• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Copyright
 Cover
 Table of Contents
 Preface
 Excavations at the Amelung Glass...
 An Interim Report ono Excavations...
 European Trade Beads from Six Sites...
 Excavating the 18th Century Moravian...
 Anthropomorphic Pipes from the...
 Historic Sites Investigations in...
 Another Method for the Treatment...
 A Study of Dated Bricks in the...
 The Tale of a Nail: On the Ethnological...
 The Search for Jackson's Mud...
 Conference Announcement
 Back Cover






Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00144
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
quarterly
regular
 Subjects
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00144
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: Department of Special Collections and Area Studies, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
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Resource Identifier: oclc - 01569447
lccn - 56028409
issn - 0015-3893

Table of Contents
    Copyright
        Copyright
    Cover
        Cover
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    Preface
        Page 1
    Excavations at the Amelung Glass Factory in Maryland
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
    An Interim Report ono Excavations at Denbigh Plantation in Virginia
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
    European Trade Beads from Six Sites in Natchitoches Parish, Louisiana
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
    Excavating the 18th Century Moravian Town of Bethabara, North Carolina
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
    Anthropomorphic Pipes from the Kiln Waster Dump of Gottfried Aust - 1755-1771
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
    Historic Sites Investigations in Bethlehem, Pennsylvainia
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
    Another Method for the Treatment of Ferrous Artifacts
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
    A Study of Dated Bricks in the Vicinity of Pensacola, Florida
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
    The Tale of a Nail: On the Ethnological Interpretation of Historic Artifacts
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
    The Search for Jackson's Mud Rampart
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
    Conference Announcement
        Page 112
    Back Cover
        Page 113
        Page 114
Full Text





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The FLORIDA

ANTHROPOLOGIST


PAPERS OF THE 5th ANNUAL HISTORIC SITES CONFERENCE


VOL. XVIII NO. 3, PART 2
SEPTEMBER, 1965


/3, J7sy






The FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
a publication of the florida anthropological society
Volume XVIII, No. 3 Part 2 September, 196

C O N T E N T S


Introduction

"Excavations at the Amelung Glass Factory in Maryland" 2
Ivor Noel Hume

"An Interim Report on Excavations at Denbigh Plantation 8
in Virginia" Ivor Noel Hume

"French and Spanish Contact Materials from Natchitoches 15
and Los Adees, Louisiana; a Preliminary Report"
Clarence H. Webb and Hiram Gregory

"Excavating the 18th Century Moravian Town of Bethabara, 45
North Carolina" Stanley South

"Anthropomorphic Pipes from the Kiln Waster Dump of
Gottfried Aust -- 1755 to 1771" Stanley South 49

"Bethlehem, Pennsylvania -- A Unique Historic Site" 61
Vincent P. Foley

"Another Method for the Treatment of Ferrous Artifacts" 65
Vincent P. Foley

"A Study of Dated Bricks in the Vicinity of Pensacola, 69
Florida" William C. Lazarus

"The Tale of a Nail: On the Ethnological Interpretation
of Historic Artifacts" Bernard L. Fontana 85

"Archeology at Chalmette National Historic Park" 101
Rex L. Wilson

Program 11

ENTERED AS SECOND CLASS MATTER AT GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA





PREFACE


The fifth Conference on Historic Site Archaeology was

held in New Orleans with over fifty in attendance from ten

states. The papers presented a profile of the work now in

progress from New York to Florida and from Arizona to Nova

Scotia, and included a variety of topics from nails to a

million dollar treasure of Spanish gold. The papers reflect

the variety and increasing interest in the field of historic

site archaeology being shown by universities and departments

of archives and history and other public and private agen-

cies throughout the country. As mere archaeologists find

themselves involved with historic sites the need for publi-

cation of the results of their work becomes greater. In

this regard the conference members are particularly greatful

to Charles Fairbanks who has again made the publication of

these papers possible.

Stanley South, Chairman
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology






EXCAVATIONS AT THE AMELUNG GLASS FACTORY IN MARYLAND

I. Nodl Hume


Ever since the now famous Bremen Pokal was acquired by
the Metropolitan Museum of Art in 1928, there has been a
lively interest among museums and collectors in the products
of John Frederick Amelung's glass factory in Maryland. A
small number of historical studies have been written, nota-
bly by the late Mrs. William R. Quynn whose paper, "Johann
Frederick Amelung at New Bremen," was published by the Mary-
land Historical Society in 1948.

In the late summer of 1784, Amelung arrived in Balti-
more from Bremen bringing with him 62 workers and, "instru-
ments for three different Glass Ovens." Aided financially
by Bremen backers and encouraged by Maryland merchants, Ame-
lung established his factory on Bennett Creek at the north-
ern foot of the Sugarloaf Mountain outcrop. At first the
project seemed to prosper and the size of the factory rapid-
ly increased. The nucleus of 62 workmen had enlarged, by
1787, to, "one hundred and thirty-five now living souls".
By 1790, the factory employed between 400-500 workers and
their families. Thus was created not only an elaborate
glassworks, but also an extensive Germanic community having,
as Amelung reported in 1787, some thirty-five houses as well
as German and English schools, warehouses, stables and all
the other structures associated with glassmaking. Unfor-
tunately, the initial impetus was not sustained, and in 1790
Amelung was in financial difficulties, and by 1795 he was
bankrupt and the factory closed. The project, therefore,
had a working life of only nine years. It is uncertain to
what purpose the buildings were put after the glass factory
closed, or how long the workers remained in the area; but,
apart from the erection of a small knitting mill in the 19th
century and the survival of two or perhaps three of the ear-
lier buildings as dwellings, the site has remained virtually
unoccupied to this day.

In 1962, the Corning Museum of Glass decided that it
would finance and undertake the excavation of an 18th cen-
tury glass factory site, and it was the fact that the Ame-
lung property has been so little disturbed that encouraged
Mr. Paul Perrot, the Museum's Director, to select it for ex-
ploration. Working in association with the Department of
Cultural History at the Smithsonian, and with myself as
field director, the venture was launched in the fall of 1962
with what was intended to be nothing more than a series of
test trenches. However, the second trench revealed the cor-
2 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 2





ner of a massive industrial structure, built entirely of
field stone; while another sliced through a substantial
waste pile of cullet and furnace dross.

The success of these initial cuttings resulted in the
immediate enlargement of the project, and thus exposed what
are believed to have been a pair of fritting ovens of sophis-
ticated form, in the corner of a building whose extremities
were not then found, but which measured in excess of 54'0"x
53'0". It was clear that this was a structure of major pro-
portions, and indications of other furnace units within the
area of excavation suggested that it might resemble the lay-
out illustrated by Diderot in his Encyclopedia, Volume 17,
1765, whose measurements are approximately 71'0" x 47'0".
Artifacts recovered from this first season's work were equal-
ly encouraging, and included a useful range of drinking
glass, tumbler, bottle and window glass fragments. However,
it was not then determined whether all the pieces had been
made in this building, or, indeed, what the prime function
of the structure really was.

A provisional report was prepared immediately after the
close of the dig, and on the basis of its recommendations, a
full scale excavation was scheduled for the fall of 1963.
The project was again under the aegis of the Corning Museum
of Glass and the Smithsonian, with additional staff provided
by Colonial Williamsburg. But this time the team was en-
larged to include specialists from Stourbridge Village and
from the Metropolitan Museum of Art. The area exposed in
1962 had been covered with straw beneath an iron roof, and
this was not re-excavated. The second season's work pro-
ceded both north and west from it to reveal the rest of a
massive building measuring 112'9" x 65'0" -- approximately
twice as large as the layout illustrated by Diderot, and
considerably bigger than a London bottle factory of 1778
that measured 71'0" x 47'0" and which was, in its day, con-
sidered to have been large.

The building was divided into two unequal sections,
each with a melting furnace in its center. Besides these
units there were 14 others which have been tentatively iden-
tified as follows: At the west end (or to the left of the
plan) are four annealing ovens for bottles. Here, in this
picture, you see the foundation of one of them. These an-
nealing ovens were flanked on the north by two potting rooms
for the manufacture of crucibles. A pile of unused clay was
found in a corner of one of them. At the south were what
are likely to have been two storerooms, one probably with a
door leading to a still surviving roadway. Immediately east
of the main melting furnace was a pot arch (to the north)
3





and two possible annealing ovens (to the south), the latter
being associated with the east and smaller melting furnace,
and to the southeast of that stood the fritting ovens found
in 1962. Occupying the northeast corner (that is to top,
right of the plan) is a room with an apparently apsidal chim-
ney foundation. This unit is thought to have been devoted
to the drying of firewood.

The glass fragments found within the building fell into
two groups, with bottles being predominant to the west, and
table glass to the east; thus suggesting that the east and
smaller melting furnace (seen here) was reserved for the
manufacture of table glass and flasks, and that the much
larger unit to the west was used for green bottles. The
latter melting furnace possessed four wings with trough-like
areas beyond them, indicating that these had been intended
for fritting.

There was every reason to suppose that this massive
building was divided into two virtually self-contained opera-
tions linked only by a depression between the two melting
furnaces which was used for the common raking of ashes.

Stones used in the east, or 1962, fritting ovens were
vitrified on the surface, and samples from the foundation
tested at Corning indicated that they had been heated in
some other location to a temperature of at least 1,200C.,
inferring that this was not the first industrial structure
erected on the site. Strata of burnt clay extended all over
the floor area, as one would expect in such a building, but
in places, notably in the vicinity of the drying room and at
the supposed potting oven, the burning passed beneath the
structure. It would appear that within the short life of
the building, considerable changes were wrought. The spread
of burnt debris over all pointed to the destruction of the
entire factory unit by fire, and it is thought likely that
this occurred in the documented fire of 1790 which did ex-
tensive damage to Amelung's venture.

Newspaper reports referred to the burning of, "the most
valuable part of the glass works, "and Amelung himself in
his petition to Congress for financial aid in July of 1790
spoke of his recent, "well-known loss by fire." We cannot,
of course, use the evidence of excavated artifacts to pro-
vide a sufficiently accurate terminal date for the building
as no relevant dated items were encountered. Pottery, glass,
tobacco pipes, cutlery, were all of types common to the
1780's and 90's, making it impossible to narrow the brackets
any further. Some support for our contention that the build-
ing was destroyed in the fire of 1790 was provided by the
4





fact that the excavated structure was overlooked by the Ame-
lung mansion, and on the day after the fire, someone in the
house scratched in German, "thinking sad thoughts, May,1790'.
It is possible that the person was gazing through the window
at the smouldering remains of the factory, and it so happens
that our unit would have been in his line of vision.

A number of fragmentary glassworking tools were found
scattered through the debris both inside and outside the
building. Among them were ends from blowing irons, a cast
iron rake probably used for mixing frit, and a hammer with
chisel back of a type shown by Diderot as being used for the
breaking up of old pots to be incorporated as temper in the
manufacture of new crucibles.

Large amounts of cullet the raw glass were scattered
all over the site, particularly in the stoking trough be-
tween the two melting furnaces. This rich green lump is
typical of the metal used in the manufacture of Amelung's
window glass. So much was found that we eventually stopped
saving it.

From a burnt barrel sunk into the floor against the
north wall was recovered a quantity of crushed or probably
intentionally ground glass, and with them a small drinking
glass and fragments of two tumblers which are shown here.
These were among the most complete items retrieved. Close
to the north side of the east melting furnace were found
pieces of broken flasks, and one of those is shown in this
picture. They are, incidentally, very similar in character
to the well-known Stenger flask of 1792.

The stoking area of the east furnace survived more or
less intact, and had been filled with burnt glass, ashes,
cullet and numerous objects of glass that had melted after
shaping. These could have been brought to the state you see
here in the conflagration that destroyed the building. On
the other hand, they may have suffered in an overheated an-
nealing oven. The illustrated items are, at left, a flask
of similar character to the one shown in the previous pic-
ture; in the center, fragments of the bowl, stem and folded
foot of a wine glass; and right, the flattened neck of a typ-
ical Amelung bottle. Also recovered from this deposit were
numerous pieces of tumblers, and here we have bases of two
different sizes, and between them the foot of a jelly glass.
If these items are the product of a single accident to an
annealing oven, it suggests that bottles and table glass
were tempered in the same unit.

The range of glasses from the site is indicated by the





four examples shown here. At left you see the stem and
folded foot of a common two-piece trumpet-bowled wine glass.
Next, the thick stem and solid foot from a toast or firing
glass; beyond that, a bucket-bowled spirit glass with domed
foot; and at the extreme right, the stem and very ill-propor-
tioned base of what is presumably a toy drinking glass.
Also found were fragments of green bowls, amethyst jugs and
sugar bowls, as well as bowls in a rich blue, and parts of a
can of clear metal, but with blue rim and handle. Practi-
cally all of the glass was of a non-lead type, although
there were a few pieces which did react positively when
tested for lead. But, so few were these, it can reasonably
be assumed that they represent cullet brought in from else-
where.

All in all, the artifacts suggest that Amelung manufac-
tured most of the common products of the period, and at this
stage of our knowledge they cannot visually be distinguished
from those of other American glassmakers. The impression
that Amelung's operations were largely devoted to the manu-
facture of massive drinking goblets, elaborately wheel-en-
graved, was not borne out by the excavations. Those pieces
must be considered as presentation and promotional items,
and illustrative of the factory's potential capabilities
rather than of its normal output. This is, I confess, some-
what negative evidence, and it is hardly likely to please
the collector who is anxious to pin a name to every piece he
owns.

On the credit side, the project represented the first
major archaeological exploration of an American 18th century
glass house site. And it did reveal the complete ground
plan of a highly sophisticated factory building of a complex-
ity and size unrecorded in existing documents. The style of
construction and the size of the roof span, suggest that the
building may have resembled one which existed at Breiten-
stein in Bohemia until the latter part of the 19th century,
and which is illustrated in Jaroslav Vavra's, 5000 Years of
Glass-Making. The tentative reconstruction which you see
here is based on the engineering and architectural require-
ments governing the support of a structure of the Amelung
factory's size, coupled, of course, with elevation details
derived from the Vavra photograph.

The excavation of the Amelung factory unit by no means
represents the completion of the work that could be done on
the site. Indeed, the documentary evidence, which I will
not detain you with today, clearly points to the existence
of other glassmaking buildings in the immediate area. I
have already touched on the number of houses, schools, and





so forth which made up the Amelung community, and all these,
too, remain to be explored and will, I hope, one day give up
their secrets.

The foundations which we uncovered have now been fenced
around and sealed beneath metal roofs, and so will be safely
protected for a number of years. Behind them stands the man-
sion house which is still occupied as a residence, and which
is of great historical and some architectural importance.
It is fervently to be hoped that the house will be preserved,
and that eventually the entire area can be excavated.

In the autumn of 1963, Maryland's Sixth District Con-
gressman, Charles Mathias, introduced Bill No. 8953 to the
House of Representatives, calling on the Secretary of the
Interior to designate the Amelung glass factory as a regis-
tered historical landmark. It is to be hoped that some
means may be found to preserve the area as a state or nation-
al park. In the meantime, however, the wheels of progress
move relentlessly forward, and before we had left the scene
of the end of the excavations in 1963, part of the property
was being broken up into housing lots. A sign beside the
road urged people to, "build for the future on America's
past."

Two reports have been written on these excavations, the
first being devoted to the 1962 work, and subsequently suc-
ceeded by a much larger study covering both the excavations.
It is expected that the second report will eventually be
published. In the meantime, Antiques Magazine published a
summary of the results in its March, 1964 issue, and there
illustrated the principal furnaces and some of the repaired
artifacts.





AN INTERIM REPORT ON EXCAVATIONS AT
DENBIGH PLANTATION IN VIRGINIA

I. Noel Hume


In February of 1964 Mr. L. B. Weber, the owner of a
tract on the Warwick River in Warwick County, Virginia known
in the 17th and 18th centuries as, "Denbigh Plantation", in-
formed Colonial Williamsburg that he had found a scattering
of pottery and brick fragments in an area which he proposed
to develop into a subdivision. The artifacts from the sur-
face dated no later than the mid-seventeenth century, and
their quality indicated the presence of an archaeological
site of some importance. Excavation subsequently revealed
the entire ground plan of a plantation house 51'0" in length
with its central section 20'9" wide. A stair tower had been
added to the west, and a wing with associated chimney to the
east. Two porches at east and west were also later than the
initial period of construction.

In a ditch immediately north of the building was found
a large assemblage of Dutch or Flemish yellow bricks which
appear to have been piled for removal elsewhere. Plaster
and roofing tile fragments were liberally scattered around
the foundations, but the principal concentration of building
materials was contained in the filling of what is believed
to have been a dairy within the base of the stair tower.
This feature extended to a depth of 2'3", had sockets in the
south and west walls which are thought to have supported
shelves, and indications of wooden steps were found descend-
ing into the room at the northeast.

Whereas most of the soil overlying and within the build-
ing had been turned over by plowing, the fill of the deeper,
"dairy" remained virtually undisturbed. That filling was
found to include a quantity of flat, clay roofing tiles, and
curved ridge tiles, which appeared to have slipped in series
from the roof. The undersides of some of the tiles were
heavily burnt, as also were pieces of plaster and some glass
quarrels.

The evidence suggested that the structure had been
heavily damaged by fire, and that the flames had burnt up
through the roof. The presence of much burnt timber on the
floor of the, "dairy" supported this conjecture. However,
there was no indication of burning of the soil and clay
around or within the foundation area, except beneath the
hearth of a large interior chimney where the scorching was
confined to the north fireplace, suggesting that the north
8 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 2





room had been the kitchen.


Had the building been of timber construction with only
a brick foundation, it is certain that the house would have
been totally consumed, and that the intense heat would not
only have scorched the plaster, but would have also burnt
the ground in the immediate vicinity of the structure. How-
ever, there was no indication of any such all-consuming con-
flagration. It has been assumed, therefore, that the build-
ing was not entirely of timber construction and that the
fire, although causing the abandonment of the house, was con-
tained within it.

The brick foundations were offset at the bottom course
to a width of some 16", but were only 13" wide above, too
narrow to have supported a two-story brick house. I should
add that the presence of the substantial stair tower clearly
points to the existence of a second story, and probably to a
garret above.

If the foundations were too slight to carry brick walls,
and the fire indicates that the structure was something
other than framed clapboard, only one alternative seems to
remain -- that of a frame building with brick nogging. It
may be noted that Dutch bricks comparable to those found ad-
jacent to the structure were frequently used in English
houses for this purpose in either checker or herringbone
patterns, occasionally with both sytles being used in a sin-
gle structure. The great quantities of plaster, much of it
of considerable thickness, would suggest that if the build-
ing was brick nogged to the first floor level, it may have
been plastered to the second. The tentative elevations,
based on these assumptions, point to a building of Elizabe-
than character quite unlike any house now surviving or known
to have existed in Virginia.

Denbigh plantation belonged at one time to Captain
Samuel Mathews, who had come to Virginia in about 1619 as an,
"ancient planter" for the Virginia Company of London. Al-
though he owned property in this general area as early as
1624, it is thought that his original 200 acre tract did not
extend as far as the excavated site, and that he did not
acquire this section until he obtained a further 3000 acres,
which was patented or repatented in 1642.

In 1649 an account of the present state of Virginia was
published in London, wherein Mathews was described as, "an
old planter of about thirty years standing, one of the Coun-
sell and a most deserving Commonwealths-man... He hath a
fine house, and all things answerable to it," declared the
9





writer, "he sowes yearly store of hempe and flax, and causes
it to be spun; he keeps weavers and hath a tan-house, causes
leather to be dressed, hath forty Negroe servants, brings
them up to trades in his house: He yeerly sowes abundance
of wheat, barley, etc. ...hath abundance of kine, a brave
dairy, swine great store, and poltery; he married the Daugh-
ter of Sir Tho. Hinton, and in a word keeps a good house,
lives bravely, and a true lover of Virginia; he is worthy of
much honour."

Mathews' house was the only structure described in the
1649 account, a fact which at first sight might indicate
that it was the foremost residence in the colony. However,
it must be realized that this was the Cromwellian era in
England, and as stated, Mathews was a, "Commonwealths-man."
Indeed, he frequently demonstrated that he was out of step
with the feelings of the colonial Governor and most of his
Virginia colleagues, who were predominantly Royalists. Thus,
the reference to Mathews' house may have been prompted by
his political associations rather than by the merits of the
building.

In 1653 Mathews was sent to England as agent for the
colony, and it is possible that his house burned around that
date. It may be that it had already been badly damaged be-
fore he left, and that this encouraged Mathews to return
more willingly to England. On the other hand, the destruc-
tion may have occurred once he was no longer there to take
care of the building. Little more is known of Mathews ex-
cept that he was still in London in 1657.

To make the history somewhat more confusing, Mathews'
son was also named Samuel, and he figured prominently in
Virginia politics through the 1650's. In 1657 Governor Ed-
ward Digges sailed for England to join with Mathews Senior
in their dealings with the British Government. Samuel
Mathews Jr. was thereupon elected to fill Digges unexpired
Governorship. In 1659, Samuel Mathews Jr. was re-elected in
his own right as Governor of the Colony. By 1660, Samuel
Mathews Jr. was dead, leaving his infant son, John, as his
only heir. The boy was still under age in 1671. We know
nothing more of Samuel Mathews Sr. and there is no evidence
that he ever returned to the colony. This may be explained
by the fact that with the restoration of the monarchy in
1660, Mathews was out of favor, both in England, and in Vir-
ginia. His eldest son was dead, his house destroyed, and
his age advanced; all considerations which might have de-
terred him from another long voyage to a doubtful future.
Denbigh Plantation was still owned by John Mathews in 1680,
but by the beginning of the 18th century the tract had been





sold to the Digges family. Although the foundations of the
18th century plantation houses have been found and partially
excavated elsewhere on the site, they need not concern us
here.

Dating evidence for the destruction of what is believed
to have been the Mathews plantation house, at one time as,
"Mathews Manor," was provided by a small number of artifacts
found within the building, and by a much greater quantity
recovered from a series of shallow concavities immediately
to the west of the foundations. The items dated predominant-
ly within the period 1620-40, though these fragments of a
wine bottle were found at the bottom of one of the impres-
sions, sealed beneath a quantity of earlier material. This
is the latest artifact from the site, and for want of evi-
dence to the contrary, it should date in the period 1650-60.
However, the relatively short neck does parallel that of a
bottle (a drawing of which I show you here), which was found
in London in another context of the 1640's. Here now, for
comparative purposes, we have a wine bottle made for Ralph
Wormley of Jamestown prior to 1651, whose neck is some 2-1/2"
taller than that of the recently excavated specimen. This
form is considered typical of the period circa 1650-1660 or
65.

The series of depressions were not deep enough to be
trash pits, and because they were interlocking and apparent-
ly confined within an area of fencepost holes, they may rep-
resent wallows created by penned hogs, wallows which were
subsequently filled with trash. Joining fragments of pottery
were found spread through the holes, indicating that they
were all filled at approximately the same time. These shal-
low depressions yielded small fragments of a great variety
of objects, suggesting that the site must conceal much great-
er quantities of domestic refuse which have yet to be found.

The quality of some of the items was remarkably high,
as is evidenced by fragments of a mother-of-pearl box or lid
carefully constructed with plates of shell held together by
rivets and small bands of brass. Spurs were encrusted with
silver, knives inlaid with brass and handles in carved bone,
Of particular importance were fragments of Wan Li Chinese
porcelain, dating prior to 1600; thus among the earliest
pieces of porcelain yet excavated in the United States. The
coarse earthenwares provided a range of colorful wares from
such sources as Spain, the Netherlands, England and the
Rhineland. This diversity of origin is paralleled among
early contexts at Jamestown prior to the establishment of
the Navigation Acts which restricted the importation and
shipping of foreign wares which had not passed through Eng-





lish ports or been carried in English ships.


The earliest item recovered was half a silver sixpence
of Queen Elizabeth, minted in London, probably in 1566.
This was the only dated item from the site, and, as you can
appreciate, it was of no archaeological help. Of more im-
portance was this tuyere pipe from a large blacksmith's or
ironworker's bellows. It is possible that this is related
to one of our few scraps of documentation wherein in Novem-
ber, 1626, William Ramshaw was ordered to, "go down to
Mathewes-Manor and work at the trade of a blacksmythe,"
until he had satisfied a debt.

Large quantities of tobacco pipe fragments, both from
the shallow depressions, and from the plowed topsoil were
found. Although it was established that the hollows were of
much the same date, the pipe stem evidence, based on Harring-
ton and Binford, provided mean dates of 1629, 1631, and 1638.
These amounted to a total of 357 stem fragments, and gave a
mean date of 1631. However, the largest single assemblage
of pipe fragments, from the disturbed topsoil (a total of
156) provided a date of 1650, and it is believed that the
latter gave a much more realistic terminal date for the life
of the building; this being indicated, in part, by the pres-
ence of the wine bottle which I showed you earlier. Putting
all the pipe fragments together, (635 of them) we arrived at
a mean date for their deposition of 1649. I think it fair
to say that the pipe stem dating must be treated with con-
siderable caution, as is evidenced by the association in a
single pit of the supposed 1650-60 wine bottle, and pipe
stems which gave a terminal date of circa 1629. Neverthe-
less, the evidence of the pipe stem holes and bowl forms
coupled with that of the ceramics and glass point strongly
to the destruction of the manor house early in the 1650's.
Because Samuel Mathews Jr. possessed other property else-
where in Virginia, it has been supposed that he did not occu-
py the Denbigh site. And, since his son was an infant when
Samuel Mathews Jr. died in 1660, there was no one running
the plantation until the 1670's, long after the manor house
had been destroyed. This theory has since been dented, if
not demolished by the discovery of another larger, though
less substantial, structure only 56 feet to the north.

This picture shows the foundation and part of the chim-
ney of that second structure, overlying a ditch which had
been deliberately filled with humus prior to the building's
construction. That fill contained artifacts dating up to
the 1650's among them clay pipes, coarse earthenwares and
three cannonballs. The second building was built entirely
on posts or wooden blocks and comprised a central unit (mea-





during approximately 42'0" x 20'0") with an interior double
chimney comparable to that of the first house. Extending
from this core seems to have been a series of other rooms,
or perhaps massive porches, on all four sides, giving the
building total measurements of approximately 68'0" x 32'10",
with porch entries at both north and south. The fill of a
majority of the post holes surrounding the post molds con-
tained plaster and brick fragments from the manor house, sug-
gesting that this second building had been constructed, in
part, from materials salvaged from the earlier building --
which may account for the fact that the central section is
of much the same width, though slightly shorter in length
than that of its predecessor. The surrounding porches or
flanking rooms were built somewhat haphazardly on a founda-
tion of posts, blocks and sleeper timbers whose impressions
were found in the clay subsoil.

Tobacco pipe fragments with the same marks as those
from the trash areas adjacent to the earlier manor house in-
dicate that the two were related. A shallow rubbish pit
overlying one of the sleeper timber impressions contained
wine bottle fragments of the 1680's, suggesting that the
second building had ceased to exist by that date. A dozen
intact bottles of the same type and date were found in a
shallow depression adjacent to the 18th century foundations
on another area of the plantation. It is, therefore, sup-
posed that our second, and so far unparalleled, structure
was built immediately after the manor house was destroyed,
and that its life was over by about 1680.

Few artifacts of quality were found in the excavations
of the second building, although one spur, silver plated and
inlaid with gold, was found in one of the post holes, while
the bowl from a silver spoon of late 16th or early 17th cen-
tury style was found immediately north of the structure.

Work is still going on on the site, with labor provided
by the landowner, by Colonial Williamsburg and by volunteer
helpers. It is hoped that further dating evidence will be
retrieved, and that eventually larger trash deposits will be
recovered. There is every hope, too, that a well will be
found.

It is reasonable, I think, to claim that these two re-
lated structures are of major architectural importance, in
that they represent drastically different types of construc-
tion, yet are closely related in both ownership and time.
In addition, the artifacts, like these brass book clasps,
are of major importance, first because they represent the
high-quality possessions of a single family, and second, be-






cause apart from the surface plowing, their contexts can be
tightly dated without fear of contamination by later intru-
sions. This is, of course, vastly different to the fate of
early structures at Jamestown where the sites continued to
be built over, occupied, and disturbed long after the pri-
mary features had been created.

The owner of the Denbigh property intends to preserve
the house site as a museum-park, and he will be turning an
early 19th century kitchen building elsewhere on the planta-
tion into a small, permanent museum. A full report on the
excavations and on the site's historical background will
eventually be published, but in the meantime, I feel that
the project is sufficiently important to be worth drawing to
your attention.





EUROPEAN TRADE BEADS FROM SIX SITES IN NATCHITOCHES PARISH,
LOUISIANA

Hiram A. Gregory* and Clarence H. Webb**


This preliminary report concerns the European trade
bead varieties from six Indian village sites in Natchi-
toches Parish (County), bordering Red River in the Northwes-
tern Portion of Louisiana. The collections from these sites
also include vessels or sherds of native pottery and various
other objects, native and trade. Attempts will be made to
correlate the bead types with these associated objects,
which with some assurance can be assigned to the period be-
tween 1714 and 1820.

The establishment of the French post at Natchitoches,
by Louis Juchereau de St. Denis in 1714 (La Harpe, 1831),
marked the first European settlement west of the Mississippi
in the Louisiana Purchase area. Good documentary evidences
(Swanton 1942) indicate continuous French trade contacts
with the Natchitoches Indians from this time until this
tribe moved up Red River about the time of the Louisiana Pur-
chase in 1803, eventually to join other Caddos in their mi-
gration to Texas in 1840. There had been brief contacts
with the Natchitoches prior to establishment of the post, by
Henri de Tonti in 1690 (Swanton 1942) and by Bienville and
St. Denis in 1700 (1810), but it is probable that no trade
of consequence occurred until 1714.

None of the Natchitoches villages for any specific seg-
ment of this time has been identified but they and the re-
lated Doustiony are known to have lived during this period
on the islands south of the present town, between the vary-
ing channels of Red River: Old River, the farthest west and
the main channel until 1765; Cane River, the middle course
and the main channel between 1765 and 1832; and Rigolette de
Bon Dieu, the "north" or east branch and the main channel
from 1832 to the present time (Walker 1935). Three of our
sites are on the island between Old and Cane Rivers, two in
the outskirts of the present town and k to 1 mile from the
presumed location of the French fort, the third 7 miles
south (Map 1). All of these had Natchitoches pottery types.
The Wilkinson site with similar wares is about 20 miles
northwest of the town and in the general locale where the
Natchitoches are stated (Williams 1964) to have moved by
1805.

Also available to us are beads and other materials from
the Presidio de los Adaes, definitely located and now a park,
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 2 15





where the Spanish established a counterpost only 12 miles
west of the French at Natchitoches, in 1717 (Swanton 1942).
The Adai tribe of Caddo Indians lived here and at the nearby
Linares Mission from this date until shortly before 1805,
whence they moved 20 miles northward to a site located by
Sibley (1832) as Lake Macdon. Their trade contacts at Los
Adaes were both Spanish and French, between whom friendly re-
lations generally existed. There is evidence (Swanton 1942)
that throughout most of this period the Spanish posts and
missions among the Hasinai in East Texas and at Los Adaes
were isolated from the Spanish government in Mexico and poor-
ly supplied. Most of the trade goods in northwestern Louisi-
ana and eastern Texas were supplied by French traders, even
after cession of Louisiana to Spain in 1762.

The sixth site from which we have trade materials is in
Lower Natchitoches Parish, on a chain of hills fronting the
junction of Cane River and Red River at Colfax Ferry, about
30 miles southeast of Natchitoches (Map 1). The native pot-
tery found with burials here, associated with a wealth of
trade goods, included none of the distinctive Natchitoches
ware and is undercoated. Official records (Louisiana State
Land Office Archives: Indian Claims Papers) place the Pas-
cagoula and possibly a few Biloxi Indians in several vil-
lages along these hills from 1787 until 1805-10, although
unofficial accounts (Sanson, Emerick, Personal communication
1964) indicate that some remained until after 1820.

The objects described herein are from the Williamson
Museum, Northwestern State College, in Natchitoches, The
Louisiana State Exhibit Museum in Shreveport, and the pri-
vate collections of the authors. Readers who recognize
identities or similarities with beads from their areas are
requested to correspond with us.

I. Southern Cotton Oil Compress Site, 16-Na-14, is im-
mediately south of the town of Natchitoches, west of Cane
River and in the angle between this stream and Old River
(Chaplin's Lake) (Map 1). In 1946 workmen found two burials,
with a small stone pipe, a polished stone problematical ob-
ject, and two shell tempered pottery vessels, one plain, the
other curvilinear incised. Through courtesy of Clarence
Deblieux, Jr., further excavation by Webb with Monroe Dodd,
Jr., Michael Beckman and Robert L. Scott cleared two addi-
tional burials, one of which had in association 3 shell tem-
pered pottery vessels, two plain and one of type Natchito-
ches Engraved (Suhm and Jelks 1962), two iron bracelets,
fabric, a brass or copper band and our present sample of 320
European trade beads. Presumably these are Natchitoches
Indian burials within the period 1714-1803 A.D.









HISTOAI( INDIAN SITES

NAT(HITO(HES PH.

LOUISIANA


WiN


(C0MAX


Map 1. Location of sites on river channels.






Bead varieties from Southern Compress Site, total sam-
ple 320.

(1) Large white elongate or irregularly ovoid (7 speci-
mens, Fig. 1,1). These are opaque beads, often called "por-
celain" although they are of opaque white glass (Woodward,
1959). Length 14-17 mm., diameter 7-8 mm., perforation 2.5
mm. Shape varies from ovoid to subcylindrical to egg or
peanut shape, with irregular rounded or protruding ends.
Minute air holes in ends, seldom on outer surface.

(2) Large white elongate ovals (9 specimens, Fig. 1,3).
Similar in finish to the above, porcelain-looking, of opaque
white glass. Distinctive football-like pointed oval outline,
the ends barely larger than the perforation. Length 10-13
nm., diameter 6-7 mm., perforation 2-2.5 nm.

(3) Medium white oblate-spheroidal (23 specimens, Fig.
1,5). Compact shiny white opaque beads, barrel-shaped to
globular with flat ends, surface appearance like above, but
air bubbles less often seen. Length 5-6 mm., diameter 6.5-
7.5 mm., perforation 1.7-2 mm.

(4) Smaller white oblate-spheroidal (9 specimens, Fig.
1,6). Similar to (3) in shape and finish, barrel to dough-
nut, flat ends. Length 3.5-5 mm., diameter 5.5-6.5 mm., per-
foration 1.5 mm.

(5) Very small white oblate-spheroidal (42 specimens,
Fig. 1,7). Also opaque white beads, doughnut shaped, with
rougher surface and less compact than (3) or (4) above, of-
ten showing absorbed and grayish areas. Length 2-2.3 mm.,
diameter 4-4.5 mm., perforation 1.5 mm.

(6) Large white oblate-spheroidal, faceted (1 specimen,
Fig. 1,10). This is the largest bead from these sites, 12.5
mm. long and 14 mm. in diameter, with 4 mm. perforation.
Dull opaque white surfaces with numerous air-bubble pits;
transverse striations suggest that the glass might have been
"wire-wrapped" around a mandrel in the process of manufac-
ture (Murray, 1964). Ends are irregularly square and con-
cave; facets are flat to depressed, probably pressed rather
than ground. Eight facets and the ends produce a decahedral
shape.

(7) Colorless elongate-spheroidal (3 specimens, Fig. 1,
11). Transparent glass ovoid or football shaped beads,
large and showing moderate wear. Lengths 11-14 mm., diame-
ters 7.5-8 mm., perforation 2 am.








I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8



9 I0 II 12 13



K4 15 16 17 18 19


-a 0 0 W9O0 0
20 ZI ZZ 23 2f 25


** 8 0 a *
Z6 27 g8 Z9 30 31 32

e 0 e o so***
33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 Il 42 43 ++
0 I 2 3
CENTIMETERS

Fig. 1. Trade beads from presumed Natchitoches Indian sites. Nos. 1-8, opaque
white (No. 2 is mandrel wound). 9-13, unusual varieties. 14-23, white and blue
with stripes. 24-25, Cornaline d'Aleppo. 26-33,38-42, various shades of blue.
34-37, blue-green. 43-44, ruby red faceted. Sources: Southern Compress, Nos. 1-
3,10,11,13,21-25,34-37,43,44. Fish Hatchery, Nos. 4,6,7,9,14-17,28. Lawton, Nos
5,12,18-20,29-33,38-40,42. Wilkinson, Nos. 8,26,27,41.





(8) Colorless knobby or "raspberry" shaped (13 speci-
mens, Fig. 1,13). Made of clear glass, with three rows of
projecting knobs encircling the outside. Length 9-10 mm.,
diameters 10 mm., perforation 3 mm. Probably made by wrap-
ping around a mandrel, folding to produce the knobs. Moder-
ate white patina.

(9) Medium white oblate-spheroidal with red and green
stripes (72 large and 18 small specimens, Fig. 1,20). Sub-
globular or barrel shaped complex beads (Duffield and Jelks,
1961, pp 48-50) with flat ends, made of opaque dull white
glass, into the surface of which are pressed 3 groups of 3
longitudinal rods; in each group the two lateral rods, pro-
jecting above the surface, are salmon red, the central rod
pale green. Two sizes, the larger 6-7 mm. long, 7.5-8 mm.
diameter, with 2 mm. perforation; the smaller 4-5 nm. long,
5.5-6.5 mm. diameter, with 1.5 mm. perforation.

(10) As above, with single red and green stripes (1
specimen, Fig. 1,21). This is a variant of (9), 6.5 mm.
long and 7.5 mm. diameter, white opaque with two opposed
single salmon red stripes, and 4 green stripes, 2 between
the reds on each side. The red rods are elevated, the green
flush with the surface.

(11) As above, with single green, blue and brown rods,
(1 specimen, Fig. 1,22) one of each impressed longitudinally
into the white bead. Length 8 mm., diameter 7 mm., perfora-
tion 1.7 mm.

(12) Blue oblate-spheroidal with white stripes (1 speci-
men, Fig. 1,23). Doughnut-shaped bead with rounded edges
and flattened ends, 5 mm. length and 7.5 mm. diameter, per-
foration 2.5 mm. Deep blue glossy translucent glass with 8
white rods inset at equal distance, longitudinally, flush
with the surface and curving over the ends.

(13) Red oblate-spheroidal, dark green core (20 large,
61 small, Fig. 1,24 and 25). Typical Cornaline d'Aleppo
beads (Woodward 1959) in two sizes, the larger 5.5-7 mm.
long, 6-7 mm. diameter, with perforation 1.8 to 2 mm.; the
smaller 2.5-3 mm. long, 4-4.5 mm. diameter, with perforation
1 mm. barrel shaped, with flat ends. The core is dark green,
but on transillumination is translucent; the red outer layer
is opaque. Colors are well preserved, except for white pa-
tina on some specimens.

(14) Blue elongate-spheroidal (5 specimens, Fig. 1,27).
Deep blue, translucent, long oval beads which retain their
colors well except for moderate patina on some. Lengths





9-11., diameters 5-7 mm., perforations 2 mm.; one exception
is 7.5 mm. long. A few pits and air streaks may be seen.

(15) Small "robin's egg" blue oblate-spheroidal (1 speci-
men, same shape as Fig. 1,37). Small barrel-shaped bead,
length 3 mm., diameter 4.5 mm., perforation 1 mm. light blue
with heavy white patina.

(16) Green oblate-spheroidal, small (6 larger speci-
mens, 8 smaller size, Fig. 1, 35,37). Small, shiny, opaque
green doughnuts in two sizes: 3-3.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter,
with perforation 1-1.3 mm.; and 2.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter,
with 1 mm. perforation. Occasional specimen is bluish green.

(17) Green or blue-green oblate-spheroidal, translucent
(larger size 6 specimens, smaller size 12 specimens, Fig. 1,
34,36). Better made than (16), barrel or doughnut shaped
with flat ends, the smaller ones having a lighter green col-
or, the larger a darker blue-green. Sizes of larger: length
4-5 ma., diameter 5.5-6.5 ma., perforation 1-1.3 mm.; the
smaller: length 4-4.5 am. diameter 5-6 mm., perforation 1-
1.3 mm.

(18) Ruby red oblate faceted (1 specimen, Fig. 1,43).
Intensely red translucent bead with heavy white patina;
breaks easily and the glass seems grainy, not well fused.
Length 5 mm., diameter 6 mm., perforation 2.5 mm. ends flat,
five-sided, with 10 facets on the surface, hence dodecahe-
dral in shape.

II The Fish Hatchery site at Natchitoches was first
investigated in 1916 by the late Professor George Williamson.
Later Winslow Walker (1935) reported burials with pottery
and trade goods. In the collections at Northwestern State
College are beads, knife blades, and a brass bracelet
wrought from a musket butt plate. The plate bracelet dates
approximately 1725 (R.K. Harris, personal communication 1964)
Shell tempered pottery included Natchitoches Engraved and
Keno Trailed (Suhm and Jelks 1962). It may be assumed that
these are Natchitoches Indian burials made early in the peri-
od of French contact.

Bead varieties from the Fish Hatchery Site (16-Na-9),
Total Sample 668.

(1) White irregularly elongate-spheroidal opaque (142
specimens, Fig. 1,1). This bead ranges 10-15 mm. length,
6-8 ma. diameter, the perforation 2 mm. Often has central
compression, peanut-shaped. Identical with beads at the
Southern Compress and Lawton sites.






(2) White elongate-spheroidal opaque (39 specimens, Fig.
1,4). Remarkably uniform in shape, color and size, 10-14 am.
in length, 7 mm. in diameter, perforation 1.5-2 mm. They
have much in common with the white elongate-spheroidal beads:
faint grooves at ends, bubbles, and longitudinal air streaks.

(3) White oblate-spheroidal opaque (globular) (95 speci-
mens, Fig. 1,5). Globular beads, also very uniform. They
show air bubbles, streaks and end grooves. Length 7 mm.,
diameter 7 mm., perforation 1.5 mm.

(4) White oblate-spheroidal opaque (doughnut) (148
specimens, Fig. 1,6). The dominant variety in the William-
son collection from this site. No burial data are catalogued
with these beads, but they are so consistent in morphology,
that they are easily segregated into "strings." Length 4-5
mm. diameter 5-7 mm., perforation 1.5-2 mm. The ends are
incurving toward the perforation. They appear to have a
lighter glass outer layer around an opaque white core and
may be compound beads (Duffield and Jelks, 1961). Streaks
and bubbles were left by air. Perhaps all of these white
opaque beads were manufactured by almost identical methods.

(5) White oblate-spheroidal opaque (small globular),
(16 specimens, Fig. 1,5). Identical to the white globular
bead (No.3) except for smaller size. They are 4-5 mm. long,
4.5-5 sm. wide and have 1.5 mm. perforations. It is not in-
frequent, in any of these collections from Natchitoches
Parish, to find a range in sizes of beads of similar colors
and shapes. Whether this indicates different varieties or
is merely the result of inconsistency in manufacture is pres-
ently uncertain.

(6) White seed, opaque (doughnut), (12 specimens, Fig.
1,7). These tiny beads are 2-2.5 mm. long, 3.5 am. wide,
with 1.5 mm. perforation. Otherwise their characteristics
are as in the larger beads. The paucity of these "seed"
beads and the smaller globular beads may indicate either
that they were rarely used at this period at Natchitoches,
or that recovery techniques were faulty. We have no indica-
tion of field methods. However, had these seed beads been
abundant it would seem that more would have been present in
the available collections.

(7) White (milky) spheroidal-translucent, (34 specimens,
Fig. 1,9). This variety exhibits a spun or spiralled ap-
pearance on interior and exterior, indicating that they were
"wire-wrapped" about a steel mandrel. One specimen was e-
longate, all others spheroidal. Length 8-12 am., diameter
10-13 am., perforation 3-4 am. Most of these beads have a
22




heavy white patina.


(8) White elongate spheroidal opaque (60 specimens,
Fig. 1,2). These oval beads, also exhibiting the spirals of
"wire-wrapped" beads, are composed of a dull core, spiralled,
and a white, shiny, glazed. exterior. Length 11-11.5 mm.,
diameter 6-7 mm. One exceptional specimen is 30 mm. long by
10 mm. wide. Perforation 2 mm.

(9) Blue elongate-spheroidal translucent (3 specimens,
Fig. 1,27). Taper to very thin edges on the ends and are
translucent. The surfaces are badly pitted. Identical
sizes: 10 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter, perforations 2.5 mm.

(10) Greenish-blue elongate-spheroidal opaque (2 speci-
mens, also similar to Fig. 1,27). Similar in shape and man-
ufacture to the blue elongate-spheroidals, except that the
green-blue are opaque, not translucent. Length 9 mm., dia-
meter 6 mm., perforations 2 mm.

(11) Blue oblate-spheroidal (doughnut), translucent (3-
specimens, Fig. 1,28). Dark blue, with heavy silver patina
in rough places. Surfaces streaked with longitudinal line
and/or air bubbles. Length 6 mm., diameter 8.5 mm., perfora-
tion 3 mm.

(12) Colorless, white striped spheroidal transparent (2
specimens, Fig. 1,12). Referred to in the trade lists as
"Gooseberry Beads." Each has 14 longitudinal white rods set
in clear glass. Length 6.5 mm., diameter 7 mm., perforation
1.5 mm.

(13) White joined with blue rods elongate-spheroidal
(32 specimens, Fig. 1,17). Made by impressing four single
longitudinal blue glass rods into an opaque white glass ma-
trix. Length 10-12 mm., diameter 5-6 mm., perforation 1.5
mm.

(14) White with spiralled blue rods elongate-spheroidal
opaque (22 specimens, Fig. 1,15 and 16). This complex vari-
ety was formed by adding a pale blue veneer to a bluish
glass core and then inlaying three groups of 3 dark blue
rods each in the veneer. These lines spiral across the
slick surface of the bead. One example (Fig. 1,16) is an
odd shape. Length 15-19 mm., diameter 8-10 mm., uniformly 2
mm. perforations.

(15) Blue-white elongate-spheroidal with blue rods
opaque (57 specimens, Fig. 1,14). Formed as were the above
blue-white variety, except that the inlaid glass rod sets





were longitudinal. Length 10-18 mm., diameter 7-8 mm., per-
foration 2 mm.

(16) Ruby red faceted (fragment) (1 specimen, similar
to Fig. 1,44). Interior bright red glass, exterior heavily
pitted with red-gray patina.

III. Lawton Site, 16-NA-13, is on the A.G. Lawton
Plantation, on the west bank of Cane River, 7 miles south-
east of Natchitoches (Map 1). Burials were uncovered in
July, 1944, during excavation by Mr. Lawton for construction
of a cotton gin foundation, and subsequently, through his
courtesy, 3 additional burials were excavated and reported
by Webb (1945). There were eight native pottery vessels,
all shell tempered, of which 3 were Natchitoches Engraved
type, two Keno Trailed, 1 untyped incised and two plain. 3
sets of beads with Burials, a total of 56, were available
for our study.

Bead varieties from Lawton Plantation, total sample 56.

(1) White elongate spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig. 1).
Similar to Southern Compress (1), an opaque white peanut-
shaped bead, 12 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter, perforation 2mm.
Dull streaked surfaces, minute air holes at ends.

(2) White elongate-spheroidal (2 specimens, Fig. 1,4).
Opaque dull white beads, barrel-shaped, smaller size than
most of the white barrels. One is 8 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diame-
ter; the other 5.5 mm. long and 6 mm. diameter; perforations
1.5 mm. Rings of air bubbles at ends.

(3) White globular or spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig. 1,5).
Opaque white glass, smooth surfaces, better finish than a-
bove opaque white beads. Length 6 mm., diameter 7 mm., per-
foration 1.5 mm.

(4) Colorless elongate spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig. 1,
11). Clear glass long oval, football shaped, 13 mm. long, 7
mm. diameter, 1.7 mm. perforation. Thin cloudy patina.

(5) Transparent oblate-spheroidal with white stripes (1
specimen, Fig. 1,12). Well constructed barrel-shaped bead
of clear glass with 14 thin longitudinal white stripes, so-
called "Gooseberry" bead. Length 9 mm., diameter 9 mm., per-
foration 1.3 mm.

(16 Blue oblate-spheroidal with red and white stripes
(1 specimen, Fig. 1,18). Elongate, peanut-shaped opaque com-
plex bead with rounded ends, almost dumbbell shape. Three






sets of three longitudinal rods inset in the outer blue ma-
trix but projecting slightly above the surface. In each set,
the central rod is bright red, the lateral rods white or
faded green. Blue surfaces are paled by white patina.
Length 15 mm., diameter 6.5 mm., perforation 2 mm.

(7) Dark blue oblate-spheroidal with red and white
stripes (3 specimens, Fig. 1,19). Almost globular barrel-
shaped bead with flat ends, well made, 6 mm. long, 6 mm. di-
ameter, 1.5-2 mm. perforation. Navy blue color, two opaque,
one translucent. 3 sets of 3 rods, red and white as in (6);
the red rods are level with the blue surface, the lateral
white rods depressed. Few pits.

(8) White oblate-spheroidal with red and green stripes
(2 specimens, Fig. 1,20). Identical with Southern Compress
#9. Length 8 mm., diameter 8 mm., perforation 2 mm.

(9) Blue elongate-spheroidal (2 specimens, shape simi-
lar to Fig. 1,17). These are irregular, peanut or "joined"
shape, with considerable patination. One is darker blue,
13 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter, 2.3 mm. perforation; the
other is a lighter blue (near "robin's egg" but almost white
from patination), 11 mm. long, 5.5 mm. perforation. Both
are opaque and eroded.

(10) Red on dark green core, oblate-spheroidal (6 large,
10 small specimens, Fig. 1,24,25). These are typical opaque
red on translucent green Cornaline d'Aleppo beads, identical
with those described under Southern Compress Site, #13.

(11) Blue elongate-spheroidal (2 specimens, Fig. 1,27).
Long oval beads similar to Southern Compress Bead #14. One
is darker blue, translucent, 8.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter,
with 2.5 mm. perforation. The other is lighter, almost
opaque, has numerous longitudinal air streaks, and has a
smaller perforation than others of the oval blue beads, 1.3
mm. length. Length 9 mm., diameter 6.5 mm.

(12) Blue oblate-spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig. 1,29).
Large navy blue bead, opaque, doughnut shaped with mildly
concave ends. Well made, glossy surface with no air streaks
or pits. Length 6.5 mm., diameter 9 mm., perforation 2.3 mm.

(13) Blue to blue-green oblate-spheroidal (4 specimens,
Fig. 1,30). Moderately large beads, varying shades of blue
to blue green (1 dark blue, 2 light blue, 1 blue green), all
translucent, barrel-shaped with flat ends, sometimes cut at
an angle. Some pitting and wear but interior seems well
fused with no air streaks. Length 6.5 mm., diameter 8 mm.,
25






perforation 2-2.5 am.

(14) Blue oblate-spheroidal (2 specimens, Fig. 1,31).
Similar to above, but ends rounded, is a china-blue color,
opaque. Air streaks on the surface and pits at ends give
roughened appearance. Length 6.5-7.5 mm., diameter 8 mm.,
perforation 2.5 mm.

(15) Smaller blue oblate-spheroidal (5 specimens, Fig.
1,32). Medium sized barrel-shaped bead, flat ends, shade of
blue between #14 and #13. Length 5-6 mm., diameter 6-6.5 mm.
perforation 2 mm. Surface is dull, with air streaks and
white patina.

(16) Small "robin's egg" blue oblate-spheroidal (4
specimens, Fig. 1,33). Light blue, doughnut shaped, trans-
lucent beads, often irregular in shape, perforations off-
center, considerable white patina and surfaces pitted and
eroded. Length 3-3.5 mm., diameter 5 am., perforation 1.5-2
mm.

(17) Blue-black oblate-spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig. 1,
38). Well made opaque barrel-shaped bead, medium size, flat
ends, few air pits. Length 6 mm., diameter 7.5 mm., perfora-
tion 1.5 mm.

(18) Smaller blue oblate-spheroidal (2 specimens, Fig.
1,39). Translucent light blue doughnut with flat ends, well
made, with moderate pitting of surface and ends. Length 4-5
mm., diameter 6.5-7mm., perforation 2 am.

(19) Light blue oblate-spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig. 1,
40). Well made, small shiny translucent sky-blue barrel.
Longitudinal air streaks and rough air pits on ends. Length
4 mm., diameter 4 mm., perforation 2 mm.

(20) Tiny blue oblate-spheroidal (2 specimens, Fig. 1,
42). Sky-blue translucent barrel-shaped "seed" bead, nicely
made. Length 2 am., diameter 2.5 mm., perforation 1 am.

(21) Ruby red faceted (2 specimens, Fig. 1, 43,44) .
Medium and small faceted beads, made of grainy ruby red
glass which has a heavy white or gray patina. Larger is 6
mm. long, 6 mm. diameter, 1.7 mm. perforation; the smaller 4
mm. long, 5 am. diameter, 2 mm. perforation. Ends are 5-
sided, 10 facets on body, hence dodecahedral shape.

IV. Wilkinson Site, 16-NA-1. This is a village site
on a small stream 20 miles northwest of Natchitoches. Sur-
face sherd collections indicate two occupation periods, most




of the sherds being of Alto Focus affiliation but some of
Late Natchitoches wares. One vessel of Natchitoches Engraved
type was excavated with a burial, and European trade beads
found on the surface of this and the adjoining hillside, 14
beads constituting our sample. This site is in the vicinity
where the Natchitoches and Adai Indians are reported (Wil-
liams, 1964) to have moved between 1803 and 1805; they were
probably gone by 1820.

Bead varieties from Wilkinson site, total sample 14.

(1) White elongate-spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig. 1,1).
A large, irregular opaque white bead, elongated and constric-
ted in the middle. Dull surface with some air streaks and
pits at ends. Length 16 mm., diameter 8.5 mm., perforation
2 mm.

(2) White elongate-spheroidal (oval) (7 specimens, Fig.
1,3). Similar opaque white glass beads with dull surfaces,
dark spots, fine air streaks and air pits at the ends. These
often produce a circle around the ends suggesting double
layered or compound beads, although they probably are simple
in manufacture. Six are uniform size, 10-12 mm. long, 6-6.5
mm. diameter, perforations 1.5 mm. One is larger, 13 mm.
long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Long ovals or football-shaped with
pointed ends which are barely larger than the perforations.

(3) White spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig. 1,5). A similar-
ly made opaque white bead, almost globular but nearer barrel-
shaped, 8 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter, 2 mm. perforation. Air
streaks along the surfaces and heavy air pitting at the ends.

(4) Small white elongate-spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig.
1,8). Small opaque white barrel, similar to (3) except in
size. Length 5 mm., diameter 4 mm., perforation 1 mm.

(5) Blue-green elongate-spheroidal with red and white
stripes (1 specimen, similar to Fig. 1,18 except in shape).
Long oval complex bead, opaque, with glossy blue-green sur-
face and core, having 3 sets of longitudinal stripes, the
central red, the laterals white, as described for Lawton #6.
The colors are well preserved, the stripes are wavy, and the
rods are flush with the surface.

(6) Blue elongate-spheroidal (2 specimens, Fig. 1,26,
27). Translucent blue glass beads, long oval or football-
shaped, varying in size, the larger 15 mm. long, 7.5 mm. di-
ameter and 2 mm. perforation; the smaller 10 mm. long, 6 mm.
diameter, 2.5 mm. perforation. Both are asymmetrical.





(7) Blue oblate spheroidal "seed" bead (1 specimen,
Fig. 1,41). Tiny light blue opaque doughnut-shaped bead,l.5
mm. long, 3 mm. diameter, 1 mm. perforation.

V. The site of the Spanish Presidio and Mission lo-
cated among the Adaes, 12 miles west of Natchitoches, is now
a public park. Collections of European goods at the Univer-
sity of Texas indicate that the site included an additional
area south of the present park. These sites occupy both
sides of a narrow flood plain and sit on the crests and
slopes of higher hills.

The collections discussed here are all from the park
area, as the southern portion of the site is either oblitera-
ted or covered by a sawmill. The beads and other artifacts
are in the collection of Gregory or that of R. King Harris
of Dallas, Texas.

Indian pottery sherds are the most abundant artifacts
and the midden exposures are filled with these. The domi-
nant types are Emory Engraved (Harris, R.K., Unpublished
Mss) and Natchitoches Engraved (Suhm and Jelks 1962). Near-
ly all sherds are shell tempered and most are extremely soft
and eroded.

European artifacts contain both French and Spanish
goods. Easily dated are French bottle necks (1725-30) and a
brass button of the period 1700-1765 (Olsen 1963). Various
majolica types of Mexican origin, especially a variety of
blue on white with geometric and/or floral patterns, are
common. Thin walled bottles and jars of blue-green blown
glass are also of possible Mexican origin. Other objects
include copper tinkles, a jews-harp, nails, spikes, gun
parts and flints, lead shot (bird and rifle short), lead
bottle seals, pipestems of kaolin, "horse cult" bridle trap-
pings, a stirrup, a gold saddle pommel mount (at Louisiana
State University), a brass finger ring, a French military
buckle, and sherds of olive jars and jug wares.

Bead varieties from the Los Adaes Site (16-NA-16), to-
tal sample 65.

(1) White elongate-spheroidal opaque (1 specimen, Fig.
2,1). Identical to those found at Lawton, Wilkinson, the
Southern Compress, and the Fish Hatchery, where opaque white
beads were one of the dominant varieties. The paucity of
these beads at Los Adaes is notable. Dull porcelain -like
white glass exhibiting faint longitudinal grooves and tiny
air bubbles. Length 14 mm., diameter 6.5 mm., 2 mm. perfora-
tion.
28









2 3 4 5 6 7


I


20
20 21


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22 Ra3


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Z# Z5 Z6 V7


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8 9 10 II IZ 13 if 15 Ib 17 18 lq


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0 1 2 3
CENTIMETERS


Fig. 2. Trade Beads from Los Adaes. No. 1, opaque white. 2, white with blue stripes.
3, black rosary bead. 4,5,blue. 6, Cornaline d'Aleppo. 7, amber twisted. 8, blue
with white stripes. 9-11, black "seed". 12, amber faceted. 13,14, red, black tubular.
15-18, blue, black, red, blue-green. 19-21, blue, blue-green. 22, purple. 23,24,
yellow, white discs. 24-27, blue, clear, yellow-white. 28, Cornaline d'Aleppo "bugle"
tubular. 29-30, white tubular. 31,32, white, green "seed".


a OW @0
Zq 30 3S 3A





(2) White with spiralled blue rods elongate-spheroidal,
opaque (1 specimen, Fig. 2,2). This complex bead was formed
by adding a pale blue veneer to a bluish glass core and then
inlaying three spiralling blue glass rods in the veneer.
Length 17 mm., diameter 8 mm., 2 mm. perforation. Common at
the Fish Hatchery Site (#14;Fig.1,15,16).

(3) Black square jet bead (1 specimen, Fig. 2,3).
This bead has four diagonal perforations (1 mm. each). It
is faceted on both faces which are 6.5 mm. by 6.5 mm. square.
In all probability this is a rosary bead. It appears to be
real jet as it is rather easily scratched.

(4) Blue oblate-spheroidal opaque (7 specimens, Fig. 2,
4). "Doughnut" shaped, greenish-blue with minute grooves
and air bubbles. Four sizes of this bead occur at this site
and, as they differ only in size, they are included in 1 va-
riety. Sizes are: 7 am. long, 9 mm. wide, 2 am. perfora-
tion; 4 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 2 mm. perforation; 2 mm.
long, 5 mm. wide, 1.3 mm. perforation; and 2 mm. long, 2 mm.
wide, 1 mm. perforation ("seed" bead).

(5) Blue oblate-spheroidal translucent (1 specimen, Fig.
2,5). Dark blue bead with a few streaks and air bubbles,but
is rather unblemished to the naked eye. Barrel-shaped, 5mm.
long, 6 mm. diameter, 2.5 mm. perforation.

(6) Opaque red on translucent green or white oblate
spheroid (10 specimens, Fig. 2,6). Cornaline d'Aleppo beads.
A vivid red exterior veneer is overlaid upon a core of dark
green translucent glass. In later beads the core may be
white, clear or yellow (Woodward 1959). Of the Los Adaes
sample only one bead has a clear glass core. Closely re-
lated to those found at Lawton and Southern Compress sites,
except a tendency to smaller size in the Los Adaes sample.
Two sizes; 3.5 mm. long by 5 mm. wide, 2 mm. perforation;
2.5 mm. long by 2 mm. wide, 1 mm. perforation.

(7) Purple-amber twisted, wear faceted (3 specimens,
Fig. 2,7). These small beads exhibit a peculiar spiralled
appearance and seem to have been formed by stamping the
spiralled bead into shape. 3.5 mm. in length and diameter,
1.5 mm. perforation. Facets appear as if by rubbing one
bead upon another.

(8) Translucent blue oblate-spheroid "seed" with white
stripes (1 specimen, Fig. 2,8). This little complex form is
related to #12 from Southern Compress (Fig. 1,23). The Los
Adaes specimen is 2 am. long, 3.5 mm. diameter, with 1 am.
perforation.





(9) Black oblate-spheroidal opaque "seed" (6 speci-
mens, Fig. 2,9-11,16). These tiny black doughnut and barrel-
shaped beads range from 1 mm. to 2.5 mm. long, and 2.5 to 3
am. diameter, 1 mm. perforations. Identical to Colfax Ferry
#25 (Fig. 3, 28-31).

(10) Purple rectangular, beveled, translucent "seed" -
(1 specimen, Fig. 2,12). This little bead has square ends
with 8 beveled faces, all highly polished. Similar beveled
beads are numerous at the Colfax Ferry Site. Length 3 mm.,
diameter 2 mm., perforation 1.5 mm.

(11) Dark red tubular translucent "seed" (1 specimen,
Fig. 2,13). This small tube, 4 mm. long; 2 mm. wide, with a
1 mm. perforation, was made by simply snapping a hollow tube
of drawn glass. Fine streaks, resulting from the "drawing"
of the tube, are visible upon magnification. The ends are
still sharp from the breaking.

(12) Purple-black oblate spheroidal, opaque (3 speci-
mens, Fig. 2,14). Smooth shiny surface and is tubular to
rounded; barrel in shape. 3 mm. long, 2.5 mm. wide, 1 mm.
perforation.

(13) Blue "seed" oblate-spheroidal translucent (1 speci-
men, Fig. 2,15). This bead differs from #5 only in smaller
size and lighter color. It has rather severe pitting on the
surfaces. 2 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter, 1 mm. perforation.

(14) Red oblate-spheroidal translucent "seed" (2
specimens, Fig. 2,17). These beads reflect light easily and
have a slightly granular surface. Length 1.5 mm., diameter
2 mm., perforation 1 mm. Duplicated at the Colfax Ferry
site.

(15) Blue-green "seed" translucent (1 specimen, Fig.
2,18). This barrel-shaped bead appears to have been origin-
ally tubular with the ends slightly rounded while the tube
was still molten. Length 1.5 mm., diameter 2 mm., perfora-
tion 1.3 am.

(16) Blue oblate-spheroidal, translucent (1 specimen,
Fig. 2,19). These tiny doughnut-shaped seeds were separated
because of their shiny, clear blue color. 1 mm. length, 2.5
mm. width, 1 mm. perforation.

(17) Blue-green oblate-spheroid translucent (barrel-
shaped) (1 specimen, Fig. 2,20). This bead is damaged,
but seems to be rather granular form. Length 1.7 mm., diam-
eter 2.5 mm., perforation 1 mm.





(18) Blue "seed" oblate-spheroidal translucent (3
specimens, Fig. 2,21). This is one variety of the tiny blue
seed beads that were popular at Los Adaes. They are clear
and with some darkening of the granular surface due to pa-
tina. Length 0.7 mm., diameter 2.8 mm., perforation 1 mm.

(19) Sky blue oblate-spheroidal opaque (1 specimen,
not illustrated, but similar to Fig. 2,18 in shape). This
"seed" bead has a shiny surface with some very tiny air bub-
bles towards the perforation. 3 mm. long, 2 mm. wide, 1 mm.
perforation.

(20) Blue-purple oblate-spheroidal, translucent (1
specimen, Fig. 2,22). Deep color, "seed" doughnut, smooth.
Length 0.7 mm., diameter 2.8 am., perforation 1 mm.

(21) Pale blue oblate-spheroidal "seed" opaque (1
specimen, Fig. 2,25). This tiny bead has a grainy feel with
a number of minute pits. 1 mm. long, 2.5 mm. wide, 1 mm.
perforation.

(22) Yellow or white thin disc "seed" (2 specimens,
Fig. 2,23,24). Very thin translucent granular wafers, 0.5
mm. long, 1.8-2 mm. wide, 1 mm. perforations.

(23) Translucent colorless oblate-spheroid "seed"
(doughnut) (4 specimens, Fig. 2,26,27). Some of these
beads patinate until they are a dirty whitish, quartz-like
color, others are still colorless. Some variation, in size,
length 1-1.5 mm., diameter 1.5-2.5, perforation about I mm.

(24) Opaque red on translucent green tubular (1 speci-
men, Fig. 2,28). This is a broken "bugle" bead of typical
Cornaline d'Aleppo form. Opaque bright red outer layer,
dark green translucent core. Along one side a thin lateral
streak shows the core. Similar to but larger than tubular
Cornaline d'Aleppos from Colfax Ferry, which are so small as
to be in the "seed bead" class. Length 12 mm., diameter 3
mm., perforation 1 nm.

(25) White tubular opaque "seed" (1 specimen, Fig. 2,
29). This little bead is 3 m-. long, 2 mm. diameter with 1
mm. perforation. The surface is streaked and has air bub-
bles; granular texture.

(26) Clear white over opaque core tubular "seeds" (2
specimens, Fig. 2,30). These are white on white compound
beads. The cores are gritty, full of tiny air holes; the
exteriors are clear shiny white veneers. Length 4 mm., di-
ameter 3 am., perforation 1 am.
32






(27) White oblate-spheroidal opaque "seed" (5 speci-
mens, Fig. 2,31). Clear white glass with smooth, shiny, sur-
face. Length and diameter 2 mm., perforation 1.5 mm.

(28) Green oblate-spheroidal translucent "seed" (2 spec-
imens, Eig. 2,32). Dark green color and a slightly crackled
surface. 2 mm. long, 1.5 mm. diameter, 1 ma. perforation.

VI. Colfax Ferry site, 16-Na-15, 30 miles southeast of
Natchitoches and slightly less distant from Alexandria, La.,
is on a hill fronting the junction of Cane River and Red
River (Map 1). Burials were located in 1960 by Mitchell
Smith, of Hessmer, La., and subsequently excavated by Smith,
Webb and several friends. 24 burials or artifact deposits
assumed to be burials were found. The artifact inventory
included undecorated native pottery, European crockery,
glass bottles, a variety of silver ornaments, gun flints and
metal parts of flintlock guns, brass C- bracelets, bullet
molds and round lead bullets, various iron tools, knives,
spoons, scissors, nails, tripod pots, a long-handled skillet,
clay pipes and pipestem beads. Identifiable French items
are the tripod pots and amber wine bottles. A crockery
plate bears the English stamp "Castleford pottery" and a
saucer is stamped "Phillips-Longport". Silver ornaments
show remains of Spanish coin imprints, including one which
has the date 1803 or 1808; an 1820 American dime was found
about 10 inches below the surface; the pipestems average
perforation size of 4/64 inch, which indicates post 1780
dating (Binford, 1961; South, 1961). These items correspond
well with the historic records which place the Pascagoula
and possibly a few Biloxi Indians here from 1787 until 1805-
10, possibly as late as 1820. The bead sample from the site,
from 13 burials, totals approximately 42,000; about 700 of
these are larger than "seed" bead size and presumably for
necklaces, the remainder were found in layers or masses of
600 to over 6000 per burial and presumably were attached to
garments or ornamental bands.

Bead varieties from Colfax Ferry site, total sample ap-
proximately 42,000.

(1) Large blue ovate-spheroidal with red and white
stripes (4 specimens, Fig. 3,1). Barrel-shaped opaque bead
of dark blue matrix with 5 sets of 3 rods each, the central
a clear red and the laterals white. As shown on end view,
this is a complex bead, with pale blue core and darker blue
cortex into which the rods are set. Length 9 mm., diameter
7 am., perforation 2 mm. One specimen has green instead of
blue matrix.









1 2 3 4 5 6


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7 8 1 *0 II '2


00:700 0 0 0 9 .
13 /4 15 16 17 18 1 20O

a a W* 0 0 o a o
21 22 23 Zf ZS 26 V7 2g Zq 30 31 32 33 3f 35


Sa O e O 0 e o
36 37 38 319 0 Io f/ 43 fI 15 46 47 f8




41 So .5I SA2 53 5f 55 56 57
0 3
CENTIMETERS

Fig. 3 Trade beads from Colfax Ferry. No. 1, blue with red, white stripes. 2,3,
4, white, ruby red elongate faceted. 5,6, black, gray ovals. 7,8, black, blue
doughnuts. 9,10, yellow, colorless barrels. 11, ruby red globular. 12, amber
twisted or helix. 13-20, faceted: purple, amber, colorless, dark red, green,
blue, blue-green, tiny blue, black. 28-31, black "seed". 32-35, white. 36,37,
red "seed". 38, Cornaline d'Aleppo. 39, clear. 40, dull purple-black. 41-46,
blues. 47, clear. 48, yellow. 49-57, blown, faceted shells: 49,50, green with
black equators; 51-55, red with white equators; 56, white with green intaglio
equator.





(2) White elongate-spheroidal fluted (12 specimens, Fig.
3,2). Elongated, 4-sided opaque white bead with glossy sur-
face, 8 flutes or facets. Spiral irregularities indicate
manufacture of wrapping around a mandrel. Length 8-9 mm.,
diameter 6 mm., perforation 1.5 mm.

(3) Ruby red elongate-spheroidal, faceted or fluted (9
specimens, Fig. 3,3,4). Material similar to the ruby red
faceted of other sites (fig. 1,43,44), translucent, with
speckled white patina on surfaces. 4 sided, with 8 flutes
or facets, similar to (2) above. Two sizes, the larger 8 mm.
long, 4-5 mm. diameter; the smaller 5 mm. long, 3-4 mm. di-
ameter; perforation 1.5 mm.

(4) Black elongate-spheroidal (225 specimens, Fig. 3,5).
Medium size, shiny black opaque oval bead, with spirals
which indicate solid wires of glass wrapped around a mandrel,
then smoothed. Sizes uniform, 6 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter,
1.5 mm. perforation.

(5) Gray elongate-spheroidal (about 250 specimens, Fig.
3,6). Almost identical in shape and size to the shiny black
ovals (#4), also probably mandrel-wound. Dark gray, grainy
surfaces opaque. Length 7 mm., diameter 3.5 mm., perfora-
tion 1.7 mm.

(6) Large black ovate-spheroidal (73 specimens, Fig. 3,
7). Large, shiny opaque black doughnut, often irregular in
outline. Ends concave. Length 3-4 mm., diameter 7 mm., per-
foration 2 mm.

(7) Blue ovate-spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig. 3,8).
Translucent, well made, light blue, doughnut-shaped bead,
with concave ends. Few pits and bubbles. Length 5 mm., di-
ameter 7.5 mm., perforation 2 mm.

(8) Yellow ovate-spheroidal (23 specimens, Fig. 3,9).
Dull yellow translucent barrel-shaped, medium size, very bub-
bly and streaked on surfaces. Ends flat. Length 3-4 mm.,
diameter 5 mm., perforation 2 mm.

(9) Colorless ovate-spheroidal (1 specimen, Fig. 3,10).
Clear glass, medium size, transparent barrel-shaped bead,
with flat ends. Few air bubbles. Length 4 mm., diameter 5
mm., perforation 2 mm.

(10) Ruby red globular (3 specimens, Fig. 3,11). Dif-
fers from the red faceted (#3) described above only in shape,
which is globular with flattened ends. Sizes vary from 3.5
by 4 to 6 by 6.5 mm.; perforations 1.5 mm.




(11) Amber ovate-spheroidal, spiralled (31 specimens,
Fig. 3,12). Medium size bead, amber translucent, spiralled
or twisted with irregular ends. Length 5-7 mm., diameter 6-
7 mm., perforation 3 mm.

(12) Large purple ovate-spheroidal, faceted (3 speci-
mens, Fig. 3,13). Dark purple, almost black, translucent,
with flat ends, cartwheel shape. Ground facets, large
around the center, smaller triangular around the margins, a
total of 28 facets; ends are heptagonal. Length 5-7 mm.,
diameter 7-8 mm., perforation 2.3 mm.

(13) Large amber ovate-spheroidal, faceted (2 specimens,
Fig. 3,14). Large, well made, with smooth surfaces and
ground facets, 24 in number. Half of these are diamond
shaped, half triangular, on edges. Ends are mildly concave,
hexagonal. Translucent. Length 7 mm., diameter 9 mm., per-
foration 2.5 mm.

(14) Colorless faceted, transparent (23 specimens, Fig.
3,15). Clear glass beads, flat ends with 5 or 6 angles;
generally 18 facets. Length 5.5 am., diameter 6 mm., per-
foration 1.5 am.

(15) Small red faceted, translucent (94 specimens, Fig.
3,16,17). Glossy dark red, well ground facets, 18 in number,
with hexagonal ends. Length 4-4.5 mm., diameter 4-4.5 mm.,
perforation 2 am.

(16) Small rose faceted, translucent (32 specimens, Fig.
3,18). Delicate rose color, well made with ground facets,
as in #15. Length 3 mm., diameter 3 mm., perforation 1.2mm.

(17) Dark red irregularly faceted (6500-7000 specimens,
Fig. 3,19-20). Small, irregularly faceted, glittering trans-
lucent beads, mostly from a single burial. Two sizes: 2.5
mm. long, 3-3.5 mm. diameter, and a tiny which is 2x2.5 mm.,
perforations 1.3-2 mm.

(18) Red tubular with green core, small (150 specimens,
Fig. 3,21). Cornaline d'Aleppo "bugle" beads, with opaque
red surface layer, translucent green core. No stripes.
Length 7-8 mm., diameter 2 mm., perforation 0.7 mm.

(19) Dark red tubular, (10 specimens, Fig. 3,22). Dark
red polished translucent tube, ends smooth but often diagon-
al. Two sizes: Length 2.8 3.5 mm., diameter 2.5 am., per-
foration 1 mm., and length 3-3.5, diameter 3.5, perforation
1.8 am.





(20) Green tubular (6 specimens, Fig.,3,23). Tiny
tubes, green translucent, sharply broken ends. Length 2.5
mm., diameter 2.3 mm., perforation 1 mm.

(21) Dark blue tubular (25 specimens, Fig. 3,24). Lar-
ger dark blue translucent tubes, with rounded ends, polished
surfaces. Length 3-3.5 mm., diameter 3 mm., perforation 1.5
mm.

(22) Blue-green tubular (106 specimens, Fig. 3,25).
Similar smooth tubes with rounded ends, translucent. Length
3-3.5, diameter 3.5 mm., perforation 1 mm.

(23) Tiny blue tubular (1 specimen, Fig. 3,26). Shiny
translucent blue tube with rounded ends. Length 1.8 mm.,
diameter 2 mm., perforation 0.7 mm.

(24) Black tubular (4 specimens, Fig. 3,27). Larger
shiny opaque black tubular with rounded, smooth ends. Length
3 mm., diameter 3 mm., perforation 1 mm.

(25) Black "seed" beads (23,000 or more specimens, Fig.
3,28-31). Small black opaque doughnut "seed" beads, most
with smooth, shiny surfaces, irregular shapes in some,
others quite symmetrical. Ends are flat to concave, no air
bubbles seen. Some gradation in size, but largely fall into
4 categories as illustrated: tiny, length 1.5 mm., diameter
2 mm.; slightly larger, length 2 mm., diameter 3 mm.; next
larger 2.5 mm. length, diameter 3.5 mm.; largest with length
2-2.5 mm., diameter 4.5 mm., perforations 1-1.2 mm.

(26) White "seed" beads, (approximately 2800 specimens,
Fig. 3,32-35). Similar range of size to the black, not near-
ly so numerous, also opaque. Included are tiny doughnut to
barrel shapes, some with dull white surfaces, others with
glistening polished surface, lengths 1-1.5, diameters 1.5-
1.8 mm., perforations 0.5-0.8 mm. (some requiring special
needle to thread); medium sizes dull or shiny, barrel-shaped
2-2.5 mm., doughnut-shaped 1.5 long and 2.5 mm. diameter;
larger, all with shiny surfaces, barrel-shaped 2.5-3 mm.
long and 3.5 mm. diameter, and doughnut-shaped, 1.5-1.8 am.
long and 3-4 mm. diameter; perforations of the larger 0.7mm.

(27) Red "seed" beads (3300 or more specimens, Fig. 3,
36,37). Glossy translucent red seed beads in two sizes,
also in barrel and doughnut shapes. Larger 2 mm. long, 3-
3.5 mm. diameter, 1.5 mm. perforation; smaller 1-1.5 mm.
long, 1.5-2 nm. diameter, 1 mm. perforation.

(28) Red on green "seed"bead (127 specimens, Fig. 3,38).
37





Tiny Cornaline d'Aleppo beads, doughnut-shaped, smooth,
Cores are translucent, pale green; cortex opaque red. Length
2 mm., diameter 3.5 mm., perforation 1 mm.

(29) Colorless "seed" bead (8 specimens, Fig. 3,39).
In the larger range of "seed" beads, transparent glass with
some wear and bubbles on surface; ends flat; doughnut shaped.
Length 2.5 mm., diameter 4 mm., perforation 1.3 mm.

(30) Pale blue "seed" bead (300-400 specimens each size,
Fig. 3,42,46). Opaque pale blue, small and tiny sizes, sur-
faces shiny in the larger, dull in the smaller from patina.
Sizes: 2 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter, with 1.5 mm. perforation;
1.7 mm. long, 2 mm. diameter, 1 mm. perforation.

(31) Blue translucent "seed" beads (900 or more speci-
mens, 100-300 each size, Fig. 3,41,43,44,45). Varying shades
of blue to blue-purple translucent small to tiny beads,
doughnut and occasionally barrel-shaped, glossy. Generally
graded into 4 sizes, lengths 1 to 2 mm., diameters 2 to 4 mm.
perforations 1-1.5 mm.

(32) Tiny colorless "seed" beads (225 or more specimens,
Fig. 3,47). Clear shiny glass beads, length 1.5 mma, diame-
ter 1.8 mm., perforation 0.5-0.7 mm.

(33) Tiny yellow "seed" (445 specimens, Fig. 3,48).
Slightly larger than above, opaque dull yellow, length 1.5-
1.8, diameter 1.8 mm., perforation 0.8 mm.

Subsequent to presentation of this paper at the Histor-
ic Sites Conference, the discoverer of this site, Mitchell
Smith, has found additional burials, containing trade ob-
jects, including a metal button datable at 1812-20 (Olsen
1963). European glass trade beads were with these, most of
types described above but additionally including 266 purple
faceted tubular seeds similar to Los Adaes #10 (Fig. 2,12),
13 green doughnut seeds, and one each of large and medium
size blue and green translucent faceted. A new group of
bead varieties was found, shown in Fig. 3,49-57. These are
blown beads, thin walled and hollow, globular with protru-
sions at the ends. All have a patterned equatorial band
which is usually slightly elevated, and are pressure faceted.
the facets crossing or imposing on the central band which is
usually slightly elevated, and are pressure faceted, the
facets crossing or imposing on the central band diagonally.
The larger beads have 10 facets on each side of the equation,
with an equal number lateral to each, a total of 40 facets.
The medium size and smaller have 7 to 8 facets on either
side and the lateral facets may or may not be present.
38





(34) Green blown faceted with black band (35 specimens,
Fig. 3,49,50). Aqua green beads with small patches of white
patina; a black band encircles the center, 1.5 mm. wide in
the larger, 1 mm. in the smaller, projecting slightly above
the surface and apparently inset in an encircling trough.
Facets as described above. Sizes: Length and diameter of
larger 10 mm.; of smaller 6-7 mm.; perforations vary in size
1 to 2 mm.

(35) Red blown faceted with white/brown or white/black
bands (2 specimens, Fig. 3,51,52). Blown and faceted glass
shells as above, with equatorial bands slightly elevated,
combining an undulating white line outlined with brown-black
background; on one, half of the circumference has this com-
bination, the remaining half has alternating diagonal white
and brown lines (Fig. 3,52). Diameters 8.5-9 mm., perfora-
tion 2 mm.

(36) Red blown faceted with white band (3 specimens,
Fig. 3,53-55). Bright red translucent hollow shells with
white equatorial bands inset in a trough as described above.
White bands on two larger are straight (53,54) and depressed
or intaglio. On the smaller are joined white ovals (55).
Facets as noted above. Two sizes, 8 and 5 mm. diameters,
1.5 to 2 mm. perforations.

(37) White blown faceted with red band (1 specimen, Fig.
3,56). Thin blown shell with dull opaque white surface and
red equatorial band. The facets are indistinct except on
the equating band, 9 on each side. Diameter 8 mm.

(38) White blown faceted with intaglio green band (1
specimen, Fig. 3,57). Small white glass shell, blown and
faceted as above, but facets very indistinct. Central band
depressed and pale green. Diameter 5.5 mm.

Summary

Limitations of space and present experience do not jus-
tify extensive summarization; moreover, we prefer to compare
these varieties with collections from elsewhere in the lower
valley and other parts of the country before suggesting firm-
er types and making comparisons. Evident differences exist,
however, between beads from the presumed Natchitoches Indian
sites, Southern Compress, Fish Hatchery, Lawton and Wilkin-
son, and those from the Spanish dominated site, Los Adaes,
and the late site of the French-American period, Colfax Fer-
ry.

The French trade beads from the Natchitoches Indian
39




sites feature the simple opaque white beads (Fig. 1,1-8) in
a variety of sizes and shapes, but predominantly large to
medium; simple blue beads (Fig. 1,26-33,38-42) in a variety
of shapes, sizes and shades of blue, more often translucent
than opaque, with slightly smaller green and blue-green (Fig.
1, 34-37) from the Southern Compress site; and a variety of
white or blue complex striped beads, generally opaque (Fig.
1,14-23), in the usual elongate, oval, barrel and globular
shapes. The striped vary in distribution within the four
sites: the large white or pale blue with longitudinal or
curving dark blue stripes (Fig. 1,14-17) have appeared only
at the Fish Hatchery (and Los Adaes), whereas the opaque
white globular and barrel forms with salmon red and green
stripes (Fig. 1,20-22) have been found only from Southern
Compress and Lawton.

The famous and ubiquitous red on green Cornaline
d'Aleppo beads (Fig. 1,24-25) are found in medium and small
barrel shapes at Southern Compress and Lawton, but not at
Fish Hatchery or Wilkinson. At Los Adaes the Cornaline
d'Aleppos are small (Fig. 2,6) or tubular ("bugle"), Fig. 2,
28); at the late Colfax Ferry site, they appear in the tiny
tubular (Fig. 3,21) and "seed" (Fig. 3,38) varieties.

Unusual and well known beads from the four Natchitoches
Indian sites include the "gooseberry" bead (Fig. 1,12), one
from Lawton and two from the Fish Hatchery; the group of
knobby "raspberry" (Fig. 1,13) from Southern Compress; the
single huge white faceted (Fig. 1,10) from this site; the
milky white large sphericals (Fig. 1,9) from the Fish Hatch-
ery; and the clear glass ovals (Fig. 1,11) from Lawton and
Southern Compress.

Notable for scarcity or absence at these four sites are
faceted beads, limited to two ruby red (Fig. 1,43,44) at
Lawton, one each from Southern Compress and Fish Hatchery,
and the large white "pressed" (Fig. 1,10) from Southern Com-
press; tubular beads; mandrel "wire" wound beads, limited to
the large "milky-white" sphericals (Fig. 1,9) and the white
ovals (Fig.1,2) from the Fish Hatchery; blown beads; pressed
glass beads; intaglio or gold inlay beads; black, amber, yel-
low, pink, and brown colors. "Seed" garment beads are lim-
ited to 1 blue from Wilkinson, 3 blue from Lawton, 12 white
from Fish Hatchery, and a larger assortment from the South-
ern Compress site, including 1 sky-blue, 8 green, 41 white
("pony beads") (DeJarnette and Hansen, 1960) and 61 small
Cornaline d'Aleppo's. Most of these are in excess of 4 mm.
in diameter, in comparison with the thousands from the late
Colfax Ferry site which were 4 am. or less in diameter.





The bead assemblage from these 4 Natchitoches Indian
sites can be duplicated in most respects in the collections
of French trade beads of the 1700's described by Quimby
(1942, 1957) from the Bayou Goula and Angola sites in south-
ern Louisiana, the Fatherland site at Natchez, Mississippi
(all three on the lower Mississippi River) and Fort St. Jo-
seph in Michigan. Quimby (1942) gives the occupation dates
at Bayou Goula as 1699 to 1706 certainly and probably until
1758; at Natchez from 1699 to 1730; and at Ft. St. Joseph
from 1700 to 1760. A similar variety of opaque whites, blue
beads in various shapes and shades, blue-green, Cornaline
d'Aleppo, and white with straight and curved blue rods, was
described by Duffield and Jelks (1961) from the Pearson site
on Sabine River in northeastern Texas, and these authors
quote Woodward and Kidd to the effect that most of these
beads are found on sites dating from mid- or late 1600's to
1750-75. Kidd dated the medium sized Cornaline d'Aleppo
with opaque red surface and translucent green core about
1600-1725, the tubular Cornaline d'Aleppo at 1600-1775, and
the white beads with blue stripes from sites in Alabama, Il-
linois, Georgia, Missouri, Michigan, Tennessee and New York
in the 17th and 18th centuries.

From the Childersburg site in Alabama, DeJarnette and
Hansen (1960) describe and date several varieties of beads
identical with the Natchitoches beads. They include, with
the authors' suggested dates: "gooseberry", 1700-1800; knob-
by "raspberry", 1730-1760; large "milky" white (Fig. 2,9),
1700-1800; large pressed faceted white (Fig. 1,10), 1700;
blue stripes on white oval, 1600-1800; white transparent and
blue translucent oval, 1775-1800; Cornaline d'Aleppo barrel,
medium size, 1695-1825.

The bead varieties from Los Adaes and Colfax Ferry show
considerable differences from the other four sites. Larger
beads are less numerous and varied, while garment "seed"
beads are frequent at Los Adaes and abundant (over 40,000)
in the Colfax Ferry burials. Los Adaes has a carry-over of
large white opaque, white with blue stripes, large blue
doughnuts, and blue barrels. Cornaline d'Aleppos are small,
tiny "seed" and tubular or "bugle beads" from both sites.
Garment or "seed" beads include tubular, twisted, doughnut
and barrel shapes in a wide variety of colors and sizes,
with black, red, white and blue the most frequent in this
order. There is one ground faceted bead from Los Adaes
(Fig.2,12) but a variety of faceted in large and small sizes
from Colfax Ferry, including amber, purple, ruby red, dark
red, rose, blue, green, and clear. "Wire wrapped" or man-
drel wound beads are more frequent, blown glass shells with
facets and intaglio or equatorial bands are unique for these






sites, yellows are present in small numbers, elongate white
and red fluted or faceted appear, and small black and gray
long ovals are unique for the late period. It is surprising
that the Los Adaes samples seem to be intermediate between
the varieties at the French contact Natchitoches sites and
the late Colfax Ferry site, since the time of occupation at
Los Adaes was presumably identical with the former, but it
is possible that the site has not been fully sampled and
that only the latter part of the occupation is represented.
The shift of varieties from the Natchitoches Indian sites of
the 1700's and the Colfax Ferry site of the early 1800's is
almost absolute. Although many bead varieties were made for
long periods of time, it is probable that varieties avail-
able to traders may have been limited at any one time, also
that different Indian groups had distinct preferences.

Some of the bead varieties from Colfax are duplicated
from a burial at the Watson site in Fisher County, Texas,
dated by Ray and Jelks (1964) at 1820-40. Ruby red ovals
and mandrel-wrapped white opaque ovals in three sizes are
quite similar, and "seed" beads (over 19,000) were white,
amber, blue-green and blue. The trade beads in Fort Laramie
National Historic Site (Murray 1964), totalling over 25,000
and thought to represent trade in Wyoming for the period
1834-1875, are comparable in some respects. Pressed faceted
and blown shells, the latter including opaque white with
raised equatorial belt, are represented. Mandrel-wound in a
variety of colors, some faceted, include white opaque ovals,
amber twisted, and deep red faceted elongate beads, similar
to our Fig. 3,2,3,12. Small and tiny tubular, faceted,
doughnut and barrel-shaped are in a variety of colors, simi-
lar to the sample from Colfax Ferry. However, the Cornaline
d'Aleppo had changed to the late form with red translucent
exterior and white opaque core.

Bibliography

Binford, Lewis R.
1961 A New Method of Calculating Dates from Kaolin
Pipe Stem Samples, 2nd Annual Conference on His-
toric Site Archaeology, Macon, Ga.

DeJarnette, David L. and R. T. Hansen
1960 The Archeology of the Childersburg Site, Alabama.
Notes in Anthropology No. 4, Florida State Uni-
versity, Tallahassee.





Duffield, L. F. and Edward B. Jelks
1961 The Pearson Site, a Historic Indian Site in Iron
Bridge Reservoir, Rains County, Texas. Archeolo-
gy Series, No. 4, Department of Anthropology, Un-
iversity of Texas, Austin, pp. 46-48.

La Harpe, Benard
1831 A Caddo Burial Site at Natchitoches, La., quoted
by Walker, W. M., 1935 Smithsonian Miscellan-
eous Collections, Vol. 94, No. 14.

Louisiana State Land Office Archives: Indian Claims Papers.
Typed Mss. in the Lousisiana Room, Louisiana
State University Library, Baton Rouge, La., pp.
41, 43, 53.

Murray, Robert A.,
1964 Glass Trade Beads at Fort Laramie, The Wyoming
Archeologist, Vol. VIII, No. 3, pp. 13-19.

Olsen, Stanley J.
1963 Dating Early Plain Buttons by Their Form, Ameri-
can Antiquity, Vol. XXVIII, No. 4, April.

Quimby, Geo. I., Jr.
1942 Indian Trade Objects in Michigan and Louisiana,
Papers of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts
and Letters, Vol. XXVII.

Quimby, Geo. I.
1957 The Bayou Goula Site, Iberville Parish, Louisi-
ana. Fieldiana: Anthropology. Vol. 47, No. 2.

Ray, Cyrus N. and Edward B. Jelks
1964 The W. H. Watson Site: A Historic Indian Burial
in Fisher County, Texas. Bull. Texas Archeologi-
cal Society, Vol. 35.

Sibley, John
1832 Historical Sketches of the Several Indian Tribes
in Louisiana, South of the Arkansas River, and
between the Mississippi and River Grande. Ameri-
can State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, 1:
721-731.

South, Stanley A.
1961 Kaolin Pipe Stem Dates from The Brunswick Town
Ruins, 2nd Annual Conference on Historic Site
Archeology, Macon, Ga.





Suhm, Dee Ann and Edward B. Jelks
1962 Handbook of Texas Archeology: Type Descriptions,
Austin.

Swanton, John R.
1942 Source Material on the History and Ethnology of
the Caddo Indians, Bureau of American Ethnology,
Smithsonian Institution, Bulletin 132.

Walker, WinslowM.
1935 A Caddo Burial Site at Natchitoches, Louisiana,
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 94,
No. 14.

Webb, Clarence H.
1945 A Second Historic Caddo Site at Natchitoches, La.
Bulletin of Texas Archeological and Paleontologi-
cal Society, Vol. 16, pp. 52-83.

Williams, Stephen
1964 The Aboriginal Location of the Kadohadacho and
Related Tribes, Explorations in Cultural Anthro-
pology, Harvard University.

Woodward, Arthur
1959 European Trade Objects, Screenings, Vol. 8, No.
12:4.





EXCAVATING THE 18th CENTURY MORAVIAN TOWN OF BETHABARA,
NORTH CAROLINA

Stanley South


On November 17, 1753 a group of fifteen men arrived at
a log cabin built the previous year by Hans Wagner in Pied-
mont North Carolina, and brought to an end the long journey
from Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Eleven of these men stayed to
form the nucleus of the settlement known later as Bethabara
in a tract they called Wachau. These men were members of
the Brethern's Church or Unitas Fratrum, better known as
Moravians. They had come to North Carolina to establish a
type of community living known as the Oeconomie. The farm
was tilled for the common good and the income from the vari-
ous industries they established went into the common purse,
with housing, clothing and food being supplied to each mem-
ber.

Within a year of their arrival a surveying party ar-
rived and drew a map of their tract and the improvements the
brethern had made during their first year in Wachau. By
1756 there were sixty-five people in the settlement, and a
palisade was built around their houses to protect them from
the Cherokee Indians. Gottlieb Reuter, a surveyor, arrived
in 1758 and by 1760 had drawn a map of Bethabara showing the
buildings standing, those projected, and the outline of the
palisaded fort. The Indians were frequent visitors in the
town, receiving free meals from the "Dutchi" on their trips
through the Wachau. They never did attack the little town,
due perhaps to this hospitality but according to the Indians,
due to the fact that a bell was rung often and horns were
blown, making them afraid to attack. During the trying
times with the "Wild Men" in 1760 the crisis was over and
the palisaded fort was taken down.

When the brethren came to Wachau they knew that they
were to build a new town, and that Bethabara was to be only
a "House of Passage". In 1766 the new town of Salem was be-
gun, and that same year Reuter made two maps of Bethabara
showing the location of each building and their function in
the Oeconomie. When the new buildings in Salem were ready
the industries were moved from Bethabara, and in 1772 the
big move was made, and the population of Bethabara dropped
from a high of 130 to 54. From that time to the present
Bethabara has remained a small community.

With the tearing down of the Hans Wagner cabin in 1768
the Brothers began to become aware of its place in their his-
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 2 45





tory, and in 1770 they erected a marker on the site of the
cabin to recall their arrival in 1753. By 1803 this marker
was gone and those remaining in Bethabara voted to replace
this early historic marker with a new one, which was erected
in 1806, and still stands today, having been moved to a new
location beside their church built in 1788, which is also
still standing.

Over one hundred years after the second historical mar-
ker was erected on the Bethabara site Adelaide L. Fries
placed granite posts at the places where she thought the cor-
ners of the palisaded fort had stood. This information she
took from the 1760 map and the diaries and memorabilia which
recorded the day by day activities of the brethren, and
which she translated from the German into eight volumes that
are of great value to the historian and the archaeologist
who researches into the early years of Bethabara or Salem.

For over twelve years the Southern Province of the Mora-
vian Church has been purchasing the land on which the town
of Bethabara stood. This has been made possible through
funds supplied by Mr. Charles H. Babcock, Sr. and the Mary
Reynolds Babcock Foundation. By 1963 the land was acquired
and archaeological help was requested from the North Caroli-
na Department of Archives and History, and a preliminary sur-
vey was made, followed by five months of more extensive ar-
chaeological work in the summer and fall of 1964.

The archaeological crew consisted of five to eight la-
borers supervised by the archaeologist and his assistant
Bradford Rauschenberg. The field laboratory, set up in an
old store on the site, was supervised by the archaeologist's
wife and two assistants, who cataloged and glued together
the mass of locally made pottery recovered from the ruins.
A steam jenny was used to clean the sherds, greatly speeding
the processing of the material, and in no way injuring the
pottery.

After the buildings in Bethabara were removed to Salem,
allowed to rot down, or torn down and moved to other sites,
the cellars beneath them were standing open in the early
years of the 19th century that the owner of the land filled
in the cellars and turned the site into farm lands. New
farm buildings were erected, and the site that had once been
a town now became a single family farm. When the archaeolo-
gy was begun a number of these farm buildings were torn down
by the archaeological crew to improve the site, the brick
farm house, which did not intrude on any-early feature ex-
cept the palisaded fort, was left standing, as well as two
old store buildings which were utilized as a tool shed and





archaeological laboratory, but which will be torn down at a
later time.

During the excavating season the following ruins were
located and excavated.

The Fort Ditch and Four Bastions
The Gemein House (Meeting House)
The Single Brothers House (with cellar)
A Guest House
The Business Manager's House (with cellar)
The Shoe Shop
The Bakery
The Congregation Store (with addition and cellar)
The Gunstock Maker's Shop
The Gunsmith Shop (Christ-Krause Residence)
The Tailor Shop
The Aust Pottery Shop
The Aust Pottery Dependencies (with cellar)
The Christ-Krause Pottery Waster Dumps (2)
The Aust Pottery Waster Dumps (2)
The Bell House
The Mill-wright's House (with cellar)
The Smith's House (with cellar)
The Smith's House Outbuilding
The Joiner's Shop (cellar located but not excavated)

The processing of the data recovered from these ruins
is still under way, with particular interest centering
around the products of the potter shops.

Another excavating season is planned for 1965 when the
following ruins will be examined and excavated.
Dr. Kalberlahn's Laboratory
The Apothecary Shop
The Flax House
A Family House (2)
The Brewery and Distillery
The Linen House
The First Tavern (with cellar)
The New Tavern
The Tavern Dependencies
The Tavern Well
The Church Well
The Sleeping Hall
The Store
The House for Strangers (with cellar)
The Hans Wagner Cabin
A Bake Oven





Before the 1964 excavating season was completed consid-
erable work was accomplished toward the stabilization of the
excavated cellars and foundation walls. The stones removed
from the cellars were used to raise the level of the excava-
ted cellar walls to about two feet above surface level.
Steps into the cellars were replaced where they were missing,
and stone floors replaced on some cellars where they were
salvaged when the buildings were abandoned. Since red clay
subsoil would result in the exposed cellars standing with
rain water, ditches were dug from each cellar to the stream
near the site, and drain lines installed into each excavated
cellar. Since the Moravian brothers used clay as mortar for
the stone cellar walls and building foundations, the stabili-
zation work utilized cement with a mixture of red clay to
give the proper clay color when the mortar happened to show.

The excavated bastion ditches, revealing the exact posi-
tion of the original palisaded fort, were supplied with new
treated posts sharpened on the end, and standing from nine
to ten feet above surface level. Eventually the entire pal-
isaded fort ditch may be furnished with new posts.

The maps of Bethabara have been correlated with the
archaeological base map showing the work carried out in 1964.
The Hoger map of 1754, and the Reuter maps of 1760 and 1766
were used in the correlation, producing a working map for
use in the 1965 season.

The future of the development and interpretation of the
Bethabara site is yet to be worked out, but meanwhile, the
archaeological and stabilization program is being carried
out on the assumption that this significant historic site
will be extensively developed and interpreted and carefully
preserved in the years to come.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

Fries, Adelaide L., ed.
1922 RECORDS OF THE MORAVIANS IN NORTH CAROLINA. Ed-
wards & Broughton, Raleigh.





ANTHROPOMORPHIC PIPES FROM THE KILN WASTER DUMP OF
GOTTFRIED AUST 1755 TO 1771

Stanley South


During the excavation of the 18th century Moravian town
of Bethabara near Winston Salem, North Carolina, the ruin of
the pottery of Gottfried Aust was discovered. The kiln was-
ter dumps were found and excavated, producing large quanti-
ties of lead-glazed and unglazed earthenware as well as clay
tobacco pipes made in the pottery. These pipes and the
other material taken from the waster dump can be dated with-
in a sixteen year time period from 1755 to 1771 by referen-
ces left in the Moravian records. Since over two hundred
pipes were found in the three excavated waster dumps, a
study of the pipe types being made in 18th century Bethabara
would yield comparative data of value to archaeologists who
might discover similar type pipes on sites of the same time
period. Since the Moravians shipped their pottery by wagon
loads from Bethabara to Virginia and South Carolina as well
as several areas of North Carolina, the possibility of pipes
and pottery from Bethabara turning up on other archaeologi-
cal sites is not as remote as one might think.

HISTORY OF THE POTTERY OF GOTTFRIED AUST AT BETHABARA
In the Records of the Moravians in North Carolina we
find the note that on December 1, 1755 "Br. Augst dug clay
and made pottery, for which the people were eager; he also
began to make clay pipes." This is the beginning date for
the pottery and pipe manufacture at Bethabara. In May of
1756 the Moravians gave some of their locally manufactured
pipes to a group of visiting Cherokee Indians. What type of
pipes these were we do not know from the historical records,
so we must turn to archaeology to complete the picture and
provide us with this information.

During the sixteen years that followed, Gottfried Aust's
pottery became well known throughout the area of North Caro-
lina, Virginia, and as far as Charleston. People came for
hundreds of miles to take wagon loads of pottery and pipes
to their area to satisfy the demand of the people for the
ware. The Bethabara pottery did not last longer than six-
teen years because of the plans of the Moravian Church to
move all the craftsmen from Bethabara to the newly created
town of Salem a few miles away. We find then, that on June
17, 1771 the diarist at Bethabara stated that "Br. Aust took
down the addition to the potter's shop, in order to move the
woodwork to Salem this week." This reference tells us of
the move of the pottery to Salem, and of the fact that the
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 2 49






















































PIPES ON THE 1760 MAP OF BETHABARA














50





Bethabara pottery had an addition. This addition was dis-
covered through archaeology during excavation of the pottery
ruin, and by correlating this archaeological information
with two maps made in 1760 and 1766, the existence of an ad-
dition to the pottery was verified, as well as establishing
the date for the erection of the addition. The 1760 map
shows the pottery as a square building located in the corner
of the palisaded fort built around the town in 1756, and
torn down in 1763. The 1766 map of the town shows the pot-
tery as a long rectangular building. We know then that the
addition was built between 1760 and 1766. However, the ex-
cavation of the pottery ruin shows that the addition was
built over the ditch that held the palisade posts of the
fort until 1763, providing clear evidence that the addition
was built after 1763, but before 1766, and as was mentioned
above, was torn down by Aust and moved to Salem in 1771.

Unless archaeological evidence indicates later intru-
sion, it would seem clear then, that the pottery waster
dumps at the pottery, this sixteen year context is assigned
to the material recovered.

EXCAVATION OF THE WASTER DUMPS AT GOTTFRIED AUST'S POTTERY
At the end of the addition to the pottery the high
ground drops to a marshy bottomland, and during excavation
of this area the deposit of waster material thrown from the
pottery kiln was found. This four foot thick deposit of pot-
tery, sagger fragments, trivets and other kiln waster mater-
ials was designated as waster dump #1, and contained 68
pipes and fragments. A few feet from the other end of the
pottery ruin a sixteen foot square pit was discovered. This
pit had evidently been started as a cellar, but was never
completed. The partially excavated cellar hole was then
filled with broken dishes and scraps from the kitchen and
dining hall which were located near-by, and apparently Aust
used this convenient hole as a dump for his broken bisque
pottery and pipes. This deposit has been referred to here
as waster dump #2, which produced 107 pipes and fragments.

Since pipes from both waster dumps can be seen to have
been made in the same molds, and since the ceramics and
other materials show no difference in time period, it is
thought that both waster dumps represent the period from
1755 to 1771.

PIPES FROM THE KILN WASTER DUMPS
The pipes from the waster dumps are made from a gray to
cream to white paste. They were made by pressing clay into
a two-piece mold which was carved into the shape of a human
head with a fluted or rococo motif surrounding the face.
51




























Two Types of Pipe Saggers
from the Kiln Waster Dumps






These anthropomorphic pipes are mentioned in the inventory
of April 30, 1797 as "200 dz glazed Pipe Heads ... 1000 dz
unglazed Pipe Heads." Besides the anthropomorphic type a
smooth pipe with no decoration of any kind was made, as well
as fluted non-anthropomorphic types. One type was fluted,
but had a small fleur-de-lis motif around the stem.

Over 76 percent of the pipes from these waster dumps
were not glazed, others were glazed with a clear lead glaze,
a brown or mottled brown-and-clear glaze, a green glaze, or
a dull black glaze. The relationship between these types
and glazes is shown in the table on the chart accompanying
this paper.

The pipes measure two and one half centimeters across
the bowl with bowl walls .3mm thick. The stem is two and
one half centimeters long and is five to six mm. thick. The
bowl is four centimeters high.

The anthropomorphic pipes from these waster dumps have
a well defined ear surrounded by curved relief design, where-
as those from a later context have the ear replaced by
curved relief motif. The difference between the anthropomor-
phic pipes from the Aust dump and the later context Christ-
Krause waster dump in regard to the ear can be seen in the
accompanying chart.

PIPE SAGGERS AND SAGGER PINS FROM THE AUST WASTER DUMPS
Pipe saggers with pins attached were excavated from the
Aust waster dumps, and provide information as to the method
of placing the pipes in the kiln for firing. The saggers
for firing pipes were made in the form of a cylinder with
clay pins pressed while wet against the side of the sagger,
allowing the end to protrude, over which the pipe bowl was
placed. These pins were fastened in rows around the interi-
or of the cylinder on small stepped-back shelves, or around
the exterior of the cylinder. Both types of cylindrical sag-
gers are shown in the photograph in the accompanying chart.

THE CHRIST-KRAUSE KILN WASTER DUMP
In 1786 Rudolph Christ came from Salem to Bethabara to
set up a pottery in the old locksmith shop and smithy. The
map of 1766 shows the location of the smithy, some 200 feet
from the Aust pottery. During the excavation of the area of
the smithy a large pit was discovered adjoining it that had
been filled with bricks and a large quantity of kiln waster
materials such as saggers, triangular saddles, sagger pins,
pottery, trivets and pipes. One restored pottery vessel bot-
tom had been incised while the clay was wet, with "Salem ...
Anno 1780".


















Unglazed Anthropomorphic Fluted
(With Ear) Unglazed Anthropomorphic Rococo










Unglazed Smooth Green-glazed Fluted Unglazed Anthropomorphic Brown-glazed Smooth
Fleur-de-lis on Stem

The Gottfried Aust Kiln Waster Dump
1755 to 1771 Context
(84 8 B51)











Unglazed Anthropomorphic Fluted Brown-glazed Anthropomorphic Fluted
(No Ear)
The Christ-Krause Kiln Waster Dump
1786 to 1802 Context
(B45) 1 I 1
Scale: 0 a"





The materials from this waster dump pit included some
blue hand-painted ware and other small fragments of white-
ware of the early 19th century, indicating that it was
placed there in the early years of the 19th century. Ru-
dolph Christ was replaced in Bethabara at the new pottery in
1789 by Gottlob Krause who operated it until 1802. This
waster dump, therefore, has been assigned the name Christ-
Krause, dating from 1786 to 1802 or shortly after.

There were 37 pipes recovered from this feature, with
all of them being of the anthropomorphic fluted type, with
the ear having been replaced with relief curved motif, thus
revealing a difference from those from the Aust waster dump.
Another dramatic difference is the presence of 146 prism
shaped clay saddles, used in supporting ware in the kiln dur-
ing firing. None of this type saddle were found in the was-
ter dumps of Gottfried Aust. Round sagger pins of clay for
insertion into holes in the side of a sagger for supporting
pipes during firing were also predominate in this feature.
These pins often have fragments of broken pipes attached to
them with brown glaze that had bonded the pipe to the pin
during firing, breaking when the potter attempted to remove
the pipe from the pin.

CONCLUSION
The excavation of the kiln waster dumps and the pottery
at Bethabara has produced information about clay tobacco
pipe manufacture in a mid-18th century context that will
prove of value in comparative studies of anthropomorphic,
fluted, or smooth pipe types located by archaeologists work-
ing on historic sites. The general impression has been that
this type pipe is 19th century in context, (where similar
ones are often found), but from the Bethabara study it is
now clear that this particular form of anthropomorphic, flu-
ted, and smooth type pipe was being made in the mid-18th
century period by pottery Gottfried Aust, and continued to
be made by later potters Christ and Krause. It is very in-
teresting to note that they were being traded to the Chero-
kee Indians as early as 1756, which be of particular inter-
est to archaeologists working on Indian sites of that period.
It is interesting to note that in the two waster dumps of
the Aust pottery only six kaolin pipe stem fragments were
found, indicating the importance of the locally made pipes.
This rarity of kaolin pipe fragments was found to follow
throughout all the other excavated ruins in Bethabara. It
seems clear, therefore, that the more than two hundred pipes
and fragments from the kiln waster dumps at Bethabara indi-
cate that this was the type of pipe being made by Aust,
Christ and Krause, and are those referred to from 1755 to
the beginning of the 19th century in the records of the Mo-





ravians at Bethabara.


It is realized that this early date for this type pipe
may be surprising to archaeologists working on historic
sites since this type is usually thought of in a 19th cen-
tury context. However, the references to pipes being made
at the Bethabara pottery as early as 1755, being passed to
Indians in 1756, and of pipe molds in the inventory of 1766
leave no doubt but that Aust was making pipes. The only
question is what type they were. When archaeology of the
ruin of the pottery shown on the 1760 map revealed the pipes
described in this report, with a virtual absence of other
type pipes (not only at the pottery, but in other ruins in
the town), it becomes clear that these are obviously the
pipes being made by Aust during his period of work at Betha-
bara from 1755 to 1771. To doubt that this type pipe exis-
ted as early as 1755 in Bethabara is to postulate the exis-
tance of a type pipe not yet discovered in the ruins, which
seems to be going to lengths to doubt conclusive archaeologi-
cal evidence. The fact that we have not previously known of
this early context for this type pipe does not mean that we
have been correct merely because we have been lacking in our
historical-archaeological evidence. We now have the evidence
through archaeology and historical references, which illus-
trates the value of archaeology in contributing to the re-
finement of our knowledge of the development of forms such
as these pipes.

Anthropomorphic pipes are not unknown in the early 18th
century since heads of Queen Anne and George I are found on
English pipes, but the origin of the short stemmed Bethabara
type plain and anthropomorphic pipes can probably best be
traced through a study of 18th century German potters.
Pipes are not the only surprising information to come from
the Bethabara excavations. The ceramic forms are varied and
interesting, and seem to relate to a much earlier period
than the context in which they are found in Bethabara, indi-
cating a culture lag in regard to ceramics. The ceramic ma-
terial is now under study.

Since the pipe data presented here places these pipes
almost a half century earlier than previously thought, the
following outline of references from the records of the Mora-
vians and summary statements on the archaeology are presen-
ted in order to help answer any questions that may arise.

DOCUMENTATION AUST

1. Gottfried Aust arrived at Bethabara on November 4, 1755.
2. On November 28th "The mill was first tried in grinding





for glazing, -- it made a fine powder."
3. On December 1st, "Br. Augst dug clay and made pottery,
for which the people were eager; he also began to make
clay pipes."
4. On May 25, 1756 pipes were given to some visiting Chero-
kee Indians.
5. In 1760 a map of Bethabara was made showing the location
of the pottery.
6. In 1766 another map shows an enlarged pottery building.
7. On July 31, 1766 the pottery inventory showed "1 tobac-
co pipe form, and 8 molds"
8. On June 17, 1771 Aust took down the potter's shop addi-
tion to move to Salem.
9. On March 18, 1779 "The old potter-shop was torn down..."

ARCHAEOLOGY
1. The foundation of the pottery shown on the 1760 map was
located.
2. The foundation of the addition torn down in 1771 was
found.
3. The addition foundation intruded onto the ditch for the
fort torn down in 1763, indicating the addition was made
between 1763 and 1766.
4. Less than ten feet from the west end of the pottery ruin
a deposit of sherds and kiln waster material, along with
pipes, was found to a depth of over three feet. This
waster dump #1 produced sixty-eight pipes and fragments.
5. Twelve feet from the east end of the pottery shop ruin
an unfinished cellar hole was found that had been used
as a kiln waster dump. From this kiln waster dump #2
one hundred and seven pipes were recovered.
6. Pipes from these two waster dumps can be seen to have
been made in the same molds.
7. No creamware was found in either dump, but a few hundred
imported white salt-glazed stoneware and blue and grey
stoneware fragments were found.
8. No evidence was found to post-date 1771 in either dump.

INTERPRETATION
Since this ruin is identified as the pottery from the
maps, and since the pottery was not used after 1771, and no
evidence was found in the waster dumps to post-date 1771,
it can be safely concluded that the 175 pipes found in this
context would date before 1771. With historical references
indicating that Aust was making pipes at this pottery in
1755, it would seem that the pipes found would be the type
he was making between 1755 and 1771. To postulate another
type would be to call upon evidence that is not present on
the site.





The following notes relate to the potter who followed
Aust at Bethabara, Rudolph Christ. There was no potter in
Bethabara from 1771 (when the move was made to Salem), and
1786 when Christ set up his pottery on a new site, the last
of the Aust pottery having been torn down in 1779.

DOCUMENTATION CHRIST
1. June 10, 1772 Aust is potting in Salem, and asked if
might help him in the pottery shop.
2. June 21, 1781 Ludwig Mellor is helping Aust in Salem,
and asks for a raise in pay which was denied by the
church.
3. May 8, 1783 Sister Rose went from Bethabara to Salem
for pottery.
4. June 15, 1785 Gottlob Krause said he wanted to estab-
lish a pottery in Bethabara, but was advised to stick to
his present employment.
5. December 14, 1785 Rudolph Christ wrote a letter asking
to be allowed to establish a pottery in Bethabara "...in
the old locksmith shop and smithy..."
6. February 4, 1786 the potter's kiln in Bethabara was fin-
ished by masons from Salem. "Yesterday one wall, which
was too weal, collapsed as they were placing the roof."
7. February 10, 1786 "Toward noon Br. and Sr. Christ came
from Salem and moved into their temporary home, the old
locksmith shop."
8. May 22, 1786 Christ made his second burning of earthen-
ware in Bethabara, which turned out well.
9. November 19, 1788 Word was received of the death of
Aust who was on a visit to Pennsylvania.
10. December 31, 1788 Christ writes that he might like to
move to Salem.
11. January 6, 1789 Christ states that he will come to
Salem to take over Aust's pottery shop and will sell the
Bethabara pottery to Gottlob Krause. Christ takes his
stock of pottery with him.
12. January 26, 1789 Christ signs the contract to take
over the pottery in Salem.
13. January 30, 1789 Christ moves his family to Salem, and
Krause moved his family to Bethabara.

NOTES ON THE CHRIST DOCUMENTATION
Christ was operating the pottery in Bethabara from 1786
until his move to Salem in 1789. The location of this pot-
tery was said to have been in the old locksmith shop and
smithy. The location of the smithy is shown on the map of
1766 beside the gunsmith shop. It is likely that the lock-
smith shop of 1786 was the gunsmith shop of 1766. At any
rate the smithy is identified in both references, and pot-
tery waster dumps found in the area of the smithy would
58





likely be of Christ or Gottlob Krause who followed him.

DOCUMENTATION KRAUSE
1. January 30, 1789 Gottlob Krause moved to Bethabara to
operate the pottery formerly operated by Christ from
1786.
2. December 16, 1794 to May 4, 1795 Joseph Sturges worked
with Krause in the Bethabara pottery.
3. June 13, 1796 Neighbors gathered to lay up the sides
and place the roof timbers on Brother Krause's shed.
4. August 2, 1802 John Buttner bought the pottery shop
from Krause and planned to continue the business.

ARCHAEOLOGY
1. Twenty feet from the site of the smithy shown on the
1766 map a large basin shaped pit was excavated, contain-
ing kiln waster material, such as trivets, saggers,
prism shaped saddles, sagger pins and pipes.
2. Also in the pit was the base of a vessel marked "Salem
...Anno 1780".
3. Also in the pit were small fragments of handpainted
whiteware and other white earthenware types of the late
18th and early 19th century.
4. There were thirty-seven pipes and fragments recovered
from this pit.

INTERPRETATION
The dated piece and the presence of white earthenware
types in this feature, and the fact that its location is in
the area of the smithy used by Christ and Krause as a pot-
tery, would indicate that the pipes and other material can
be assigned a context dating from 1786 to the early years of
the 19th century.

The fact that the pipes are different in detail from
those found in the Aust waster dumps indicates some time dif-
ference is probably involved. Therefore, it is concluded
that this feature represents waster material from the Christ-
Krause period at Bethabara, 1786 to around 1802 or later.

The shed the townspeople helped Krause to raise in 1796
was probably a new pottery shop located on the edge of the
town of Bethabara. A brick building is still standing on
the site having the impression of a shed that was once
attached to the back. This shed is known as the pottery,
and the brick house as the "pottery house". No excavation
at this site has been carried out, but when it is it may re-
veal the material discarded by Krause and Buttner after 1796.







REFERENCE


Fries, Adelaide L., ed.
1922 Records of the Moravians in North Carolina.
The North Carolina Historical Commission, Ra-
leigh. 9 volumes.



Pipe Type Distribution in Three


Kiln Waster Dumps

AUST KILN WASTER DUMP # 1


ANTHROPOMORPHIC FLUTED

Fluted Rococo Fleur-de-lis


SMOOTH TOTAL %


Unglazed
Clear-glazed
Brown-glazed
Mottled-glazed
Green-glazed
Black-glazed
Total
%


2 I
I


44 13 2 4 0
64.7 19.1 3.0 5.8 7.4


AUST KILN WASTER DUMP # 2
B51


Unglazed
Clear-glazed
Brown-glazed
Mottled-glazed
Green-glazed
Black-glazed
Total
%


24 2
22.5 1.8


CHRIST-KRAUSE KILN WASTER DUMP
B45


Unglazed
Clear-glazed
Brown-glazed
Mottled-glazed
Green-glazed
Black-glazed
Total
%


South 10/64
N.C. DEPT. OF ARCHIVES & HISTORY


I 3



3 I


100.0





73.9

24.3

1.8


-F


100.0





67.6

10.8

2.7
IQe


1


L-l


-- --





HISTORIC SITES INVESTIGATIONS IN BEHTLEHEM, PENNSYLVANIA

Vincent P. Foley


Archaeological research of Historic Sites has grown by
leaps and bounds in recent years, and with this growth, has
attained a greater degree of "respectability." Such maturi-
ty can naught but benefit both our science and the future
expansion of numbers of projects.

Bethlehem, Pennsylvania directly reflects the widening
awareness of the value of this relatively new branch of Ar-
chaeology. After years of exposure of historic features to
pot-hunters, plunderers and others falsely claiming profes-
sional approaches, liaisons were initiated between the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania and Historic Bethlehem, Incorporated.
The latter is a nonprofit agency created to foster research,
excavation and preservation of a unique cultural heritage.

The city was settled in 1742 along with Nazareth by a
group of religious refugees, the Unitas Fratrum, now common-
ly called the Moravians. They came to the eastern Pennsyl-
vania area after an unhappy settlement period in Savannah,
Georgia. Their common name, Moravians is a misnoma, as
there were many Bohemians and Germans and a good sprinkling
of Dutch and English among their colonists. Religiously
they did, however, spring from the "heresy" of John Huss,
and spent much of their time eluding persecution in Moravia.

Interesting as their religious history and struggles
may be, their importance to the history of this country is
only a reflection of their religious problems.

When they secured a measure of immunity from persecu-
tion in Poland, they became fascinated by the missionizing
possibilities among the American Indian. As such, they
planned a network of mission stations in this new country
whose prime purpose was the Christianization and protection
of the Indian, and secondly, the unifying of unattached Cau-
casian Christian settlers. They very quickly organized sat-
ellite missions in North Carolina, the West Indies and Suri-
nam.

There were well-known parallel sentiments among the
Society of Friends, but the Moravians went further, believ-
ing that all material possessions, towns, funds, crops, etc.
were only of value insofar as they served the primary aim.
There was no personal possession of real property. Crops
were public use property. In effect, they were "communis-
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 2 61





tic."


The uniqueness of Moravian colonization goes still fur-
ther. They were unparalleled town planners. They left
Europe armed with a plan of attack, a plan for buildings,
trades, farms and professions.

Historians can marvel at the ramifications implicit in
the fact that a good portion of the settlers had passage on
ships owned by the Moravian church, captained and crewed by
persons sympathetic to their cause, with passengers selected
on the basis of trades, knowledge, education --- a self-
sufficient community. The Church is justly proud that no
Moravian ever landed on American soil in bondage. If an in-
dividual desired to settle and had something to offer, he
was provided berth and passage.

They did not suffer the problems of "gentlemen settlers"
as did early Jamestown, albeit they were gentlemen. Testify-
ing to this was the erection of 29 major buildings at Bethle-
hem between 1742 and 1762. Most were of solid limestone ma-
sonry, and several are still extant.

Anthropological interest in these people is whetted by
the custom of segregation and partial isolation of the sexes,
with further divisions into age-grade groupings. These sep-
arations affected married persons also. A system such as
this, laden with ethnological nuances is additionally in-
triguing when laid on a foundation of marriages by lot.

By 1754 they had erected an industrial quarter of nine
acres including a grist mill, saw mill, oil mill, tannery,
tawry, pottery, blacksmith, joiners, carpenters, tile and
brick plant, nailsmith, and the "first water works in Ameri-
ca."

It is the latter enterprise at which the first con-
trolled archaeological investigations were centered. The
writer's responsibility was to direct excavations in and
around the water works building while training six graduate
students from the University of Pennsylvania in field tech-
niques. The course was restricted to six weeks, and with
one exception the students (three men and three women) com-
prised the labor supply.

The study did much to clarify archival research, and
brought several previously unknown facts to light. This was
especially gratifying for, as with all Moravian activities,
their records are abundant and detailed.





Bethlehem is situated on a hill between the Lehigh Riv-
er and the Monocacy Creek. The main attraction for its
founders was the existence of a "copious spring" on the side
of the hill between the center of town (Der Platz) and the
Creek. In recent years the spring's yield was calculated
at 1,200,000 gallons per day.

First erected in 1754, the water works carried fresh
spring water initially through wooden troughs, later wooden
pipes, into the water house. A series of three water-pow-
ered pumps then forced the fresh water again through wooden
pipes, up the hill to the center of town. This distance was
320 diagonal feet, and the pumping force had to carry it up
another 32 vertical feet to the water tower placed in Der
Platz for the purpose. This elevated structure supplied
fresh water by gravity through hollowed hemlock feeders to
standpipes strategically located about the town.

So efficient was the system that it remained essential-
ly unchanged until the acquisition of steam power in 1832.
With the further change of experiments with lead pipes the
water system was basically the same until late in the 19th
century. It also served as the model for Philadelphia's
first water works.

Modern-day Bethlehem has a Master Plan for the study,
preservation and reconstruction of its historic buildings.
The initial archaeological aim this year was to obtain infor-
mation for the proper reconstruction of the water works and
the return of the surrounding terrain to its 18th century
level.

The topographic problem has not been completely solved,
as yet, but enough information regarding the water works
proper has been uncovered to allow for the reconstruction
and installation of proper apparatus.

We do know that the power was supplied by a wheel about
18 feet in diameter and about four feet in width. Water was
carried in hollowed wooden pipes first of hickory and later
of pine. A subterranian wood-lined race carried creek water
into the building to drive the wheel. Compression was ac-
quired from three cylindrical pumps about five inches in
diameter made of lignum vitae. The exact path the pipes
took in leaving the building for the center of town has not
yet been determined.

It has been proposed that a five-year archaeological
program be instituted so that all major industrial craft
centers at Bethlehem can be properly studied and at present






the possibility of proposal acceptance looks bright.


REFERENCES

Erbe, Hellmuth
1929 Bethlehem, Pennsylvania A Communistic Herrnhut
Colony of the 18th Century Publications of the
German Foreign Institute, Stuttgart.

Levering, Joseph Mortimer
1903 A History of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania 1741-1892
Times Publishing Company, Bethlehem.

Miller, Benjamin LeRoy
1939 North Hampton County, Pennsylvania Geology and
Geography Pennsylvania Geological Survey, 4th
Series, Bulletin C48, Harrisburg.





ANOTHER METHOD FOR THE TREATMENT OF FERROUS ARTIFACTS

Vincent P. Foley


Much has been written and spoken of in recent years re-
garding the cleaning and preservation of metallic artifacts
testifying to the archaeologist's continuing desire to find
new and better methods. Because of the preponderance of fer-
rous materials found on historic sites, more attention has
been given to methods of treating iron.

The cleaning of iron by electrolysis is an excellent
method with a long tradition. As a field technique, however,
it has some drawbacks. Primarily, it necessitates an expen-
diture of funds for the acquisition of a properly designed
converter of 110v. A.C. to preferably 12v. D.C. with a cur-
rent range from 0 to 15 amperes. The system should include
a transformer, rectifier and cooling unit, rheostat, ammeter,
and properly fused circuits. Many archaeologists content
themselves with the use of a standard battery charger. Those
units of the popular variety, sold in almost every auto sup-
ply store, are not adequate for continuous use. The commer-
cial heavy-duty type is sturdy enough, but is generally
wired to deliver 50 to 100 amperes without adequate control
of current output at lower amperage ratings. Both of these
types of battery chargers, unless modified can be unsafe in
a field situation. Generally they are not designed to allow
small variations of current proportional to the size and
condition of the artifact being treated. Again, any elec-
trolysis treatment presupposes the availability of current.
Fortunately historic sites archaeologists generally do have
this advantage over their prehistoric brethern, but this is
not always the case. In addition, a properly equipped elec-
trolysis set-up should include a metallic and a clear glass
treatment tank. The latter is more important when an improp-
er power source is being used. It allows the technician to
keep an eye on the progress of delicate artifacts. Other
types of containers can be substituted as suggested by John
Dunton in his 1962 paper.1 But an electrified caustic soda
solution generates much heat which adds a further danger fac-
tor when using containers or synthetic materials.

Added to the disadvantage of cost and cumbersomeness of
proper equipment for field use is the difficulty of removing
salts from the pores of the artifact after being reduced by
electrolysis. Recently Stanley South- has demonstrated with
ingenuity and imagination how such diverse methods as sand-
blasting can be used expeditiously and economically for the
removal of heavy incrustation on ferrous artifacts. This
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 2 65





method, too, depends upon the availability of the proper ap-
paratus. Mr. South gives some idea of the variability of
costs from area to area in the application of this method.
But here, too, the problem of undissolved salts on the arti-
fact remains.

There is a chemical method of fairly recent development
which the writer has found to be ideally suited for field
laboratory use. Chemical reduction per se, of course, is
not new. But most reagents have the same disadvantage3 as
electrolysis and sandblasting regarding remaining salts.

The Western Reserve Laboratories of Cleveland, Ohio mar-
ket a relatively inexpensive compound, Manganesed-Phospho-
lene #7, or simply M-P #7. This solution, unlike some of
the derivatives of ethylenediamine tetra-acetic acid,are rel-
atively easy to handle and safe to use. The technician need
only protect his clothing and shoes from staining. It is
not deleterious to hands or skin, but care must be taken to
prevent it from coming in contact with the eyes. The only
apparatus needed in addition to the solution itself is a
tank of any size sufficient to allow the artifacts to be in-
undated. The container can be of wood, rubber, neoprene,
glass, ceramic, lead, or stainless steel. Metallic tanks
should not have soldered seams. Mild steel containers or
those covered with a zinc coating (galvanized) are also un-
suitable simply because they are made of properties the user
is attempting to attack and thus will exhaust the solution
rapidly.

M P #7 may be used either at room temperature or
heated. Heat will speed the reaction, but adds the restric-
tion that only a welded-seam or seamless stainless steel
container can be used. A thermostatically controlled hot
plate is ideal where current is available, but unlike elec-
trolysis, electricity is not absolutely essential. Where a
warm solution is desired, a cook-out stove, a Sterno can or
even alcohol burner will suffice.

Suitable stainless steel containers can be obtained
used from most restaurant supply firms in a variety of sizes
and shapes. The large mail order houses (i.e. Montgomery
Ward and Sears Roebuck) offer eleven and fourteen quart dish
pans of seamless stainless steel for about eight and ten
dollars respectively. These are adequate for at least 907
of all iron artifacts. The writer has found it useful to
acquire and/or make little baskets of appropriate screening
or wire cloth to hold specimens in the solution. Thus arti-
facts from several proveniences can be treated at the same
time in a single vat, without the need to grope through the





opaque solution hunting for an elusive rose-head nail or but-
ton. Also repeated checks can be made on articles needing
little treatment without interrupting the action on all.

The size of the artifact being treated is of no great
importance. It goes without saying that small artifacts,
such as nails, buckles, etc., will fit in the smallest con-
tainer. But specimens too large for any available vat can
still be treated by simply "painting" the solution on the
artifact with a common brush.

As the chemical attacks incrustations and begins to re-
veal sound metal, a re-application of fresh solution will be-
gin to compound or remove the salts in the artifacts's pores.
After the desired reduction of the artifact has been
achieved, washing in baths of distilled water can be em-
ployed. Materials can then be dried and shipped to the head-
quarters laboratory for final treatment, or they may be more
or less permanently preserved by immersion in molten wax.

The disadvantages of parafin wax for the purpose is now
quite well known. Besides the odd patina given the article,
paraffin wax will in time "crystalize." If the artifact is
destined for display under strong lights of out of doors ,
rising temperatures will cause tackiness. There are now,
however, better "noncrystalizing" (microcrystalline) waxes
which have a higher melting point and do not leave an unde-
sirable surface. A very good example is Mobil Wax RB. A
half-hour's treatment of a specimen submerged in the wax at
800 100 C. will tend to boil out any remaining salts or,
at worst, provide thorough saturation and indefinite protec-
tion from the onset of further oxidation.

Western Reserve Laboratories supplies M-P #7 at $5.00 a
gallon for the first four gallons. The costs are then re-
duced in quantity so that at barrel lot the price is reduced
to $2.00 per gallon. A sample gallon can be procured at the
$5.00 rate. Used in concentrated form, one gallon will
treat several hundred artifacts.

As the compound works on the metal, chunks of ferric ox-
ide precipitate to the bottom of the container. The writer
has found that by covering the container when not in use and
periodically straining the solution through cheese cloth,
the life of the chemical is substantially increased. Many
of the precipitates are not fully reduced when they are re-
moved from the artifact; thus, if they are allowed to remain
in the treatment vat, the solution will continue to exhaust
itself on the unwanted particles.





It is rare when artifacts exhumed from the ground are
greasy or oily. If such is the case, the specimen should be
washed with trichlorethylene, perchlorethylene or other suit-
able "degreasers" before immersion in M P #7.

As with any of the methods referred to, M-P #7 does not
remove the necessity of a certain amount of mechanical clean-
ing before treatment. The sandblasting method, of course,
is the ultimate mechanical technique. M-P #7 may, however,
reduce costs, time, and quantity of equipment needed in the
field laboratory for the handling or iron artifacts. It is
not suggested that it will replace electrolysis, sandblast-
ing or other chemical techniques, but rather supplement our
inventory of archaeological approaches to treatment and pre-
servation.

REFERENCES

Dunton, John V. N.
1964 "The Conservation of Excavated Metals in the
Small Laboratory," in The Florida Anthropologist,
Vol. 17, No. 2.

South, Stanley A.
1962 "A Method of Cleaning Iron Artifacts," Newslet-
ter of the Southeastern Archaeological Confer-
ence, Vol. 9, No. 1.

Plenderleith, N. J.
1962 The Conservation of Antiquities and Works or Art,
Oxford University Press, London. Ppg. 194-199,
274-280.

Western Reserve Laboratories
1964 Bulletin 15-B, p. 2, Cleveland, Ohio.

Gardier, John B.
1964 President of Western Reserve Laboratories, Per-
sonal Communication.





A STUDY OF DATED BRICKS IN THE VICINITY OF PENSACOLA, FLA.

William C. Lazarus

Abstract

The study was undertaken to correlate the a-
vailable data on bricks in the Pensacola area with
that reported for Colonial American sites in Vir-
ginia and the Carolinas. Spanish bricks found in
the Pensacola vicinity are relatively long, wide,
and thin when compared with British and American
colonial bricks.

The Index number method developed by Stanley
South for comparison for bricks is examined and
found to be appropriate for Spanish bricks as well
as British and American.

The modular concept of bricks (1:2:4) in Wes-
tern Civilizations is briefly traced to present
day bricks and a formula is given for estimating
brick length if width and thickness can be mea-
sured or similarly for estimating width if length
and thickness are known.

A total of 18 styles of Spanish, British and
American brick and tile from 14 sites in the Pensa-
cola area are discussed and sizes given. Dates
are provided for the 18 styles ranging from 1722
to 1878. Index Number comparisons are made with
colonial bricks reported from Virginia and the
Carolinas.

The earliest known date for the manufacture
of brick in the Pensacola area is 1807. It flour-
ished as a local industry until about 1865.

A study was undertaken of Colonial and American Brick
in the Pensacola, Florida area to assemble and correlate the
available data with that reported for Colonial American
sites in Virginia and the Carolinas by Stanley South.

Basic to any serious study of brick, is consideration
of the proportions of common building brick. As can be ob-
served from the dimension data presented later in this re-
port, the proportions of brick have not changed greatly over
the past 4,000 years. Generally speaking, the width of a
brick is twice its thickness and its length is equal to or a
little more than twice its width. There are valid reasons
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 2 69





found in the geometry of brick walls which have caused brick-
makers to hold to these generalized proportions as will be
shown later.

An examination of bricks from various colonial sites in
North America reveals that although the generalized 1:2:4
proportions apply, there are significant variations which
are related to European traditions, such as Spanish, British
and Dutch. Further, within these traditions may be smaller
variations which are popularly considered as time correlated.
Evidence from Jamestacn and Williamsburg has indicated that
the size of bricks is generally of little value as a sensi-
tive indicator for dating historic ruins.

However, Stanley South found at Brunswick Town, N.C.
which was occupied for only fifty years that there were two
brick standards in use. One was clearly in the British tra-
dition while the other appeared to be some sort of new local
standard. In order to differentiate between brick sizes,
South proposed a new technique involving the use of an Index
Number. He makes no claims that this Index Number may be
time correlated but his chart does identify centuries with
certain groups of Index Numbers. The Index Number appears
to be a convenient means for identifying the basic brick tra-
ditions and it demonstrates a capability to identify changes
of standards within the traditions when such standards do
exist.

The South Index Number method consists simply of numeri-
cally summing the length, width and thickness dimensions, ex-
pressed in eighths of an inch. The resulting index number
appears to fall within a span of 140 for Roman tradition
bricks to 77 for 17th Century Dutch Bricks and Jamestown, Va.

Because of the relative newness and experimental nature
of the South Index Number method, the author chose to exam-
ine its validity before employing it with Spanish tradition
bricks found in the Pensacola Florida area. The method had
been applied only to British, British-American and Dutch
tradition materials by South.

Bricks of the Spanish tradition are notable for their
long length and width and relative thinness. A sample cal-
culation for a typical Spanish brick shows that if an eighth
of an inch (one Index Number) is added to the thickness and
one eighth of an inch (one Index Number) is subtracted from
the length, the volume of the brick is increased by 6% but
the Index Number remains the same. Volume is quite impor-
tant in bricks since it is directly related to the number re-
quired and cost of laying them in a given structure such as
70






a wall. This raised the question as to whether an Index
system which is insensitive to a 6% volume change could be
the beat method available.

To answer this question, the author elected to consider
two other index number methods for comparison. These two
appear to be the only reasonable alternatives to the method
introduced by South.

The first alternate method was to employ the same di-
mensions used in the South method except expressed in inches
rather than eighths of an inch. These would be multiplied
with the result that the index number would be the cubic in-
ches of volume in the brick. This would perfectly satisfy
the volumetric considerations which seemed to be a weakness
of the South method when applied to large thin bricks of the
Spanish tradition. However, in experimenting with this in-
dex it soon became clear, that the volume of Spanish and Bri-
tish bricks were approximately the same, while their dimen-
sions were distinctively different. Index numbers for Span-
ish tradition bricks and for British tradition bricks would
have superimposed bands. Where the South method is condu-
cive to sorting out the traditions, the volumetric Index
Number method would confuse them and be meaningless as far
as identifying a traditional source for an unidentified
brick. The 67 gain in volumetric accuracy is certainly not
worth the loss of ability to identify the tradition to which
a brick may belong.

The second alternate method of the author was to consi-
der one real dimension of a brick which would represent its
proportions and also be responsive to volumetric changes.
There is only one such dimension in a solid rectangle (geo-
metrically, a brick) which might meet this criteria and that
is the hypotenuse thereof. It, of course, is a linear di-
mension as are the quantities used in the South Index Number
method. However, in re-running the sample calculations for
the same typical Spanish tradition brick used to show the 67
it develops that this hypotenuse measurement actually de-
creased when the volume increased 67. Obviously this is no
improvement over the South method and should not be used.

Therefore, it appears that the South Index Number me-
thod is superior to the two alternate methods considered and
can be accepted for use with the Spanish brick tradition in
addition to its accepted position for the British and Dutch
tradition bricks. The fact that it is somewhat insensitive
to volumetric changes among Spanish tradition materials may
require special treatment in future detailed studies of Span-
ish bricks.





During the data collection phase of this study, it be-
came obvious that whole brick specimens were very difficult
to find on sites such as Santa Rosa Pensacola (1722-54).
The site was obviously salvaged for all usable building ma-
terials in order to construct a new town following its de-
struction by a hurricane. Only four bricks could be found
from which length, width and thickness measurements could be
made. Out of hundreds of fragments of floor tile found on
the site only one whole tile was recovered.

This led the author to consider whether there are defi-
nite proportional relationships between the length, width
and thickness dimensions. To what accuracy could the length
of a brick be estimated if the width and thickness could be
accurately measured from a brick bat?

The modular concept (1:2:4) of bricks in Western Civi-
lizations had its origin with the earliest known bricks made
of sun dried clay and mud by the Sumarians in the Indus Val-
ley. These modular bricks were used in large quantities in
the cities of Mohenjo-daro and Harappa about 2,300 B.C.
There were two distinguishable brick sizes both of which
follow the 1:2:4 or conversely 4:2:1 modular concept, these
sizes are:
11" x 5.5" x 2.5"
9.2" x 4.5" x 2.2"

The modular concept of brick is of prime significance
to a mason as he uses the brick to create walls and other
structures. His work is facilitated in obtaining fits,
achieving smooth bonds and interlocking the various course
of brick for greater strength. Modern masonry walls contain
much more mortar between the individual bricks than did
walls of very early periods. As the amount of mortar in the
walls increased with time the "factor of 2" relationship be-
tween width and length was modified. For this reason the
length of modern bricks is usually close to two widths plus
a nominal half inch for mortar. A typical U.S. common brick
of the 1950s measures 8.0" x 3.75" x 2.2". Here the length
is two widths plus 0.5" for a mortar allowance.

The thickness of bricks is far less critical to the
bricklayer than is the width-length relationship. Walls are
generally built in courses and the rise of each successive
course is the thickness of an individual brick plus the mor-
tar allowance between courses. There has been a tendency to
increase the thickness in the present century in order to re-
duce the number of bricks which had to be bought and laid
for a given structure.





From the foregoing discussion, it is apparent that the
4,000 year old width-length relationship has been maintained
if corrected for mortar allowance. The thickness-length re-
lationship of approximately one to four is not well main-
tained and should be avoided if possible. The length of a
brick can be closely estimated if the width is known by tak-
ing the known value, multiplying by two and adding a rela-
tively small mortar constant which should never exceed 0.5"
which is the current all time high value. It is therefore
possible to arrive at a valid Index Number for a brick if a
bat will yield width and thickness dimensions. The Index
Number formula devised by South has been:
Length / Width / Thickness = Index Number

A very close approximation of this number can be a-
chieved if only two dimensions can be measured. These are:
3 x Width / C / Thickness = Index Number
or
Length / Length C / Thickness = Index Number
2

Where dimensions are expressed in eighths of an inch
and where "C" is the mortar constant expressed in eighths of
an inch, it is suggested that a value of 2.0 be given to "C".
It is known that "C" may vary with time from 0.0 for mortar-
less masonry to 4.0 for thick mortar mid-20th Century mason-
ry. The use of the median value of 2.0 for "C" means that
the final Index Number will never be in error more than 2
parts in 80 for the lower limits of the Dutch tradition; 2
parts in 100 for the low parts of the British tradition and
2 parts in 136 for the Spanish tradition.

BRICKS FROM SANTA ROSA PENSACOLA (ES-22) 1722-54
The Pensacola Bay area was occupied for at least two
periods in the 16th Century by Spanish expeditions. The oc-
cupations extending up to several years (Maldonado 1540-42
and DeLuna 1559-61) but there is no current evidence that
bricks were imported or made in the local area. Moreover,
neither of these sites can now be definitely located at the
present time.

The oldest known datable bricks from the Pensacola area
are three (two whole and one half) found in Trench 6 Sec 1W
and one found in Trench 8 during the recent excavations in
Site ES-22, Santa Rosa Pensacola (Punta de Seguenaz), which
site dates from 1722-54. The expedition which founded this
town in 1722 originated in Vera Cruz, Mexico. The planners
of the town were emphatic on the point that the soft sands
of Santa Rosa Island would not support masonry construction
and that all buildings should be made of wood. The excava-
73





tions to date indicate that this policy was carried out. No
masonry construction has been found on the site which is now
about 207. excavated. The two and half bricks found in Trench
6 were arranged on end more or less in the form of a fire
hearth. The discoloration of the sand and the presence of
charcoal and nails around the bricks substantiates that they
probably were part of a hearth possibly associated with a
smithy type of operation. The average dimensions of these
bricks are shown as Item 1 in Table 1. These bricks are al-
most certainly imports to the site. They are a yellowish
tan in color and are fired quite hard. On each of the two
whole bricks from Trench 6, one edge of a width dimension is
rounded off. The bricks show no indication that mortar was
ever applied to them. It is believed that they represent
non-structural bricks and may actually be or at least served
as fire bricks.

TILE FROM SANTA ROSA PENSACOLA (ES-22) 1722-54
Also at Santa Rosa Pensacola (ES-22) a large collection
of broken tile, similar to Spanish brick but generally thin-
ner, were found. These have been variously identified as
"roof tile" or "floor tile". From historic accounts of the
town of Santa Rosa Pensacola, there are continuous com-
plaints that the roofs were inflammable. It is therefore
fairly certain that these items served principally as floor
tile at this site. Quite a few of these tile have mortar
adhered to them but no masonry structures have been found to
date. These tile fall into two size categories as shown in
Table 1 (Items 2 and 3). They lack uniformity in thickness
varying from 1 1/8" to 1l" with the mode falling at l" for
both sizes. A sample size of 32 tile fragments was used to
analyze thickness variations. These floor tile from ES-22
are dark red in color. One of the two larger surfaces is
finished better than any other surface as could be expected
on tile. They are uniformly fired and relatively hard.
These tile were undoubtedly imported to the site from Spain,
Mexico, or some other Spanish possession of the 18th Century.

BRICK FROM SITE OF BRITISH FORT GEORGE, PENSACOLA
Fort George was a British fortification built during
their occupation of Pensacola (1763-83) on a previously un-
occupied site. This site is now in the downtown area of the
City of Pensacola and has been disturbed by 19th and 20th
Century buildings although some land within the Fort area
has remained as vacant lots, old lawns, etc. From one of
the areas thought to be least disturbed some artifacts of
the British period have been recovered including ame brick
which is in the British tradition. It is reported as Item
4 in Table 1.






TABLE I
DATED BRICKS AMD TILE FROM THE PENSACOLA BAY AREA
Item Trad- Sample Dimensions to Index
oe. From ition Size nearest 1/8" Date No.
1. Santa Rosa Pensacola (ES-22> Sp. 4 9," x 41" x 1 7/6" 1722-54 125
02. Santa Rosa Pensacola (ES-22) Sp. 32+ 7 3/4" x 3 3/4" x 1i" 1722-54 102

*3. Santa Rosa Pensacola (ES-22) Sp. 5+ 10 1/8" x 5" x It" 1722-54 131
4. Fort George,Pensacola Br. 1 9*" x 4*" x 21" 1765-75 128

5. Ft.San Carlos de Barrancas Sp. 3 10 3/4" x 5q" x 2" 1783-90 146
6. Panton-Innerarity Bldgs. Br. 10+ 8" x 3 3/4" x 2 3/4" 1790-1850 116
7. Panton-Innerarity Bldgs. Sp. 10+ 11" x 5'" x 2 1/8" 1790-1850 147
8. "M. Bonifay" Bricks Am. 7 "x 4 x 211 1807-60 26
8 1/8" .x 4" x 2*' 115
9. "J. Noriega" Bricks An. 1 8&" x 4*' x 2 1/8" 1810-30 119
10. "Slaback" Brick Am. 2 9" x 4V' x 2k" 1827-52 124




11. Fort Pickins Brick Am. 10+ 91" x 4" x 2Z" 1829-34 126
12. Button Courses in
Old ChriSt Church Br. 10+ 8 3/4" x 4-i" x 2-" 1830-32 126
13. Upper Courses in
Old Christ Church Am. 10+ 8*" x 4" x 2," 1832 116
14. "J.Gonzalez" Briak Am. 10+ 8 3/4" x 4-" x 2 3/8" 1838-77 123
15. "J.Gonzalez P.F.B." Brick Am. 2 8 x 41 x 2 5/8" 1338-77 122
1 1/8" x 4j" x 2 3/8" 128
16. Old Chimney
Abercrombie Brick Am. 10+ 8 7/8" x 4 1/8" x 2;" 1855 124
17. Fort Jefferson,Dry Tortugas
Abercrombie Brick Am. 1 9" x 4j* x 21" 1857-60 126
18. Brick Sidewalk
Old Christ Church Am. 10+ 7 3/4" x 4" x 2 3/8" T878 113
Spanish Tile





Although no specific data on brick imports or reports
of local brick manufacturing have been located, there is evi-
dence that the British counted on brick to build a more per-
manent Pensacola. The Pensacola of 1763 which the British
took over from the Spanish consisted of about one hundred
huts encirculed by a stockade. Major Forbes of the 35th
British Regiment commented that the barracks were "bark huts
without any sort of fire places or windows". It seems obvi-
ous that brick was not a plentiful commodity in Spanish Pen-
sacola when the British took over in 1763.

When the British replatted the town of Pensacola in
1764, the council required that each grantee of a lot erect
a fence and build within two years a tenatable house, not
smaller than 15' by 30' with at least one brick chimney.
Johnson (1959) was of the opinion that these conditions were
not usually met. However, partial compliance probably
brought more British bricks into the area in their 20 year
occupation than the Spanish had brought in their proceeding
60 year occupation. There is no evidence of the local manu-
facture of brick in the Pensacola area during this British
occupation. New Providence in the British Bahamas was the
principal port supplying Pensacola in this area although
trade with the British colonies on the East Coast and direct-
ly with the British Isles was recorded. It is regretable
that only one British brick identifiable with this period
has been located to date.

BRICKS FROM FORT SAN CARLOS DE BARRANCAS (1783-90)
When the Spanish re-conquered Pensacola in 1783, all
the fortifications were reported in poor condition. Each
was renamed with a Spanish title. The British Fort Barran-
cas which commanded the entrance to Pensacola Bay was re-
named San Carlos de Barrancas. This should not be confused
with an earlier earth and log fortification of 1700 called
San Carlos de Austria in the same general vicinity. San Car-
los de Barrancas was strengthened by the addition of the San-
Antonio battery. This is a brick and masonry structure
which is still standing and dates from the 1783-90 period.
Bricks from this structure are clearly in the Spanish tradi-
tion and are reported as Item 5 and in Table 1.

BRICKS FROM THE PANTON-INNERARITY BUILDINGS (1790-1850)
A description of the town of Pensacola early in the
1790s indicates that the houses were still of wood with the
exception of William Panton's which was a three story brick
mansion. The site of William Panton's home and trading es-
tablishement (The Panton-Leslie Company) was partially exca-
vated during the summer of 1964. The brick foundations of
several buildings, one of which had a cellar and underground





tunnel leading to the bay were found. Since the Panton
house was destroyed by fire in 1838 and later structures
were built on the site by Panton's successors and relatives
- the Innerarity Brothers, it has not been possible at this
time to identify which walls belonged to which building.
However, the total complex has a construction span of some
60 years.

Bricks of Spanish, British and American traditions are
found intermingled on this site. For example the floor of
the cellar is of British brick while the foundations walls
of the same building are of Spanish brick. Locally made 'M.
Bonifay" brick have also been identified in the site, but
these are known to belong to the early Middle 19th Century
as will be shown later. They probably come from a late modi-
fication to an earlier structure. The Spanish and British
brick from this site are listed as Items 6 and 7 respective-
ly in Table 1.

By 1797, brick imports to Pensacola and Mobile (com-
bined) were 10,000. The year following, only 2,000 were im-
ported by Pensacola, Mobile and St. Marks (combined). There
is no evidence that bricks were being made locally during
the 18th Century at Pensacola.

"M. BONIFAY" BRICKS (1807-1860)
Many old bricks in the Pensacola area are stamped "M.
Bonifay". Marianna Bonifay and her children escaped from
Martinique in the West Indies in 1791 fleeing first to New
Orleans and a short time later to Pensacola. In 1807, the
widow Bonifay, Charles Lavalle and two others bought a brick-
yard from a Juan Ruby for $8,025, which included several
slaves to run it. By 1809, Marianna Bonifay and Charles La-
velle bought out the other two and in 1811, Marianna's son
Manuel Bonifay was given a 1/3rd interest in the brickyard,
Bricks from this yard were made up to about 1860 stamped
with the "M. Bonifay" imprint. A sample size of seven whole
"M. Bonifay" bricks show a rather wide range in size with no
clear mode or median value. For this reason the bricks in
this sample size which show the greatest range in Index Num-
ber are reported as Item 8 in Table 1.

"J. NORIEGA" BRICKS (1810-30)
Jose Noriega was elected "alcade" of Spanish Pensacola
in 1820 and as such participated in the transfer of Florida
to American sovereignty. His brick plant was located at "Bo-
hemia", now known as Gull Point on Escambia Bay. Exact
dates for the operation of this yard are not presently avail-
able, but the span of 1810 to 1830 would seem to cover the
situation. Only one whole brick stamped "J. Noriega" could
77





be located for measurement. This data is given in Item 9
of Table 1.

"SLABACK" BRICK (1827-52)
John Slaback worked in the Bonifay Brickyard but around
1827 began operations for himself stamping his product with
"Slaback". His bricks were generally fired a dull red and
were similar in appearance to the Bonifay product. There is
no record of his bricks being made after 1852. Data on
these bricks is presented in Item 10 of Table 1.

FORT PICKENS BRICK (1829-34)
Fort Pickens is a large American Fort built on Santa
Rosa Island to protect.the approaches to Pensacola Bay. Sev-
eral million brick were used in its construction. One
source indicates that the brickyards at Daphee, Ala. were
the principal source of this brick. Data on these bricks is
reported as Item 11 in Table I.

BRICKS FROM OLD CHRIST CHURCH, PENSACOLA, FLA. (1832)
This is one of the oldest standing brick structures in
Northwest Florida. The bottom courses of this building were
reportedly built from British brick brought into the Port of
Pensacola as ballast circa 1832. The upper courses are of
local brick made at the Bright Plantation on the Blackwater
River near Milton and purchased at $7.50 per thousand. The
structure was built in 1832. The brick sidewalk at the
church was added in 1878 using local brick. The dimensions
for these three kinds of brick are presented as Items 12, 13,
and 18 in Table I.

"J. GONZALEZ" BRICK (1838-1877)
James Gonzalez, a descendant of one of the prominent
Spanish families of Pensacola, became engaged in brickmaking
as early as 1838. His stamp "J. Gonzalez" appears on many
old bricks in Pensacola. In 1857 he acquired title from his
mother to a piece of land upon which to make bricks near the
Gonzalez homestead. He sold the plant in 1877 to a Jeremiah
O'Neal and it is believed that the J. Gonzalez stamp was
discontinued. Some of the Bonifay family moved to the Gon-
zalez Brickyard site about 1870 and bricks stamped "Gonzalez-
Bonifay" were produced between 1870 and 1877. Some Gonzalez
bricks are stamped "P.F.B." in addition to the "J. Gonzalez"
stamp. Legend has it that this stood for a Peter F. Bonifay.
However, a check of the Bonifay family geneology shows no
one by that name. It is believed that the "P.F.B." stamp
means "Pensacola Fire Brick" a product which brought a pre-
mium price. These data appears as Item 14 and 15 in Table I.





OLD CHIMNEY ON SCENIC HIGHWAY ABERCROMBIE BRICK (1855)
A large brick chimney has stood for over 100 years on
the shore of Escambia Bay about 7 miles from Pensacola. The
chimney was part of a planing mill. It was built with bricks
from the Bacon and Abercrombie Brickyard about 1855. The
bricks are tan in color and quite uniform in size. James
Abercrombie operated one of the largest brick yards in the
Pensacola Bay area prior to the Civil War. As early as 1855,
he was under contract with the U. S. Government to produce
65,000,000 quality bricks for various military fortifica-
tions on the coast of Florida. After difficulties in get-
ting the bricks up to standard, the company hired a Mr.
Crary from New Orleans who supervised the plant and produced
specification brick as required. Mr. Crary patented a ro-
tary brick making machine which produced up to 47,000 bricks
per day with 20 hands to run it. Mr. Crary later authored a
book titled, "Sixty Years of a Brick Maker" published by T.
A. Randall and Co., Indianapolis, Ind. Data on these brick
are recorded as Item 16 in Table I.

FORT JEFFERSON IN THE DRY TORTUGAS ABERCROMBIE BRICK (1857-
60)
The millions of bricks used to construct this giant
Fort and prison in the Florida Keys were made in the Bacon &
Abercrombie Brickyard in Pensacola. One of these bricks was
available for measurement. This data is recorded as Item 17
in Table I.

OTHER 19th CENTURY BRICKYARDS IN THE PENSACOLA AREA
Williams and other early writers state that bricks were
being made in the Pensacola Bay area and exported prior to
1827. Weekly shipments were reported as being made to New
Orleans. Williams also states that Pensacola fire brick in
particular were in great demand in 1837. In addition to the
19th Century Brickyards reported in the previous section,
the WPA Writers Project of the 1930s recorded the following
on which no further data is now available:

1823 Clapp Brickyard 1829 David Brickyard
(Santa Rosa CO)
1828 Yneistra Brickyard 1829 Bright Brickyard
1828 Juan De La Rua Brickyard 1835 Keyser Brickyard

An 1827 map of the area shows "Pritichetts Brickyard"
in addition to some of those previously mentioned. Another
local source indicated that there was a "Walter Kehoe Brick-
plant" on Gabarone Point in the 1870s.

THE CLAYS OF THE PENSACOLA BAY AREA
Olin Bell of Cornell University reported in 1925 as
79





follows on the clays of Escambia County, Florida:


"The clays in Escambia County have probably been known
and used longer than any other in Florida. Clay from Pensa-
cola was shipped to Josiah Wedgewood in England in 1766 for
experimental work with his pottery ."

"Pink, cream, light colored buff and gray colors pre-
dominate and no typical red-burning clays are found, except
in the case of those in the vicinity of Molino which are not
apparently associated with limonite."

"Mica is present in small quantities in practically all
of Escambia County clays observed ... These clays range in
thickness from a few inches to 12 and 15 feet and are inter-
bedded with sands and sandy clays".

Bell describes these clays as suitable for common brick,
face brick, fire brick, and as being "desirable for terra-
cotta, stoneware, and some grades of potter's (clay) and
roofing tile." Turpentine cups were being made of these
clays.

It appears that Pensacola Bay clays are abundant and
suitable for a wide range of ceramic products.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
Spanish Brick can be identified by their distinctive
shape being wider, longer and thinner than those of the Bri-
tish and Dutch traditions. In general they adhere to the
Roman tradition and are similar to the ancient Sumarian
brick in size and proportion.

Based on a very limited sample of dated Spanish bricks
currently available in the Pensacola area, it appears that
the range of index numbers for the 18th Century specimens is
125 to 147 (Table I). This is higher but about equal in
band width to British and British-American bricks which vary
from 100 to 128 at 18th Century sites in Virginia and the
Carolinas. South reports the Dutch tradition bricks as rang-
ing from 77 to 121 at Colonial American sites of the 18th
Century.

Although all the raw materials were present and readily
available at Pensacola, there is no good evidence that Span-
ish Bricks were made in the area. The only hint of such
manufacturing in Northwest Florida is contained in two crude
Spanish tradition bricks found at or near the Hollow Hill
Site (0K-33) an Indian midden, located about 35 miles east
of Pensacola. Only the crudeness of these specimens suggests





that they were not worthy of shipment.


Brickmaking in the Pensacola area became well estab-
lished in the first decade of the 19th Century when Florida
was still a Spanish Territory. However, the earliest dat-
able locally made bricks are in the British tradition (Fig-
ure I). Perhaps this is because the leading brickmaking
family, the Bonifays, were not of Spanish descent. However,
Jose' Noriega, the Spanish "alcalde" of Pensacola when Flo-
rida was ceded to the United States (1821) was a brickmaker
producing British tradition bricks, also.

Because of the excellence of the clays, Pensacola be-
came an important brickmaking center prior to the Civil War.
Following the war it never regained its productivity and no
bricks or ceramic products of importance are currently pro-
duced there. The excellence of these clays no doubt contri-
buted to the superior aborginal ceramics along this section
of the Gulf Coast.

The 19th Century American tradition brick at Pensacola
generally parallels that of Virginia and the Carolinas as
far as index numbers are concerned.

From this study of brick, it is observed that these cer-
amic objects possess characteristics comparable to aborigi-
nal sherd types. This bears out V. Gordon Childe's conten-
tion that, "like pottery, brick put into man's hands a medi-
um of free expression, scarcely restricted as to form or
size by the material itself. You have a free choice as to
how you shall put your bricks together, just as you have in
building up a pot. But the product may now be on a monumen-
tal scale. And as such it is no longer an individual crea-
tion but essentially the collective product of many hands."

Experience gained in this study indicates that good i-
dentification of bricks as to manufacturer, site of manufac-
ture and relative time of manufacture is feasible and may be
of great assistance to historical archaeologists. Excava-
tions at old brick yards could be very significant if his-
torical data is available for time correlation.






FIGURE NO. 1
COMPARISON OF BRICK SIZES FROM VARIOUS SITES
Spanish
Item #1. 1722-54 *
Item #5. 1783-90 *
Item #7. 1790- *
British
Item #4 1765-75 *
Item # 6 1790-1850 *
Item #12 1830-32 *
American
Item # 8 1807-60 "
Item # 9 1810-30 *
Item #10 1827-52 *
Item #11 1829-34 *
Item #13 1832 *
Item #14 1838-77 *
Item #15 1838-77 -- *
Item #16 1855 *
Item #17 1857-60 *
Item #18 1878 *
INDEX NUMBER 150 140 130 120 110





BIBLIOGRAPHY


Arnade, Charles W.
1959 "Tristan de Luna and Ochuse (Pensacola Bay) 1599"
The Florida Quarterly Vol. XXXVII Nos. 3 & 4,
Jacksonville, Fla.

Brown, J.A.
1959 "Panton, Leslie and Company, Indian Traders of
Pensacola and St. Augustine", The Florida Histor-
ical Quarterly, Vol. XXXVII, Nos. 3 & 4, Jackson-
ville, Fla.

Childe, V. Gordon
1951 "Man Makes Himself", New American Library of
World Literature, Inc., New York, N. Y.

Doherty, Herbert J. Jr.
1959 "Ante-Bellum Pensacola 1821-1861" The Florida
Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXVII, Nos. 3 & 4,
Jacksonville, Fla.

Editors of Life Magazine
1961 "The Epic of Man", Time, Inc., New York, N. Y.

Griffin, William B.
1959 "Spanish Pensacola, 1700-1763" The Florida His-
torical Quarterly, Vol. XXXVII, Nos. 3 & 4,
Jacksonville, Fla.

Johnson, Cecil
1959 "Pensacola in the British Period, Summary and
Significance", The Florida Historical Quarterly,
Vol. XXXVII, Nos. 3 & 4, Jacksonville, Fla.


L. N.
"Pensacola
The Florida
Nos. 3 & 4,


During the Second Spanish Period",
Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXVII,
Jacksonville, Fla.


South, Stanley
1964 "Some Notes on Bricks", The Florida Anthropolo-
gist, Vol. XVII No. 2, Gainesville, Fla.

Sutton, Leora M.
1963 "Gonzolia 1770-1880" private printing, Pensacola,
Fla.

1964 "Bonifay Brickyards" manuscripts, Pensacola, Fla.


McAlister,
1959





Williams, John Lee
1837 "Territory of Florida" Floridiana Facsiaile &
reprint series Univ. of Florida Press, 1962,
Gainesville, Fla.

Acknowledgements
The author expresses appreciation to the Pensacola His-
torical Museum, its staff, and to the Pensacola Historical
Society for use of the facilities, brick collection, files
and records. Also appreciation is expressed to Mrs. Leora
M. Sutton for access to her brick collection and to her
research records and manuscripts which facilitated the dat-
ing of various bricks and brick structures.




THE TALE OF A NAIL:
ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION OF HISTORIC ARTIFACTS

Bernard L. Fontana


In the winter of 1960-61, the Arizona Archaeological
and Historical Society excavated an historic site along the
banks of a little creek in the oak-studded foothills of the
Patagonia Mountains in southern Arizona. When we began we
thought we were digging into the ruins of an early 18th-cen-
tury visit, a Jesuit mission visiting station built near a
Piman Indian village. At least, this is what we hoped we
were digging into.

As excavations progressed, it became apparent that our
site was considerably later than the early or middle 1700's
and that in fact the square cut nails, hole-in-top cans, wa-
gon parts, and bits of broken glass were uncomfortably fami-
liar objects, things which some of the Society's members had
seen and worked with in their younger days. We had -- or so
it seemed at the time -- made a rather grievous mistake. We
had accidentally dug up an old adobe-walled ranch house, one
built about 1860 and abandoned about 1903.

In a sense, however, archaeologists cannot err in the
selection of the sites they excavate. Virtually anything we
retrieve from the earth can be made to add to the store of
man's knowledge. It is true that our probings in the ground
may not always give us answers to questions we have asked or
solve problems we have posed for ourselves, but they should
always raise new questions and stimulate our curiosities and
imaginations.

Confronted at last by a pile of junk from our southern
Arizona ranch house -- and junk is precisely what it was --
we realized we were going to be able to contribute nothing
to our meager body of data on Jesuit missions in southern
Arizona or on Spanish and Indian relationships in 18th-cen-
tury northern New Spain. We also realized, however, that
there were no good intellectual reasons why we should not
treat our bits of junk as cultural artifacts. There were,
and are, academic prejudices against this sort of thing, but
when one finds oneself with a collection of tin cans and
nails that volunteer laborers worked hard to dig up, one is
inclined to forget the prejudices and to go ahead with a pro-
fessional analysis.

That is just what we did with the artifactual assemblage
from Johnny Ward's Ranch (Fontana, Greenleaf, and others
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 2 85





1962), and what I wish to share with you is one of the many
lessons we learned from this exercise.

Let me begin by confessing that I am not a professional
archaeologist, but rather a pot-hunting, or more recently,
nail-hunting ethnologist. I know something about proper
archaeological ritual: vertical-walled trenches, square cor-
ners, stratigraphy, provenience, datum points, horizontal
grid controls, and all the rest, but perhaps unlike many
real archaeologists, I am not interested in the formal as-
pects of artifacts as ends in themselves. By temperament
and training I find that what concerns me with the things of
culture is what they can tell us about the people who made
them, who distributed them, who used them, and who ultimate-
ly left them behind where an anthropologist could get his
hands on them.

The most common artifact uncovered in the ruins of
Johnny Ward's Ranch in terms of total numbers of specimens
was the square cut nail. We found 335 of them ranging in
size from 6 pennyweight to 40 pennyweight, and they included
common cut nails, finishing nails, and brads. We also found
a few wire nails, and this gave us a good excuse to write
about the effects of the growth of the wire nail industry on
that of square cut nails.

Square cut nails started out in life as square cut
tacks to be used in wool cards. They were a Yankee inven-
tion, a Rhode Islander's response to the high cost and gen-
eral scarcity of imported English hand-forged tacks in 1775
(Bishop 1864: 388). From these humble beginnings, and from
several subsequent American inventions in the late 18th cen-
tury, there grew a whole industry devoted to the production
and distribution of nails in quantities undreamed of by the
forgers of hand-made nails.

Since square cut nails were machine made, their forms,
including the shanks and the heads, underwent changes as new
machines were invented and improved upon. The result of
this is that if one knows what machines produced which kinds
of nails, it becomes an easy matter to trace patent dates on
the machines and hence to get bottom dates for kinds of
nails turned out. This is one of the things we did in our
study of nails for our report on Johnny Ward's Ranch (Fontan-
a, Greenleaf and others 1962:54-55) and it has been done in-
dependently in an excellent little paper by Lee Nelson (1962)
entitled, "Nail Chronology as an Aid to Dating Old Buildings'.'
But dating nails hardly amounts to their ethnological inter-
pretation, and it is precisely the ethnological interpreta-
tion of artifacts in which archaeologists are -- or should
86






be -- interested.


Almost 30 years ago the anthropologist Ralph Linton
(1936:401-421) suggested that every element of culture has
four distinct, although interrelated qualities. These he
called form, meaning, use, and function. Linton's discus-
sion indicates that he did not have cultural material arti-
facts primarily in mind, but these qualities are nonetheless
a part of every artifact.

For archaeological purposes, the form of an artifact
may be said to consist of its four dimensions: height,
length, width, and time. Each object has its distinct shape
and each has its own length of existence in time. It is the
latter formal aspect of artifacts, the problem of, "How old
are they?" which is of particular interest to archaeologists
who are involved in the reconstruction of chronologies.
When it comes tonails,there are literally hundreds of forms.

The quality of use of an artifact is quite easy to
understand. Linton tells us that the "...use of any culture
element is an expression of its relation to things external
to the social configuration" (Linton 1936:404). The ideal
use of nails in our culture is to join two solid objects to-
gether, one of them most generally being of wood or a wood
byproduct. Nails, of course, are in reality used for a
great many more things than those for which their manufac-
ture was intended. Nails are used to hang objects on, ob-
jects ranging from hats to carpenters' tools; they are used
in games; they are used as toys by children; and they are
used in a multiplicity of other ways, these ways depending
in no small part upon the various meanings members of our
society assign to them. Nails mean different things to the
carpenter and to the small boy dragging a magnet through
dirt and gravel on a corner lot.

The fourth quality of any artifact is its function.
And function, again according to Linton (1936:404), is the
relation of an artifact to things within the cultural con-
figuration. In other words, the function of a nail is its
ramification into the economic, social, and political
spheres of human society. The function of a nail is how it
relates to people.

If anyone doubts that the nail functions in our culture
in significant ways, let him reflect for a moment what our
present surroundings would be like without these little
shafts of steel or iron. Our whole country, or at least all
of the buildings in it, would literally fall apart without
nails.






Our study of square cut nails, inspired by the large
numbers we found at our southern Arizona ranch site, led to
our discovery that their invention brought about a revolu-
tion in American architecture. Because such nails made it
reasonably inexpensive to join wood in construction, the
American balloon-frame house, which used only nails to join
light studs and sheathing, came into common use. The demand
for more and better square cut nails ushered in a whole ser-
ies of new machines for their manufacture, and it brought
about corollary changes throughout the iron industry.

The manufacture of square cut nails by machine also
displaced an ancient and widespread handcraft: that of forg-
ing hand-wrought nails. Although the first machines to make
cut nails were invented in the United States, by the early
part of the 1800's machines were being invented abroad and
being imported from the United States and put into increas-
ing use. About 1830 a group of Irish nailers, whose liveli-
hood depended on making and selling handwrought nails, raid-
ed the warehouse of an importer and threw the newly-arrived
nail-making machines into the briny water beneath the docks.
They, like so many of the counterparts in modern industry,
took a dim view of automation (Anonymous 1831:213, 215-18).

Square cut nails in time became an integral part of a
male occupational speciality in our culture: carpentry and
cabinet making. Master carpenters and cabinet makers took
considerable pride in knowing how many of which kinds of
nails to use under various conditions. Many old homes are
distinguished partly because of the care in nailing that
went into them. The need for such well-built homes, more-
over, goes beyond mere transitory utility, and the people
who lived in such homes often represented one or another of
our culture's defineable upper social classes.

The manufacture of square cut nails and the manufacture
of nail-making machines were large industries in the United
States, and a great many people were gainfully employed in
them. Additionally we should consider the miners who dug
the iron ore; the rolling mills that readied the iron for
the nailer; and the vast complex of occupations involved in
the distribution and sale of nails. All of these are impor-
tant facets of the history of our own culture.

And finally, the details of the story of the eventual
replacement of square cut nails by wire nails are a clear re-
flection of the history and development of American industry
and its ramification into the political spheres of our cul-
ture.





Until 1879, wire nails, although they had been manufac-
tured in the United States since the 1850's, were less com-
mon and more expensive than square cut nails. This is be-
cause wire nail manufacturers had to use expensive Norwegian
iron. But in 1879 one American manufacturer succeeded in us-
ing the newly developed Bessemer steel wire, and eight years
later, 1887, the price of Bessemer steel billets was low
enough to make wire nail making an economic success.

Just as the Indians of the northeastern United States
came to look on iron knives and copper kettles as necessi-
ties during the latter part of the 1500's, so did American
builders of the 1890's come to feel they had to have wire
nails. The result was the square cut nails, except for cer-
tain special uses, were replaced. The further result was
that in 1895 the wire nail manufacturers got together,
formed an association which was actually a monopolistic
trust, and by various political devices managed artificially
to triple the price of nails in the months from May, 1895,
to November, 1896. Such business machinations as these by
members of the wire nail association were representative of
the kinds of activities in which countless large industries
indulged themselves during the era preceding anti-trust laws
(Edgerton 1897).

What we think our analysis of square cut nails from
Ward's ranch taught us is that they are often the simplest
but most widespread and common artifacts produced by a so-
ciety's members that best lend themselves to anthropological
study. Those objects most universally used and accepted by
the people of a culture are those which are most widely dif-
fused throughout all aspects of that culture.

Those of us who are working with the things of our own
history have a heavy obligation to combine our skills as ar-
chaeologists with our skills as historiographers. We need
to combine the written record of history with the artifacts
in such ways that we might suggest new and meaningful leads
to our archaeological brethern who labor in prehistoric
ruins. They need new, more, and better insights into their
problems of the interpretation of pot sherds and projectile
points, of stone bowls and pit house post holes. Those of
us who have the added advantage of written, documentary data
to enable us to breathe life into the inanimate objects we
exhume can surely lead the way toward better ethnological
interpretation of artifacts. It is possible to start with a
square cut nail; to examine its form, meaning, use, and
function; and to arrive at a substantial part of the story
of our own culture. And this,it seems to me, is the tale of
a nail.





References


Anonymous
1831




Bishop, J.
1864


A Treatise on the Progressive Movement and Pres-
ent State of the Manufactures in Metal. Vol. 1,
Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green, and Taylor,
London.

Leander
A History of American Manufactures from 1608 to
1860. Edward Young and Co., Philadelphia; Samp-
son Low and Son Co., London.


Edgerton, Charles E.
1897 The Wire-Nail Association of 1895-96. Political
Science Quarterly, Vol. 12, No. 2, pp. 246-272.
Ginn and Co., New York, Boston, and Chicago.

Fontana, Bernard L.; Greenleaf,J. Cameron; Ferguson, Charles
W.; Wright, Robert A.; and Doris Frederick
1962 Johnny Ward's Ranch. The Kiva, Vol. 28, Nos. 1
and 2, pp 1-115. Arizona Archaeological and His-
torical Society, Tucson.

Kimbark, Daniel A. (compiler)
1876 S.D. Kimbark's Illustrated Catalogue. Knight
and Leonard, Chicago.

Linton, Ralph
1936 The Study of Man. Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc.,
New York.


Nelson, Lee
1962


H.
"Nail Chronology as an Aid to Dating Old Build-
ings." 6 pps., 1 plate; mimeographed. National
Park Service, Eastern Office, Design and Con-
struction, Philadelphia.






WU S. D. KIMBARK'S CATALOGUE


COMMON CUT NAILS.

FULL SIZE ILLUSTRATIONS.


9d. lOd. 12d. 16d. fOd. 30d. 40d.








































8d. 7d. 6d. 5d. 4d. 3d. Rd.


50d. 60d.


ii
'Ii
'Ii


I




OUT NAILS. 1i


COMMON CUT NAILS.
FULL SIZE ILLUSTRATIONS.
Fencing JVails.
6d. 7d. 8d. Od. 10d. 12d. 16d.





I
I *,1i























10d. 8. 6d. d. 8d.



lod. 84. 64. lO. 8d. 74. 6d.


Casino .Nails.


Brad JVails.






92 S. D. KIMBARK'S CATALOGUE




COMMON CUT NAILS.

FULL SIZE ILLUSTRATIONS.

Barrel .7ails. Finishing NVails.

in. in. 1 in. 1 in.1 l in. 6d. 8d. 10d.



















Fine Nails. Tobacco Nail.
3d. od. i.



CLINCH NAILS.












10d. 9d. 8d. 7d. 6d.


2Y in. 2 in.


8 in. 2% in. 2a in


.


1.




TRIMMINGS. 611


TUFTING NAILS.


20 LINE


22 LINx~


20 and 22 Line, Japanned............................. .......... $0 18 per gross.
20 22 Silver.................... .....--......--- 20
Cloth.................................... .......-....- ...... 60 "
Plush Covered ....................................................... 1 50


TUFTING BUTTONS.


18 LxiE.


20 LIns.


22 LINE.


18 Line, Japanned ............................................ $0 18
20 ....................--- --- -. 18
22 ----------------18
Cloth---- ---------------------------------------------608
22 ............................................. 18
Cloth.............................. ........................ 60
Plush Covered ........................................... 1 50
A Line is the fortieth partof an inch.


LINING NAILS.


4 oz. 6 oz. 8 oz. 10 oz. 12 oz. 14 oz. 16 oz.



TTTTTTT

Common.
Japanned, either size ...--...---... ...-..----................. 5 cents per paper.
Silver, -................--................----- .. 5 "
Cuts Full Size.


per gross.




0il2 S. D. KIMBARK'S CATALOGUE

NAILS.
% 1 1% 14 1 9 2






Finishing JVNas.
In Pound Papers.
3% % 9 % 1 I1 in. and longer.
Price.... 85 25 20 17 15 13 11 centa per pound.
Tinned, 5 cents per pound advance. 100 Papers in a Case.


TT








2 1%~


% 1 1% 1% 1% 1%

!131


56 9


Trwnlk and Clout Nails.
In Pound Papers.
% % % % X 1 1 in. and longer.
Price... 35 25 20 17 15 18 11 cents per pound.
Tinned, 5 cents per pound advance. 100 Papers in a Case.






BRADS AND NAILS. 613



BRADS.







"I










S1% 1 1% 1 1 % % 11 1

Common and Patent.
Inch...... % 4 % 3 1 1% 1% 1% 2
Per dozen. $0 96 0 96 1 08 1 20 132 156 192 240 300 8 60
M... 08 08 09 10 11 13 16 20 25 30
Full Weights at list. Half Weights 50 per cent. discount.



HUNGARIAN NAILS.

4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20







Ounce ......... 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20
Full Weight.. $1 20 1 44 168 192 2 16 2 40 2 64 2 88 8 12 per dozen.
Half .. 60 72 84 96 1 08 120 2 182 144 156 "





(14 S. D. KIMBARK'S CATALOGUE



CUT TACKS.

I iK t 2 X S 8 0o 120 n 14 16 18 20 22 24

TTTTTTT T I III




LIST PRICE.
Ounce ........... 1 1% 2 2% 3 4 6 8
Per dozen........ $0 84 084 084 0 96 1 08 1 20 1 44 1 68
paper........ 07 07 07 08 09 10 12 14
Ounce .......... 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24
Per dozen........ $1 92 2 16 240 2 64 288 3 12 336 3 60
Per paper........ 16 18 20 22 24 26 28 30

Assorted American Irom Cut Tafcks.
QUARTER WEIGHT.
Ounce.................... 8 4 6 8 10 12 Contents o a Box.
Papers.................... 5 15 30 80 15 5
Price per Box, $1 80. 10 Boxes in a Case.

Carpet Tacks.
LARGE HEAD, SWBDES IRON.
Ounce......... 8 4 6 8 10 12 14 16
Per dozen...... $0 42 048 064 0 60 0 66 0 78 0 90 1 02
Per paper...... 08% 04 04% 05 053 063 07% 08%
AMERICAN AND CHaRCOAL IRON.
Ounce ................. 4 8 8 10 12 14 16
Per dozen............. $0 42 048 054 060 0 66 078 090
Per paper ............ 03% 04 04% 05 05% 06% 07%

Leathered Carpet Tacks.
Pull count........... 6, 8, 10 and 12 ounce................. 25 cents per dozen.
100in a paper ......... 6,8, 10 12 ....... ...... 20 "




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