2000 Florida Anthropological Society Inc.
The Florida Anthropological Society Inc. holds
source text of the Florida Anthropologist
considered the copyright holder for the text
all rights to the
and shall be
and images of
The Florida Anthropological Society has made this publication
available to the University of Florida, for purposes of
digitization and Internet distribution.
The Florida Anthropological Society reserves all rights to this
publication. All uses, excluding those made under "fair use"
provisions of U.S. Code, Title 17, Section 107 are restricted.
Contact the Florida Anthropological Society for additional
information and permissions.
VOL. XVIII NO. 3, PART 1
The FLORIDA ANTHROPOIDGIST
u peblieain of fh6 Ulsris Re lp.e lgieal amity
Volume XVIII, No. 3 Part I
C O N T E N T 5
White Control of Seminold Leadership
James W. Covington . . .... 137
Lord Raglan's Hero -- A Cross Cultural Critique
Victor Cook . .. . . 147
Florida's New Antiquities Law
Charles H. Fairbanks . . .. 155
The Burial Complex of the Moundville Phase, Alabama
Douglas H. McKenzie . . . .. 161
Folk Medicine in Florida: Remedies Using Plants
Alice H. Murphree . . . 175
Significance of Dimensions of Big Sandy I-Like Projec-
tile Points in Northwest Florida
William C. Lazarus . . . .. 187
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published quarterly by The
Florida Anthropological Society during March, June, Septem-
ber, and December. Subscription is by membership in the So-
ciety for individuals interested in the aims of the Society.
Annual dues are $4.00 (Students $2.00). ENTERED AS SECOND
CLASS MATTER AT GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA.
1st V. Pres.:
2nd V. Pres.:
Officers of the Society 1965
Charles W. Arnade, University of South Florida
Roger T. Grange, University of South Florida
James W. Covington, University of Tampa
J. Floyd Monk 1960 SW 61st Court Miami 55
David S. Phelps, Florida State University
Charles H. Fairbanks, University of Florida
Executive Committeemen 1965
Carl A. Benson, 2310 Resthaven Drive, Orlando
James A. Ford, Florida State Museum, Gainesville
Cliff E. Mattox P. 0. Box 521, Cocoa Beach
William H. Sears, Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton
Charleton W. Tebeau, University of Miami, Coral Gables
WHITE CONTROL OF SEMINOLE LEADERSHIP
James W. Covington
Throughout the period of European settlement in
Florida and the movement of the frontier south-
ward, the White man has exerted some control over
Indian leadership. In several cases the Whites
selected and kept in power leaders that were
When the first explorers and settlers encountered the
leaders and councils of the various Indian confederations
in North America they observed a type of government which
was somewhat puzzling to them. Since the visitors had known
only the monarchial system, the Europeans were certain that
such a system was followed in the New World. Accordingly,
when the English encountered Powhatan, principal leader of
the Eastern Virginia Confederacy, they called him Emperor
and his daughter Princess Pochantas. James I showed his ap-
proval of this philosophy when he, by proxy, crowned the In-
dian leader. (Hagan, 1961, p. 10). The French Huguenots
followed the same line of reasoning when they landed on the
shores of northwestern Florida in 1564 and extended greet-
ings to "King" Saturiba who controlled a coastal region ex-
tending from the Saint John's River to a point almost as far
north as the Savannah River. An enemy of Saturiba was the
principal leader of the Eastern Timucuan Confederacy. This
chief was known as Holsta Outina a term which the French
translated as meaning "King of Many Kings". (Le Moyne, 1946,
There was some basis for the acknowledgement of certain
leaders as absolute rulers or kings. It has been determined
by one writer that there was a strip of coastal territory
extending from Louisana through Florida to Virginia where
the political units were true tribes and the caciques or
rulers possessed authority which included the power of life
and death over their subjects. (Driver, 1961, p. 344). In
support of this thesis, evidence is seen in the report given
by one French witness that the Timucuans sacrificed a first
born son in honor of the chief. When the chief died, his
subjects mourned throughout three entire days without par-
taking of any food. (Le Challeux, 1946, p. 103). Carlos,
leader of the Calusa Confederation in Southwestern Florida
was said to have ordered the instant death of anyone who
spied upon him during the days when he secluded himself with
two companions and performed "magic incantations." (Lorant,
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 1 137
(1946, p. 58).
As the Spanish moved into Florida, they came into con-
tact with the various bands of the Eastern and Western Tim-
ucuans, the Tequesta, Apalache and Calusa tribes. As men-
tioned before, part of these tribes had a strong system of
government, but the remainder was rather weak. Governmental
units found within the several tribes in Florida included
many towns each ruled by a minor chief and collections of
villages rultd by a principal chief. As noted before, the
principal leader had some authority but the relative power
of each confederation fluctuated as villages changed their
allegiance from one group to another one.
Although some respect was accorded by the Spanish to
Indian caciques, this spirit was soon dispelled when the
Spaniards discovered that they had little control over the
leaders. In 1567, after the Spaniards learned that the Cal-
usa, Carlos was planning a revolt, they ordered his death so
that a more friendly person, Felipe, might take his place.
(Lowery, 1911, p. 341). Trouble developed between Felipe
and the Spanish when he announced that he wished to marry
his own sister. Of course, the priests were quick to point
out that such a belief was in conflict with Christian doc-
trine, but Felipe stoutly maintained that similar marriages
were permissible in Calusa life and he would repudiate the
sister when he was baptised. When Felipe planned an attack
against the fort at San Antonio, he and fourteen of his fol-
lowers were captured and put to death by orders of Pedro
Menendez Marques. (Lowery, 1911, p. 346).
When Juanillo, a leader of one band in Georgia acquired
more than one wife, he defied the direct orders of the Fran-
ciscan priests and was deposed as leader by the Spanish.
Don Francisco, an older leader, was a person who wished to
follow the rules set by the church and the Spanish authori-
ties appointed him to the post. (Covington and Falcones,
1963, p. 39). This pattern initiated by the Spanish of put-
ting aside unfriendly leaders and placing in power persons
more inclined to their line of thinking was followed by the
French, English and finally the Americans.
After the virtual extinction of the original Florida
tribes, the Lower Creeks began to move into Florida from
Georgia and Alabama. The first bands were non-Muskogee
speaking and also included remanants of other tribes. A
short time after 1750, Muskogee speaking peoples arrived
from the North and settled near the earlier arrivals. These
Indians scattered throughout Northern Florida and could be
found in such locations as the Apalachicola River, Tallahas-
see, the lower Suwannee, the Alachua Prairie and along the
stretches of Saint John's River. The various bands of the
Seminoles settled in towns; "each a political unit with
little sense of commonness." (Goggin, 1959, p. 1). During
these early years the bands were considered part of the
Creek Confederacy and possessed political ties with their
counterparts in Alabama and Georgia but, due to poor commun-
ication, these ties lost their value. During the First
Spanish period of Florida History the Seminoles expressed
little or no friendship toward the Spaniards and caused so
much trouble that it was impossible to go by land from St.
Augustine to Saint Marks.
Since the early Seminoles were actually Lower Creeks
living in Florida, it might be well to review the form of
government practiced by the Creeks. The primary unit was
the village which averaged about three hundred and sixty
persons a piece. Each village had as its highest official,
a chief who was chosen by the town council from one clan.
Since the selection of the leader was restricted to persons
from one clan, this position might be deemed hereditary but
the chief could be impeached and removed by the council.
Duties of the town chief included issuing invitations to
feasts and dances, receiving envoys and presiding at the
town council. Other officials included the vice chief,
assistant leaders, the ceremonial leaders, and the war
speaker. All of these officials, including the top two
classes of warriors, were members of the town council. Al-
though the officials were required to be chosen from a cer-
tain clan, it was most necessary that they possess enough
ability or skill to retain the positions.
As White pressure mounted against the Creek Confeder-
acy, the leaders attempted to form a stronger league. At
best, the Creek Confederacy attained a loose association
dominated by two or more of the larger towns. Sometimes
confederated councils were held but this was done during
unusual times. Never was the confederation able to present
a united front against the White man. (Driver, 1961, p. 347).
In 1763, under provisions of the Treaty of Paris, the
English obtained Florida and, when a suitable opportunity
presented itself, a treaty of friendship and territorial
alignment was signed with the Seminoles. The English had
learned from the French methods of control over Indian lead-
ership by the offering of presents which included small and
large medals, trips and various items of merchandise which
were appreciated by savage eyes. Whenever these overtures
failed, the whites would repudiate one leader and appoint
another one more friendly in his place.
In November, 1765, leaders of the Lower Creek and Sem-
inole bands held a conference with the British authorities
at Picotata to determine the extent of land which would be
held by the Indians. Leaders from Lower Creek towns in
Southern Georgia and Seminole towns in Florida were invited
to take part in this council. At first when the Indians
were reluctant to surrender their lands, Governor James
Grant of East Florida and Superintendent of Southern Indian
Affairs John Stuart began to dig "deep into their bag of
tricks." They no longer invited the Indian leaders to the
special evening meals and treated them with great indiffer-
ence during the daytime. (Covington, 1961, p. 62). It
seems that such tactics were effective for a treaty was soon
Governor Grant honored the three great medal and four
small medal chiefs by placing the medal and attached ribbon
about each leader's neck. From the presentation of these
medals each assembled Indian leader knew exactly how he
stood in the graces of the British. Large medals presented
at this meeting were described as being the size of the palm
of a man's hand and small ones equalled the size of a dollar
Cowkeeper, the cagy leader of the band at Alachua, was
one of the few invited persons who did not attend. He sent
his regrets saying that there was illness in his family and
it was better for him to remain in the village. Governor
Grant demonstrated his appreciation for the Seminole when
Cowkeeper and some sixty followers visited Saint Augustine
and were entertained for eight days and a great medal was
presented to him. (Covington, 1961, p. 41). Perhaps, by
his absence, Cowkeeper had elevated himself from a small
medal to a great medal chief.
By 1821, when the United States acquired Florida, the
Indians in the territory represented a varied assortment of
tribes. Included among the groups represented were the
early visitors mentioned before, refugees from the Creek
disaster at Horseshoe Band, and some late arrivals, a Choc-
taw band, and perhaps a few survivors of the Calusas and
Yamasees. The situation was such that some forty indepen-
dent bands were scattered throughout the peninsula from the
Georgia border to Tampa Bay. It was said that the area
south of Tampa Bay was used as a hunting zone and did not
serve as a permanent home for any band at this time. Situ-
ated near the larger bands were villages of runaway slaves
who paid tribute of animals and produce to the leaders who
had extended protection to the refugees.
In 1823, the United States Government and the Seminole
Indians signed the Treaty of Moultrie Creek in which the
Indians agreed to occupy a reservation in Central Florida.
Since some thirty-two Indians signed the Treaty and repre-
sentatives of thirty-seven towns were present, it was neces-
sary to designate one Indian to serve as spokesman for the
group. One day prior to the start of the negotiations, the
leaders of the various bands held a council and selected
Neamathla, a Mikasuki leader, as the chief negotiator.
(Mahon, 1962, p. 364). Henceforth, he was regarded as the
principal Seminole leader by the Whites and, as a result of
the treaty, he and five other leaders were given separate
reservations in the Apalachicola River Valley. Of course,
the other Seminole bands were required to migrate southward
to the reservation.
Although Indian and White men had signed a treaty of
friendship which was planned to last for some time, friction
developed within a short time and it was necessary to name a
new chief. Some Apalachicola Seminoles began to raid the
cattle herds in the Florida panhandle and a dangerous situa-
tion developed. Territorial Governor William DuVal was for-
ced to visit Nemathla and discharge him from his position as
principal Seminole Chief. (Covington, 1963, p. 127). Such
an act did not cause any distress among the Indians and
within a short time Neamathla and his band had rejoined the
Creek Indians in Alabama.
In a session attended by most of the Seminole leaders,
John Hicks defeated Micanopy in an election and gained the
post of principal leader. The selection of John Hicks, a
Mikasuki, was given full approval by the entire tribe but
there were some supporters of Micanopy, the descendant of
Cowkeeper and hereditary chief of one band who believed that
he should have the position. (McCall, 1868, p. 148-152).
Tension developed to such an extent that troops were moved
to the Seminole Agency at Fort King. In order to impress
the Seminoles, John Hicks was installed in office with much
ceremony by the Whites. In the several conferences held
with Federal officials during the period from 1825-1832,
John Hicks or Tuskalmathla was listed as the head chief.
Others including Micanopy and Jumper did most of the talking
at these meetings but John Hicks retained the position.
During the turbulent decade from 1830 to 1840 John
Hicks lost whatever power had been given him and Seminole
leadership shifted to those persons who had natural abil-
ities and who were needed at this time by the tribe. In the
Spring of 1832, James Gadsen conferred with Micanopy con-
cerning a possible site for another treaty conference and
Payne's Landing on the Oklawaha River was selected. On May
9, 1832, the Treaty of Payne's Landing was signed by fifteen
Seminole leaders including Micanopy and John Hicks. In the
terms of the treaty it was stipulated that a delegation of
Indians should visit Oklahoma and they would render a report
concerning the suitability of the area for the tribe. Seven
men were selected as members of the delegation, but John
Hicks was not included in the original number and finally
came along as a substitute for ancient Sam Jones. (Sprague,
1848, p. 78).
From the available evidence, it seems that the White
authorities were not impressed with the leadership exerted
by John Hicks and were by-passing him in the various confer-
ences which were necessary at this time. Hicks was not con-
sulted in the selection of the 1832 treaty conference site,
he was ninth in the list of the chiefs to sign the treaty
and he was not in the original list of the Oklahoma delega-
tion. Anyway, John Hicks died in 1833 and no one was elec-
ted in his place as principal leader. According to Myer M.
Cohen, Micanopy, by common consent and without formal elec-
tion, became the principal chief at this time. (Cohen,
1836, p. 64).
In a conference held with Agent Wiley Thompson at Fort
King on October 23-25, 1834, various Seminole leaders in-
cluding Micanopy, Holata Amathla, Charley Emathla, Billy
Bowlegs, and Jumper showed their opposition to the Treaty of
Payne's Landing and manifested a firm desire to remain in
Florida. It was difficult for the Federal authorities to
designate a principal leader at this time for all Seminole
leaders were opposed to removal to the West. When some
showed signs of wavering from this strong stand, they were
threatened with death by Osceola, Alligator and Jumper, who
had become the actual leaders of the tribe. Micanopy was
acknowledged as the hereditary leader but, due to his inept-
ness, others assumed the actual direction of the approaching
In a stormy session held on March 27, 29, 1835, the
Federal authorities took some drastic action against the
malcontents. It was disclosed by Jumper that Micanopy, Sam
Jones, Alligator, Black Dirt and himself had refused to
honor the terms of the Treaty of Payne's Landing. Striking
back in desperation, Agent Thompson discharged these men as
Seminole officials but retained eight friendly leaders in
their posts. (Sprague, 1848, p. 84). Both Pi sident Andrew
Jackson and Secretary of War C.W. Harris were most unhappy
with Thompson's action but it was too late in the game to do
much about the matter.
Of course, during most of the Second Seminole War
(1835-1842) the Federal authorities could do little to in-
fluence or control the Seminole leadership. In fact, the
first Indians to be shipped West included the bands of
Holata Amathala and other friendly leaders. During the war
various groups surrendered but the fighting had scattered
the Indians so much that one leader had little influence or
control over another.
During the middle of the war, the Federal authorities
attempted to return to their old tactics. In May, 1839,
Major-General Alexander Macomb concluded an informal agree-
ment with several Seminole leaders by which the Indians were
allowed to remain in a reserve situated in Southwestern
Florida. The most important Indian to sign the agreement
was Chitto-Tustenuggee "reputed successor to Sam Jones."
(Sprague, 1848, p. 228). It was determined later that a
Negro interpreter had informed the Whites about a change of
leaders, but such information was not known by many of the
Indians. Probably Billy Bowlegs, Chakaika and other leaders
were unaware that any peace had been concluded when they
attacked Harney's camp on the Caloosahatchee River on July
23, 1839--thus, causing the war to be resumed with great
energy and a determined spirit of revenge by the Whites.
On May 10, 1842, President John Tyler announced the
termination of military action against the reputed two hun-
dred and forty Seminoles remaining in Florida and suggested
that peaceful means be exerted upon them to join their kin-
folk in the West. In Military Order 28, dated August 14,
1842, the Indians were assigned to a temporary "hunting and
planting" reserve in Southwestern Florida. Most of the
Indians were already within the reserve but several bands
were forced to travel several hundred miles southward. One
such band was led by Octiarche, a Creek and possible rival
of Billy Bowlegs for the post of principal Seminole chief.
Since Billy was classified as a friendly Indian and Octi-
arche as a most unfriendly one who had fought the soldiers
with every bit of strength during the entire war, he and his
band were seized near Tampa by military authorities and
shipped off to Oklahoma. (Sprague, 1848, p. 506). This
seizure marked the resumption of White interference with Sem-
In the 1842-1855 period, Seminole leadership rested in
the hands of three men, Billy Bowlegs, descendent of Cow-
keeper, Sam Jones, a very old Mikasuki and Chipco, a Tal-
lahassee leader. Captain John T. Sprague visited these In-
dians in 1846 and recognized Billy Bowlegs as the one who
would probably do most to influence tribal policy. In order
to off-set the obvious power of this chief. Sprague kept
making requests to meet Sam Jones and played the powerless
ancient one against the recognized leader. (Covington,
1964, p. 51).
During the period from 1850 to 1858 several trips were
made to Washington by the Seminole leaders. Some councils
were held in Florida between leading Seminoles and Federal
dignitaries and visiting delegations from Oklahoma arrived
in Florida to lure the relatives from the Everglades.
Always, it was Bowlegs who was recognized by the Whites as
the principal leader and Chipco was virtually ignored.
Chipco never visited Washington, but in contrast, Bowlegs
was able to visit the national capitol twice. It was Bow-
legs who received bribes to end the fighting in the Third
Seminole War but Chipco, friend of the White man, was not
offered any bribe and consequently was able to remain in
Florida. Bowlegs went to Oklahoma and enjoyed the wealth
that he had accumulated.
1947 The History and Present State of Virginia, the
University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill,
Cohen, M. M.
1836 Notices of Florida and the Campaigns, Burges and
Honour, Charleston, South Carolina.
Covington, James W., editor
1961 "The British Meet the Seminoles", Contributions
of the Florida State Museum, Social Sciences, No
7, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.
1963 A. F. Falcones, translator, Pirates, Indians,
and Spaniards, Father Escobedo's "La Florida,"
Great Outdoors Publishing Company, St. Peters-
1963 "Federal Relations with the Apalachicola Indians,
1823-1838," Florida Historical Quarterly, Vol.
42, No. 2, pp. 125-141.
1964 "The Florida Seminoles in 1847," Tequesta, Vol.
14, pp. 49-57.
Driver, Harold E.
1961 Indians of North America. The University of Chi-
cago Press, Chicago, Illinois.
1959 "Source Materials for the Study of the Florida
Seminole Indians," Anthropology Laboratory Notes;
3, University, Gainesville, Florida.
Hagan, William T.
1961 American Indians, The University of Chicago
Press, Chicago, Illinois.
Le Challeux, Nicolas
1946 "Narrative" in The New World, edited by Stefan
Lorant, Duell, Sloan and Pearce, New York, pp.
Le Moyne, Jacques
1946 "Narrative" in The New World, edited by Stefan
Lorant, Duell, Sloan and Pearce, New York pp. 33-
1911 The Spanish Settlements Within the Present Lim-
its of the United States, Florida 1562-1574, G.
P. Putman's Sons, New York.
"The Treaty of Moultrie Creek, 1832,"
Historical Quarterly, Vol. 40, No. 2,
1868 Letters from the Frontier,
J. B. Lippincott,
Sprague, John T.
1848 The Origin, Progress and Conclusion of the Flori-
da War, D. Appleton and Company, New York.
LORD RAGLAN'S HERO -- A CROSS CULTURAL CRITIQUE
The problem which forms the thesis of this paper is the
universality of Lord Raglan's hypothesis about the attri-
butes and life events of cultural heroes. Raglan in his
work, The Hero (1937), presents some twenty-two attributes
or events he considers to have a considerable measure of va-
lidity. This paper is a report on a test of its validity in
a cross cultural survey.
Prior examinations of Raglan's theories include that of
Clyde Kluckholn in his article "Recurrent themes in Myths
and Mythmaking," most recently published in Murry's anthol-
ogy Myth and Mythmaking, (1960: pp 46-60). Kluckholn finds
Raglan's hypothesis "limited and culture bound." He sup-
ports his view by reported reading of myths in 50 of the 60
culture areas set forth by Murdock in his "World Ethnograph-
ic Sample" published in The Anthropologist, (1957: pp 664-
687). Since Kluckholn supports his opinion with impressions
of his readings, rather than a systematic survey and analy-
sis, this study seemed in order.
The following is Raglan's model narrative of the life
of the hero:
(1) Hero's mother is a royal virgin; (2) his father is
a king, and (3) often a near relative of his mother, but (4)
the circumstances of his conception are unusual, and (5) he
is reputed to be the son of a god. (6) At birth an attempt
is made to kill him, usually by his maternal grandfather,
but, (7) he is spirited away, and (8) reared by foster-par-
ents in a far country. (9) We are told nothing of his child-
hood, but (10) on reaching manhood he returns or goes to his
future kingdom. (11) After a victory over the king, giant,
dragon, or wild beast, (12) he marries a princess, often the
daughter of his predecessor, and (13) becomes king. (14)
For a time he reigns uneventfully, and (15) prescribes laws,
but (16) later he loses favour with the gods, and/or sub-
jects, and (17) is driven from the throne and city, after
which (18) he meets with mysterious death, (19) often at the
top of a hill. (20) His children, if any, do not succeed
him. (21) His body is not buried, but nevertheless (22) he
has one or more holy sepulchres. (Raglan 1937:178-179)
Florida Anthropologist, VOL. XVIII, No. 3, Part 1
Raglan applies this nomitive to the lives of 21 heroes,
all of whom except one are derived from the literature of
the Circum-Mediterranean. A graphic presentation of this
analysis is found in Table One. Of 462 possible units of
correspondence, 328 are positive, 23 are unknown, and 111
The method by which this narrative was tested is as
follows. The lives of 25 cultural heroes as they are re-
vealed by mythology, folklore, or abstracts from ethnogra-
phies, were examined and compared with Raglan's construct.
No differentiation of folk lore, sagas, legends and myths
concerning their relative suitability as source for data was
made since Raglan insists that no difference in this respect
exists. (p 144)
The sample of "heroes" examined was chosen randomly
from the five major culture areas other than the Circum-
Mediterranean. There are a minimum of three examples for
each area. The variation in the number of examples for each
cultural area is a reflection of the relative availability
of material in print on their myths.
Raglan's attributes were treated as an operational defi-
nition of the hero. The minimal correspondence to the narra-
tive was arbitrarily defined as being when a male charac-
ter's life attributes in a myth, folk story, or legend met
Raglan's scheme at two or more points.
Raglan's criteria are couched in such alternately ellip-
tical and restrictive language that a certain liberality was
observed when applying them to the various narratives ex-
plained. For instance, a positive mark for critereon number
one, which is "the hero's mother is a royal virgin" was reg-
istered if the hero's mother had no prior children and was
the daughter of a prestigious person. Similarly, critereon
number seven, "he is spirited away" is marked positive if
the hero leaves or is banished from his immediate social
The results of the analysis described above are graphi-
cally presented in table #2. Of 550 units of correspondence
possible, 155 were positive, 206 unknown, and 189 negative.
The validity Raglan suggests his model narrative has is
indicated by the fact that a 79% correspondence (328/462) is
found when the model is applied to Circum-Mediterranean he-
Raglans Selection of Heros
x Pos o = Neg Unknown
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22
Oedipus x x x x x x x x x x x x x x o x x x x x x x
Theseus X xo xx x o x x xx x x x x x x x x x x X x
Romulus K K x x x x x o x x o o x x x x o x O x
Heracles x x x x x x o o o x x x x x o o x x x x x x
Perseus x xxx x x x x x x x x x o o o x o x x x
Jason x x o o o x x x x x x x x o o o x x o x x x
Bellerophon x x o o x o o x x x x x o x x x x x x x
Pelops x x o o x x o o x x x x x x x o 0o o x o x
Asclepios x o o x x x x o o x o x o o x x x o o x x
Dionysos x o x x x x x x x x x o x x x o x x x x x x
Apollo o x x x x x o x o x -
Zeus x o x o x x x x x x x x x x x o o a o o o x
Joseph x x x xox o x x x x x -
Moses x x x o x x x x x x x x x o x x x x x x x x
Elijah --- ----- x o x o o x x x x x x
Watu Gunung x x o x o x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x o
Nyikang o x x 0 x oox x x x x x x o x o o x x
Siegfried xxxxoooo o x x x x x o x o o o o o
Llew Llawgyffes x x x o o x x x x x x x o x x x x x x x o
Arthur x x o x x o x x x x x x x x x x x o x x x
Robin Hood o x o ooo ooo x x x x x o x o x x x x x x
17 15 12 11 14 15 13 14 15 18 21 17 20 13 12 12 14 16 12 15 16 16
Cross Cultural Selection of Heros
x = Positive, o' Negative, Unknown
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22
Aggagugu Dahomean xxxxxx x ooo x x x o o -- -
Heitsi Eibib Hottentotx x - x x x x
Na-Nzua Bantu o o x ox oo x x x o o o o o 0 -
Sudike Mbambi Bantu ox o ooo o xx o o o o o o o o -
Susa No-o Japanese oooo ox o x x x - -
Yast Masa Japanese -- -x x x - - -
Yamata Tak Japanese x - -
MonoTaro Japanese ooxxooxxx o - -
(Younger Brother) Ceylonese x o o x x x xo x o o o o o o a o o
Tung Hkam Indochina x oox ooxox x o x x o o o o o p p
Buddha Indian x x x o x x x x x x x x x o o 0 o o o
Orphan Boy Indian (Chenchus) o o o o o o x x x x x o o o o 0 o o o 0 0
Xalelealuaka Hawaiian o o o 0 o X o 0 x x x x o o o o 0 o o
Hokatuboda Trobrian o o o o o o o x o x x x x o x -
Balitok Ifugao x x oooo o x - -
Tiapexoacxoac Kathlamet -------- x x x x x o -
(Son of Above) Kathlamet oooooxxoxx x x - - -
Yaukuekam Kutenai o x x x x o x o x
(Killer of Enemies) Apache x ooxxxxoo x x - - -
Nayenezgani Navaho x ooxxxx o x x- - - -
Bakororo Bororo 0ooxx o x x o o o o o o o o o 0
(Twins) Tupinmba -x o xxxxx- x x - -- -
ayta Capac Inca o oxooooo - - -----
Keri and Kae Upper Xingu 0ooxxxxxo- - - -- -
Aain Toga or Pilaga oooxooooo x x x x x x x a -
7 7 314 8 6 6 15 19 1012 5 4 3 2 4 0 0 1 1
roes. To the contrary, the sample of randomly selected he-
roes from the other five major cultural areas yield only a
28% correspondence (155/550).
If the unknown cases were disregarded, the percentages
above would be 75% (Raglan), and 45% (cross cultural). This
elimination of the nulls at first glance might seem a reason-
able thing to do in that myths which have no information on
a given aspect of the heroes life cannot be said to have
fairly tested the hypothesis. To the contrary, if myths
like those of the Far East are examined, one discovers that
although no specific mention is made concerning the later
life of a hero, thereby yielding indication of "no informa-
tion," the intent of myth tends to make highly unlikely that
the hero "looses favor with the gods or his subjects." East-
ern heroes overcome their problems, get married, and "have
many sons," presumably living to ripe old ages, loved and re-
spected to the end. This would seem to indicate that the
lower figures of correspondence are more nearly representa-
tive of the facts.
It is evident that some of Raglan's criteria survive
the test in a better fashion than others. These attributes
suggest that the hero is often conceived or delivered in an
unusual way, (#4- 14 of 23 cases); he often leaves home (#7-
18 of 23 cases); conquers some enemy (#11- 19 of 23 cases);
and returns home (#10- 15 of 23 cases), often becoming a
king (#13- 12 of 23 cases).
A graphic comparison of Raglan's profile of the hero
and the results of this survey are found in chart #3. It
seems evident that the one area where the tendencies of Rag-
lan's model and the survey data coincide is that of the mid-
dle portion of the hero's life (10-15). Highly atypical
tendencies are seen in the earlier portion of the hero's
life (#1-9). The area of greatest disparity occurs in cri-
terion #9, "we are told nothing of his childhood." Often
heroes are children, albeit with superordinary powers.
In summary it can be said that Raglan's model narrative
has little validity for cultural heroes other than those of
the Circum-Mediterranean. Only five of his twenty-two cri-
teria achieve anything like a significant score. Moreover,
as Kluckholn stated, the third portion of the narrative,
that part having to do with death and disolution of the hero,
is entirely misconceived (Kluckholn, p. 56).
It appears that until criteria other than those estab-
lished by Raglan are derived and clearly defined an a cross
cultural basis, it may be said that no accurate description
of that ephemeral rascal, the hero, exists.
Profile Comparison (Raw Positive)
Raglan = -
Cross Cultural =-
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 D 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23
Davis, F. Hadland
1913 Myths and Legends of Japan. London
Duere-Haimendorf, Christopher von
1943 The Chenchus, Jungle folk of the Deccan. The
Aboriginal Tribes of Hyderbad. London
Hacklen, J. et.al.
1963 Asiatic Mythology. New York.
Herskovits, Melville J. & Frances S.
1958 Dahomean Narrative. Evanston Illinois
1950 Argonauts of the Western Pacific. New York.
1887 Navaho Legends. New York.
Morgan, W. Kenneth
1956 The Path of Buddha. New York.
Murray, Henry A. (ed)
1960 Myth & Mythmaking. New York.
1910 Village Folk Tales of Ceylon. 3 vols. London.
1937 The Hero. New York.
Rolleston, T. W.
1911 Myths and Legends of the Celtic Race. London.
1930 The Khoisan Peoples of South Africa. London.
Scott, James George
1918 The Mythology of All Races: Indochina. Vol.
XXI, 253-438. Boston.
Thrum, Thomas G.
1907 Hawaiian Folk Tales. Chicago.
1918 Kutenai Tales, Bureau of American Ethnography,
Vol. 59. Washington.
1901 Kathlomet Texts. Bureau of American Ethnography,
Vol. 26, Washington.
1884 Folk Tales of Angola, Memoirs of the American
Folk Lore Society, Vol. I, Boston.
Lowie, Robert H.
1946 The Bororo, Handbook of South American Indians.
Vol. I, 419-434, Washington.
1946 Myths of the Toba and Pilaga Indians of the Gran
Chaco, Memoirs of the American Folk Lore Society.
Vol. XL, Philadelphia.
1946 The Tupinanba, Handbook of the South American
Indians Vol. III, 95-136. Washington.
Opler, Morris Edward
1938 Myths and Tales of the Jicarilla Apache Indians,
Memoirs of the American Folk Lore Society. Vol.
XXXI. New York.
Rowe, John Howard
1946 Inca Culture at the Time of the Spanish Conquest,
Handbook on South American Indian, Vol. II, 183-
FLORIDA'S NEW ANTIQUITIES LAW
Charles H. Fairbanks
The 1965 Florida Legislature passed a law,
65-300, which established the State Cabinet as a
Board of Antiquities with broad powers to control
antiquities on state-owned lands. An Advisory
Commission was established by law to advise the
Board of Antiquities. The office of the Trustees
of the Internal Improvement Fund will carry out
the administrative procedures as determined by
the Board of Antiquities.
During the 1965 Legislature two identical bills were
introduced, Senate Bill No. 744 by Senator McCarty and House
Bill 1196 by Representative Mann. These bills were apparent-
ly drafted by Assistant Attorney General Ralph E. Odum
(Jacksonville Times Union, April 29, 1965). The same bill
had been shown to a small group of archeologists a few days
before it was introduced, but no opportunity was given them
to study the provisions or to suggest changes.
The background of the legislation is varied and diverse
but stems in essence from the widespread concern among our
citizens with the increasing destruction of antiquities
throughout the state. This feeling of concern is especially
strong with respect to the salvage of wrecks, principally of
Spanish ships, along the coasts of Florida. The success of
the Real Eight Company in salvaging the cargo of one 1715
Flota ship off Ft. Pierce and the subsequent publicity in
the National Geographic (January, 1965) increased the con-
cern of many people. The publicity also interested a large
number of persons in all parts of the state in acquiring
leases to salvage known or suspected wrecks.
The supervision of the wrecks in the territorial waters
of the state had been vested in the Trustees of the Internal
Improvement Fund, who were in effect a major part of the
state cabinet. There had never been any legislative acts
dealing with the salvage of wrecks, although Florida as a
Common Law State had exercised such control for some time.
The various directors of the Trustees had experienced diffi-
culty in administrating the salvage of these wrecks due to
the absence of specific legislation dealing with the subject.
Other aspects of the Trustees administration of underwater
lands, such as bulkhead lines, had been adequately covered
by legislative acts. Thus the state's ownership and control
Florida Anthropologist, VOL, XVIII, No. 3, Part 1 155
of some underwater materials rested on statutes, while the
control of wrecks fell entirely within the area of Common
Law. This created all sorts of difficulties and promised to
create more as time went on. Thus all concerned persons re-
cognized the need for legislation.
The bills as introduced contained a number of objec-
tionable features. Chief among them was the provision that
any excavation in archeological sites on private lands must
be reported to the Board of Antiquities and the State could
then condemn or purchase the objects recovered. Many of us
felt that this was an undesireable extension of the right of
eminent domain and in addition that it created a market for
antiquities. The fact that the state does not seem to have
sufficient funds to properly operate its museum and educa-
tional system at the present time does not negate the fact
that this provision would create at least the semblance of a
market. It was clear that many individuals would immediate-
ly begin digging on private lands in the hope that the state
would purchase the resulting artifacts. Where this did not
happen, it would drive many collectors into hiding in an ef-
fort to keep the state from condemnation action against
In view of the objectionable features of the bills, and
the fact that no members of the Florida Anthropological Soc-
iety had been given a chance to comment on the bills, a num-
ber of members visited Tallahassee and discussed the matter
with the sub-committee members who were engaged in holding
hearings on the bills. The members of the Senate and House
sub-committees were uniformly interested and courteous. We
received unanimous support from the national archeological
and paleontological societies. The most serious objections
were amended out of the bills, and they passed the legisla-
ture, being signed into law by the governor on June 23,1965.
The text of the law is as follows:
SENATE BILL NO. 744
AN ACT relating to antiquities; providing a board of
antiquities consisting of the governor, secretary of state,
attorney general, superintendent of public instruction,
comptroller, treasurer and commissioner of agriculture; pro-
viding the powers and duties of said board relating to trea-
sure trove, marine salvage, artifacts, historic sites and
objects, fossil deposits, documents, books and all other
personal or real property of scientific or historic value;
providing an antiquities commission to advise the board;
providing that violation of this act or any rule or regula-
tion of this act or of the board of antiquities is a crime;
providing an effective date.
BE IT ENACTED BY THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF FLORIDA:
Section 1. It is hereby declared to be the public pol-
icy of the state of Florida to protect and preserve historic
sites, buildings, treasure trove, objects of antiquity which
have scientific or historic value or are of interest to the
public, including but not limited to fossil deposits, indian
habitations or ceremonial sites, coral formations, sunken,
abandoned ships or any part thereof, maps, records, docu-
ments and books relating to the history, government, culture
of the state of Florida.
Section 2. There is hereby created a state board of
antiquities which shall consist of the governor, secretary
of state, attorney general, superintendent of public instruc-
tion, comptroller, treasurer and commissioner of agriculture.
The state board of antiquities shall establish and promul-
gate such rules and regulations as may be necessary to pre-
serve and protect all property within state owned lands or
state owned submerged lands, both real and personal. Such
rules and regulations shall have the force and effect of law.
Willful violation of said rules and regulations shall con-
stitute a misdemeanor. The director of the internal improve-
ment fund shall be director of the antiquities board.
Section 3. There is hereby established a state commis-
sion of antiquities which shall advise and assist the state
board of antiquities. Members of said commission shall be
the state archeologist, the director of the Florida state
museum at Gainesville, the president of the Florida histor-
ical society, the director of the state conservation board,
the state geologist, the department heads of the respective
established departments of anthropology, archeology and his-
tory of each accredited institution of higher education in
Florida maintaining such departments which offer graduate
degrees in said subjects, the chairman of the Florida li-
brary and historical commission, the state librarian, the
president of the Florida anthropological society and the
director of the Florida board of parks and historic memor-
ials. The chairman of said commission shall be elected by a
majority of the members of the commission.
Section 4. It shall be the duty of the advisory commis-
sion on antiquities to provide technical and professional
assistance to the state board of antiquities in arranging
for the salvage, protection and preservation of all objects
and sites as contemplated by this act. It shall be the duty
of the commission to cause a study to be made of all matters
relating to the duties of the board of antiquities and to re-
port its findings and recommendations to the board of anti-
quities and to the legislature prior to the next regular
session of the legislature.
Section 5. The members of the board of antiquities and
advisory commission on antiquities shall serve without pay
but shall be entitled to reimbursement for their necessary
travel expenses incurred in carrying out their official du-
ties as provided by state law.
Section 6. All law enforcement agencies and officers,
state and local, are authorized to assist the board of an-
tiquities in carrying out their duties under this act.
Section 7. The board of antiquities acting through the
director of the internal improvement fund, shall be author-
ized to enter into contracts when necessary with other state
agencies and private salvage companies or individuals for
the discovery and salvage of treasure trove. The salvager
shall be entitled to retain a fair share of objects recov-
ered or at the discretion of the board their reasonable cash
value to be determined by a committee of three professional
appraisers mutually appointed by the board and the salvager
and to be paid by the state or any of its agencies having
available funds for said purpose, 75 per cent of the object
recovered or 75 per cent of the fair market value of objects
recovered or a combination of objects and fair market value
may be retained by the salvager. All such salvage operations
must be carried out under the immediate supervision and con-
trol of an official representative of the state board of an-
tiquities at no expense to the salvager. The state board of
antiquities shall be authorized to determine the repository
of any treasure trove or objects of antiquity which may be
recovered in order that they will provide the maximum scien-
tific benefit to historians, archeologists, anthropologists
and the general public. To this end the Florida state mu-
seum at Gainesville, Florida, state library at Tallahassee,
the state universities and such other places as may be se-
lected by the board shall be designated the proper reposi-
tories for salvaged property and artifacts.
Section 8. The state board of antiquities acting upon
the advice of the advisory commission on antiquities is au-
thorized to plan a state archives program and to make recom-
mendations to the legislature of the location and operation
of such facility or facilities. The chief administrative
officers of each state agency, including the state univer-
sity system, are authorized and directed to cooperate and
assist the board of antiquities in carrying out the intent
of this act. The trustees of the internal improvement fund
acting under the direction of its director are authorized to
engage sufficient personnel from any available funds not
otherwise allocated to assist the board of antiquities in
carrying out its duties under this act. Such personnel shall
be employed for the protection and best interest of the
Section 9. This act shall take effect upon becoming a
Approved by the Governor June 23, 1965.
Filed in Office Secretary of State June 24, 1965.
The Commission on Antiquities consists of those persons
named by title in the act, ranging from archeologists to li-
brarians. Universities represented are: The University of
Florida and Florida State University by both Anthropology
and History; The University of Miami and Stetson University
by History only. It is expected that the University of South
Florida and Florida Atlantic University will begin graduate
work in Anthropology or History, or both, in the near future
and will thus be represented. The advisory commission seems
large and unwieldy, but so is the act, and it is probably
better to have a broad representation than one that is re-
strictively narrow. J. C. Dickinson, Jr., Director of the
Florida State Museum was elected Chairman. The first meet-
ing of the commission had a rather scanty attendance, hope-
fully this will have been corrected as soon as the various
schools open in the fall and faculty are again available.
The law is clearly so broad that there is a big ques-
tion as to whether it is detailed enough to do the specific
jobs that need to be done in the protection of antiquities
within the state. It nowhere states that antiquities within
state-owned lands or waters are the property of the state.
Instead it proclaims that it is state policy to preserve
them. Perhaps an affirmation of state title by the Board of
Antiquities will accomplish the same result. The inclusions
of "coral formations....maps, records, documents, and books"
in the language of the act seems, to this writer, to present
many problems. Certainly the preservation of historic doc-
uments within the state presents quite different problems
than the sane administration of shipwreck salvage. The pro-
visions, in Sections 4 and 7, for reports by the advisory
commission to the Board of Antiquities, and from them to the
legislature, on the needs and developments considered neces-
sary to protect the antiquities and archives of the state do
offer a definite ray of hope. We should, by this device, be
able to make our desires known to the executive and legis-
lative branches of the government. The Florida Anthropolog-
ical Society thus has the opportunity, and responsibility,
of making known to the advisory commission what sort of an-
tiquities legislation it wants. We were not consulted on
this legislation, it is up to us to make our desires known
well in advance of the 1967 legislative session.
With the removal of those provisions dealing with pri-
vate lands and empowering the state to purchase by negotia-
tion or condemnation any artifacts found on private lands,
we have a potentially workable piece of legislation. The
objections your officers raised to these provisions were
that they were invasions of the individual's property rights,
that they would lead to a market in artifacts, and that they
would lead to secrecy on the part of non-professional exca-
vators. These are, of course, still problems. What the
State of Florida still needs is more archeologists able to
assist and advise the non-professional, amateur, or avoca-
tional archeologists. Perhaps this will be an objective of
the various state agencies now involved. It ought to be an
objective of this society.
The basic needs for proper control of underwater sal-
vage work seem to be inspection and enforcement of the div-
ing now going on around the state. The new law, by author-
izing rules and regulations, and by authorizing assistance
from existing enforcement agencies, offers a partial solu-
tion to these problems. The authorization for the Trustees
of the Internal Improvement Fund to hire additional people
to inspect and investigate is encouraging only so far as
these people will actually be put to work. At the present
time this has not been done and only two individuals are so
employed. The Trustees do have a small staff in addition,
but the varied duties of that office mean that they cannot
devote full time to underwater salvage. The moratorium on
salvage leases seems to be still in effect. It has been as-
sumed that as soon as the Board of Antiquities establishes
its rules and adds the necessary supervisory personnel,
leases will again be issued. This should mean that the con-
trol of salvage will continue to improve as it has during
the past year.
In summary, for the first time we have a law specific-
ally applying to antiquities and can hope for a gradual ev-
olution of adequate control systems. The previous experience
of the office of the Trustees should make this development
easier. The 1967 legislature may be crucial for the progress
of our discipline in the state.
University of Florida
160 September, 1965
THE BURIAL COMPLEX OF THE MOUNDVILLE PHASE, ALABAMA
Douglas H. McKenzie
Abstract Analysis of over 600 burials of the
Moundville Phase, Alabama revealed a consistent
pattern of primary, extended or partially flexed
burials. Orientation, however, was random. Buri-
als were liberally supplied with grave artifacts.
Comparison with the burial complex of the Parkin
Focus and the Walls and Nodena Phases indicates
that close similarities existed.
This paper describes the burial practices characteris-
tic of the Moundville Phase. Centered at the site of Mound-
ville, south of Tuscaloosa, Alabama, this phase represents
the Mississippian occupation of northern Alabama ca. 1250-
1500 A.D. It thus falls within the developed ("late" or
"mature") Mississippian period. Various lines of evidence
suggest that the Moundville Phase was extremely closely re-
lated to the Nodena and Walls Phases in Northeast Arkansas
and northwestern Mississippi. Indeed, an origin as an ac-
tual site-unit intrusion from those regions may be postula-
ted.1 To judge from the wide dissemination of its distinc-
tive black filmed and engraved pottery (cf. McKenzie, in
press) and the large size of the Moundville site (over 300
acres with at least 18 platform mounds), the Moundville
Phase was certainly of great importance in the Mississippian
Although comprehensive reports on Mississippian burials
have appeared in the past (e.g., Lewis and Kneberg, 1946:136-
152; Fairbanks, 1956:47,89-90; Schwartz, 1961) much informa-
tion must be laboriously extracted from early publications
of such writers as Putnam and Moore. Moreover, Mississippi-
an burials have grievously suffered from the depredations of
relic collectors anxious to obtain the artifacts often
placed in the graves. As a result, knowledge of Mississippi-
an burial customs is quite incomplete.
Fortunately, from the Moundville site there is a sample
of 503 burials, derived from three excavations:
1. Excavations by C.B. Moore, 1904-1906. 163 burials
were selected for analysis (Moore, 1905; 1907,
field notes in Museum of American Indian).
2. Excavations during the late 1920's and early 1930's
in the initial program to convert the site into a
State Monument. 95 burials (field notes at Mound
3. Excavations by CCC and National Park Service in
late 1930's during construction and road-building
activities at the Monument. 245 burials (field
notes at Mound State Monument).
Moore's excavations were largely in the area to the
north of the central plaza of the site. His descriptions
usually omit data on age, sex, and position of skeleton.
However, he frequently provides full information on the kind
and location of associated artifacts.
The excavations in the late 1920's and early 1930's
were predominantly in the area to the north of the plaza,
but also in the vicinity of some of the mounds surrounding
it (mounds G, H, M, and P). Since information on burials
was obtained from artifact catalogue cards (which describe
the burial as well as the associated artifacts,) all of
these 95 burials have artifacts associated. The sample is
therefore atypical. Data on age and sex are incomplete, on
form and position fairly complete, and on artifact associa-
tions quite detailed.
The 245 burials excavated by the CCC-National Park Ser-
vice comprise the most representative and best excavated
sample. Identification of age and sex was made in the field
and is thus doubtful, but data on form, position, and asso-
ciations are detailed.
Description of Burials at Moundville
Location on Site
When Moundville was abandoned apparently the entire
area of settlement excepting the plaza contained burials.
Rather large concentrations were found to the west of the
east-west oriented plaza and in parts of the area between
the plaza and the Black Warrior River, some 300 m. to the
north. The present museum of the Mound State Monument, on
the west end of the plaza, was built over such a concentra-
tion, and about 50 burials are on permanent display there.
Moore also reported finding a number of burials around mound
D, on the edge of a ravine to the north of the plaza (1905:
Complete house patterns and scattered post molds were
present in each of these areas of concentration. However,
it was impossible to ascertain whether (a) the houses and
burials were contemporaneous or (b) the houses pre- or post-
dated the burials. Perhaps interments were initially made
in unoccupied parts of the site, but as population increased,
dwelling and burial areas must eventually have coincided.
THE MOUNDVILLE SITE
TUSCALOOSA AND HALE COUNTIES, ALABAMA
(AFTER MOORE, 1907 )
J. E. BANK NOV. 1964
Im apparent concentration of burials
0 100 500
The living and the dead were never far apart at Moundville.
One house, 8.3x5.5 m., located at the west end of the
plaza, was completely filled with approximately 25 primary
burials, which had destroyed most of the usual interior
house features (McKenzie, 1964:239). However, relatively
little disturbance of the wall trenches was noted. The idea
of some sort of charnal house immediately comes to mind, but
this idea is of course not susceptible of proof.
It is significant that accretional burial mounds are
apparently absent. A survey of the site revealed no surface
irregularities that were not clearly of natural origin. A
few low mounds to the north and south of the main portion of
the site were either eroded temple mounds or burial mounds
associated with a pre-Mississippian Woodland village.
As is customary at Mississippian sites, intrusive buri-
als occurred in the temple mounds. Moore assiduously test-
pitted the platforms of all of them and found approximately
40 burials in mound C and approximately 30 in mound D (Moore
1905:143-166, 172-178). With a few scattered exceptions,
the remaining mounds are devoid of burials, at least in the
upper portions. Those in mounds C and D were rather super-
ficial and, in mound C, located near the edges of the plat-
Interments, whether in the mounds or on ground level,
were made in shallow, ovoid pits. Depth ranged from about
15 to 125 cm., with a mean of about 65 cm. Later pits often
intruded into earlier ones, unceremoniously truncating skel-
etons and scattering bones about.
Form and Position of Burials
"Form" refers to the distinction between primary and
secondary burial (i.e., burial in the flesh and burial of
bones only). "Position" refers to the degree of extension
or flexion of the skeleton.
Of the sample of 503 burials, only 16 were multiple.
One grave contained 8 individuals, one contained 5, four
graves contained 3 individuals each, and ten contained 2.
Skeletons were ordinarily laid side-by-side, skulls close
together,although in a few double burials the field drawings
show that the skull of one extended skeleton was opposite
the feet of the other. With only a few exceptions, the in-
terments were all primary or all secondary if two or more
individuals were buried in a common grave. All of the buri-
als in the grave containing eight individuals were secondary.
Some of the multiple burials consisted of adults buried with
children possibly family groups.
Information on form was incomplete in the field notes
and Moore's reports, with the result that form could be de-
termined for only 282 burials, of these 224 (79.5%) were
primary and 58 were secondary.
For primary burials, full extension on back with arms
placed close to sides was the preferred position. In a mul-
tiple burial, usually all individuals were extended or all
were flexed, although when children and adults -were placed
together, the former were often flexed while the latter were
extended as usual.
Of the 224 burials for which information regarding po-
sition was complete, 190 (84.8%) were placed in the fully
extended position. Thirty-four were flexed in varying de-
grees, from a slight bend at the knees to full flexion with
legs drawn up to the chest. Full flexion occurred in only a
few instances, however, and the usual position was partial
flexion. Flexed burials were placed on the side.
Of the 38 secondary burials for which information is
available, 24 were composed of a neat pile of bones-usually
the long bones of the arms and legs but occasionally also
the ribs and clavicle--and the skull, which was placed atop
or alongside the other bones. There was no evidence that
the bones had been wrapped or tied in a bundle.
The skull was buried alone in 14 instances. Some of
these might have been the result of disturbance or decay of
the remainder of the skeleton--the field notes and drawings
are not always explicit on this point--but it is reasonably
certain that skull burial was in fact a distinct kind of
secondary (or even primary) burial.
In addition, one flexed burial was found in a sitting
position, Ind one, an acromegalic dwarf, was placed extended
face down. Moore found at least one apparent cremation and
one infant buried in a jar.
Orientation refers to the arrangement of an extended or
flexed skeleton in terms of the points of the compass. In
this paper the position of the skull as well as the long
axis of the body is used to define the orientation: a skele-
ton with the skull to the west is oriented west-east, and
one with the skull to the east is oriented east-west.
A tabulation of the orientation of 224 single burials
from the CCC-National Park Service excavation was made,using
the eight major points of the compass. Results are shown
in Table 1.
Table 1 presents three categories of information: the
orientation, in the columns, the location on the site, in
the rows, and the position--extended or flexed--of the skel-
eton, also in the rows. The table was set up in this fash-
ion in order to ascertain if any relationships existed be-
tween the categories.
To test the relationship between orientation and loca-
tion on the site, the burials were arbitrarily divided into
groups according to their location relative to the plaza,
i.e., west, south, east, and north of this central feature.
By means of the chi-square test, four relationships may
be tested for possible significance, with the following re-
1. Relationship between burial position and location
on site: x2 = 4.424, p = .20.
2. Relationship between burial position and orienta-
tion: x2 = 4.69, p = .20.
3. Relationship between orientation and location on
site: x = 9.95, p = .30.
4. Distribution of burial orientation among the eight
directions: x2 = 7.67, p .30.
Since none of the levels of significance warrant the
assumption that relationships are present, the conclusion is
that the variables tested did not interinfluence each other.
It seems, therefore, that not only the orientation but also
the position of the burials at Moundville are random--or at
least dictated by unknown requirements that,in the long run,
produced a random pattern.
Age and Sex
Reporting of age and sex in the field notes was incon-
sistent and incomplete; consequently, detailed enumeration
is omitted here. About two-thrids of the approximately 500
individuals were adults. The remaining third was composed of
infants, children, and adolescents, the latter relatively
There are virtually no data on sex. Snow (1941) ana-
lyzed 15 skeletons from the Museum burial "pits." Seven were
male, eight were female. The mean age of the males was 32.6,
range 25-50; mean age of the females was only 23.0, range
21-26. Because of the small size of the sample, these fig-
ures may well be more misleading than informative.
The best information on artifacts associated with bur-
ials comes from Moore (1905; 1907), who pictures many of
them. The system of cataloguing at the Mound State Monument
did not allow in most cases identification of specific arti-
facts associated with specific burials. For this reason a
general class name for artifacts had to be used in the fol-
Of the 245 burials excavated by the CCC-National Park
Service (from the site of the administration building, the
Museum parking lot, and from a road encircling the plaza),
65 (26.5%) had artifacts associated. This percentage dif-
fers markedly from the sample of 163 burials dug by Moore,
102 (62.6%) of which had artifacts associated. Moore, how-
ever, was frequently vague in reporting burials which lacked
artifacts, so that it is quite possible that this sample fa-
vors burials with elaborate associations. Probably artifacts
were placed with not more than 50% of the burials at Mound-
The sample used in this analysis consists of 214 burials
excavated by Moore and the CCC. Although the number of bur-
ials with grave artifacts was larger, many had to be ex-
cluded from analysis because the information was unclear or
The most common grave artifact was pottery. Vessels
were placed with 181 burials (84.6%), and in 107 instances
pottery was the sole class of artifact. The total number of
vessels with the 181 burials was 284, an average of 1.57 per
burial. The range was from one to five, but five vessels
were found with only 2 burials. The mode was one: a single
vessel (with or without other kinds of artifacts) accompan-
ied the burial in 96 of the 181 cases (53.1%).
Pottery types were usually the well made, engraved, and
black filmed types (Moundville Black Filmed, Moundville
Filmed Engraved, and Moundville Engraved Indented; for def-
initions see McKenzie, in press). All vessels bearing
Southeastern Ceremonial Complex motifs found at Moundville
were associated with burials.
Other ceramic artifacts associated with burials were as
follows: 10 pottery discs with nine burials, 4 rather crude
clay elbow pipes with four burials, 2 bird effigy heads
probably accidentally detached from vessels) with two bur-
The next most common class of grave artifacts was shell,
mainly beads and gorgets, which were probably worn as orn-
aments rather than placed separately in the grave. Fifty
burials (23.4%) were accompanied by shell artifacts. These
were most commonly spherical beads, which occurred with 28
burials, ranging in number from one to a "pint." Shell gor-
gets were found with six burials, pearls with two, conch(?)
shell cups with two, a shell disc with one, and piles of un-
worked shell with three.
Forty-one burials, or 19.2% of the total, had one or
more stone artifacts in association. The favored artifact
was the discoidal, 14 of which were found with thirteen bur-
ials. Twelve burials contained a single discoidal, one had
two. Small triangular projectile points were found with
eight burials, usually a single specimen, but six together
with one burial and four with another.
Small greenstone celts accompanied seven burials, 3
with one and a single specimen with each of the others. A
single notched disc was found with each of three burials.
In addition, a great number of stone artifacts were
placed singly with burials. These were as follows: drill of
jasper (1 burial), earplug (1), miniature flourite human
head (1--see Moore, 1905, Fig. 46), galena cube (1), hema-
tite fragments (2), mica fragments (2), "net sinker" (1),
pebble hammer (2), effigy pipe representing an eagle (1--
Moore, 1907;384), effigy pipe representing a feline creature
(1--Moore, 1905:237-240; 1907:382-384), "worked stone slab"
It would appear that almost any kind of stone artifact
was an acceptable burial offering. They ranged from extreme-
ly crude or unworked objects to the finely carved pipes and
Twenty-five (11.7%) of the 214 burials were accompanied
by copper artifacts. The most common of these was the gor-
get, 16 of which were found with ten burials (including five
in a single burial). There were copper covered wooden beads
with one. Also found were one celt, one "blade", and uni-
dentified fragments with nine burials. The copper axes pic-
tured by Moore (1905, Fig. 28) were probably associated with
a disintegrated burial. It is likely that all valuable
copper ornaments would have been placed in graves.
Bone artifacts were placed with 11 burials (5.2%).
Bone pins or awls occurred together with seven burials. In
one seven awls were placed together. In four cases a single
pin was found beside or beneath the skull, indicating that
it was a hair ornament.
Six deer antler tine flakers were associated with one
burial, 2 animal jaws with one, pierced carnivore or bear
canines with two (one tooth was copper covered), and a shark
tooth with one.
The classes of artifacts occurred in various combination
without perceptible pattern: pottery along, pottery with
stone or copper, shell, bone, and copper without pottery,
etc. None of the burials were elaborately equipped with ar-
tifacts in the way that Hopewellian or even some Green River
Archaic burials were. An unusually rich burial might contain
besides pottery, artifacts of stone, bone, shell, and cop-
per, but (with the exception of pottery and shell beads)
rarely more than one specimen of each class.
Placement of Artifacts
There was considerable consistency in the placing of
artifacts relative to the skeleton. The great majority were
placed near the skull. Almost all pottery vessels were
found in this position. An exception is the placement of
shell and copper gorgets, which were almost invariably found
on the sternum or in the thorax, probably because they were
worn on the chest.
Frequently artifacts were placed in the region of the
arm and shoulder--occasionally vessels, particularly when
there were several, but more often projectile points and
celts. Shell beads commonly decorated the neck, arms,
wrists, and ankles. Several occurrences of single shell
beads adjacent to the skull were described. There were very
likely hair ornaments; on figures of the "dancing warrior"
they are sometimes represented by circles on the temporal
and parietal region.
Stone artifacts, although found near the skull and up-
per arms in some instances, seem to have been concentrated
in the region of the pelvis and femur. Since the hands of
extended skeletons also lay along the femora, these arti-
facts might have originally been placed in the hands. Most
of the discoidals were located in or near the hands, as if
they had intentionally been placed there so that the de-
ceased could while away eternity by playing chunkey.
With the exception of shell beads around the ankles, ar-
tifacts were rare below the knees.
There was evidently a definite pattern of burial at
Moundville, which may be summarized as follows:
1. Certain portions of the site seem to have been pre-
ferred for burial, although clearly defined cemeteries or
burial mounds were lacking.
2. Most burials were single and placed in shallow oval
3. Extension on back was the most common position, al-
though partial flexion also occurred. Secondary "bundle?
and single skull interments were in the minority. Cremation,
if it occurred at all, was extremely rare.
4. Orientation of the body was random.
5. Artifacts were placed with at least one-quarter of
the burials. The most popular class was pottery, and one or
two vessels were usually associated with each burial. Elab-
orate ceremonial artifacts, utilitarian artifacts, and orna-
ments were also found. Some artifacts, such as celts and
discoidals, may have been personal property; others, such as
pottery, were probably ritual offerings.
Other Data from the Moundville Phase
As defined on page 1, the Moundville Phase includes not
only the Moundville Site, but also other sites in northern
Alabama. The major sites containing burials from which pub-
lished descriptions are available are the Bessemer Site near
Birmingham (DeJarnette and Wimberly, 1941) and sites in the
Pickwick Basin on the Tennessee River (Webb and DeJarnette,
1942). The burial complex at these sites will be briefly re-
Bessemer Site (DeJarnette and Wimberly, 1941:60-62)
Fourteen burials were found in a "burial mound," a trun-
cated pyramidal structure built in at least two stages. This
does not appear to have been a true accretional burial mound,
but rather a platform mound which for some reason contained
a number of intrusive burials. Seven of these were primary,
extended or partially flexed, and seven were bundle burials.
Three multiple interments occurred. A total of 12 vessels,
one discoidal, one copper plate, and shell beads were asso-
At the Koger's Island Site (Lu92) 102 skeletons were
excavated. Four graves contained multiple burials with a
total of 34 skeletons, 15 of which were placed in one grave.
Full extension and partial flexion were present in about
equal numbers, but only five secondary bundle burials were
found. Six skeletons had been decapitated before burial
(Webb and DeJarnette, 1942:215-216). Orientation was pre-
dominantly southeast-northwest and east-west (Webb and DeJar-
nette, 1942:Fig. 70). It may be significant that the axis
of Koger's Island is also southeast-northwest (Webb and De-
Jarnette, 1942:Map 2). Artifacts were associated with 50
burials; 53 vessels, 69 stone artifacts, and 136 bone and
shell artifacts were recovered (Webb and DeJarnette, 1942:
215-216). Types were in all respects similar to those at
Moundville, as was the pattern of placement in the grave
(see Webb and DeJarnette, 1942: 126-226). However, some of
the vessels had been "killed," a practice which is apparent-
ly absent at Moundville (Webb and DeJarnette, 1942:219, 223).
The Perry Site (Lu 25, Unit 2) also yielded Mississip-
pian burials. Here 16 graves produced 41 individuals, and
only seven single interments were found. Primary, partially
flexed burials predominated. Artifact types and pattern of
association were similar to those at Moundville (Webb and
DeJarnette, 1942: 82-88).
These data indicate that the burial complex of the Bes-
semer Site and the two Tennessee River sites was very simi-
lar to the Moundville complex. The major difference is in
the considerably greater frequency of partial flexion. The
predominance of full extension at Moundville is apparently
atypical. Multiple burials were more common than might be
expected at the Perry Site, although the sample was small.
The non-random orientation at Koger's Island was possibly
due to the orientation of the island in the river. "Killing"
of vessels at Koger's Island is interesting in view of the
frequency of this practice of the Gulf Tradition, but more
data is needed before definite conclusions can be drawn.
Without entering into a detailed survey of Mississippi-
an burial customs, it may be said with some assurance that
the Moundville burial complex is most closely related to
that of the Lower Mississippi Valley and particularly the
Memphis and St. Francis subareas. Given the general cultu-
ral similarity between the Moundville Phase and these re-
gions, this relationship is to be expected. C.B. Moore, in
his thorough investigation of this portion of the Lower Val-
ley, excavated a number of large sites, such as Commerce,
Mississippi, and Rhodes, Pecan Point, Rose Mound, Parkin,
and Neeley's Ferry, Arkansas (Moore, 1910:276-339; 1911:401-
472; Griffin, 1952:231-235). A consistent pattern was re-
vealed: concentrations of burials predominantly of the pri-
mary, fully extended type, plentifully supplied with grave
artifacts, especially pottery. Orientation seems to have
been random. Artifacts were usually placed around the head,
upper body, and hands. However, Moore noted that grave ar-
tifacts were less common in the western part of the St. Fran-
cis region and that partial flexion predominated (Moore,
1910:339). To the south, along the lower Arkansas River
(Menard Focus) the burial complex changes: form and posi-
tion are quite varied and grave artifacts less numerous
(Griffin, 1952:237). To the north in Southeast Missouri
(New Madrid Focus), cemeteries and accretional burial mounds
occur (Griffin, 1952:230). Thus this Moundville-like burial
complex is rather clearly limited, in both time and space,
to those Mississippian manifestations of the Memphis and St.
Francis regions: the Parkin Focus (see Griffin, 1952:231-
233) and the Nodena and Walls Phases (defined by Williams,
In conclusion, the burial complex of the Moundville
Phase forms a well-defined and coherent pattern closely asso-
ciated with a similar complex in the Parkin Focus and the
Nodena and Walls Phases.
1. The Moundville Phase has been described in some detail
in McKenzie, 1964. Research at the Mound State Monument for
that paper was permitted by Mr. David L. DeJarnette, Curator,
to whom I wish to express my thanks. Brief descriptions of
the phase may be found in DeJarnette (1952:283) and Williams
2. This was a female found near mound G in 1934. In 1939 a
male dwarf was found, also near mound G. The physical char-
acteristics have been described by Snow (1943).
3. The assumption here is that the categorization of direc-
tion in Moundville culture was similar to our own. Because
most of the mounds are consistently oriented to the cardinal
points, this assumption seems reasonable. To my knowledge
the cardinal points are recognized in some fashion in all
DeJarnette, David L.
1952 Alabama Archeology: a Summary in Archeology of
Eastern United States, edited by James B. Grif-
fin. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
DeJarnette, David L. and Steve B. Wimberly
1941 The Bessemer Site. Alabama Museum of Natural
History Museum Paper 17. University.
Fairbanks, Charles H.
1956 Archeology of the Funeral Mound, Ocmulgee Nation-
al Monument, Georgia. Washington, U.S. National
Park Service Archeological Research Series No. 3
Griffin, James B.
1952 Prehistoric Cultures of the Central Mississippi
Valley in Archeology of Eastern United States,
edited by James B. Griffin. Chicago, University
of Chicago Press.
Lewis, Thomas M. N. and Madeline Kneberg
1946 Hiwassee Island. Knoxville, University of Tenne-
McKenzie, Douglas H.
1964 The Moundville Phase and its Position in South-
eastern Prehistory. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis,
1965 Pottery Types of the Moundville Phase. South-
eastern Archaeological Conference Bulletin No. 2
Moore, Clarence B.
1905 Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Black Warrior
River. Journal of the Academy of Natural Sci-
ences of Philadelphia, Vol. XIII.
1907 Moundville Revisited. Journal of the Academy of
Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, Vol. XIII.
1910 Antiquities of the St. Francis, White, and Black
Rivers, Arkansas. Journal of the Academy of Na-
tural Sciences of Philadelphia' Vol. XIV.
1911 Some Aboriginal Sites on Mississippi River.
Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of
Philadelphia, Vol. XIV.
Schwartz, Douglas W.
1961 The Tinsley Hill Site. University of Kentucky
Press, Studies in Anthropology, No. 1. N.p.
Snow, Charles E.
1941 Anthropological Studies at Moundville. Alabama
Museum of.Natural History Museum Paper 21. Uni-
Webb, William S. and David L. DeJarnette
1942 An Archeological Survey of the Pickwick Basin in
the Adjacent Portions of the States of Alabama,
Mississippi, and Tennessee. Washington, Bureau
of American Ethnology, Bulletin 129.
1963 The Eastern United States. In Early Indian Farm-
ers and Village Communities. Washington, Nation-
al Park Service, National Survey of Historic
Sites and Buildings.
The Moundville Horizon in Northeast Arkansas.
Case Institute of Technology
Table 1.-Position, orientation, and location on site of burials
(extended-- -- --i- -
flexed) N-S S-N NW-SE SE-W' W-E E-WI SW-NE NE-SW Total
$Ext 5 5 23 2 8 4 11 3 61
SFix 3 0 2 0 4 2 0 0 11
4 Ext 7 4 8 1 6 6 0 7 39
maFlx 2 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 7
Ext 2 4 0 7 0 3 0 2 18
SFlx 2 2 0 0 0 0 1 2 7
Ext 5 11 4 14 6 16 9 7 72
SFlx 1 2 0 3 1 2 0 0 9
Total 27 28 38 27 26 34 22 22 224
*Location (north, east, south, west) relative to plaza
FOLK MEDICINE IN FLORIDA: REMEDIES USING PLANTS
Alice H. Murphree
A. The Research
The remedies or "cures" presented in this paper are
among these recounted by residents of Lafayette County, Flo-
rida during a base-line study of the health resources in
that county. The two primary goals of that ethnographic
study were to investigate (1) the existence, accessibility,
and utilization of orthodox medical resources, and (2) the
availability and utilization of other health resources, in-
cluding folk medicine. Health Information Sheets were admin-
istered to all eighth grade school children and interviews
were conducted with householders, county officials, school
personnel, representatives of health fields, business people,
and other informants. Observations were made in homes, pub-
lic offices, places of business, schools, and along the
roads and highways of the county over a six month period.
The 541 households of the eighth grade school children
were chosen as representative of families with school age
children and 16 households of grandparents of the eighth gra-
ders were representative of the older segment of the popula-
tion. These two groups, totalling 70 households, comprised
the base families or households. In addition to the respon-
dents in the 70 base households, 35 other individuals were
contacted and each was interviewed at least once.
B. The Situation
Lafayette, with 654 square miles, ranks 13th from the
smallest of the counties in Florida and is 4th smallest in
the northern panhandle.2 In 1960 it had an all rural, large-
ly agricultural, population of 2,889, a 16 percent decrease
over a ten-year period. A combination of several factors
has created a declining economy with low family income and a
receding population and the result has been less service em-
ployment and more out migration. Recent statistics on fami-
ly income showed 725 families in Lafayette County in 1959
with a med an income for families and unrelated individuals
There is no hospital in the county and the one physician
retired during the period of study. The Public Health Ser-
vice maintains a Clinic in Mayo (the county seat) staffed
full time by one Public Health Nurse and one clerk. Lafay-
ette is part of a three-county district usually served by a
Florida Anthropologist, Vol.XVIII, No. 3, Part 1 175
Public Health Physician who attends the Clinic in each coun-
ty once each week; however, during part of the study period
the district was without a Public Health Physician. There
are two licensed midwives, one Negro, practicing under super-
vision of the Public Health Nurse.
The county is served by a non-locally owned ambulance,
with a driver on 24 hour duty. There are two drug stores in
the county, one operated by a registered pharmacist and
in the other the retired physician fulfills that function.
In addition to the Public Health Nurse, there are at least
two registered nurses and several nursing assistants resid-
ing in the county but employed elsewhere. The county em-
ploys a full-time veterinarian.
C. Folk Medicine
The treatment of both humans and animals falls within
the scope of folk medicine and folk remedies presented here-
in illustrate this dual usage. These do not include all the
remedies known in this rural agricultural county; in fact,
it is believed that a thorough investigation in the area of
folk medicine would result in a collection of hundreds of
remedies. It is not suggested that the extant folk medicine
in Lafayette County, other than that which reflects the phys-
ical environment, is peculiar either to that county or to
the state of Florida. There is a strong relationship with
the folk medicine of other counties in Florida, with other
Southern states, and with the ethnic backgrounds of Southern
rural peoples. However, these relationships are left for
future research, and only the items in the current collec-
tion of folk medicine of Lafayette County which use plants
among the ingredients are presented.
Traditionally, the bulk of the materials used in folk
medicine is from the immediate environment and consists of
the items with which a given culture is most familiar. An
agricultural society has an inherent interest in and wide
knowledge of both domestic and wild plants. Although this
knowledge rarely includes botanical identification and there
may be confusion concerning local names for specific plants,
many of the ascribed properties of plants are commonly known.
The folk terminology often colorfully describes either the
properties or the appearance of the plant.
All residents interviewed had knowledge of "old time
remedies",5 the majority had had personal experience with
them, and a bare minimum professed "never to have used none."
However, those who knew the specific ingredients and the pro-
portions for effective use were limited to some of the old-
est informants. Although one or two respondents said,
"There's some of that around the house here somewhere," pre-
parations could not be found and the usual descriptive lang-
uage was in the past tense.
In what follows, the local plant name is used and its
first appearance is followed by the botanical classification.
Most of the botanical identifications were made by D. B.
Ward and D. Burch of the Herbarium, College of Agriculture,
University of Florida from plant specimens gathered in Lafay-
ette County. Those plants for which no specimens were avail-
able are asterisked. See Appendix A for an alphabetical
list of common names with botanical identification. An ex-
planation of the various types of remedies and methods of
preparation are given in the next section and the final sec-
tion contains an alphabetical listing of complaints or ill-
nesses and the remedies to "doctor" or "cure" each complaint
CATEGORIES OF FOLK MEDICINES AND THE PREPARATION THEREOF
In this collection the teas are the most common type of
folk medicines using plants. A part of the plant -- root,
stem, leaves, blades, bark, seeds, blooms, sap or, in some
instances, the whole plant is placed in a cooking vessel and
covered with water. Usually the water is brought to a boil
and allowed to diminish in volume until the proper consisten-
cy or color is achieved; "the color of coffee" was suggested
as one criterion. Generally the tea is strained and may be
sweetened with either sugar or cane syrup, which may cause
it to "work, like beer." Although several informants repor-
ted that sassafras tea has a pleasant taste, an appealing
pink color, and is prepared because it is enjoyed as a bev-
erage, most of the teas were said to be bitter and unpleas-
ent tasting. Recipes for teas using roots specify that the
roots be cleaned and pared; leaves or blades usually require
chopping. In addition to oral dosage, either hot or cold
depending on the complaint, teas may be rubbed on the af-
fected part, the vapor from a hot tea may be inhaled, or the
affected part may be soaked in the tea.
B. Poultices, Salves, or Plasters
Some poultices are made by placing wilted leaves on a
thin cloth which is then applied to the area to be treated.
Plant parts may also be mashed or beaten into a pulp and
called a salve or poultice. Plant teas can be mixed with
tallow, pine tar, beeswax, and corn meal to make a plaster
for local application.
C. Other categories
Other remedial uses include eating or applying extern-
ally a portion of the raw plant, smoking or inhaling the
smoke from dried, burning plants, and, closely allied to
this, the inhalation of the aroma of a dried plant. For
some remedies a part of the plant is infused in a liquid and
ingested, or a syrup or candy may be made from a plant and
LIST OF COMPLAINTS AND THE PERTINENT FOLK REMEDIES
A pillow made from dried Rabbit Tobacco or Deer Tongue
(Eriogonum tomentosum) or (Trilisa odoratissima) is good for
A pillow made from the dried leaves of the Life Ever-
lasting plant (Gnaphalium purpreum)7 is a remedy for asthma.
Inhalation of the smoke from burning, dried Jimson Weed8
(Chenopodium ambrosioides) leaves is a cure for asthma at-
tacks. A funnel may be inverted over the burning leaves fo
facilitate the inhalation of the smoke.
Buttonwood (Cephalanthus occidentalis) roots in whisky
is good for asthma.
Baby, Deliver of:
Tea made from Low Bush Myrtle (Myrica cerifera)* is
good to "keep the labor coming."
Bleeding, to Stop:
"Clear tar" (the sap) from a Pine Tree (Pinus elliotti)
applied locally stops bleeding.
Blood, to Build Up or to Purify:9
Queen's Delight or Queen's Root (Stillingia sylvatica)
and Virginia Snake Plant or Virginia Snake Root(Aristolochia
serpentaria)* tea are used to build up and purify the blood.
The teas are strained and sweetened with either sugar or
cane syrup and taken one tablespoonful three times a day.
Tea made from the dried Pennywinkle or Periwinkle plant
(Vinca major) is used to build up blood or as a tonic.
Sassafrass (Sassafras albidum) roots are used in a tea
to build up the blood.
Boils or "Risin's":
The pad of the Prickly Pear (Opuntia lata) is peeled
and beaten to a pulp which is applied to the affected area.
This pulp is called a salve or poultice.
Resin, or "clear tar" from a Pine Tree mixed with tal-
low is good for "risin's" or sores.
A plaster made from Gopher Grass or Fever Grass (Chry-
sopsis graminifolia) blade tea is used on boils and infected
cuts. The tea is mixed with tallow, pine tar, beeswax, and
corn meal to make a plaster.
Tallow mixed with Fern (Pteridium aquilinum) tea makes
a good rub for burns.
Castrated or "changed" horse: 10
Gopher Grass is used to drench a horse which has been
"changed" and is not convalescing satisfactorily.
Colds or croup:
Gum from the Wild Cherry tree (Prunus serotina) is col-
lected and boiled to make a syrup which is food for colds
and the croup.
Catnip (Nepeta cataria)* tea is used for a baby with
Tea made from Red Oak (quercus falcata) or Post Oak
(Quercus margaretta) bark is good for colitis. The tea
should be the same color as coffee.
Blue Grass (Paspalum difforme) tea is a remedy for coli-
tis. As much grass as can be encircled with the thumb and
forefinger is the proper amount to put in the tea.
Tea from the roots of the Star Grass (Chloris glauca)
plant is used as a laxative.
The roots of the Trumpet Plant (Sarracenia minor) are
boiled in cane syrup and made into a light candy as a remedy
Cuts and Sores:
A Gopher Grass Plaster is used on cuts.
A Prickly Pear poultice or salve is good for sores or
Wilted Cabbage (Brassica oleracea) leaves or Turnip
(Brassica depressa)* leaves placed on an infected cut draws
out the poison
Raw Sweet Potato (Ipomoea batatas) is eaten to stop the
"stomach running off."11
Tea made from the roots of the Trumpet Plant is good
About one inch of the Buttonwood or Rattlesnake Button-
wood (Cephalanthus occidentalis) root in a pint of good whis-
ky is a cure for dropsy. The dosage is one teaspoonful
three times a day.
Roast out an Onion (Allium cepa), mash out the juice,
and put "a couple of drops" in the affected ear. This is
reported to have cured an earache and is believed to have
prevented subsequent earaches.
Chop the heart of a Peach (Prunus persica) seed very
fine, place in a "spider"2 and fry it out in a little bit
of homemade, clear lard. Cook this down, strain it, and
cool it. Use a few drops in the aching ear and it will cure
Pine tops are placed in water and boiled until "the sub-
stance comes out." This mixture or tea is placed in a bowl
or jar and the head is tipped over it so that the "substance
goes into the head or ear" to cure earache.
Tea of the Shoemake or Sumac (Rhus copallina) root is
mixed with corn meal for a poultice for Erysipilis and other
Feet, Swelling in:
Tea from the leaves of the Mullein (Verbascum thapsus)*
is good for swelling in the feet.
Pine top tea (see Earache) is good for chilling fever.
Tea made from the roots of the Dog Fennel (Eupatorium
compositifolium) plant will "sweat the fever off."
Gopher Grass tea is a remedy to bring down a fever.
Gopher Grass tea, to which some saltl3 and/or a few
drops of turpentine may be added, if desired, is an excel-
lent cure for gout when rubbed with once a day. The grass
is boiled down until it is "as black as coffee."
A drop of juice from the hull of a green Black Walnut
(Juglans nigra) applied to the immediate area of ground itch
eruption cures it. Care must be taken not to allow the
juice to touch any other skin area to avoid "blistering."
Ground itch is cured from the feet by soaking the affec-
ted foot in Poke Bush (Phytolacca americana) root tea.
Gopher Grass tea, applied locally, is good for ground
Wrap the feet in gree Gourd (Lageneria vulgaris)*
leaves and it "draws out the ground itch."
Catnip tea is used as a remedy for hives.
The root of the Trumpet plant is chewed to relieve in-
Lameness (in a horse):
Gopher Grass tea is used to rub the lame leg of a horse.
"The boiled grass makes a good mop" for application.
Sassafras tea is used for measles. Roots are cut into
2 or 3 inch lengths and boiled in water.
Corn (Zea mays) shuck tea is used to "break out" the
The leaves of the Mustard plant (Brassica Juncea) are
beaten to form a poultice and applied on the chest as a reme-
dy for pneumonia.
Tea made from dried Corn shucks clears up the conges-
tion and "runs down" the temperature in pneumonia.
Gopher Grass tea is as good for rheumatism as it is for
Tea from the roots of the Gopher Apple or Gopher Plant
(Asimina speciosa) is a remedy for rheumatism. The roots
are gathered from the size of one's finger up to 3 or 4 in-
ches in diameter.
Tea made from the roots of the Sting Nettle (Cnidoscu-
lus stimulosus) plant will "give a man courage."
A cure for rattlesnake bite is to drink warm milk in
which green Cocklebur (Xanthium americanum) have been placed.
Smoking a cigarette made from dried Corn Silk is a cure
for sore throat.
"Teen age trouble" Illegitimate pregnancy:
Tea from the roots of the Black Root plant (Pterocaulon
undulatum) is good for "teen age trouble" and will cause a-
bortion. Keep drinking the tea "along and along" until "she
don't need it no more."
Tonic (for chickens):
Tea made from Red Oak or Post Oak bark is used as a
tonic for hens and is good for biddieitwhich are "passing
Tea made from the bark of the Sassafras tree cures the
Red Oak bark tea is used to cure ulcers. One informant
attested that this remedy cured a "not completely formed"
A tea made from the combined roots of the Queens' De-
light plant and Prickly Ash (Xanthxylum clavaherculis) tree
"clears the blood" in general disease. The tea may be sweet-
ened with sugar and the dosage is one tablespoonful three
times a day, for several weeks. It is suggested also that a
"little drop of tar" from a pine tree be taken "about once a
week" during this treatment in order to "keep the kidneys
Trumpet Plant tea made from five or six roots boiled in
2/3 cup of water until the water "looks like coffee" is a
good cure for vomiting.
The "milk" or sap of the Milk Weed (Asclepias humistra-
ta) plant applied to warts removes them.
The Jerusalem Weed or Jerusalem Oak (Chenopodium ambro-
sioides) plant is used in remedies for worms. In the spring
the roots are boiled to make a tea which is then cooked with
cane syrup to make a candy. In the fall the seeds are com-
bined with honey to form a syrup or the seeds are cooked in
cane syrup to make a candy similar to peanut brittle. The
dosage of the syrup is one teaspoonful twice a day, and it
is "bitter, bitter."
List of Common Names for Plants with the Botanical Iden-
Black Root Pterocaulon undulatum
Black Walnut Juglans nigra
Blue Grass Paspalum difforme
Buttonwood or Rattlesnake Buttonwood Cephalanthus occiden-
Cabbage Brassica oleracea
Catnip Nepeta cataria*
Cocklebur Xanthium americanum
Corn Zea mays
Deer Tongue Trilisa odoratissima or Eriogonum tomentosum
Dog Fennel Eupatorium compositifolium
Fern Pteridium aquilinum
Gopher Apple, Gopher Plant,or Gopher Root Asimina speciosa
Gourd Lageneria vulgaris*
Jerusalem Oak, Jerusalem Weed, or Jimson Weed Chenopodium
Life Everlasting Gnaphalium purpureum*
Low Bush Myrtle Myrica cerifera*
Milkweed Asclepias humistrata
Mullein Verbascum thapsus*
Mustard Brassica juncea
Onion Allium cepa
Peach Prunus persica
Pennywinkle or Periwinkle Vinca major
Pine Pinus elliottii
Poke Plant Phytolacca americana
Post Oak Quercus margaretta
Prickly Ash Xanthoxylum clava-herculis
Queens' Delight or Queens' Root Stillingia sylvatica
Rabbit Tobacco Eriogonum tomentosum Eriogonum
Red Oak Quercus falcata
Sassafras Sassafras albidum
Shoemake or Sumac Rhus copallina
Star Grass Chloris clauca
Sting Nettle Cnidosculus stimulosus
Sweet Potato Ipomoea batatas
Trumpet Plant Sarracenia minor
Virginia Snake Plant or Virginia Snake Root Aristolochia
Wild Cherry Prunus serotina
1. Although there were 55 eighth graders in the county
there were only 54 households because there was one set of
brother and sister.
2. U. S. Bureau of the Census, U. S. Census of Population;
1960 (Washington, D. C.: United States Printing Office,
1963), Vol. I, Characteristics of the Population, Part II,
3. U. S. Census of Population, 1960.
4. U. S. Census of Population, 1960.
5. The colloquial term for folk remedies as used by the in-
6. One informant called a specimen of Eriogonum tomentosum
Rabbit Tobacco or Deer Tongue; another called a specimen of
Trilisa odoratissima Deer Tongue.
7. This and subsequent asterisked botanical identifications
have been made by common names from a standard classifica-
tion of natural orders and genera for plants.
8. Also called Jerusalem Weed or Jerusalem Oak.
9. Anemia was the inferred complaint in the description of
these remedies, but the term was not used.
10. To drench is to force a large amount of liquid or dry
material into the digestive system of a cow or a horse.
11. A colloquialism for diarrhea.
12. An iron frying pan or skillet.
13. The comment was made in the context of this remedy,
"Salt is good to draw."
14. Small chicks.
15. Thrush, locally called "the thrash" is a condition affec-
ting the inside of an infant's mouth and may interfere with
I wish to express my appreciation for the encouragement
and assistance so generously given by the Behavioral Scien-
ces Division, Department of Psychiatry, particularly by Dr.
Evan G. Pattishall, Chairman and Dr. Marshall B. Jones, Dr.
Sally Robinson, Department of Anthropology, University of
Florida was also extremely helpful both through her expres-
sion of interest in the study and in her function as consul-
tant and advisor.
Also I wish to thank Drs. D. B. Ward and D. Burch of
the Herbarium, Department of Agriculture, University of Flo-
rida for supplying the botanical identification for the vari-
ous plant specimens. Their consideration and cooperation
were vital to this paper.
SIGNIFICANCE OF DIMENSIONS OF BIG SANDY I-LIKE PROJECTILE
POINTS IN NORTHWEST FLORIDA
William C. Lazarus
Most projectile point taxonomic systems take little
note of actual physical dimensions relying mostly upon such
relative terms as small, medium and large. Subjective
judgements seem to dominate nearly all projectile point clas-
sification methods at present. The question is raised as
to whether subjective judgements are necessary or desirable.
At present, it is acknowledged, that the Pre-Columbian
cultures of the Americas lacked a measurement system or mea-
surement tools such as calipers. It has long been argued in
archaeological circles that since projectile points were
made to "subjective" standards, they should be classified by
a similar method. However, while classifying projectile
points from the Northwest Florida Coast using the available
literature, it appeared that at least the Big Sandy I-like
points from this area have one or more closely controlled
Therefore in an effort to improve projectile point clas-
sification methods, I elected to perform a statistical study
on a random sample of Big Sandy I-like points to determine
the relative significance of their principal physical dimen-
sions. The taking of a true "random sample" in archaeology
is definitely not as simple as might be expected (Spaulding
1960). Special precautions are required to insure true
randomness in accordance with established statistical pro-
ceedures. Most graduate students in the fields of archaeo-
logy and anthropology are required to successfully complete
a statistics course which is adequate to insure that modern
statistical methods are employed. It was while enrolled in
such a course, that the idea for this study germinated.
The Big Sandy I-like point type selected for this spe-
cial study had some special advantages because of very dis-
tinctive characteristics independent of length, width, thick-
ness or other dimensions. Big Sandy I-like points are easy
to identify. Most archaeologists experienced in projectile
classification can pick the classic version out of any point
collection in a matter of minutes. The subjective defini-
tion and understanding of the characteristics of this point
are well established (Cambron and Hulse 1964) and will not
be gone into here other than to state that an abbreviated
subjective criteria was used in selection of my random sam-
ple and the reason therefore.
Florida Anthropologist, Vol. XVIII, No. 3, Part 1 187
Selection criteria used to insure that only Big Sandy
I-like points were included in the random sample were:
1. Opposite beveled blades ("Twisters")
2. Side Notching
3. Basal and Side Notch Grinding
4. Well formed "ears" (concave base)
Although there are many more diagnostic traits of an
"Either/or" nature for Big Sandy I-like points in the defini-
tion of the type and its variants, it is claimed that any
point which possesses the above 4 characteristics will be
classified as a Big Sandy I-like projectile point. It is
not desirable to bring questionable or variant points into
a random sample statistical study of this type. I wanted to
sample only undisputable Big Sandy I-like points. In Table
II, the reader will find some characteristics, such as ser-
iation,recorded as part of the data obtained from the sample.
Reporting of the Type in Northwest Florida
Big Sandy I-like points were reported in Northwest
Florida by Fairbanks (1963). It was not fully established
that these were the Classic Big Sandy I type or a variant.
The present study will not do this either, but it will estab-
lish whether they are a type or not. (be it a variant or
the classic Big Sandy I.) In addition to the Fairbanks iden-
tification of Big Sandy I-like points in the area, I can
confirm that well over 100 Big Sandy I-like points exist in
various collections of projectile points from Northwest Flor-
ida. I consider it a conservative assumption, based on the
collections I have examined, that thousands of Big Sandy I-
like projectile points were made and/or used in Northwest
To properly perform this experiment, a specific area
from which the points would be taken for the random sample
was established in advance. Figure I shows the 8 county
area in northwest Florida between the Alabama State line and
the Gulf of Mexico which was chosen. The area is bounded on
the east by the Apalachicola River and on the west by the
Okaloosa-Santa Rosa County line. The area contains about
7,260 square miles of pine woods, lakes, river swamps,
streams and some 110 lineal miles of Gulf Coast bayou, bay
and sand dune terrain. This can hardly be regarded as an
area with a uniform ecology at present.
In Early Archaic Times, circa 8,000 B.C. when the Big
Sandy I type was in use, the relative sea level along this
section of coast was 80 to 140 feet below present levels.
GULF o MEXICO
FIG. 1 AREA OF NW FLORIDA (SHADED) FROM WHICH RANDOM
SAMPLE CAME. NUMBERS INDICATE COUNTY TOTALS
AND GENERAL LOCATION IN THE CONTROLLED AREA.
(Lazarus 1965) The coastal area was at least 30 miles south
of the present bays and bayous where Big Sandy I-like point
are being found. These present bays and bayous were then
fresh water stream beds and valleys or ravines, so that the
ecology of the controlled area should have been very similar
to that in both Alabama and Georgia at that time.
Random Sample Collection Method
As a starting point for selection of the random sample,
a list was prepared of the Museums and individual collectors
of projectile points who were known to have collections from
this area. In advance, it was not known how many Big Sandy
I-like points this method might produce. It was decided in
advance, that the collections would be taken at random, but
that once a collection was included all points meeting the
subjective criteria stated above would be included in the
sample. It was further agreed a random sample size of at
least 30 would be required and that I would go down the list
of collections until this number was reached or exceeded.
No attempt would be made to exhaust the list.
The random sample size 30 was selected because it per-
mits use of statistical techniques such as the Central Limit
Theorem which is independent of the form of the sampled pop-
ulation. That is, no matter what the form of the sampled
population, provided only that it has a finite variance, the
sample mean will be approximately normally distributed
Because of the costs involved in the items and the high
costs of testing, industry frequently limits itself to such
sample sizes for quality control with good results. It
seems evident where we are sampling merely for dimensional
control that such practices are equally applicable to archae-
ological random samples.
The fact that no points were selected from Holmen
County should not be interpreted as indicator that Big
Sandy I-like points did not occur there. I have seen Big
Sandy I-like points from this county but none were readily
available at the time the random sample was taken. The area
should be considered as part of the controlled area and as
part of the random pattern used in this experiment.
It may be significant to note that in projectile point
collections throughout Northwest Florida, including the con-
trolled area for this study, it is rare to find more than
one Paleo-like point in a given location. Most Clovis-like,
Dalton-like and similar points are found as "singles" in the
shallow waters of bays and bayous or on ridges above streams
Sources of the Random Sample
Florida Number of Points Identi- Number of Sites
County fied as Big Sandy I-like Involved
Jackson 5 1
Calhoun 3 2
Gulf 1 1
Bay 1 1
Washington 8 4
Holmes 0 0
Walton 2 1
Okaloosa 11 6
Totals 31 16
near the present coastline. The inland areas of Northwest
Florida counties have not been well searched but what evi-
dence there is indicates a similar situation.
In contrast, the Big Sandy I-like points appear not
only as "singles" but on definable sites also. Finds of
both kinds are included in the random sample (Table II).
All points in the random sample were "surface collected".
This does not mean that they are out of context in time as
might be inferred. In practically all instances they came
from eroded surfaces. For example, all Big Sandy I-like
points from OK-53 were in the shallow waters of Choctawhat-
chee Bay. The land subsidence and rising waters of the Gulf
have combined to inundate an Archaic Period site. In Wash-
ington County and in Calhoun County all specimens came from
road cut surfaces.
Big Sandy I-like points, in quantities greater than
five per site, came from Blue Springs in Jackson County, the
Mahs Farm in Washington County (not included in the random
sample because the collection was not readily available)and
Shark Point (OK-53).
Big Sandy I-like Points, based on the radiocarbon dates
(Cambron & Hulse 1964) and the stratigraphic evidence (Ing-
manson 1964) (DeJarnette, Kurjack & Cambron 1962) gathered
within 130-250 miles of the controlled area, could be the
oldest type of points to occur on "sites". However, this
is inferred rather than proven by the data presented herein.
The data recorded from each of the 31 specimens used
in the random sample is shown in Table II. The dimensions,
wherever possible, were taken with calipers and the values
then read on a millimeter scale.
TABLE II RAW DATA FROM SPECIMENS IN THE RANDOM SAMPLE
Serr- Max. Max. Thick-
ated Length Width ness
* = Partially estimated.
Wh.= White n1w.= Yellow
All measurements in millimeters.
The distal ends of six points were Droken off requiring
an estimate rather than an exact measurement of length. In
each case, the planform of the existing part of the point
was carefully traced on paper and the missing distal end was
sketched based on continuity. The longest point (75mm.),
which tends to distort the value of mean length, was one of
these cases. However, 60mm. of the length of this point
were present on which to base the estimate.
Through error, the thickness was not recorded for seven
points used in the sample. This could influence the statis-
tics related to thickness only.
Results of Statistical Analysis
Table III and Figures 2,3,4, and 5 contain the results
of the statistical analysis of the recorded dimensional data
from the random sample. The detail calculations of this
analysis are not presented here in order to conserve space
but they follow those in common use and defined by Ostle
Results of Statistical Analysis of Certain Dimensions of
Big Sandy I-like Projectile Points from Northwest Florida.
(Based on raw data from Table II )
Overall Max. Max. Dimension
Statistic Length Width Thickness Across Notches
MEAN 43.46mm 22.9mm 7.13mm 14.23mm.
MEDIAN 43.0 mm 23.0mm 7.0 mm 14.0 mm.
MODE 34.0 mm# 22.0mm 7.0 mm 14.0 mm.
ABOUT MEAN 13.08mm 3.12mm 1.37mm 1.88 mm.
OF VARIATION +0.301 +0.136 0.193 0.132
# W*en class intervals are used this value becomes bi-modal with
one value in the 30-39mm. region and the other in the 50-59mm
region. (See Fig. 2)
Discussion and Conclusions
This study clearly shows that the dimension-across-the-
notches on the Big Sandy I-like Projectile Points used in
this study was highly controlled.
The symmetry of the polygon in Figure 5 indicates a
strong justification for using the Central Limit Theorem to
construct the confidence interval even though the sample
size of 31 points is rather modest. Alternately, it can be
assumed that the distribution of "width-across-the-notches"
is normal, in which case a confidence interval can be con-
FIG.3 FREQUENCY POLYGON DISTRIBUTION OF WIDTHS OF 31 BIG
SANDY I-LIKE PROJECTILE POINTS FROM NW. FLORIDA
Class Interval= 2mm.
6 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34
Width in mm.
FIG.2 FREQUENCY POLYGON DISTRIBUTION OF LENGTHS OF 31 BIG
SANDY I-LIKE PROJECTILE POINTS FROM NW. FLORIDA
Length in mm.
FIG.5 FREQUENCY POLYGON DISTRIBUTION OF WIDTHIACROSS-
NOTCHES OF 31 BIG SANDY I-LIKE PROJECTILE POINTS
FROM NW FLORIDA
8 Class Interval = 2mm.
8 10 12 14 16 18 20
Width-Across-Notches in mm.
structed on the basis of the "Student t" distribution with
300 of freedom.
Using the latter approach, the 95% confidence limits
for the mean "width-across-the-notches" are 13.54 and 14.92
mm. The interpretation or significance of this statement is
that of the intervals constructed on the basis of a long se-
quence of samples of 31 points, 95% would contain the true
mean value, where the particular interval obtained in this
experiment is only the first in this hypothetical sequence.
It is indeed notable that subjective judgement by the
manufacturers of such points could achieve such close tol-
erances. The data seems to substantiate that all points in
this random sample belong to a single type. Whether this
type should be called Big Sandy I is not clear because the
present definition of that type does not as yet include a
statistical analysis of dimensions such as was performed on
this sample. However, subjective classification indicates
that the type is Big Sandy I but with greater ranges in di-
mensions than those given by Cameron and Hulse (1964).
It would be highly desirable to have similar analyses
run for Big Sandy I, Osceola, Otter Creek and Bolen point
types to determine the degree of similarity in the critical
dimensions. This is possible by selecting a random sample
of at least 30 points from a homogeneous geographical area
as was done herein.
This technique might be expected to work not only for
this type of point but possibly for others also. A projec-
tile point, although considered a whole artifact, is only
part of a weapon. As a part, it must attach securely to an-
other part--the shaft or handle-- and the mating of these
two, quite logically, is dimensionally critical. Obviously,
in the case at hand considerable effort has gone into the
control of the dimension which closely approximates the
Considering the size and weight (mass) of the projec-
tile point and the size and weight (mass) of the attached
shaft, the latter is of great importance in weapon effectiv-
ness and design. It is the shaft, rather than the point,
which is the major source of momentum which drives the point
into the flesh of the victim. The stone point must perform
the important cutting functions including the making of a
wide enough incision in the hide to admit the shaft so that
deep penetration is achieved.
The "kill mechanisms" of stone projectile points is be-
yond the scope of this paper but it is noted that there are
many "trade offs" in terms of point and shaft relationships.
When these are better understood they will materially aid
in studies of the weapons of early man. These studies must
go beyond the present subjective classification of the pro-
jectile points to be truly comprehensive.
In contrast with the tight dimensional control of the
hafting construction and almost equal control of overall
width and thickness, length of the points used in this study
proved to be a poor criteria for classification purposes.
For a projectile point to perform properly it must be sharp.
Resharpening has its greatest effect on the length of a
point and little or no effect on width or the hafting area.
It is therefore expected that the length of a point changes
Length can also be changed somewhat for purely asthetic
reasons without grossly altering the effectiveness of the
kill mechanism of the whole weapon. There is therefore the
possibility, somewhat remote perhaps, that time changes can
be reflected in the length of points but the act of resharp-
ening the point seems a more logical explanation for the
wide range of lengths encountered.
Binford (1963) has previously discussed at some length
the statistical treatment of projectile points. Spaulding
(1960) has identified many of the newer statistical methods
which are applicable to the description and comparison of
artifact assemblages. Among his conclusions he states, ".;.
the current trend toward utilization of more elaborate and
theoretically sophisticated quantitative methods is not dil-
ettantism or a naive attempt to appropriate some of the cur-
rent prestige of the physical sciences by aping their meth-
ods. It is rather an effort to discover and communicate sub-
tile differences between closely related assemblages, so
that the details can be inserted into the broad outline..."
In consonance with Spaulding's thought, I should iden-
tify some of the potential benefits from the methods used in
this study which may not be obvious in the present experi-
ment. These might be regarded as the "things to look for"
and their possible significance to archaeologists.
First, it is believed that a random sample of 30 or
more points from a relatively homogeneous geographic area
will provide a very good "first approximation" standard for
definition of range in dimensions. At present there is no
such control, other than subjective judgement, as to how far
to let the dimensions range.
Second, if bi-modal characteristics are detected in the
frequency polygons, it is possible that a variant type is
present in the sample and hence in the point population in
the controlled area. This bi-modal characteristic should be
obvious in two or more polygons, however, to lend credulance
to this assumption. The variant might be coeval or time
separated but its presence would be inferred at least from
a bi-modal (or multi-modal) characteristic in frequency poly-
gons. An alternative explanation for bi-modal or multi-
modal frequency polygons would be that the subjective dimen-
sioning techniques were poor among the makers of the point
type. This, in itself, is a cultural trait worth recording.
Third, flat-topped frequency polygons might be inter-
preted as indicative of style change with time (gradual evo-
lution of the point type). Should a peak occur in the pla-
teau, it might be indicative of the point evolving until a
desired degree of perfection was obtained. Flat-topped fre-
quency polygons could also suggest as an alternative that
the makers of the points were not skilled or attached no
significance to subjective dimensioning.
There can be little doubt that the culture which pro-
duced the Big Sandy I-like points in Northwest Florida were
skilled in the art of subjective dimensioning of projectile
points where such control was important in the hafting con-
Specimens used in this study were made available by the
Fort Walton Temple Mound Museum; Dana and Elston Fagan, Ft.
Walton Beach, Fla.; Kenneth Broadnax, Lynn Haven, Fla.;
Wynne May, New Hope, Fla.; Charles Ray and Michael Edwards,
Valparaiso, Fla.; and Jack Webb and Gerald Spence, Niceville,
Mr. Roger Davidson of Florida State University faculty
assisted by reviewing the statistical methods used. The
staff of the Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, F.
S.U., where the author is a Research Associate, provided a
critical review as did Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks, Editor of
the Florida Anthropologist and Mr. Ripley P. Bullen of the
Florida State Musem.
Binford, Lewis R.
1963 The Pomranky Site, Anthropological Papers, Muse-
um of Anthropology, University of Michigan, No.
19. pp 149-192. Ann Arbor, Michigan.
Cambron, James W. and Hulse, David C.
1964 Handbook of Alabama Archaeology, Part 1, Point
Types. Archaeological Research Association of
Alabama, Inc., University, Alabama.
DeJarnette, David L., Kurjack, Edward B., and Cambron, James
1962 Stanfield-Worley Bluff Shelter Excavations.
Journal of Alabama Archaeology, Vol. VIII, Nos
1-2, University, Alabama.
Fairbanks, Charles H.
1964 The Early Occupations of Northwestern Florida.
Proceedings of the 19th Southeastern Archaeologi-
cal Conference. Bulletin No. 1. Cambridge, Mass.
Ingmanson, J. Earl
1964 The Archaic Sequence in the Ocmulgee Bottoms,
Proceedings of the 19th Southeastern Archaeologi-
cal Conference, Bulletin No. 1. Cambridge, Mass.
Lazarus, William C.
1965 Effects of Land Subsidence and Sea Level Changes
on Elevation of Archaeological Sites on the Flo-
rida Gulf Coast. The Florida Anthropologist
Vol. XVIII No. 1, Gainesville, Florida.
1963 Statistics in Research, 2nd Edition. The Iowa
State University Press.
Statistical Description and Comparison of Arti-
fact Assemblages. The Application of Quantita-
tive Methods in Archaeology (Edited by Heizer
and Cook) pp 60-92, Quadrangle Books. (Viking
Fund Publications in Anthropology No. 28). Chica-