Table of Contents
 Tents at the Askew Site, Citrus...
 Annual Index
 Coin Dating in the Fort Walton...
 An Analysis of Crow Enculturation...
 Six Contributions to the Hand Motif...
 Excavations at the Fort Walton...
 Back Cover

Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00145
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00145
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: Department of Special Collections and Area Studies, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 01569447
lccn - 56028409
issn - 0015-3893

Table of Contents
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    Tents at the Askew Site, Citrus County, Florida
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
    Annual Index
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
    Coin Dating in the Fort Walton Period
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
    An Analysis of Crow Enculturation (as compared to Sioux endulturation) 1868-1880
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
        Page 234
    Six Contributions to the Hand Motif from the Safety Harbor Burial Mound on Cabbage Key, Pinellas County, Florida
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
    Excavations at the Fort Walton Temple Mound, 1960
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 244
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
        Page 257
        Page 258
        Page 259
        Page 260
        Page 261
        Page 262
        Page 263
        Page 264
    Back Cover
        Page 265
        Page 266
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a publication of the florida anthropological society

Volume XVIII, No. 4

December, 1965


Tests at the Askew Site, Citrus County, Florida 20
Ripley P. Bullen and Walter Askew
Annual Index 21
Coin Dating in the Fort Walton Period 22
William C. Lazarus
An Analysis of Crow Enculturation 22
William L. Partridge
Six Contributions to the Hand Motif 23
Warren, Bushnell, and Spence
Excavations at the Fort Walton Temple Mound, 1960 23
Charles H. Fairbanks

THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published quarterly by The
Florida Anthropological Society during March, June, Septem-
ber, and December. Subscription is by membership in the So-
ciety for individuals interested in the aims of the Society.
Annual dues are $4.00 (Students $2.00). ENTERED AS SECOND

Ist V. Pres.:
2nd V. Pres.:

Officers of the Society 1965
Charles W. Arnade, University of South Florida
Roger T. Grange, University of South Florida
James W. Covington, University of Tampa
J. Floyd Monk 1960 SW 61st Court Miami 55
David S. Phelps, Florida State University
Charles H. Fairbanks, University of Florida

Executive Committeemen 1965
Carl A. Benson, 2310 Resthaven Drive, Orlando
James A. Ford, Florida State Museum, Gainesville
Cliff E. Mattox P. 0. Box 521, Cocoa Beach
William H. Sears, Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton
Charleton W. Tebeau, University of Miami, Coral Gables


Ripley P. Bullen and Walter Askew

Stratigraphic tests at Viviparus shell midden
on the Withlacooche River, indicate this site was
occupied during the Florida Transitional or Form-
ative, Deptford-influenced, Perico, and late
Weeden Island periods. Ceramics of the Perico
Series as well as basally or corner notched points
were found below St. Johns and Wakulla Check
Stamped sherds and above Pasco, St. Johns, and Or-
ange Incised pottery. The geographical distribu-
tion of Perico ceramics indicates that the concept
of a Perico period farther south needs revision.
A child's burial, found in one test, is also dis-

In June 1963 the junior author sent to the Florida
State Museum for identification samples of decorated pottery
from a Viviparus shell midden on the Withlacooche River
where he and his family frequently camped. Presence of
Perico Punctated and Linear Punctated sherds in the collec-
tion suggested that a test at this site might penetrate de-
posits laid down by makers of such pottery. Subsequently,
he visited the Museum and plans were made for a strati-
graphic test. The owners of the land suggested the location
might well be called the Askew site. It is identified as
Ci-46 in the University of Florida statewide site survey

The stratigraphic test was dug September 28, 1963.
While successful in producing pottery of the Perico Series
as well as good stratigraphic data, it proved to be partial-
ly disturbed down to a depth of 18 inches by a trench in
which a 4-inch cast iron pipe imbedded in crushed limerock
had been installed. As it happened this pipe ran down the
center of the test and, as we did not wish to remove it, in-
terfered greatly with our operation. For various reasons it
was thought that another test would be helpful. The second
test was supervised by the junior author, the first by the
senior author.

This report covers both tests. Those present the first
time, most of whom took an active part in the digging, in-
cluded Mr. and Mrs. Oris S. Askew, Walter Askew, Mr. and
Mrs. Ripley P. Bullen, Dr. Lyman 0. Warren and son William,
Frank Bushnell, Richard McDonnell, Mark Brooks, and Robert
Schick. Those helping with the second test were John
Schoonover and Craig DeMara.
Florida Anthropologist, Vol XVIII, No. 4, December, 1965 201

Test 1 was dug, between a cottage and the river, at a
point where the present surface of the midden is about 8
feet above the surface of the river. As has been mentioned,
a cast iron pipe ran down the center of Test 1, paralleling
the river. There was not enough space between the cottage
and Test 1 or between Test 1 and the river for another size-
able test. Test 2 was excavated some 30 feet further south
and about the same distance west of the river bank. The
surface of the midden.was approximately level between Tests
1 and 2.

Figure 1 presents the west profile of Test 1. The
highest zone, about 6 inches thick, consisted of roots,
brown dirt, and crushed shells in which were mixed Indian
sherds and two iron nails. The second zone extended from a
depth of 6 inches to a depth of about 18 inches, was grey in
color, and was composed of dirt, pottery, and a mixture of
Viviparus and mussel shells. These upper two zones were in
part, but only in part, disturbed by the laying of the iron
pipe mentioned earlier.

Upper zones were separated from lower zones by a thick
black deposit of mussel shells to the south and by a thin
black deposit to the north (Fig. 1). The lowest zone to the
north, between depths of 24 and 42 inches, was formed by
mussel shells which were light grey in color. To the south,
under the black mussel shells, was a thick deposit of Vivi-
parus shells which were brown in color. Both deposits con-
tained pottery. Surfaces of the black mussel shell and of
the brown Viviparus shell deposits sloped downward to the
north. This suggests that in this area the midden grew from
south to north.

Vertical distribution of pottery from Test 1 is given
in Table 1. Correlating that table with Figure 1 indicates
that the second zone of grey mixed shells was particularly
rich in pottery. Another concentration shows up between
depths of 30 and 36 inches below the surface. This level
includes the lower brown Viviparus and the grey mussel shell
deposits. Sherds from these deposits (Table 1) may belong
to two, possibly three, archaeological periods. One is
tempted to correlate the Orange Plain and Incised sherds
with the earlier, on the average, Viviparus shell deposit
and the other sherds with the later mussel shell deposit.
This is only a postulate at present but it would be an im-
portant point to check in any future excavation at the Askew

Except for the top 6-inch zone of brown dirt and crushed
shells, there was not much vertical differentiation in the

0 5 10 Feet

Brown dirt and shells --

Blck, Grey mixed shells Blac
mussel q
mB ue shells Light grey
Brown, mussel
viviparus shells shells

Fig. 1. West wall, Test 1.

deposits of Test 2. The midden was grey in color and both
Viviparus and mussel shells were present. There was a ten-
dency for limestone rocks to be more frequent in lower than
in upper levels. Parts of two fireplaces or hearths were
found, one in the 12- to 18-inch level and the other at a
depth of 36 inches. The first covered an area 2 feet across
while the second was much smaller.

In both tests the cultural deposits were found to rest
on white or light grey, sterile, limey clays. As the midden
base was encountered some distance (about 4k feet) above the
elevation of the surface of the river, it seems evident
there was a bluff or high land beside the river at this
point which was selected as a suitable location for habita-
tion by the first occupants of the Askew site.

Test 1 uncovered a burial at a depth of approximately
12 inches. This burial was flexed, lying on the left hand
under the knees which were drawn up towards the chest. It
had been slightly disturbed when the iron pipe was installed.

Comments on the skeletal material by Adelaide K. Bullen,
Associate in Anthropology, Florida State Museum, who was
present at the excavation follow:

The burial, while clearly delineated in the
ground, on excavation produced only fragmentary
bones. Bones are identifiable though not measure-
able. They include fragments of skull, mandible,
and maxilla. Gross size of the skeleton suggests a
fairly large child. State of epiplyseal union is
also pre-adolescent.

Teeth, a mixed deciduous and permanent denti-
tion, are nearest to the stage presented in Schour
and Massler's chart of development of human denti-
tion as "late Childhood"--10 years / 9 months (Hol-
linshead, 1962: 888). In the permanent dentition,
6-year molars are fully erupted; 12 year molars are
not far from eruption, but second-deciduous-molars
are not yet shed. Total evidence would point to the
higher segment of Schour and Massler's age range.

In spite of excellent dental development,
tooth wear in general is pronounced for a child and
would suggest a highly abrasive diet. Large num-
bers of freshwater snail and clam shells (Fig. 1,
Viviparus and mussel) were found in the midden. A
piece of shell was found in one of the coprolites
excavated in Test 2. Dirt and bits of shell from

shellfish may be partially responsible for this
tooth wear.

Deciduous molars show noticeable wear. Cusps
are leveled with enamel worn through to the den-
tine. Little depressions appear in the dentine--
particularly noticeable on the lower right second-
deciduous-molar-- but according to J.L. Kirkland,
Jr., D.D.S., this is not caries. However, he noted
stain and incipient decay on the lingual surface of
both right and left upper second-deciduous-molars.
A groove in the enamel had tended to collect food
which led to eventual decay. In current practice,
Dr. Kirkland said, when this type of developmental
grooving with resultant caries occurs, it appears
on both right and left sides as in this instance.

Incisors, particularly upper incisors, show ex-
treme "shovel-shape." According to dental descrip-
tions high marginal rolls of enamel are present
with one upper-lateral incisor exhibiting an enamel
pouch pocket (dens in dentin).

No pathology is apparent in the bones. Their
composition is excellent-- like that of the teeth--
and suggests favorable genetics and/or the avail-
ability and assimilation of a diet adequate in cal-
cium and other nutrients necessary for the produc-
tion of bone and teeth. Bones are fairly sturdy
with a well-formed, slightly pointed mastoid pro-
cess. As a point of attachment for the sternoclei-
domastoid muscle, this form may imply average-- or
possibly better than average--muscular development.
(Reliable inferences on this point must await fur-
ther research.)

Sex is indeterminate. Mastoid development
might suggest possible masculinity. This burial is
clearly that of a child 10 to 11 years of age, ac-
cording to the standards used. Although there are
minor dental anomalies and resultant dental pathe-
ology, teeth and bones are noticeably well-devel-

Sherds from both tests have been tabulated by the arbi-
trary excavation levels in Tables 1 and 2. Selected exam-
ples are illustrated in Figures 2 and 3. Capitalized pot-
tery types follow definitions used by Willey (1949) except
for Pasco Incised and Pasco Interior Slipped which are de-
fined in Bullen and Bullen's (1950:34-35) Johns Island re-

Table 1


Ceramic Types Depths in inches Totals
Ceramic Types Totals
0-6 6-12 12-18 18-24 24-30 30-36 36-42

Perico Plain 1 1 2
Perico Punctated 1 10 1 12
Perico Linear Punctated 2 1 1 1 5

Pasco Plain 104 168 68 28 19 23 410
Pasco Check Stamped 1 1 2
Pasco zoned punctate 2 2
Pasco Interior Slipped 6 1 7

Pasco linear check stamped 1 1
Pasco simple stamped 1 1
Pasco miscellaneous incised 1 1
Pasco Incised 1 1 1 3

Sand-tempered plain 9 20 12 6 1 1 49
Sand-tempered indistinct st' d 1 1
Deptford Check Stamped (?) 1 1

St. Johns Plain, variety b 1 2 3 20 1 27
St. Johns Incised 1 1
Semi-Pasco-semi-Orange plain 1 1
Orange Plain 3 1 4
Orange Incised 1 1 2

Totals 119 212 87 37 26 47 4 532

Table 2


Ceramic Types Depths in inches Totals
0-6 6-12 12-18 18-24 24-30 30-36 36-42

Wakulla Check Stamped 3 3
St. Johns Plain, variety a 9 4 13
St. Johns Check Stamped 3 8 11

Perico Plain 6 6 1 13
Perico Punctated 1 1 1 1 4
Perico Linear Punctated 1 2 3
Perico Incised 1 1 2

Pasco Plain 185 229 112 66 29 32 1 654
Pasco Check Stamped 1 1
Pasco cord-impressed 2 2
Pasco indistinct stamped 1 1

Pasco Interior Slipped 1 5 1 2 1 10
Pasco miscellaneous incised 1 1
Pasco Incised 1 1

Sand-tempered plain 17 5 6 2 2 3 35
Deptford Linear Check Stamped 4 4
Sand- and 1'stone-t'p'd plain 14a 14

St. Johns Plain, variety b 1 2 5 5 7 20
St. Johns Incised 1 1
Orange Plain 2 2

Totals 222 263 128 79 41 47 15 795

aAll from one vessel.

a b

d e

a '

Fig. 2. Sherds from the Askew site.

a, Depthford Linear Check Stamped; b-c, Perico Punc-
tated; d, combination Perico Punctated and Linear
Punctated; e-g, Perico Linear Punctated; h, Perico
incised; i, Pasco zoned punctate. (Scale in inches)

c d e


f g

Fig. 3. Miscellaneous artifacts from the Askew site.

a, bone awl; b, bone tool; c, wide triangular arrow
point; d-e, notched points; f-g, Pasco Incised; h, St.
Johns Incised; i, Orange Incised. (Scale in inches)

port. In places Willey used the term "Biscayne" where we,
following current usage, have used "St. Johns". Uncapital-
ized pottery "type names" are purely descriptive categories
in which the first term, such as "Pasco" identifies the

For purposes of analysis we have tried to separate St.
Johns Plain into an "a" and a "b" variety. In the case of
variety "b" we are referring to the thick, soft St. Johns
paste which is typical of the type St. Johns Incised. Var-
iety "a" refers to thinner sherds with plain incurving rims
(Bullen and Bullen 1953: 90). Otherwise plain limestone-tem-
pered sherds which might be from Perico Series vessels have
been included under Pasco Plain as it is impossible to dif-
ferentiate some of the plain sherds of these two series ex-
cept by vessel shape.

Other specimens include 16 utilized chips from Test 1
and 10 from Test 2. Ninety-six per cent of these tools were
found in the highest three 6-inch levels indicating an ex-
treme concentration of utilized chips in these levels.
Large scraper-knives were found in the third level of Test
1 and in the second and third levels of Test 2.

A notched point (Fig. 3, e) was uncovered in the third
level of Test 1 and a similar point (Fig. 3,d) in the fourth
level of Test 2. While these points are not good typical
examples of Florida basally notched points, they are reson-
ably close typologically to those for which the name "Citrus
Point" had been suggested (Bullen and Bullen 1963: 90). A
large triangular point (Fig. 3, c) came from the second
level of Test 2. It was a foot higher than the Citrus point
found in this test.

Bone specimens include worked bone from the third level
of Test 1 and from the first, fourth, sixth, and seventh
levels of Test 2. A bone awl (Fig. 3, a) and a small bone
tool (Fig. 3,b) with a screwdriver-like end came from the
second level and two fragments of bone pins from the sixth
level of Test 2.

Perforated Pecten shells, probably ornaments, were
found; one in the third level of Test 1 and one in the third,
two in the fourth, and one in the seventh levels of Test 2,
A Venus clam shell fragment from the second and a cockle
shell (Dinocardium) fragment from the fourth level of Test 2
also indicated contact with the Gulf.

Two coprolites, apparently human, were found in the
second level of Test 2. A small shell fragment protruded

outward from the side of one. Microscopic examination of
the surfaces and of a fresh break did not give any clues as
to the food consumed but did indicate a surprising amount of
quartz-like grains in the matrix. A more complete examina-
tion of these coprolites is planned for the future.

The midden consisted of fresh water snail and clam
shells mixed with dirt. The animals who had lived in these
shells formed a major component of the diet of the Indian in-
habitants of the Askew site. Other food remains, in the
form of bones, were especially plentiful in Test 2. These
bones have been placed in the research collections of the
Florida State Museum for use in later comparative studies.
In the meantime, Elizabeth S. Wing, Assistant Curator of Zoo-
archaeology, Florida State Museum, has identified the vari-
ous species represented in the collection from Test 2.
These have been listed by excavation levels in Table 3 where
"x" indicates the presence of one or more bones of the
species indicated. In no case was more than one individual

Dr. Wing advises that the animal bones are few in num-
ber and consequently the absence of any species in any level
is not particularly significant. Consequently, the lack of
opossum, cottonmouth moccasin, box turtle, chicken turtle,
and fish bones below a depth of 12 inches does not indicate
such animals were not eaten during the early periods of the

As Dr. Wing points out, the animals listed in Table 3
are typical of those inhabiting Florida's large streams and
river margins, the environment of the Askew site. She fur-
ther commented on the number and variety of turtles represen-
ted and the surprisingly small number of fish bones. The
senior author would further comment that the percentage of
alligator bones is extremely high when compared with similar
remains from other Indian sites in Florida. Again, this
probably reflects the local environment of the Askew site.

Tests at the Askew site were made to determine, if
possible, stratigraphic relationships between Perico, Pasco,
Deptford, and other early, post-fiber-tempered, decorated
pottery types. The results of our two tests have been pre-
sented in Tables 1 and 2. While not as sharply delineated
as one might desire, they produced data with important impli-
cations. More tests, both at this and at similar sites, are
needed. In this discussion we assume such tests will sup-
port the data in hand.

Table 3


Depths in inches
Species 0-6 6-12 12-18 18-24 24-30 30-36 36-42


x x x x x x x

x x

x x

Didelphis marsupialis

Odocoileus virginianus
(White-tailed deer)

unidentified bird

Alligator mississipiensis

Agkistrodon piscivorus
(Cottonmouth moccasin)

Kinosternon sp.
(Musk turtle)

Chelydra sp.
Snapping turtle)

Terrapene carolina
(Box turtle)

Pseudemys sp.

Deirochelys reticularia
(Chicken turtle)

Gopherus polyphemus
(Gopher tortoise)

Trionyx ferox
(Soft- shelled turtle)

Lepisosteus sp.
(Gar fish)

Amia calva

unidentified fish

x x X

x x x

x x

x x x X X X x


x x x

x X X X X



x x


In Test 1 (Table 1) a concentration of Pasco Plain and
thick, soft, St. Johns Plain in association with sherds of
fiber-tempered Orange Plain and Orange Incised is shown for
the 30- to 36-inch level. While Pasco Incised and St. Johns
Incised are missing, there seems no question but that the
early, post-fiber-tempered Transitional Period (Bullen 1959)
is represented.

Both Pasco Plain and sand-tempered plain increase in
quantity with shallower depths. Pasco Incised appears to
concentrate around a depth of 24 inches, suggesting it may
well be slightly later in origin than St. Johns Incised.
Perico Punctated and Linear Punctated have a still shallower
concentration, around a depth of 12 inches, to suggest that
the Perico decorated wares are later than Pasco Incised. An
absence of definitive Deptford ceramics will be noted.

Data from Test 2 (Table 2) suggest a somewhat similar
ceramic history. Orange Plain plus thick St. Johns Plain,
Pasco Incised, Pasco Plain, and some sand-tempered plain
sherds are found in the 30- to 36-inch level. Surprising in
this level are a Perico Punctated sherd and a Pasco Interior
Slipped sherd.

The Perico Series sherds concentrate at shallower
depths (6-24 inches) and are apparently more recent than the
Deptford Series sherds (18-24 inches). In the highest zone
(0-12 inches) are found Pasco and St. Johns Check Stamped
sherds. These are presumedly Weeden Island II (post-A.D.
800) in date. While the stratigraphy seems compressed in
Test 2, the trends are in the expected direction.

In 1959 the senior author defined a Transitional Period
for Florida transitional between the Archaic (which in-
cludes the Orange Period) and the later Woodland-related cul-
tures which started around 1000 B.C. "with the first ap-
pearance of non-fiber-tempered pottery. It ends, in north-
ern Florida at least, with the development of a clearly rec-
ognizable Deptford ceramic horizon." (Bullen 1959:44). He
defined the diagnostic ceramic types of this period as "semi-
fiber-tempered pottery, usually simple-stamped; St. Johns In-
cised, chalky pottery bearing Orange Incised designs; Pasco
Incised, limestone-tempered pottery with Orange Incised de-
signs; a similar sand-tempered incised having a Deptford-
like paste; Perico Incised; and Perico Linear Punctated"
(Bullen 1959:45).

The relatively high provenience of Perico ceramics in
both tests at the Askew site indicates that the Perico
Series are not diagnostic of the Transitional Period but

must be considered post-Transitional in date. Coates (1955:
27) tests at the Battery Point site the only other data
available while inconclusive in this respect, would not
argue otherwise.

It would appear the Askew site was occupied during four
archaeological periods: 1, the Transitional Period; 2, a
Deptford-influenced Period; 3, a "Perico Period" when ceram-
ics of the Perico Series dominated; and 4, the Weeden Island
II Period with St. Johns Check Stamped and Pasco Check
Stamped pottery (as well as other ceramic types).

Proveniences of the two notched Citrus (?) points (Fig.
3, d-e) would place them in the "Perico Period". Such a
date post-Deptford and pre-Weeden Island II agrees well
with dates previously indicated for the somewhat similar
narrow, basally-notched, Hernando points (Bullen and Bullen
1963: 90-91). The broad triangular point (Fig. 3,c) from
the 6- to 12-inch level of Test II was associated with St.
Johns and Pasco Check Stamped sherds. These wide, middle-
sized, triangular points are considered Weeden Island in
date when found in Florida. Our data from Test 2 supports
that cultural allocation.

Willey (1948:185-93) in his monumental "Archaeology of
the Florida Gulf Coast" postulated a pre-Weeden Island, post-
Archaic, Perico Island Period for the area between Tampa Bay
and Charlotte Harbor (Manatee, Sarasota, and Charlotte Coun-
ties) which Goggin (1947) previously had named the Manatee
Region. He (Willey 1949:361-66) defined the pottery types
of the Perico Island Period as Glades Plain, Miami Incised,
Perico Plain, Perico Incised, Perico Linear Punctated, Belle
Glade Plain, and Okeechobee Plain of which the only clearly
definitive ones were those of the Perico Series.

At that time knowledge about the Pasco Series was very
sketchy while the only known decorated Perico Series pottery
consisted of twelve sherds from a test at the Perico Island
site. Work done since then has produced a few limestone-
tempered sherds, possibly Perico Plain, but no decorated
pottery of the Perico Series south of Tampa Bay (Bullen and
Bullen 1956, ms; Bullen 1950a, 1950b, 1951). The situation
seems to be the same east of Tampa Bay (Willey 1949:158-71,
335-39; Bullen 1959) although the lowest levels of the shell
heaps at Cockroach Key and near the Alafia and Little Mana-
tee Rivers have not been exploited.

To the north of Tampa Bay the situation is considerably
different. Decorated Perico Series sherds are known for the
10th Street site in St. Petersburg (Frank Bushnell, personal

communication) and the Sheraton Shores development on Boca
Ciega Bay (Lyman 0. Warren, personal communication), both in
Pinellas County; at Bailey's Bluff near the southwestern
corner of Pasco County; at Johns Island and Bayport in Her-
nando County (Bullen and Bullen 1950, 1958, 1954; Coates
1955) and at several other locations as well as the Askew
site on the Withlacoochee River in Citrus County.

The concentration of Perico ceramics occurs in Citrus
Hernando Counties with a few finds in Pinellas County. These
counties are north of Tampa Bay and not in the Manatee Re-
gion as defined by Goggin and Willey. In the Manatee Region
(Manatee, Sarasota, and Charlotte Counties) decorated Perico
ceramics have yet to be found other than at Perico Island in
the extreme northwestern part of the region. It would seem
that the Perico Island Period needs redefinition. Possibly
the Manatee Region should be combined with the Central Gulf
Coast Region.

In the meanwhile, the Perico Series must be considered
as a local development in Citrus and Hernando Counties with
extensions south to Tampa Bay. This does not, however, li-
mit the importance of this series. Perico Linear Punctated
and Incised designs are related to those of Pasco Incised,
St. Johns Incised, and Orange Incised. Willey (1949:181)
not only pointed this out but also mentioned the similarity
in decorative technique and rim forms between the Perico and
Glades Series. A connection can thus be traced from Orange
Incised via St. Johns Incised, Pasco Incised, and the Perico
Series to the decorated and plain vessels of the Glades II

There are various comments in the literature, origina-
ting we believe with Fewkes (Willey 1949:111, 361) which in-
terpret the sub-mound midden at the Weeden Island site near
St. Petersburg, and other plain sand-tempered pottery mid-
dens in the area such as the lower levels of Cockroach Key
and of the Abel midden at Terra Ceia, as representing an
early extension of the Glades culture northward. We would
sooner believe these to be the tarrying places of people
drifting southward who became known to us after as bearers
of the Glades culture.

It would seem reasonably certain, because of the hard,
sand-tempered pottery found in Glades area sites, that the
first inhabitants of that region drifted down the west coast
of Florida, where similar pottery is found, as opposed to
the Kissimmee River Valley or the Florida east coast where
such pottery is not found in proportional quantities. It
also would appear that this gradual migration occurred a-

round the time of the development of Perico ceramics in the
area north of Tampa Bay due to the similarities of simple
incurving rims, decorative techniques, and, to a lesser ex-
tent, decorative motifs found mutually in both the Perico
and Glades ceramic Series.


Bullen, Adelaide K. and Ripley P.
1950 "The Johns Island site, Hernando County, Flori-
da." American Antiquity, vol. 16, no. 1, pp.23-

1953 "The Battery Point site, Bayport, Hernando Coun-
ty, Florida." The Florida Anthropologist, vol.
6, no. 3, pp. 85-92.

1954 "Further notes on the Battery Point site, Bay-
port, Hernando County, Florida." The Florida
Anthropologist, vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 103-8.

1956 "Excavations on Cape Haze Peninsula, Florida."
Contributions of the Florida State Museum, So-
cial Sciences, no. 1.

1961 "Wash Island in Crystal River." The Florida An-
thropologist, vol. 14, no. 3-4, pp. 69-74.

1963 "The Wash Island site, Crystal River, Florida."
The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 16, no. 3, pp.

ms The Palmer site, Sarasota, Florida.

Bullen, Ripley P.
1950a "Tests at the Whittaker site, Sarasota, Florida."
The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 3, nos. 1-2, pp.

1950b "Perico Island: 1950." The Florida Anthropolo-
gist, vol. 3, nos 3-4, pp. 40-44.

1951 "The Terra Ceia site, Manatee County, Florida."
Florida Anthropological Society Publications, no.

1959 "The transitional period of Florida." Southeast-
ern Archaeological Conference 15th Newsletter,
vol. 6, pp. 43-63. Chapel Hill.

Coates, Gordon C.
1955 "Recent tests at the Battery Point site, Bayport,
Hernando County, Florida." The Florida Anthro-
pologist, vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 27-30.

Goggin, John M.
1947 "A preliminary definition of archaeological areas
and periods in Florida." American Antiquity,
vol. 13, no. 2, pp. 114-27.

Hollinshead, W. Henry
1962 Textbook of Anatomy. New York.

Sears, William H.
1960 "The Bayshore Homes site, St. Petersburg, Flori-
da." Contributions of the Florida State Museum,
Social Sciences, no. 6.

Willey, Gordon R.
1948 "Culture sequence for the Manatee region of West
Florida." American Antiquity, vol. 13, no. 4,
pp. 209-18.

1949 "Archaeology of the Florida Gulf Coast.". Smith-
sonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 113.

Annual Index

Cook, Victor
Lord Raglan's Hero -- A Cross Cultural Critique.
18:3, pt 1; 147-154.

Covington, James W.
White Control of Seminole Leadership.
18:3, pt 1; 137-146.

Bullen, Ripley P. and Askew, Walter
Tests at the Askew Site, Citrus County, Florida.
18:4; 201-217

Fairbanks, Charles H.
Proposed Antiquities Law. 18:1; 63-64.

Florida's New Antiquities Law. 18:3, pt 1; 155-160.

Excavations at the Fort Walton Temple Mound, 1960.
18:4; 239-264.

Foley, Vincent P.
Bethlehem, Pennsylvania -- A Unique Historic Site.
18:3, pt 2; 61-64.

Another Method for the Treatment of Ferrous Artifacts.
18:3, pt 2; 65-68.

Fontana, Bernard L.
The Tale of a Nail: On the Ethnological Interpretation
of Historic Artifacts. 18:3, pt 2; 85-102.

Harnett, C. B.
A 17th Century Wreck off Cape Canaveral.
18:1; 33-48.

Hume, Ivor Noel
Excavations at the Amelung Glass Factory in Maryland.
18:3, pt 2; 2-7.

An Interim Report on Excavations at Denbigh Plantation
In Virginia. 18:3, pt 2; 8-16.

Lazarus, William C.
Land Subsidence on the Gulf Coast. 18:1; 49-58.

Alligator Lake. 18:2; 83-124.

Florida Anthropologist, Vol XVIII, No. 4, December, 1965

Lazarus, William C.
Significance of Dimensions of Big Sandy I-Like Projec-
tile Points in Northwest Florida. 18:3, pt 1; 187-198.

A Study of Dated Bricks in the Vicinity of Pensacola,
Florida. 18:3, pt 2; 69-84.

Coin Dating in the Fort Walton Period. 18:4; 221-224.

McKenzie, Douglas H.
The Burial Complex of the Moundville Phase, Alabama.
18:3, pt 1; 161-174.

Murphree, Alice H.
Folk Medicine in Florida: Remedies Using Plants.
18:3, pt 1; 174-186.

Partridge, William S.
An Analysis of Crow Enculturation. 18:4; 225-234.

Pierson, Lloyd M.
Tabby Ruin Test Excavation. 18:2; 125-134.

South, Stanley
Anthropomorphic Pipes from the Kiln Waster Dump of
Gottfried Aust -- 1755 to 1771. 18:3, pt 2; 49-60.

Excavating the 18th Century Moravian Town of Bethabara,
North Carolina. 18:3, pt 2; 45-48.

Symes, M. I. and Stephens, M. E.
A 272: The Fox Pond Site. 18:2; 65-76.

Van Beck, John C. and Linda M.
The Marco Midden, Marco Island, Florida. 18:1; 1-20.

Warren, Lyman 0. and Bullen, Ripley P.
A Dalton Complex from Florida. 18:1; 29-32.

Warren, Lyman 0., Francis Bushnell,,and Gerard Spence
Six Contributions to the Hand Motif from the Safety Har.
bor Burial Mound on Cabbage Key, Pinellas County, Flori-
da. 18:4; 235-238

Webb, Clarence H. and Gregory, Hiram
French and spanish Contact Materials from Natchitoches
and Los Adaes, Louisiana; a Preliminary Report.
18:3, pt 2; 15-44.


Williams, John and Eunice
Atypical Man in South Florida. 18:1; 59-62.

Wilson, Rex L.
Archeology at Chalmette National Historic Park.
18:3, pt 2; 103-111.

Wing, Elizabeth
Animal Bones from Marco Island. 18:1; 21-28.

Yarnell, Richard A.
Early Woodland Plant Remains. 18:2; 77-82.


William C. Lazarus

On the north shore of Choctawhatchee Bay in the vicin-
ity of Alaqua Bayou, a Fort Walton Period cemetery was first
reported in 1957. Located in a grove of magnolia, oak and
hickory trees some distance back from the bay shore, its
surface is characterized by slight undulations over an area
of about an acre.

All recorded burials appear to be secondary and in an
advanced state of decomposition. A few skulls and long bones
have been recovered. Skull burials beneath an inverted bowl
with long bones along one side have been noted. Also a full
urn burial of an infant has been documented.

Because of the abnormally large deposits of broken cer-
amic vessels, this site (WL-20) is colloquially referred to
as one of the Fort Walton "pot busting sites." There are
two other known Fort Walton Period Cemetery sites on Chocta-
whatchee Bay of identical character. Both of these were dug
by Clarence B. Moore early in the 20th Century on his explo-
rations of the Northwest Florida Coast. Gordon Willey iden-
tified both of the sites (WL-9 and WL-16) as belonging to
the Fort Walton Culture.' In the 1950's these sites were re-
discovered and renumbered WL-50 and WL-33, respectively, be-
cause it was not clear at first that we were dealing with
Moore's discoveries. All three cemeteries (WL-30, WL-33 and
WL-50) have produced traces of European materials such as a
few glass beads and some small iron and copper objects.
Smith commented that "there is nothing (at WL-9 and WL-16)
which can be used as a time marker." However, he speculated
that they were 16th century sites.

The cemetery site on Alaqua Bayou (WL-30) which escaped
Moore's shovels as found by pot hunters. Regrettably, the
news of this prolific site, with its flamboyant ceramic ar-
tifacts, including many effigies, spread far and wide and
uncontrolled digging proceeded at a rapid pace.

In spite of this unfavorable situation, considerable
information of value has been gathered. The quality of the
data so far collected from this site is superior to that re-
ported by Moore for the similar sites which he dug but in
general is below modern archaeological standards.

Southern Death Cult symbolism is present in many of the
design motifs on the pottery (Figure 1). The Hogtown Bayou
Epigonal style of filling incised lines with a paste of con-
Florida Anthropologist, Vol XVIII, No. 4, December, 1965 221

trasting color (white or red) is also well represented among
the ceramic artifacts. A wide variety of rim effigies re-
presenting human, animal, and reptile forms is present. If
brief, this site is representative of a zenith in flamboyant
ceramics of the Fort Walton Culture.

In the winter of 1962-63, Mr. J. B. Wagner in company
with Mr. Elston Fagan and Dana Fagan uncovered a copper coin
in undisturbed earth at a depth of 18 inches at this site.
In close association were the remains of a highly decomposed
human burial, together with a variety of typical Fort Walton
Period sherds. As far as can be determined the burial ap-
peared to be of the skull and long bone type. This find was
located near the center of the site.

The coin is approximately 30 mm in diameter
and slightly thinner than a modern US dime. Two punched
holes on the rim are obviously intended to provide a means
for suspension so the coin could be worn as an ornament. As
observed by one of the numismatic authorities, the coin is
more pitted on one side than the other. He suggests that
the pitted side (lion) was in contact with the body more
frequently. The length of time that this coin was in the
Indian culture before becoming an item of grave goods cannot
be determined. Whether it was buried with the original re-
cipient of it or whether it was handed down is a matter of

The coin was turned over to the Temple Mound Museum at
Fort Walton Beach, Florida, for identification and display.
Under the auspices of the Department of Anthropology and Ar-
chaeology at Florida State University, contact was estab-
lished with the Division of Numismatics, Smithsonian Insti-
tution, where it was identified as a coin struck in the name
of Charles I (V) of Spain. The inscription on both sides
reads KAROLVS QVINTVS INDIARIVM R. A similar coin is illus-
trated in Heiss, Plate 28, 2.

Additional sources of information were next contacted
in Spain. Dr. Felipe Mateu y Llopis at the University of
Barcelona advised that the coin "is of Charles I of Spain
minted during his life and not after 1556, the year of his

"On the obverse are Charles V, King of the Indies and a
castle with the letters 'S' and 'D' corresponding to Santo
Domingo; on the reverse the same inscription and a lion. In
an article by Antonia Vives of 1892 it is stated that there
was a mintage of the Indies, not of Spain, which copied the
coinage and names of the Catholic Kings, Ferdinand and Isa-


bella, but after that, it is said, of Charles I of Spain or
Charles V of the Holy Roman Empire."

"The money found in the Indian burial of Florida is of
two maravedis, made in Santo Domingo between 1532 and 1535
before the creation of the mint of Mexico."

The Secretary General of the Spanish Numismatic Associ-
ation, Senor F. Xavier Calico of Barcelona also identified
this coin as being of Santo Dominican mintage. It was his
opinion that the letters beside the castle were 'S' and 'P'.
He states that King Charles' order authorizing mintage of
coins in Santo Domingo has never been found. However, he
quotes a letter of June 27, 1558 from the Royal Audience of
Santo Domingo to King Phillip II (successor to Charles) to
the effect that a royal license to make copper money with
the seal of Castile had been previously authorized. He added
that in his opinion the coinage of copper maravedis ended at
Santo Domingo before 1558. The dies are known to have been
destroyed in 1573.

The unanimous opinion of three authoritative sources is
that this two maravedis copper coin was minted at Santo Do-
mingo-between 1532 and 1557. An exact copy of this coin has
been located in a collection of Haitian and Dominican Repub-
lic coins in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

This is the second coin known to have come from a Fort
Walton Period burial. In 1901, Moore recovered an undated
silver coin of Charles I (V) during excavations at the Bear
Point Mound in Baldwin County, Alabama (Ba-l). Moore quotes
the US mint as identifying it of Spanish-Mexican mintage.
The Mexico City mint was opened in 1536. The quantity of
European items included as grave goods at Bear Point seems
to exceed the quantity at WL-30. However, the types of bur-
ials and ceramic items compare favorably with those at WL-
30, except that there is a higher percentage of shell temp-
ered wares. This latter phenomena, as has been previously
observed, appears to be more geographically related than
temporally related. Smith dated this site in the 16th cen-
tury, also.

The discovery and dating of the copper coin from the
cemetery on Alaqua Bayou (WL-30) provides strong evidence
for a late 16th century dating of this site, and tends to
confirm Smith's speculative dating for the comparable ceme-
teries at Hogtown Bayou (WL-9 or WL-50) and Point Washington
(WL-16 or WL-33).

The Southern Death Cult and the Hogtown Bayou Epigonal

style can be associated
Northwest Florida Gulf
quantity at the cemetery

Fairbanks, C. H.
1960 Excavation;
Temple Mou

with the late 16th century on the
Coast because they are present in
on Alaqua Bayou (WL-30).


s in the Fort Walton Temple Mound,,
nd Museum, Ft. Walton Beach, Florida.

Heiss, Aloiss

Descripcion General de las
Cristianas desde la Invasion
Aloiss Helss. Madrid. R.N.

Monedas Hispano-
de los Arabes, por

Lazarus, W. C.
1961 Fort Walton Culture West of the Apalachicola,
Proceedings of the 18th Southeastern Archaeo-
logical Conference, Peabody Museum, Cambridge,

Mateu y Llopis, Felipe
1958 Numisma, Bulletin of the 1st Exposition of Nu-
mismatics (Spanish-American) Barcelona, Spain.

Moore, C. B.
1901 Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Northwest
Florida Coast, Pot. 1, Journ. Acad. Nat. Sci.,
Philadelphia, Penna, Vol. 12.

Nesmith, R. I.
1955 The Coinage of the First Mint of the Americas
at Mexico City 1536-72, Numismatic Notes and
Monographs, New York, New York.

Smith, H. G.
1956 The European and the Indian, Florida Anthropol-
ogical Soc. No. 4, Gainesville, Florida.

o Mm 53

Fig. 1 Sherd from WL-30 showing skull and long bones
(Southern Death Cult symbolism). Incised lines have
been filled with chalk to improve photographic con-
trast. (Sherd courtesy of E. Fagan).

An Analysis of Crow Enculturation
(as compared to Sioux enculturation)
1868 to 1880

William L. Partridge

Abstract: This paper deals with the quite differ-
ent fates of two plains tribes at the hands of the
military and civil authority in the late 19th Cen-
tury. Although both of these tribes shared, for
all practical purposes, similar cultures and
placed emphasis upon similar role models, (youth,
physical strength, etc.), ones experience was
marked by mild adjustment with a minimum of resis-
tance, the other's by total and continued rebel-
lion. What could cause such contrasting reactions
to white expansion from two similar cultures is
the questioned posed. Through processes of ethno-
historical examination, this phenomenon, which was
present in other areas during the New World expan-
sion period, can be understood and can serve as an
excellent example of the relevance of historical
material in matters traditionally ethnologically

My purpose here is to investigate the possibility that
the Crow Indian nation adjusted better to reservation life
in the late 1800's than did their Sioux contemporaries, and
to try and find a reason for this situation if it did indeed
exist. I shall first show that the Crow were much better
off than were the Sioux when they entered their respective
reservation periods. And then, I shall explain why I be-
lieve this to be a logical situation.

Historically the Crow are linked linguistically and
culturally, (the latter to a minor degree), with the Hidatsa
According to a government publication the Hidatsa claim to
have been united with the Crow until sometime before the
historical period, when the two separated over a quarrel,
the Crow then drawing off farther to the west, (Pepper &
Wilson 279). From other sources the approximate date of the
separation is 1600, (Teit 346). It is the general consensus
of my references that the Crow started their nomadic way of
life just after their split with the Hidatsa. Prior to this
date it is likely the Crow were not a gardening people as
were the Hidatsa. More likely, they were a foraging group
who lived partly off the buffalo and partly off some limited
amount of gardening, but,until they obtained the horse they
were not able to move fully onto the Plains. Once they
Florida Anthropologist, Vol XVIII, No. 4, December, 1965 225

gained possession of the horse they abandoned their semi-
sedentary existence and took full advantage of the abundance
on the Plains, (Teit 346).

The Sioux have always assumed superiority over their
neighbors with the exception of the Ojibwa who obtained fire-
arms and drove them from the headwaters of the Mississippi
into the west. The Sioux in turn drove the Cheyenne, Kiowa,
and Crow into the foothills of the Rocky Mountains and onto
the southern Plains. The Crow were reported to be pushing
the Flathead as they came from the east about 1700-1750,
(Teit 318). Flathead country used to be the foothills of
the Rockies. The Crow are reported by Mcgree, (198), to
have been on the Yellowstone River in 1817; he reported them
there again in 1829 and once again in 1842. A map drawn by
Lewis Morgan in 1859 places the tribe near the Yellowstone
and Big Horn Rivers, (White 12).

Thus, from about 1600 to at least 1859 the Crow were a
buffalo hunting, Plains dwelling tribe. They lived in the
heart of the great buffalo country and had horses and fire- '
arms from at least 1750, making them a completely effective
group of nomadic buffalo hunters. Even with their village
background, the people dressed in Plains fashion, had tepees,
parleches, war societies, coups, wife and horse stealing,
games of war, etc. But it is here that I find the inconsis-
tancy. The Crow were a people identical in major cultural
traits to the Sioux, yet there is a vast difference in the
former's relations with the whites as compared to the lat-
ter's relations.

The difference between the two tribes reactions to
white influence is shown in many ways. To begin with, most
all of the major northern Plains battles involved the Sioux
and many times the Cheyenne. I have yet to find mention of
a major confrontation of white military strength by the
Crow. In fact most Indian Agents' reports from the Crow
Agency in Montana show that these men viewed the Crow as a
peaceful group of people. For example:

"In respect to learning our language and sending
their children to our boarding schools, the Crows
appear to be more backward than those tribes that
have been the fiercest and most warlike", (Arm-
strong 1882)

Clearly Agent Armstrong did not view these people as warlike,
and his was the typical Crow Agency attitude toward the Crow.

The Crow Agency was established in 1868, May 7, as

Agent A. R. Keller reports in his 1881 report, (171). At
the time of Agent Keller's report the Crow owned 8,000,000
acres of land on the Yellowstone River, (exactly where they
had been seen in 1817, 29, and 42). Keller reports they
were as well off as any group of white people. They had
14,000 horses, (4 per man), 600 head of cattle, 10,000 buf-
falo robes, etc. Nowhere in Keller's report do I find men-
tion of any reservation trouble or hard feelings. As Keller
"...they are not slow to realize the changes that
are taking place around them and the necessity of
their accommodating themselves to the inevitable
results effected by the irresistible progress of
American genius and industry", (173).
Keller seems to reflect the situation accurately, for, as I
shall show, the Crow adjusted very rapidly by comparison to
their Sioux neighbors. Agent A.J. Armstrong reports during
his first year at the Crow Agency that,

"...in regard to farming, I had no difficulty in
getting a larger number to work than I could man-
age and direct, or could provide with seed... the
indications are I shall have a much larger number
of Indians farming next season than this", (161).

In 1884 Armstrong reports he had need of food to feed the
people fifty two weeks and was given enough food for sixteen
or seventeen weeks. As a result they had to slaughter a
large portion of the head of cattle sent to the reservation
in 1883, (152). But, in this report of ration problems, no-
where does he mention any Crow uprisings or hatreds; nor is
there mention of any hot-headed young warriors causing trou-
ble. This is surprising in the light of what is normally
assumed to be an Indian reaction to a broken promise by the
white government. Even more surprising, in light of my
Sioux reading, is the following situation from Armstrong in
the same report. The Indians were being moved to the Little
Big Horn Valley where the farming lands were much superior
to the original acres issued. The new land was one hundred
and twenty miles from the old agency and the old farm plots.
Still, nearly all the Indians made the move, (Armstrong 152).
Once again the agent's report mentions no conflict or trou-
ble. In fact, later in the same report Armstrong says,

"We have succeeded so well in spreading the Indi-
ans out and placing them upon their homesteads
that we can not help rejoicing...", (153),

and later again from the same report,

"There are more Indians who desire to be shown how
to do things than there are employees to show them
and they sometimes have to wait one or two weeks
after they come in for assistance and this is dis-
couraging to the Indians", (154).

The following year Agent Armstrong reports, (his last),

"...it seems to us that the Crows are more willing
to do what is right in this particular respect,
(locating homesteads and farm plots); than the
government is to have them, for, notwithstanding
the fact that a large number of Indians had set-
tled locations...planted crops... and hauled logs
for their houses, I have not been able, with my
limited force of employees, to show them how to
put up those houses", (345).

Logs for one hundred and twenty five houses were cut and
waiting, at the time of his report, for their owners to re-
ceive instructions as to how to use them.

These statements and others do not indicate that the
Crow were the people having trouble adjusting to the reser-
vation, but rather, the whites were having the trouble ad-
justing. For example, in June of 1880 a treaty was made for
the Crow to cede 2,000,000 acres of reservation land to the
government to extend a railroad linking the east to the west.
But, Congress failed to ratify this agreement and the Indi-
ans thought this meant the government was trifling with them
and suspected bad faith on the government's part, (Keller
172). Note here that there is no problem in the Crow let-
ting a railroad pass through their land; rather the problem
arose in Congressional nonaction on the measure. Eventually
the deal was consumated and the railroad agreement was
passed in 1882, (Keller).

So, it appears the Crow were a patient and reasonable
people that made a remarkable adjustment to the reservation
period of their history; remarkable in comparison to the
Sioux problems that arose in their respective reservation

The entire history of the Sioux relations with the
white man was not all characterized by ill feelings and war.
The Sioux only began resistance when forts and wagon trails
disturbed their regular routine of life. Earlier than this
the Sioux relations with the whites had been peaceful. The

Indians were quite glad to have trading posts exchange their
hides for goods that now were so much a part of their cul-
ture. But when the Civil War ended and westward movement of
troops began to protect the new settlers, the Sioux began to
resist. In the early treaties the Sioux had allowed roads
to cross their lands but the government agreed to keep white
men out of Indian country. The roads were for passage only.
After this early treaty was signed, the whites had existed
beside the red for several years. Then friction began.
With the Crow treaty of 1868 came a proposed Sioux treaty of
1868. Red Cloud and the other Sioux baulked at ceding the
Black Hills, etc., to the whites in exchange for a piece of
land north of their home, (this very land being the reserva-
tion of today). And, this erupted into the Sioux wars.

The tribal history from 1868 to 1877 was one of war,
mistrust, broken agreements, and constant pushing of the
tribe by the government into a more confined and restricted
area. After defeat in 1877 there were no more wars; instead,
a period of crises all threatening open conflict and all
connected with the establishment of the great Sioux reserva-
tions. (This entire resume of early Sioux history is taken
from Hyde's Red Cloud's Folk).

In 1878-1879 the Sioux of the Red Cloud and Spotted
Tail bands were anxious to be away from the hated Missouri
lowlands and get up into the land they were permitted to
hold after finally losing the Black Hills and the vast Pow-
der River and Tongue River hunting lands. Congress baulked
at this moment at carrying out President Haye's promise to
the Sioux chiefs to give them the land upon which they could
establish agencies of their own choosing, (Hyde, Cronicle,
11). The Sioux waited until after the snow melted that year
and then became restless. It was all Spotted Tail could do
to retain cohesion of his tribe. As time stretched on and
the commission bringing the expected orders to move up to
Rosebud did not come, even Spotted Tail lost his patience,
(Hyde, Cronicle, 14). Finally in July the commission came
and Spotted Tail said he would burn the present, (Ponca),
agency and go to Rosebud if permission to leave were not
granted within ten days.

"...the commission was very late in coming and had
to press forward to meet Red Cloud and his chiefs,
and so it accepted the Rosebud location as a fine
site for the Brules simply because Spotted Tail and
his acting agent said it was so", (Hyde, Cronicle,

And thus, the Brules under Spotted Tail moved onto Rosebud.

When the commission reached Red Cloud and his Oglalas they
too had picked a site for their agency. The site was as far
from the hated Missouri as the Oglalas could go without
leaving the reservation. That had been their main reason
for the choice, for while the area was a fine location for
Indians to camp in, the commission said the land was too
sandy for farming; the commission preferred Wounded Knee
Creek. Red Cloud repeated daily that the Oglalas would re-
main where they were and would not go to Wounded Knee Creek.
The agency was built where he wanted it, (Hyde, Cronicle,

Traveling back to inspect the new Rosebud site, the
commission found it too was a beautiful spot for Sioux camp-
ing but impossible to bring supplies to and impossible to
farm. Yet the Brules would not have the agency at any other
spot. The exasperated commissioners departed, (Hyde, Croni-
cle, 18).

So, ten years after the Crow were established in Mon-
tana, and while the Crow were apparently quiet, the Sioux
continued to resist. By 1878 the last Sioux, except for
Sitting Bull's hostiles in Canada, had been settled at their
final location, (Hyde, 23). By now the buffalo and other
big game had disappeared from the vicinity of the reserva-
tion and the Sioux were totally dependent upon government
rations. At this time the agent's reports show no advances
towards farming, homesteading, or housebuilding, (Dept. of
Interior, 1881:134). The only thing the Sioux did was to
haul their rations from the Missouri landing to the agencies,
a plan concocted to help the Indian gain the "idea" of self
support! Only a few Sioux were thus engaged and there was a
great turnover of persons willing to work.

So it is evident that the Sioux had a rocky beginning.
But, even more interesting is the period following the move
to the reservations. The few brave souls who tried their
hand at farming in these early days were looked down upon by
their own people.

"Thus the few Sioux who in 1878 were making their
faltering attempts at farming... not only had to
fight Dakota droughts and grasshopper plagues but
also against the solid opposition of their own
people. Thus when Carl Schurtz, (Sec. of Interior)
in Washington pledged his work to Congress that
the Sioux would very soon be self supporting
through farming, he was talking nonsense", (24-5).

While the Oglalas and the Brules were sitting in their te-

pees, eating free rations, Schurtz and other governments of-
ficials spent large sums of money having forty acre tracts
laid out for purposes of farming. All these plots played un-
touched except.for a few white squawmen and some "loafer
bands", as the Oglala called Sioux who were friendly to the
whites. In the period comparable to the Crow examples men-
tioned earlier, the Sioux were not doing at all well farming
the land of their reservation. The farm program was the
"sacred cow" of 1880 Washington and for an agent to suggest
it would not work was akin to treason. But the fact re-
mained that the Sioux were at an all time low period just
about the time the Crow were taking their first steps
towards farming. And in March of 1890 when Short Bull re-
turned from seeing the Messiah, Wovoka, of the Ghost Dance
Religion, he began to preach and,

"...the drooping Sioux lifted their heads and
people flocked to listen to the new prophet. Most
of the Sioux believed...", (Hyde, 246).

And thus a second great period of violence and mistrust oc-
curred, destined to be climaxed by the famous Wounded Knee

I believe I have shown that there were two separate sit-
uations here. One, the Crow Agency success in getting the
Indians to comply to government ideas, and the other, a spec-
tacular failure at communicating their intentions and inter-
preting their acts to the Sioux. These events and apparent
differences in my opinion, could have only been caused by
three possible situations: 1) differences in origin and
culture; 2) historical differences influencing relative size
and capacity to resist; 3) and geographic and political lo-
cation differences. I shall try and give the less well
known Crow side of these situations assuming the Sioux to be
more well known.

First, origins of these groups are of course different,
but, as I pointed out earlier, the Crow were a typical
Plains culture after 1750. There was no white contact to
speak of before this date. But still their origins are dif-
ferent. I would hasten to point out that although people
are quick to point to lingering characteristics in the Crow
from the Hidatsa heritage, most of these traits are not com-
patible with Plains life or they would not show up. For ex-
ample: the corn references in the tales and myths of the
Crow are obviously holdovers. But in most cases these stor-
ies are concerned with contact with the Hidatsa rather than
with corn, squash, etc., within the Crow economy, (Lowie,
Mat. Culture, 209). The Hot dance is a frequently mentioned

Hidatsa trait that was borrowed by the Crow. But, this
dance came to the Crow reservation in about 1875, long after
the period of initial white contact. More important than
similarities between the cultures are differences. Among
the Hidatsa societies were age graded and religiously ori-
ented and the Sun Dance was a group function. But the Crow,
like the Sioux, had societies into which one had to purchase
membership and which were mutual benefit clubs. The Sun
Dance was an individually oriented function with typical
Plains emphasis on the young, brave visionary, (Lowie, Probs.
of Ethnology, 65-7). In these examples and others sedentary
influence was minor. Based on Lowie's introduction to The
Crow Indians, one can safely say the Crow were a Plains
tribe in the full meaning of the term.

The second difference could be the relative size of the
Crow by comparison to their Sioux neighbors to the west dur-
ing white infusion onto the Plains. In 1842 Mcgree numbers
them at around 4,000. By 1885 they were reduced to 3870,
(Armstrong 334). From these figures it appears the Crow
ranks were not cut by disease as among the Plains tribes,
(Pawnee, Mandan, etc.). I can find no mention of small pox
or other epidemics affecting the Crow. This means the Crow
had as many men at their disposal as the Hunkapapa Sioux
under Sitting Bull who were the last Sioux to come in and
caused much trouble with 3000 people. But, the fact remains
that even being the third largest tribe on the Plains they
did not confront or defy the white man.

The third and final difference is in location in rela-
tion to the events of the time. Here is the only place I
can find a real difference between the Sioux and the Crow.
Not only were their locations in relation to political
events different but their contacts with political or gov-
ernmental representatives were different, i.e.; agents. As
one might gather from the excerpts quoted here, the Crow
agents as a whole were quite concerned about the welfare of
their Trow charges. Hyde goes to great lengths to describe
how shortsighted and uninterested the Sioux agents were. As
a whole they were the weakest on the Plains, after 1870, and
in many cases they were the cause of uprisings and mistrust
directed at the government. But aside from differences in
political control of the reservations once established,
there are differences in location prior to the reservation

It is my contention that the Sioux acted as a cultural
barrier between the Crow and the white man during the early
critical days of the blundering army, congressional, and
governmental officials. Of course by cultural barrier I

don't mean material goods, stories,etc.; the Crow never ex-
perienced first hand contact with the whites for any ex-
tended period of time until the reservation period. And ne
ver being friendly with the Sioux, they were never allied
against the whites. On the other hand, the Sioux had almost
constant contact as early as 1850 and the Fort Laramie days.
Here already the Sioux were selling passage rights in ex-
change for annuities which were soon discontinued and a new
commission sent for more land and a new treaty, (Underhill
171). Thus, the Sioux very early in their history experi-
enced the white man's appetite for expansion. The Crow
were deprived of this educating experience. So when in la-
ter years the Crow were approached and told they would be
given grain, metal, blankets, cloth, etc., for merely stay-
ing north of a certain line across the prairie, it seemed
like a good deal and they agreed where the Sioux would have
and did, during the same treaty commission,refuse the offer
on the lesson of the past thirty years of white contact.

In summary, acculturation was generally the same all
over the Plains when it came to the horse, firearms, metal,
cloth, etc. But each tribe according to its location in re-
lation to the wagons west, trade routes, army outposts, and
fur companies, had a little different experience. The Sioux
were by far one of the most pressed by the whites in those
early prereservation days, and as a result the more western
Crow nation was protected from early experience with the
white civilization. During the reservation days of each
group these early lessons either learned or not learned
played a great part in their relative enculturation.


Armstrong, A. J.
1882 "Crow Agency Report", Department of Interior An-
nual Report.

1883 "Crow Agency Report", Department of Interior An-
nual Report.

1884 "Crow Agency Report", Department of Interior An-
nual Report.

1885 "Crow Agency Report", Department of Interior An-
nual Report.

Ewers, J. C.
1953 "Of the Crow Nation" by Edwin T. Denig, Bureau
of American Ethnology, Bulletin 151:1-74.

Hyde, G. E.

A Sioux Cronicle, Norman.

1937 Red Cloud's Folk, Norman.

Keller, A. R.
1881 "Crow Agency Report", Department of Interior An-
nual Report.

Lowie, R. H.
1912 Some Problems in Ethnology of the Crow and Vil-
lage Indians, American Anthropologist n.s., XIV,

1935 The Crow Indians, Rinehart and Co. Inc.

1952 Material Culture of the Crow Indians. Anthropo-
logical Papers of the Museum of Natural History,
XXV, 201-70.

Mcgree, W. J.
1893-4 The Siouan Tribes: A Preliminary Sketch.
of American Ethnology, Bulletin 15.


Mooney, J.
1892-3 The Ghost Dance Religion. Bureau of American
Ethnology, Bulletin XIV, part II.

Pepper, G. H. and Wilson, G. L.
1908 An Hidatsa Shrine and the Beliefs Respecting It,
American Anthropologist, Memoirs, V. II, Part IV

Teit, J. A.
1927-8 The Salish Tribes of the Western Plateau, Bureau
of American Ethnology, Bulletin45.

Underhill, R. M.
1953 Red Man's America. University of Chicago Press.

White, L. A.
1951 Louis H. Morgan's Western Field Trips, American
Anthropologist 53:11-17.

Six Contributions to the Hand Motif from the
Safety Harbor burial Mound on
Cabbage Key, Pinellas County, Florida

Lyman Warren, Francis Bushnell, and Gerard Spence

The Cabbage Key burial mound will be the subject of a
special paper by the professional archeologists of the Flo-
rida State Museum. The mound was dug into by some thirty or
forty amateurs over a period of 18 months with varying for-
tunes. The present paper is intended to record and portray
five or possibly six examples of the hand motif from this
interesting Safety Harbor site. We believe that this was
Clarence B. Moore's "Mound on Pine Key", for his description
of that mound and its surroundings seem to fit the Cabbage
Key site and not the smaller sand burial mound known to have
existed on Pine Key, and it might have been easy to confuse
the two closely adjacent keys. (1)

The portion of the mound of most interest to the sub-
ject of the hand sherds reported here was the eastern as-
pect. Here, at superficial depth, in and immediately under
a thick tangle of palmetto roots was a large deposit or
cache of sherds, some bearing the hand motif as illustrated.
Figure 1 represents and clearly depicts fingers, hand, fore-
arm, elbow and upper arm. Figure 2 shows two hands, one
with probable attached forearm and arm in stylized form. A
third sherd shown in Figure 3 and unfortunately incomplete,
may represent a highly stylized hand in which the fingers
have become mere straight lines radiating from a common cen-
ter, The hand in Figure 4 is certainly grotesque; a com-
plete wrist is seen, possibly portion of a forearm however
un-anatomical. Figure 5 shows portions of two hands of ra-
ther gracile habitus when compared with the other represen-
tations; here thumb of one approximates the thumb of the
other. Figure 5 is in applique and represents probably the
left hand, we believe, a dorsal view. Of interest is the
foreshortened middle finger, which, in nature, is longest,
but is here represented as shortest; this might be related
to either depiction of ritual amputation of the terminal
phalanx of the middle finger, or may have simply been exi-
gent on the potter's need for space.

While the use of the hand as a design in ceramics is fre-
quently noted in the vessels recovered by Moore at Mound-
ville (2,3) this motif becomes less frequent in his Florida
papers. Moore illustrates the hand design on sherds recov-
ered from the Crystal River burial mound (4) and from the
(probable) Safety Harbor site at Hickory Bluff (5). Of pos-
Florida Anthropologist, Vol XVIII, No. 4, December, 1965 235

sible interest in comparing his depictions with the present
contribution is the absence of either finger nails or weep-
ing eye motif in the present hands.

We have reported a small bone pendant having the shape
of a hand from an inundated midden site recently dredged out
of the tide flats of Boca Ciega Bay in the town of Seminole
near a real estate development known as Sheraton Shores (6).

The specimens illustrated in this paper have been pre-
sented to the Florida State Museum for study. To provide
contrast for photographic purposes, boric acid powder was
sprinkled on the sherds and the excess blown off.


Moore, C. B.
1900 Certain Antiquities of the Florida West Coast.
Journal Academy Natural Science, Philadelphia.
Second Series. Volume xi, part 3, p 355. Mound
on Pine Key.

Certain Aborginal Remains of the Black Warrior
River. Ibid. Vol. xiii, part 2.

Moundville Revisited. Ibid. Volume xiii, part 3.

Certain Aboriginal Mounds of the Florida Central
West Coast. Vol xii, part 3. Mound at Crystal Ri-

Miscellaneous Investigations. Vol xiii, Part 2.
Page 302. Mound near Hickory Bluff Desoto County.

Warren, Lyman O. & Bushnell, Francis
In press Bone Hand Pendant from the Sheraton Shores
site in Boca Ciega Bay.

Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3


Figure 4

Figure 5

Figure 6


Charles H. Fairbanks

Abstract: Occupation at the site began with a
thick Deptford midden. The Santa Rosa-Swift Creek
period was represented by sherds in mound fill and
perhaps by some underlying midden deposit. Weeden
Island period sherds were very scarce although
well represented in the vicinity. Mound construc-
tion was clearly in the Ft. Walton period. Some
evidence of summit structures was found in the
western half. The eastern half was largely occu-
pied by Ft. Walton burials. An unusual burial of-
fering was a piece of resinous material that may
be copal.

The objectives of the excavations were to learn the
original contours of the mound; to find out the aboriginal
construction features, uses, and occupations of the mound
area; and assist in planning its development as a public ed-
ucational exhibit. It was felt that accurate information on
previous excavations would indicate what areas ought to be
excavated in the future and what possibility there might re-
main of excavating exhibitable materials. Previous excava-
tions had been conducted by Dr. Sandrum during the Civil War,
by Dr. S. S. Forbes shortly after the War, by S. T. Walker
in 1881 and 1882, and by Clarence B. Moore in 1900, but had
not been reported in any systematic manner. Walker had pub-
lished short notes and speculations (1885) but they have no
clear picture of the mound. His reports 'conflicted in a num-
ber of important ways with the report of Clarence B. Moore
(1901). We hoped at least to accurately locate the excava-
tions of these previous investigators. In addition, it was
known that much unsystematic digging had been done through
the years.

Work was begun on July 6, 1960, with a crew of four men.
The crew was gradually increased to six and a number of vol-
unteers were added.

After the first cut in the mound, excavations were made
in one-foot arbitrary levels, except where burials were
found. Collections were separated by square and level or by
other culturally significant units.

Excavations were started with a trench ten feet wide
from 200 East to 210 East at the 102 North line. This was
to the toe of the mound. It was extended north to the 160
North line. The first cut was taken to a depth of 7.4 feet

Florida Anthropologist, Vol XVIII, No. 4, December, 1965 239

below the present surface of the mound. The soft mound fill
would not stand at this height and further cuts were gener-
ally only possible to a depth of 4.0 feet. From 160 North
the trench was extended to 220 North by taking alternate 10-
foot cuts. As no unusual features were encountered in the
successive alternate squares, the intervening areas were not

To the east of the main trench three squares were exca-
vated, Squares 210E-140N, 230E-130N. These were for the pur-
pose of establishing the western limits of C. B. Moore's old
excavations. Two squares were excavated in the approximate
center of the mound where recent looters had uncovered evi-
dences of burials. These were Squares 255E-190N and 265E-
190N. Finally, two squares were excavated bracketing the
ramp on the south side at 220E-71N and 270E-56N. At the end
of excavation all pits were backfilled and leveled but not

Mound Base

The undisturbed sand at the base of the mound was a
white beach sand, as is most of the subsoil in the vicinity.
It was cut by a complex series of root disturbances which
generally consisted of a white sand core surrounded by a
dense, black, often cemented deposit. Locally there were
heavy deposits of tan, hard sand, locally called hardpan.
It is evident that the "hardpan" had developed in aboriginal
times and was penetrated by roots of large trees. Around
these roots collected a black deposit of organic materials.
With the eventual decay of the roots, the voids were filled
with white sand. The development of "hardpan" and the ce-
mented condition would suggest a rather wet location. This
white sand was capped by a black, humic stained deposit
which represents the old land surface on which the mound was
built. The humic band averaged 0.6 feet in thickness. Its
top surface was at an elevation of 13.6 feet in the area
from 102N to 120N in the 200E squares. In the 270E area it
ranged from 13.0' to 13.8' in elevation with a definite
slope up to the north. In the 220E square it ranged from
13.2' to 13.4' elevation with no definite slope in any direc-
tion. There was no evidence that the old humus had been
smoothed or leveled before mound construction.

From Square 220E-120N a fair sample of artifacts was
collected. It consisted of 172 sherds, of which 36 were
too small for identification and were discarded. The other
two pits that penetrated the old humus yielded 32 additional
sherds. The count for the 168 total sherds was-

Type Number Per Cent

Deptford Bold Check Stamped 95 56.5
Deptford Simple Stamped 33 19.5
Rough Plain 22 13.0
Smooth Plain 6 3.4
Fine simple stamped or random scratched 2 1.3
Santa Rosa Stamped 4 2.5
Residual incised 2 1.3
Complicated stamped, probably Swift Creek 2 1.3
Random Conical punctated 1 0.6
Alligator Bayou Stamped 1 0.6

168 100.0

In addition there was a piece of unworked hematite,
two pieces of grinding slabs of ferruginous sandstone, and a
charcoal sample. This collection represents a nearly pure
Deptford occupation with only slight increments from later
periods. It is probable that the Santa Rosa Stamped, resi-
dual incised, and indeterminate complicated stamped repre-
sent intrusions from mound fill. I believe the random punc-
tated sherd is part of the Deptford Complex as it is very
close in ware characteristics to the remaining Deptford
types. I have seen a few sherds of course paste, random,
conical punctated ware from the Deptford Site and suspect
it is a consistent minor element of the ceramics of that

It seems certain that the area now occupied by the
mound was first a village of the Deptford Period. Little or
no subsequent occupation occurred until Fort Walton times
when the mound was built. The total absence of Weeden
Island Period sherds and the virtual absence of Santa Rosa-
Swift Creek ceramics is somewhat surprising in view of the
extensive Weeden Island middens in the immediate vicinity.


Three stages of mound building were encountered in our
excavations: 1) a white sand fill, 2) a lensed tan and white
sand fill, 3) a light gray sand fill. These will be dis-
cussed in order below. Here two things should be pointed
out. First it is fairly clear that we did not reach the
first Indian construction. Our trenches did not penetrate
to mound base in the central parts of the mound. In that
location would be expected the first mound stage. What I
have numbered Mound Stage I above is simply the earliest
stage we excavated.

Figure 1 Sherds from Mound Base: A-B. Tetrapods, C. Fine
Simple Stamped, D. Random Punctated, E. Deptford Simple
Stamped, G-H. Deptford Linear Check Stamped, I. Fabric Im-
pressed, J-M. Deptford Bold Check Stamped.

Secondly, the question of who built the mound. The In-
dian builders borrowed dirt from nearby, earlier, and evi-
:dently Deptford village middens. As will be discussed in
the section dealing with artifacts, the whole range of West
Florida pottery complexes is represented in the fill. Com-
mon sense, and a well defined archeological maxim, tells us
that a deposit dates from the latest artifacts found in it.
This is the Fort Walton Period for this mound. From the
mound summit we found a few Fort Walton sherds as deep in
ithe mound as out pits extended. Thirteen Fort Walton Period
sherds were recovered from Level 4, three to four feet below
mound surface, in the summit area. This includes only those
sherds from the undisturbed mound area away from the recent
looters excavations. These sherds indicate that the mound
was built during the Fort Walton Period, sometime between
'A.D. 1500 and 1650. After a discussion of the pottery, I
twill attempt a more precise dating. We also know what tem-
ple mounds of this type have consistently proved to belong
to the late cultures of the southeast. The Deptford, Santa
Rosa-Swift Creek, and Weeden Island periods could not have
served as the origin of the mound because of the later
sherds included in it. No remains later than Fort Walton
Period have been found in any quantity.

The first known stage of mound construction was a near-
ly pure white sand fill. It touched the old humus at 110.6N
in the 200E-210E area. Major sand falls occurred while this
profile was being cut and I could not find any evidence of
sandy outwash at the foot of the mound. In its first five
feet the upper surface of the sand rose at an angle of about
45. Further north towards the main body of the mound the
slope was somewhat more gradual, rising six feet in twenty-
two feet. The total rise was then some eleven feet in a
horizontal distance of twenty-seven feet, or slightly less
than a four-to-one slope. The slope was somewhat uneven and
showed no evidences of more compact surfacing materials.

In the area of the summit platform it had a fairly even
elevation at 23.0' above sea level. In a number of areas it
was capped by a dense black sand, some two or three inches
thick. This was apparently not an occupational deposit but
simply a mound fill element. This was indicated by the fact
that this zone was, in some places, visibly lensed and that
it was discontinuous. It varied from 0.1' to 0.5' in thick-
ness and did not have any indication of compaction or smooth-
ing. In the areas where it was absent the white sand fill
graded directly into a mottled yellow and tan sand fill di-
rectly above.

This is evidently the black band mentioned by Moore as


being found on the northeast side but not on the southeast
end of the mound (1901:437). I found it sporadically all
the way across the western end of the mound and in the cen-
tral part of the mound. More complete profiles will be
needed to thoroughly trace this mound construction feature.
In some cases about 0.6' of white fill covered the black

Above the white sand or the black sand was a complex
series of mound fill elements. The central part of the
mound seemed to be characterized by a lensed, mottled, mixed
band of light tan sand some 2.5 feet thick. Towards the
south this was overlain or graded into a more even brown
fill which extended down the south slope of the mound. Final
decisions must await more extensive excavation, but at pres-
ent I am convinced that the brown sand and tan mixed fill
are one mound construction unit. This sort of fill would be
derived from a borrow pit containing both tan, white, and
brown sands. The top was uneven and ranged in elevation
from 25.0' to 26.4'.

On the south slope, extending from 119.6N to 138 North
was a band of mixed oyster and clam shells. The shells are
contained within the brown sand stratum and are not a sur-
face covering. Evidently the Indians used a shell midden as
a borrow pit at this point. Sherd collections range from
Deptford through Weeden Island and differ in no way from the
general mound fill. I do not consider this a mound facing,
but simply part of the mound fill. It does, however, lie
along the upper slope of the mound where erosion might be
expected and where a compact plating would be useful.

Originating in the top of the brown fill were a total
of 27 postholes. There is one possible line roughly east
and west just south of 150N. The others seem to be scattered
without any coherent pattern in the short, ten-foot sections,
excavated at this time. The postholes are from 0.6' to 1.1'
in diameter and averaged 2.0' deep. Generally, they had
one vertical section of dark brown-stained earth and an adja-
cent area of small clam shells. Evidently the Indians dug a
posthole in the soft sand and then braced the post by pack-
ing shells into the hole. The line at 150N and an isolated
posthole at 138N may represent palisades or screens periph-
eral to the mound platform. Such palisades have been noted
in a number of late and early Mississippian mounds in the

Above the brown sand was a mantle of light gray sand,
evidently representing another mound phase. It was capped
by modern humus and is evidently not at its full height.


The top varied from 27.0 to 29.0' above sea level. Evident-
ly erosion has removed an unknown amount of fill from the
top of the mound.

A modern gas line ran from 135N at the 260E line to
148.5N at the 200E line. Several recent pits were found,
one subsequent to the gas line which was placed here in 1957.
At the Square 250E-130N we found evidence of a very large
pit extending an unknown distance eastward beyond the 360E
line. It was dug to an average depth of 3.5' and seems to
be C. B. Moore's old excavations in the southeast quadrant
of the mound. Moore evidently did not screen his dirt as we
found numerous sherds within the backfill of this pit. It
had an irregular outline and somewhat irregular floor. In
Square 200E-150N we found a narrow trench-like recent pit.
It ranged in width from one to two feet in width and three
to five feet deep. I believe this is the small trench indi-
cated on Moore's map as having been dug in the southwest
quadrant of the mound. Aside from these rather widely scat-
tered pits the western part of the mound seemed to be large-
ly undisturbed.


In recent years local people had dug a small, irregular
hole in the central part of the mound, roughly at 265E-195N.
It was decided to excavate this area to clean up the partly
exposed burials. The excavation was eventually extended to
a ten-by-twenty foot pit running from 255E-190N to 275E-190N.
The whole area was badly disturbed and no undisturbed buri-
als were found. It was possible, however, to determine some-
thing about the original disposition of burials. Thirteen
burial numbers were assigned to groups of bones. The total
number of individuals represented, however, is at least
seventeen, based on a preliminary examination of the bones.

The whole area we investigated was thoroughly stirred
up and superficially excavated to a depth of 1.5' some time
previously to our excavation. The top 1.0' to 1.5' of soil
was a black sand mixed with considerable quantities of clam
and oyster shells. This represents the previously excavated
zone. Nowhere did we find the layer of shell at or just be-
low the surface described by Moore. I believe the top dis-
turbed zone represents this shell layer plus one or more
layers of soil. In three places deeper disturbances were
found. Two of these, Features 8 and 9 were at the northeast
and southeast corners of the 10 x 20' pit. They were filled
with mixed dirt and fragments of human bones. Feature 9,
especially, was cluttered with human bones from top to bot-
tom, a distance of 6.7' from the surface. Burial numbers 1,

2,4, and 10 were assigned to groups of bones in this pit
that at first looked like partly disturbed burials. On
cleaning, each lot of bones proved to be simply bones thrown
back in an open pit. Many of the bones were broken and they
were in complete discord. In some cases vertebrae were ly-
ing in anatomical order, never more than three together.
Evidently, the original excavator found burials with root-
lets holding vertebrae together and piled them back in the
pit in this condition. Skulls were badly separated into the
component bones except for one complete facial area of a ma-
ture male that had somehow survived the rough treatment.

Near the top of the pit were found the scattered sherds
of a small Pensacola Incised pot. It had evidently been
broken in excavation and returned with fill. It has a
straight rim with four small strap handles. The incised de-
sign on the shoulder is a series of five circles connected
by 2-line arches. In the small size of the pot we see re-
flected the miniature pots found so frequently at the Fort
Walton Mound by Moore. Also found scattered among the bones
in this pit were two large conch columella shell beads, a
bird bone awl, and two projectile points. The larger of
these is a broad tan flint point 2 1/8 inches long with a
very broad blade. The short stem is snapped in the Brier
Creek style. It is surely an Archaic point. The other is a
small, gray flint, triangular point with the tip slightly
broken. At present it is one inch long and 7/8 of an inch
wide. The base is straight with slight lateral ears. I
think this is probably a Fort Walton Period point. It con-
trasts sharply in material and workmanship to the rest of
the points found in the excavations. Finally there were,
among the bones, two pieces of mussel shell that appear to
have been smoothed along the edges. I cannot be sure, in
the presence of so much destruction of the burial, whether
these are parts of shell spoons. They do seem to have been

At the western end of the excavation, on the 255E-line
there was another large pit containing the scattered bones
of one or more adults. This was assigned Burial Number 13,
but nothing can be said about original deposition.

It seems that the general excavation in this area was
to an average depth of about a foot. Where deeper burials
were encountered pits were dug to a depth of four or even
6.7 feet. Burials were dumped back in the excavation, along
with considerable broken pottery. I think this is C. B.
Moore's excavation, with later additional excavations.

Burials 3, 5 and 6 were found more or less together and

gave us some information on the original deposition. Burial
3 at the top consisted of the tibiae and fibulae, and the
right hand in more or less anatomical order. The burial was
evidently on the back in an extended position. It was prob-
ably an adult.

Burial 5 consisted of scraps of pelvis and most of the
legs, although considerably broken. Again it seems to have
been an adult, and possibly a male. The legs were extended
,on the back. Scattered among the bones were five medium to
large conch columella beads, 1/2 to 1 7/8 inches in length,
2 pieces of worked mussel shell and large sections of two
pottery vessels. Both pots are Pensacola Incised. One is a
deep straight sided bowl with flat base and vertical sides.
Around the rim is an interlocking scroll of broad shallow
grooves made in the wet clay. Below this is a series of
sharply incised arches executed on drier clay. The vessel
is partially covered outside and inside with a dull orange
wash that may be paint. The other vessel is a small open
bowl with a four-line incised band below the lip. At one
point the attachment for a rim effigy is visible. One sherd
which fits this rim was found about ten feet away in the vi-
cinity of burials 1, 2, 4, and 10. There was little or no
dirt between burials 3 and 5. Evidently the bodies were
placed one on another without any intervening fill.

Burial 6 was another extended burial immediately below
Burial 5. Again it was adult and probably male. Most of
both legs were present, the left ulna, parts of the left
hand alongside the left femur, and scattered scraps of what
appeared to be pelvis. The toes were turned to the left
side. The base of the burial was only 1.7 feet below the
surface. Thus all three of these burials had been interred
very superficially.

Burial 7 lay a short distance south of Burials 3, 5 and
6. It consisted of most of the parts of a child about seven
years of age at death. The upper central incisors had ap-
parently just been erupted. The bones were badly scattered.
From the position of the skull fragments and long bones it
seems to have been placed on the back. The legs may have
been slightly flexed to the left. At the right shoulder
area was a mass of carbonaceous material. At first this ap-
peared to be burned highly resinous wood. Further examina-
tion showed it to be amorphous in structure without any
woody texture. The lower side is flat to slightly concave,
the top surface slightly convex. It looks like a burned, or
carbonized, mass of resin. This may well be a form of copal,
the usual incense of MesoAmerica. If not an imported in-
cense it may be a local copy made from the gum of the Sweat

Gum (Liquidambar styraaciflua). Around the leg area were
343 small shell barrel shaped beads. They are about 1/4
inch long drilled from both ends. In size they somewhat re-
semble the wampum of the northeastern tribes but are more
barrel-shaped. The whole area was disturbed and it is not
possible o say with any certainty how they were originally
deposited. In a number of cases several were found in para-
llel rows as if they had been sewn on a fabric. Four large,
1 medium sized, and 4 smaller conch columella shell beads
were found in the shoulder or neck area. Near the skull
were three plain conch columella pins. They show no evi-
dence of ever having had the enlarged heads so typical of
Late Mississippian shell pins.

Burials 8 and 9 were found on each side of the mass of
Burials 3, 5 and 6. Burial 8 was to the north, burial 9 to
the south. Both were infants or small children and had been
badly disturbed by both previous digging and by root action.
There was a suggestion that the right femur and tibia of
Burial 8 was flexed to the left rather tightly. This may,
however, be simply re-deposition of the bones.

Burial 11 lay southeast of and partly under Burial 7.
Again it was disturbed to such an extent that it was impossi
ble to suggest its original deposition. It was an infant.

Burial 12 was another extended burial of at least two
individuals. It consisted of the right leg of an adult from
the pubic bone to the foot. The toes were turned to the
left. The left leg was represented by only a small part of
the tibia and the foot bones. Just west of this was a near-
ly complete foot, representing another individual. Some
bones of the right arm and hand were present for the first
person but were pilfered by someone during our excavation.
The right phalanges were resting on the right femur in the
region of the great trochanter. The torso region was dis-
turbed to a depth of 4.2 feet and contained scattered bones
assigned the number Burhl 13.

In the vicinity of Burial 12 were a number of artifacts
that can be assumed to have been burial furniture. They

1 long barrel shaped shell bead
1 large conch columella bead
1 medium spherical conch columella bead
1 small knobbed conch columella hair pin
1 worked conch columella
1 broken piece of cut and drilled conch shell
1 bone needle with the eye partly broken

2 turkey tarsio-metatarsus bone awls
1 small mass of probable yellow ochre
1 large straight stemmed flint point

This large point is of a type having serrated edges and
a markedly assymetric shape. It is clearly associated with
the Archaic Period in most of the southeast. It was surely
not made by the Fort Walton people but may have been buried
with this interment. If so, we have evidence of aboriginal
relic collectors.

Southwest of Burial 11 was found an isolated hand in
anatomical position at the base of the disturbed area. In
this region were parts of a skull and vertebrae in a badly
disturbed position. The hand was palm down with the fingers
partly flexed. It evidently represents all that remains of
a burial.

In conclusion we can say that the burials at the Fort
Walton Mound were generally made quite superficially. The
only bones we found in place were all within 1.7 feet of the
present surface. The deeper pits may have actually contained
burials to a depth of 6.7 feet but we cannot be sure. Mul-
tiple burials were seemingly common. The bodies were fre-
quantly piled directly on top of each other and covered with
a very shallow fill. Extended burials can be positively
identified for adults. They were surely in the flesh and no
positive evidence of secondary burials is present. Infants
and children may have been flexed.

Artifacts were placed with the dead. The fact that
most head and torso areas were thoroughly disturbed strongly
suggests that this was the region where artifacts were com-
monly placed. These grave offerings consisted of pottery
vessels, bone needles and awls, shell hair pins, and shell
beads. In addition it may be that Archaic points were some-
times buried with the dead. About 75% of the burials re-
ported by Moore were accompanied by pottery vessels. A num-
ber of these are miniature forms. At least two of the frag-
mentary pots found by us were miniatures.

It is probable that the majority of the burials in the
eastern half of the mound are now disturbed in varying de-
grees. Only complete excavation of the eastern half can be
expected to answer the question of how much destruction had
been done.

A preliminary examination of the bones has indicated
that some pathologies are present. The tibia of Burial 1
shows the characteristic surface pathology of siphilis.


Figure 2 Upper row: Shell ornaments from burials.
Lower row: Bone awls.






r o
1, rrr

Other bones show some surface lesions that may be this same
disease. Several of the vertebrae from the burials in Fea-
ture 8 show extensive arthritic lipping. Permanent dentition
is generally badly worn. The teeth, even when worn down to
a very considerable extent, generally do not show caries.
This suggests a more varied and qualitatively balanced diet
than is usual for fully agricultural peoples such as the
Fort Walton Occupation is supposed to have been. The eroded
teeth do in some cases show considerable development of
apical abcesses. Several skull fragments seem to indicate
anterior-posterior deformation. The adult males, at least,
seem to have been quite robust, well muscled individuals.

The fragmentary condition of the long bones makes any
reconstruction of the stature of these Indians somewhat
speculative. Using Person's formulae I was able to arrive
at estimates of 5 feet seven inches for one individual and 5
feet 5 inches for another. The bones, while rugged, are not
especially long. I believe the average for adult males was
around 5 feet 6 inches. The jaws and upper dental arches
are quite regular and somewhat small. This would conform
with the rather slight stature represented. The ruggedness
of the bones reflects the well muscled form of the Indians.
We seem to see a stocky, moderately tall group. Further
study will give a more complete picture of these people.


The great bulk of artifacts recovered were from mound
fill and thus do not give us any information on the mound
occupation itself. Pottery makes up the greatest proportion
of all artifacts. The conventional sherd counts were made
using Willey's "Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast" as the
reference material. This was in order to make the sherd
counts more comparable to the greatest single body of materi-
al available on the archeology for the area. I must confess
that I have had some trouble sorting some of the material.
Out of a total of 6,656 sherds, I had a category of 2,240
Rough Plain sherds. This surely must be actually of several
different categories, Swift Creek Plain, Deptford Plain,
Weeden Island Plain, etc. Little information can actually
be derived from these plain sherds. Another source of diffi-
culty occurred in the check stamped sherds. Some of this
material is surely Deptford Bold or Deptford Linear Check
Stamped. Some is just as surely Wakulla Check Stamped. Most
of the check stamped sherds seemed, to me, to fall within
the Deptford category. Another classifier would probably
have counted the collections differently. The sherds will
be discussed in relation to the broad cultural periods to
which they can be ascribed.

Figure 3 Sherds from mound: A. Dunlap Fabric Marked,
B. West Florida Cord Marked, C. St. Andrews Complicated
Stamped, F. Crooked River Complicated Stamped, D,E,G-I.
Swift Creek Complicated Stamped.

Elliott's Point Complex

Two fragments of clay balls were from mound fill. This
complex was first recognized by William C. Lazarus (1958) in
the Fort Walton area and is represented in a number of sites
in the vicinity. It has been radiocarbon dated at 720BC,
plus or minus 150 years from the Four Mile Village Site
(WL-35) twenty miles east of the mound.

Deptford Period

The sherd count for the Deptford ceramic complex was:

Deptford Bold Check Stamped 1277
Deptford Simple Stamped 563
Deptford Linear Check Stamped 51
Wright Check Stamped 2
Random Punctated 11
Sherd Hones 6
Dunlap Fabric Marked 30
Total 1940

This seems to be a tremendously heavy Deptford collec-
tion. As indicated in the discussion of the sub-mound humus,
there was evidently a large Deptford village in the immedi-
ate vicinity before the mound was built. Evidently a consi-
derable area of Deptford midden served as a borrow pit for
the mound fill.

In the early years of the settlement of the area there
were three large depressions near the mound. Part of one is
still visible at the northeast corner of the mound. Another
ran directly north toward the present location of the Fort
Walton School. The third ran from the mound northwesterly
some distance. These evidently were barrow pits. There is
a strong suggestion that the Deptford midden extended in
these directions. Willey (1949:72-88) also found a signifi-
cant Deptford increment in the area of his pits some 500
feet south of the mound. All the evidence points to a large
Deptford midden in the vicinity.

The Deptford Bold Check Stamped, Deptford Simple
Stamped, and Deptford Linear Check Stamped all conform to
the definitions given by Wiley (l949:354-8). Tetrapodal
feet were present although they are usually plain or so
poorly stamped that identification is uncertain. The six
sherd hones are all on Deptford paste sherds, either check
stamped or simple stamped. Evidently sherd hones are a reg-
ular feature of this complex. The two sherds of Wright
Check Stamped were clearly limestone tempered. Provisional-


Figure 4 A. Weeden Island Red, B. Tucker Ridge-pinched,
E,K. Carrabelle Punctated, C,D,F. Weeden Island Incised,
G. Hillsborough Shell Stamped, H-J. St. Andrews Compli-
cated Stamped.

ly they indicate contact with the more northern areas of Al-
abama or Georgia where this type is common. As indicated
earlier, I think the heavy, sandy, random punctated sherds
are part of the Deptford ceramic complex. They occurred in
the nearly "pure" Deptford sub-mound humus and closely re-
semble Deptford ceramics. The 30 Dunlap Fabric Marked
sherds are something of a problem. Willey found only one
sherd of this type at Fort Walton (1949:86). They are well
known from the Georgia Piedmont although the complex is not
well described. These sherds were placed in the Deptford
count here as being the closest time interval. I doubt that
there was any pure Dunlap occupation of the Florida Gulf
Coast. The sherds must represent trade with the interior
during the period when Deptford ceramics were being made lo-
cally. It is also conceivable that they may rightfully be-
long to the later Santa Rosa-Swift Creek Eriod. The Dept-
ford Period has been dated at 890 BC plus or minus 110 years
from a late Deptford burial mound near Tallahassee. It re-
mains to straighten out the exact relationship in time be-
tween Deptford and the Elliott's Point Complex.

Santa Rosa-Swift Creek Period

This compbx was adequately but not abundantly repre-
sented. The sherd count was:

Alligator Bayou Stamped 66
Basin Bayou Incised 29
Santa Rosa Stamped 104
Santa Rosa Punctated 3
Swift Creek Complicated Stamped, Early 339
Gulf Check Stamped 3
Churupa Punctated 1
West Florida Cordmarked 28
Total 573

I have some reservations about the count for Swift Creek
Complicated Stamped, Early. Those sherds were counted as
early which showed very narrow lands, notched or scalloped
rims, or the small highly complex stamps. Some of these
might well enough be Swift Creek Complicated Stamped, Late
Variety according to Willey's criteria. Our present know-
ledge of the sequence of Swift Creek Complicated Stamped
styles is not sufficient for us to speak with any assurance.

About half of one jar of finely rocker stamped Santa
Rosa Stamped was found in mound fill at the upper border of
the sub-mound humus. The sherds were scattered over an area
of some three feet in diameter. While the sherds fit, some
have a much darker color then others. Evidently the pot was


Figure 5 A-B. Santa Rosa Stamped, C-H. Pensacola Incised.
Figure 5 A-B. Santa Rosa Stamped, C-H. Pensacola Incised.

broken and some of it received accidental firing. It has a
smooth neck area with flaring rim very well smoothed. Only
one foot of a presumably tetrapodal base is present.

The sherds of the complex are generally tempered with
fine sand containing varied quantities of mica. A few are
sherd or clay tempered and have the characteristic fracture
of such pottery. Some of these, as Willey pointed out, could
equally well be referred to more western related types. As
most of them are small sherds, I have felt it best to as-
cribe them to the Florida types. It is evident that the
Santa Rosa-Swift Creek period is not well represented in the
area from which mound fill was derived.

Weeden Island Periods

The sherd count that can be surely identified with the
Weeden Island periods was:

Weeden Island Plain 39
Weeden Island Incised 59
Weeden Island Punctated 25
Weeden Island Zoned Red 32
Carrabelle Incised 16
Carrabelle Punctated 45
Indian Pass Incised 5
Keith Incised 14
Tucker Ridge Pinched 6
Swift Creek Complicated Stamped, Late 123
Crooked River Complicated Stamped 14
Saint Andrews Complicated Stamped 32
Tampa Complicated Stamped 1
Wakulla Check Stamped 121
Hillsborough Shell Stamped 1
Total 532

To these totals could, probably, be added an unknown
number of the 265 Smooth Plain and 2240 Rough Plain sherds.
All of the Weeden Island decorated types are represented in
some quantity. The paucity of sherds of this period is some-
what surprising because there were large Weeden Island shell
middens between the Fort Walton Mound and Santa Rosa Sound
about 650 feet away. Evidently the mound fill was not taken
from these shell middens.

Fort Walton Period


Fort Walton Period types were rather well repre-
Most of the sherds, but not all, came from the
part of the mound, especially those squares where


disturbed burials were found. I suspect that most of the
Fort Walton sherds really represents burial pottery. The
sherd count was:

Fort Walton plain 52
Fort Walton Incised 56
Point Washington Incised 1
Pensacola Plain 518
Pensacola Incised 289
Moundville Engraved 3
Englewood Incised 2
Lamar Complicated Stamped 1
Rectalinear Complicated Stamped, shell
tempered 1
Total 923

Shell tempered sherds of the Pensacola series were much
more abundant than the grit tempered types of the Fort Wal-
ton series. It is probable that much of the Fort Walton
Plain was counted with the Rough Plain category. The pots
illustrated by C. B. Moore and identified by Gordon R. Wil-
ley are predominately Fort Walton Series: 12 Fort Walton In-
cised, 1 Point Washington Inised, 7 Pensacola Incised, 1
Pensacola Plain, 1 Moundville Engraved (Moore 1901:435-454;
Willey 1949:214). Another factor may be that the grit tem-
pered Fort Walton pots were less easily broken by looters
and so were removed in greater numbers than the softer shell
tempered Pensacola series.

The Fort Walton period ceramics present a very broad
array of executions. From a number of Fort Walton Period
cemeteries we have a large collection of burial vessles.
The execution of the designs ranges all the way from broad
grooves traced in the wet clay to short lines engraved in
the fired surface. In many cases it is difficult to tell at
just what stage the vessel was decorated. In addition, many
of the pots show either red or white pigment rubbed into the
lines. The red pigment appears to be ground hematite. The
white filling often contains a large proportion of fine
white beach sand with little or no binder. This suggests
that an organic binder may have been used.

Moore identified white pigment filling incised lines
from the Bear Point Mound (1901:425, Burial No. 22). The
same pigment identified from current collections at the Cem-
etery on Hogtown Bayou, WL-9 (now called the Pickins Site,
WL-50); and at the cemetery near Point Washington, WL-16
(now called the Choctawhatchee Beach Site, WL-33); Holly
Branch, Ok-35; and the Johnson Site, WL-30. This elaborate
style is quite clearly a climax development of the basic

Fort Walton ceramic complex. It might be referred to as the
Hogtown Bayou Epigonal Style.

At a number of Fort Walton period sites Moore or later
investigators have found European materials. At Bear Point?
Mound, Ba-l. trade materials were apparently associated with
Indian burials (Moore 1901:426). At Hogtown Bayou Cemetery,
W1-9 or Wl-50, Moore found considerable European materials
(1901:535-41). It is not all together clear whether they
,were directly associated with the burials or simply in the
general vicinity of pots or skeletons. In the Florida State
University excavations at this site we found one blue glass
trade bead very similar to what John M. Goggin has called
Ichtucknee Blue Bead. This was widely associated with Span-
ish remains of the late 17th century. Our knowledge of the
dates of bead styles is at present so imperfect that we can-
,not place much reliance on them.

At Bunker Cut-Off Mound, W1-21, Moore's old dump piles
have recently yielded a small copper harness bell. It is
clearly copper rather than the brass of later bells. In ad-
dition it lacks the cast "RW" mark of English trade bells.
I surmise it is of either French or Spanish origin. The Cem-
etery near Point Washington, Wl-16 (Wl-33) yielded some
trade materials in both Moore's and later excavations (Moore
1901:472-96, especially p. 478). I have seen, in a private
collection, a piece of roughly reworked iron from the John-
son Site, W1-30. Most of these sites have been dug or redug
by local collectors in recent years. The materials are scat-
tered and often cannot be identified as to site. Thus it is
impossible to get any idea of the dates or origins of the
trade materials.

From what information is available we can say that the
sites where European materials are found have the Hogtown
Bayou Epigonal Style. Other sites without trade materials
may also show the Epigonal Style. It is clear, however,
that many of these pre-historic sites have the less specta-
cular types of the Fort Walton ceramic complex. Willey
dated the Fort Walton Period as existing from A.D. 1500 to
1650 (1949:574, fig. 76). I would date the Hogtown Bayou
Epigonal Style as quite late, 1650-1710. The presumably
earlier, simpler Fort Walton styles would then fall within
Willey's original dates for Fort Walton. As the Fort Walton
region is quite remote, by early standards, from the Spanish
area at Pensacola and the Apalachee Mission area around
modern Tallahassee, it is highly probable that Spanish in-
fluence was slow in reaching this region. We know that the
land routes from Pensacola to San Luis at Tallahassee went
far north, nearly to the present Alabama line. Thus the mis-


sion influences that helped change the Tallahassee area from
Fort Walton to the Leon-Jefferson complex were slow to be
felt in the west. I would guess that a population in this
area could be almost completely free of European influence
as late as 1650. Additional work will have to be done to
tie down more precisely the date of the building of the

The problems of the economic base of these late peoples
must await further work. The numerous sites along the bay1
surely represent a large population. As the period is so
short, about 200 years, the population must have been large.
The loose coastal sands, high temperatures, and heavy rain-
falls of the region do not suggest prime agricultural lands.
It is possible that the Fort Walton people could have suc-
cessfully cleared virtually virgin forest and maintained
fields of corn, beans, and squash for a few generations be-
fore the phenomena of leaching and oxidation would have re-
moved the organic content of the soils. Certainly their di-
ets would have been supplemented by game, birds, fish, shell
fish, and wild vegetable foods in the lush coastal environ-
ment. A considerable dependence on agriculture, however,
must be recognized.

Two sherds of complicated stamped were listed in the
Fort Walton collection. They seem to relate to the Lamar
Complicated Stamped type rather then the Leon-Jefferson Com-
plex. A few sherds of complicated stamped pottery have ap-
peared at other Fort Walton sites (Wl-33, Ok-26) in the vi-

Leon-Jefferson Period

Only three sherds were classified as belonging to thel
historic mission period; 1 Leon Check Stamped and two Chatta,
hoochee Brushed. All three could be mistaken identifications
and we do not have a defined mission period at the site.
Evidently the Fort Walton Mound area was not occupied during
that era.

Indeterminate Period

A large number of sherds could not be surely identified
as belonging to any particular period. They were:

Swift Creek Complicated Stamped, very late 11
Swift Creek Complicated Stamped, indeterminate 109
Broad parallel-line incised 1
Fine simple stamped 6
Gray glaze-like sherd 1

Slashed or punctated 1
Indeterminate Check Stamped 55
Overhanging incised 3
Indeterminate linear check stamped 2
Indeterminate incised 19
Grass marked 1
Rough Plain 2240
Smooth Plain 265
Total 2714

The Rough Plain and Smooth Plain are mostly Weeden Is-
land in all probability. As a whole the indeterminate cate-
gory represents sherds without any characteristics that
would allow me to assign them to a particular period.


Stone artifacts were relatively scarce. The majority
of them would fall into the rough stone categories. The
list was:

Rubbed hematite fragments 31
Rubbed Granitic fragments 18
Rubbed sandstone fragment 1
Granitic grinding stones 4
Sandstone grinding stones 8
Pebble hammerstone 1
Lamellar blade core 1
Geode 1
Slate pendant 1
Projectile points, quartzite 14
Projectile points, flint 4
Total 76

The pieces counted as rubbed fragments were small pieces
of either hematite or granite showing one artificially
smoothed surface. The hematite ones could have well have
been the source of red paint. Many are probably parts of
larger grinding stones. Those pieces listed as grinding
stones had one or two faces ground to a concave surface.
They are generally small and would appear to be whetstones
rather than seed grinding stones. The concave faces show no
grooves, however, and they may well be small metates. The
granite can only have come from northern Georgia or Alabama.
The hematite probably is derived from the ferrouginous sand-
stones found in the "red hills" of southern Georgia and
northern Florida. In small pieces it often looks like rela-
tively pure hematite. In larger pieces it is clearly a sand
cemented by hematite.


Figure 6 Stone artifacts. D,E. Rubbed Hematite fragments,
N. Slate pendant, A-C,F-J. Quartzite points.

One of the grinding stones was found in the old humus
'under the mound. Many, if not all, of these objects belong
to the Deptford Period.

The small quartzite pebble hammerstone is finely bat-
tered on one end. I suspect it was a flint chipping hammer.
The hematite geode is broken open but shows no other signs
of human modification. The lamellar core of flint shows a
number of parallel-sided flake scars. No lamellar flakes
were found in the mound. It rather closely resembles simi-
lar cores from Jaketown, Mississippi. On this evidence it
can perhaps be assigned to the Elliott's Point Complex.

The small pendant was made from a piece of brown, fer-
rouginous slate. It is ovate with two shallow side notches
on the smaller end. It cannot be assigned with any assur-
ance to any period but probably belongs to the earlier eras,
Deptford or Santa Rosa-Swift Creek.

Projectile points fall in to three groups. 1) Archaic
points of flint found in the vicinity of burials; 2) one
small triangular flint point of probable Fort Walton proven-
ience; and 3) 14 quartzite points. The first two groups
have already been discussed. The third group makes up a
varied, but fairly coherent class. Two of them are stemless,
one roughly triangular, the other ovate. Of the remaining
12, six are complete enough to describe. They range in
length from 1-1/16" to 2-3/16". Most have convex sides or
nearly straight sides. Three have side notches, three have
corners removed to make straight or slightly expanding stems.
There is nothing really distinctive about them except the
material from which they are made. This is a fine grained,
granular slightly creamy quartzite. In some cases the quart-
zite grains are embedded in a gray flinty matrix. This ma-
terial is found in a number of sites along the northwest
Florida Gulf Coast. It may be of local origin. At any
rate, it evidently served in the absence of better grades of
flint. It is reminiscent of the predeliction of the Archaic
peoples for non-flint materials. At the present time nei-
ther the points or the material can be assigned to a culture

The bone awls and shell pins and shell beads have been
described in connection with the burials. As a whole,pot-
tery was the most abundant artifact found in the mound. It
also gives us the most chronological information about the
Indians of this vicinity.

Fairbanks, C. H.
1959 "Additional Elliott's Point Complex Sites" The
Florida Anthropologist No. 4, Vol XII.

Moore, Clarence B.
1901 Certain aboriginal remains of the northwest
Florida Coast, part I. Journal of the Academy
of Natural Science of Philadelphia, Vol. II.

1918 The Northwestern Florida Coast Revisited, Jour-
nal of the Academy of Natural Science of Phila-

Walker, S.

Mounds and shell heaps on the west Coast of Flo-
rida. Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institu-
tion for 1883, pp. 854-68.

Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Smithson-
ian Institution Miscellaneous Collections, Vol.

Figure 7 Fragments of resinous substance found with buria.
on Mound Platform

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