated between distant

areas of the New World and between the continents as research

progresses. To keep abreast of the broadening horizons of

New World archaeology we suggest that you join the Society

for American Archaeology.

The Society for American Archaeology is not simply a

professional organization. It was specifically intended, as

is stated in its constitution, ". to serve as a bond

among those interested in American Archaeology, both profes-

sionals, and non-professionals." Its major activity is the

publication of the results of archaeological investigations

and members receive without further charge the following:

(1) a quarterly journal, American Antiquity, containing

over 600 pages of abundantly Illustrated articles and reviews

on all phases of New World prehistory;

(2) Abstracts of New World Archaeology, an annual publi-

cation listing and abstracting articles and books in all me-

dia pertaining to New World archaeology; and,

(3) occasional Memoirs issued intermittently (but our

Editor, Dr. T. N. Campbell, has promised several for the

coming year).

All of fhese are provided to our members for their annual

dues of $8.00 per year. To be perfectly fair, our dues will

be raised to $10.00 per year after the present year. But this

is the year to join the Society and give it a trial at the

present low rate. This is also the time to join since the

first number of the new volume of American Antiquity appears

in July. A copy of our application blank for membership is

reproduced here. Copy the blank and send it with your check

or money order for $8.00 to our Secretary, Dr. Joe Ben Wheat,

University of Colorado Museum, Boulder, Colorado. As a pre-

view of some of the contents of forthcoming numbers in the

new volume of American Antiquity, our editor has provided us

with some of the authors and titles of articles which are

listed below:


Waldo R. Wedel: The High Plains and Their Utilization by the

Robert W. Neuman: Check-stamped Pottery on the Northern and
and Central Plains.

Donald W. Lathrap and Lawrence Roys: The Archeology of the
Cave of the Owls in the Upper Montan'a of Peru.

Meredith Black and Charles E. Eyman: The Union Lake Skull, a
Possible Early Indian Find in Michigan.

Elizabeth C. Weaver: Technological Analysis of Prehistoric
Lower Mississippi Ceramic Materials: A Pre-
liminary Report.

William J. Mayer-Oakes: Complex Society Archaeology.

Paul H. Ezell: Is there a Hohokam-Pima Culture Continuum?

Paul S. Martin: Early Man in Arizona: the Pollen Evidence.



I, hereby apply for membership in

the Society for American Archaeology and enclose $8.00 as my annual member-

ship dues for the fiscal year beginning Apr. 1st, $7.00 of which

is for a subscription to the journal, American Antiquity, for one year.


Archaeological interest

"The objects of the Society shall be to promote and to stimulate in-
terest and research in the archaeology of the American continents; to en-
courage a more rational public appreciation of the aims and limitations of
archaeological research; to serve as a bond among those interested in
American archaeology, both professionals and non-professionals, and to aid
in directing their efforts into more scientific channels; to publish and
to encourage the publication of their results; to foster the formation and
welfare of local archaeological societies; to advocate and to aid in the
conservation of archaeological data; and to discourage commercialism in the
archaeological field and to work for its elimination." Art. II, Sect. 1,

I am in sympathy with and hereby subscribe to the ideals and objects
of the Society.




Dues must accompany application ($8.00 annually; Benefactor, $500.00). Make
checks or money orders payable to The Society for American Archaeology and
mail to the Secretary. Remittances must be in United States currency or

Mail completed blank, together with $8.00, to Dr. Joe Ben Wheat
University of Colorado Museum
Boulder, Colorado



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