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SOME HIGHLIGHTS IN THE HISTORY OF FORT ST. MARKS
Dorris L. Olds
A brief summary of the highlights in the history of Fort St. Marks established by the
Spanish about 1678. It was successively occupied by the Spanish, English, Spanish again,
an English freebooter, and American Territorial forces. Thepaper contains some discussion
of Indian relations in the area.
The site of Fort St. Marks is one of Florida's priceless heritages
which has long been overlooked, neglected, and despoiled. The Florida
Anthropological Society and The Department of Anthropology and
Archaeology of Florida State University are currently sponsoring an
archaeological salvage operation in the region. There is little left
to be seen on the surface now except ruins of the old stone wall along
the Wakulla River, but the north wall with its east and west bastions
can be made outunderneaththe overgrowth of weeds and brush. There
is no road to the spot--the only means of access is by small boat.
The various fortifications through the years were located on the
point of land just above the confluence of the St. Marks and Wakulla
Rivers, in Wakulla County, about twenty miles south of Tallahassee
and three-quarters of a mile to the southwest of the village of St.
Marks. The combined rivers, under the name of St. Marks, flow
together about nine miles before emptying into Apalachee Bay in the
Gulf of Mexico. Large ocean-going vessels used to anchor in the
"Spanish Hole" in Apalachee Bay and send their small boats upstream
to the port. Smaller craft, which drew less than ten feet of water
could, at high tide, cross the sand bar which lay across the mouth of
the harbor and proceed several miles up the St. Marks River above
the triangle of land on which the fort stood.
The purpose of the first fortification, of 1679, was to offer some
protection to the port of Apalachee Province from frequent pirate
raids which were a threat from the Gulf. This was particularly im-
portant because the fertile Apalachee country, through the flourishing
mission system, was able to provide large quantities of corn and
other provisions to St. Augustine, which was a long way from any
other source of food supply. Later fortifications were built to defend
the port against British and French aggression from the Gulf, and
to protect Apalachee Province from attack by the British and by
hostile Indians from the country to the north. The fort served as a
communications link between St. Augustine and Pensacola by land,
and furnished a direct sea route to Vera Cruz and Havana. It was also
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XV, No. 2, June, 1962 33
a focal point for relations with Indian groups who lived in the central
area between Pensacola and St. Augustine, northward into Georgia.
From the flagstaff, at different times in its nearly three hundred
year history, flew not only Spanish, British, and American Confederate
and Union flags, but one of whichfewpeople have any knowledge--the
banner of the State of Muskogee.
A few episodes from the records will serve to illustrate some of
the activities with which the site is connected.
The first fortification on the site was begun, it appears, in 1678
and completed in 1679, under the direction of Florida's Governor
Hita Salazar. Lucy L. Wenhold (1956) has published the most com-
plete account of the fate of the original structure, and the following
sketch is based on it. The Governor was disappointed in not being
able to carry out his plan to build a strong fort, but there was no
money in the royal treasury to erect a permanent stronghold; how-
ever, he did the best he could with the material at hand. Pirates had
recently raided the port and province, carrying off some mission
priests as hostages for ransom, thus, dramatically pointing up the
immediate need for some defense against future raids. We know very
little of how it actually looked, except that it was a small fort, made
of logs whichwere coatedwithlime onthe exterior to give the appear-
ance of stone from a distance. It was described as weak and not
permanent--and this turned out to be all too true.
About midnight, on the moonlight night of March 20, 1682, a pirate
ship entered Apalachee Bay and anchored near the harbor mouth four
miles away. The fort looked formidable enough from there, and the
pirate captain was about to put back to sea when someone noticed the
mast of a vessel anchored up the river, protected by the fort's guns.
This was a tempting prize, even though its capture would involve
engaging the fort.
The captain of the merchant vessel, just in from Havana, was a
guest inside the redoubt, along with three priests. Outside the walls,
lodged in thatch-roofed huts, slept Lieutenant Perez and a detach-
ment of troops from Mission San Luis, headquarters for Apalachee
Province, located near present-day Tallahassee. They had brought
with them a large group of Indians, who were also camped out nearby.
Inside the fort, according to the story of the commandant, was Lieu-
tenant Pedro de los Arcos, who had only an Ensign and four soldiers,
much less than its normal complement, to defend it.
About four o'clock in the morning, the sentry on the parapet
noticed three pirogues coming up the river, with about twenty-five
men in each. By the time he could give the alarm and rouse the
garrison, one crew was already boarding the merchantman and the
men from the other two boats had landed and were wading ashore to
attack the fort. The soldiers from San Luis quickly disappeared in
the night, along with the Indians. When the thatched roofs of the huts
caught fire it became obvious thatthe fortwas made of logs and would
be easily vulnerable to attack by fire. The pirate captain called for
grenades. The commandant proclaimed valiantly, "we must die rather
than surrender" One of the padres stood on the parapet calling for
quarter. Two guns were in position to be fired. The first broke when
fired, and injured the gunner and the second missed its aim at the
merchantman. The commandant ran below to the magazine for ammu-
nition. While he was gone, someone in a panic opened the gates to
the pirates. By then it was all over.
The pirates took everyone prisoner, stripped the installation of what
they could carry, and damaged or destroyed the rest. Turning a few
of their prisoners loose to go to San Luis for ransom, the victors
returned with the others to their ship inthe harbor. They hung around
for about ten days, running in occasionally--once to set fire to the
fort again. When it became apparent that neither the messengers nor
the ransom was going to appear, they set all the prisoners ashore
except Lieutenant de los Arcos and one soldier, and sailed away.
Two months later they put their victims off on the beach in Cuba.
The pair made their way to Havana and were returned to St. Augustine
by the Spanish authorities. The unfortunate commander was court-
martialed and dismissed from the service for surrendering the fort
without a fight. His only defense was to keep repeating that he had not
opened the gates to the invaders, did not know who had, and that the
Lieutenant from San Luis, with his troops, had left without giving
Plans were immediately under way to rebuild the fort by the next
year. We assume that the fort was abandoned when the Spaniards
withdrew from Apalachee to the vicinity of St. Augustine after the
raids which Governor Moore of Carolina, with the help of Creek
Indians, carried out on the missions and Indian settlements between
1702 and 1706. By then, the land had been laid waste and the Indians
killed, captured, or scattered by these expeditions from the north.
After 1716, the Spanish were anxious to resettle Apalachee Pro-
vince and encouraged Indian groups from Mobile, Pensacola, and the
Chattahoochee region to return. Fort St. Marks was rebuilt to offer
some protection to them and to the prospective Spanish settlers
whom the government planned to import in large numbers. Captain
Don Jose Primo was sent out from St. Augustine in February,
1718, to start the new construction. He brought with him seventy
soldiers and technicians and a group of Indians. Although they were
busy with their building activities, they took time to chase the French
out of St. Joseph's Bay where they were snooping around with the
intention of making a settlement. The Spaniards went to great trouble
and expense to extend gestures of friendship to the Indians who were
wavering between British and Spanish loyalty, and it was not long
before several Indian villages were established near St. Marks.
The fort was continuously occupied by the Spaniards for the next
forty-five years or so. One of its principal functions was to serve as
a listening post for information about English and French intrigues
with the Indians. The situation could be compared in a way with the
diplomatic cocktail parties of today--such affairs can be expensive
and tiresome, but the persons involved cannot afford to miss them
because this is where the gossip circulates. Often the Spaniards
had insufficient gifts or trade goods to attract or satisfy the Indians.
At these times, they had the uneasy feeling (probably justified) that
the Indians were turning to British agents and traders who could
supply their wants; since, without suitable goods of their own, the
Spaniards had little with which to entice them. As Captain De Leon,
of Fort St. Marks, explained in 1745:
...when the Indians lack liquor there is lacking also friendship,
union, quiet, and then opportunity to find out from them in their
drunken sprees what goes on between them and the English, and
of learning which are the ones who have gone out to kill and have
killed and imprisoned Spaniards. (Wenhold 1957: 250).
It was, therefore, of vital necessity to encourage them to make
frequent visits for trade and presents and to entertain them cordially
when they came.
About 1739, the Spaniards probably started the construction of the
permanent stone fort, a little above the location of the old wooden
one. The old blockhouse continued in use, however, until 1758, when
it was inundated by a hurricane and forty men were drowned in it.
The stone fort was still less than half completed when it was turned
over to the British in February, 1764. This occurred following the
Treaty of Paris, by which all of Florida was ceded to England at the
end of the Seven Years War. The story of British occupation is a
human interest tale of men in an isolated outpost, battling loneliness
and the elements, often short of food, with only Indians and a few
traders between them and their compatriots in St. Augustine and
Pensacola. Throughout this period, and the second Spanish occupation
which followed, it continued to be a central meeting place between
Indian leaders and Europeans. British traders began to gain a great
deal of influence and were to become very important to the future
history of the area. When the British abandoned St. Marks, in the
spring of 1779, they marched overland to St. Augustine, leaving the
post in the hands of a trader who planned to open a store there.
Uchise Indians (Lower Creeks) claimed later that because they
hated the British, they chased the trader out and occupied the fort
themselves for a time.
Between 1763 and 1783, when Spain regainedpossessionof Florida,
the great trading house of Panton, Leslie and Company established
itself and prospered. A good supply system and astute knowledge
of Indian needs enabled them to operate a number of stores success-
fully. They had excellent contacts with the Indians through the Creek-
English Chief McGillivray. The Spaniards recognized the importance
of good trade relationships with the Indians, as well as their own
lack of goods and qualified traders. For that reason they gave per-
mission to Panton, Leslie and Company to remain as British citizens,
with an exclusive license as the only foreign trading house allowed
to do business with the Indians. This gave them virtually a legal
monopoly over trade, although they were constantly annoyed by rival
traders who smuggled goods into the area whenever possible.
One of these rivals was backed by another important British trad-
ing house, Miller, Bonnamy and Company, sponsored, at first, by
the Governor of the Bahamas. The man they selected as their agent
was a colorful, swashbuckling figure, if there ever was one. William
Augustus Bowles, twenty-three years old, a British loyalist and
adopted Creek, was variously called vagabond, blackguard, Captain
Liar, desperate vile adventurer, beloved warrior, Captain, General,
and Director General. (McAlister 1953: 3) He preferred thus to be
called "Director General." Through tying in his trading commission
with another scheme he managed to stir up a great deal of excitement
By 1787, when the Spaniards had re-established their old fort at
St. Marks, Bowles had gathered together a following of several
hundred Indians and a number of renegade whites. He proclaimed
himself "Director General of the State of Muskogee", which was to be
a purely Indian state, free of European andAmerican entanglements,
but friendly to the British. His State was made up largely of Upper
Creeks and Seminoles, but he plannedto include the Cherokee, Chick-
asaw, and Choctaw nations eventually. This was to be the sovereign
government of the region, enjoying a monopoly of its trade. The State
of Muskogee was equipped with a small but active Navy which had
been acquired by capturing Spanish vessels as their prizes. Their
Navy met with considerable success in its buccaneering adventures
in the Gulf. The principal activity of Bowles' army up to this time
had been to attack and loot the Panton, Leslie stores whenever they
had an opportunity. For a while, Bowles had an establishment of
his own, stocked with smuggled goods, on the Ocklockonee River.
The Spaniards routed him and his followers from this location in
Bowles had captured the Panton, Leslie store on the Wakulla, just
north of the fort, in 1792, but by 1800 it had been re-activated. In
the spring of that year, he, and his horde of three or four hundred
Indians and a scattering of whites, descended on the store and captured
it again. Most of the goods were distributed to the Indians as presents.
Then he led his forces down to Fort St. Marks and laid seige. The
Spaniards there had previously been warned that Bowles and his
company were planning an attack on the store and fort, and they should
have been able to defend themselves. The fort was garrisoned by one
hundred and six men. The stone wall on the north side supported
several serviceable cannon, and the stronghold was further protected
by a deep moat which filled with water, connecting the two rivers
when the tide was in. There was an abundance of supplies in storage.
Bowles' men, at least at first, were armed only with muskets. Never-
theless, Captain Portell surrendered the fort on May 19, after a brief
seige, and the forces of the State of Muskogee moved in.
Five weeks later an armada of five well-armed ships of the
Louisiana fleet and five transport schooners set out from Pensacola
for the attack to regain the fort. The fight between fort and fleet was
over in about an hour. The defenders departed in haste and Bowles
escaped. This was not the end of his adventures in the area, but the
fort was regained by the Spaniards.
The large tract of land known as the "Forbes Purchase" was ceded
by the Indians to heirs of the Panton, Leslie Company in satisfaction
of their claims for damages in the loss of their trading houses and
goods. This grant complicated the legality of landtitles in the section
for many years.
The next time the fort was surrendered, it was to the Americans,
under General Andrew Jackson. This occurred on April 7, 1818,
setting the stage for one of the most controversial episodes in
American history. Jackson had marched down from Georgia, leading
an army of five thousand, to punishthe Indians for their raids across
the Georgia border. He took the position that the Spanish forces
were unable or unwilling to control their Indian proteges so it was
up to the American forces to put an end to these skirmishes. Whether
Jackson's invasion of Florida was with the knowledge and approval of
President Monroe may never be positively known. The day before
the American troops camped outside the fort, an American schooner
arrived at the harbor bringing supplies for Jackson. The Captain ran
up the British flag as he came in. Thinking it was a friendly ship,
the famous Upper Creek Red Stick leader Hillis Qadjo (otherwise
known as the Prophet Francis), along with his chief aide, went out
and boarded the vessel. They were welcomed aboard and made
prisoner, then hanged the next day onJackson's orders. This Prophet
Francis was the father of Florida's own Pochahontas, Malee Francis,
who had recently saved the life of a young Georgia from Jackson's
army when he was captured by some of Francis' warriors. The girl
persuaded them to make him a prisoner instead of killing him, and
he was brought to the fort and traded to the Spaniards for two casks
Alexander Arbuthnot, a Scottish trader who was a friend and
advocate of the Indians, was found in the fort and made prisoner.
Jackson sent the Spanish garrison to Pensacola, leaving a strong
detachment of his own troops at the fort, and led the rest of his army
out again to capture the village of the Seminole Chief Bowlegs on
the Suwannee River. Arbuthnot, however, had already sent a warning
letter to his son who was keeping the store there, and the Indians
had fled. It was a frustrating experience for Jackson to find the enemy
had disappeared without a fight, but he had the consolation of appre-
hending a young British agent, Robert Ambrister, whom he brought
back to St. Marks. Arbuthnot and Ambrister were courtmartialed
and convicted of aiding and abetting the enemy. The seventy-year-
old Arbuthnot was hanged from the yard arm of his own schooner
and Ambrister was shot. Both are buried on the site.
Jackson then left a large garrison at St. Marks and went on to
seize the Spanish fort at Pensacola the next month. Needless to
say, this series of events set off tremendous repercussions and could
very well have led to war had the time been ripe. The Spanish govern-
ment violently protested the invasion of its territory and seizure
of its forts. The British government deplored the execution of two
of its nationals on Spanish soil. The American Congress was in an
uproar. The Spanish garrisons eventually reoccupied their forts,
but it took all the diplomacy which President Monroe and Secretary
of State Adams could muster of extricate the United States from its
In 1821, when Florida became a United States Territory, St. Marks
was again occupied by American troops, who remained until 1824,
just before the last of the Indians were removed from the Apalachee
area for resettlement. The fort was turned over to officials of the
Territorial government and entered then into a civilian interlude
during which it became quite a tourist attraction.
The Confederates moved in and repaired the fort in 1861, holding
it until their surrender to Union troops at the end of the Civil War.
Union forces left after a few months, and the place was abandoned,
though the site was retained on paper by the United States Government.
By 1892, no structures remained on the site but the crumbling ruins
of the fort and the Marine Hospital which had been built, partly out
of stones from the old bomb proof magazine, in 1859. Before the end
of the century the land passed into private ownership, where it has
Fort St. Marks is silent now, occupied only by the creatures of
jungle and swamp. The relics which tell the story of its part in
nearly three hundred years of Florida's history lie in its soil and
in the rivers which flow beside it.
1723 Ensayo Cronologico, para la historic general de la Flo-
rida. Translated by Anthony Kerrigan. Pp. 366-378.
Gainesville, University of Florida Press.
Boyd, Mark F.
1936 "The Fortifications at San Marcos de Apalache." Florida
Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV, No. 1, pp. 3-32.
1941 "From a Remote Frontier." Florida Historical Quarterly,
Vol. XIX, No. 3, pp. 179-212, No. 4, pp. 402-412;
Vol. XX, No. 1, pp. 82-83, No. 2, pp. 203-209, No. 3,
pp. 293-310, No. 4, pp. 382-397.
Vol. XXI, No. 1, pp. 44-52.
Davis, T. Frederick
1943 "Milly Francis and Duncan McKrimmon." Florida His-
torical Quarterly, Vol. XXI, No. 3, pp. 254-265.
1933 Andrew Jackson: The Border Captain. Pp. 308-335 India-
napolis, The Bobbs-Merrill Co.
1931 "The Significance of William Augustus Bowles' Seizure of
Panton's Apalachee Store in 1792." Florida Historical
Quarterly, Vol. IX, No. 3, pp. 156-192.
1931 "International Rivalry in the Creek Country." Part 1.
Florida Historical Quarterly, Vol. X, No. 2, pp. 59-85.
McAlister, Lyle N.
1953 "The Marine Forces of William Augustus Bowles and his
'State of Muskogee' ". Florida Historical Quarterly, Vol.
XXXII, No. 1, pp. 3-27.
1860-1861 Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 407-517.
United States Government
1834 American State Papers (Walter Lowrie, ed.). The Public
Lands. Vol. IV.
1870 Military Lands in Florida. Senate Doc. 50, Vol. II, 2nd
session, 41st Congress.
House Documents. War of the Rebellion. Official Records
of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Vols. VI,
XXIX (part 2), XXXV (parts 1 and 2), XLIX (part 2), LVII.
1956-1960 Territorial Papers of the United States. Florida
Territory. (Clarence Edwin Carter, ed.). Vols. XX, XIII,
The Florida State University
Excavations At Horseshoe Bend, Alabama
Charles H. Fairbanks
The report describes the excavations at Horseshoe Bend National Battlefield Park near
Dadeville, Alabama where Andrew Jackson defeated the Creek Red Sticks in 1814. The
search for remains of the Indian fortification was unsuccessful. Excavations in the village
of Tohopeka produced a small quantity of historic Creek brushed, plain, and incised pottery.
An earlier occupation was represented by Dadeville Plain, a previously undescribed rather
late Mississippian pottery type. Excavations at the historic site of Nuyaka on the left bank
of the Tallapoosa revealed an historic Creek trash pit and a small pit filled with charred
corn cobs. An unusual feature of the trash pit was the presence of many fragments of
hen's egg shells.
With the establishment of Horseshoe Bend National Battlefield Park
it was realized that archeological excavations would be the most likely
source for the information needed to demonstrate the significant
episodes of the local history. Early in the spring of 1961, the National
Park Service proposed that Florida State University undertake the
work as the University of Alabama was already committed to other
programs for the summer. Accordingly, the 1961 Summer Field
Session of the Florida State University undertook the investigations.
As outlined by the National Park Service, the purposes of the exca-
vation were threefold:
1. To discover if possible the location, form, and extent of the
Prophets' fortifications attacked by Jackson's Army, in 1814.
2. To discover the location and extent of the Prophets' village,
3. To verify the precise location of the Nuyaka village on the left
bank of the river.
In the limited time available only a tentative answer to any of the
three problems could be expected. From the standpoint of park devel-
opment and interpretation, the location of the fortification line was
the most crucial. The greater part of the time was devoted to a
largely unsuccessful attempt to solve this problem. Ten students,
with the author as instructor, made up the field crew.
Six trenches, with a total length of 1030 feet were excavated in the
narrow waist of the bend in a generally north to south direction.
After these trenches had been excavatedby hand, an additional series
of trenches 1210 feet in length was excavated by ditching machine.
The only features were burned stumps and windfall-trees. Erosion
during the early agricultural period seems to have completely des-
troyed all traces of the Prophets' barricade.
During the first period of work a survey was conducted of the
lower flats bordering the river. Scanty sherds of Indian ceramics
were found in the southern flat in the toe of the Horseshoe. Accord-
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XV, No. 2, June, 1962
ingly operations were moved to the southern flats, believed to be
the location of Tohopeka, the Prophets' Village. Here a series of
test pits ten by ten feet in size were excavated. The test pits were
located wherever open places in the trees and brush permitted. An
attempt was made to scatter the pits from the southern to northern
and from the eastern to the western limits of the southern flats. The
pits were dug in 6-inch arbitrary levels with all the dirt passed
through a mechanical shaker with screen of 3/8 inch mesh. Wherever
features were encountered, they were cleared by hand troweling.
The soil in the toe of the bend is a very loose sharp sand with occas-
ional small areas of laminated riverine silt.
Most of the artifactual materials consisted of sherds and were
found in the superficial six inches. In two cases pits were found
extending down from the upper humus band. In several cases smaller
discolored areas were found which, when profiled, proved to be root
Two major ceramic complexes were found. The most easily re-
cognized was the historic Creek constellation of types which is well
known from a series of identified Creek sites: Ocmulgee Old Fields,
Lawson Field, Old Oconee Town, etc. Three pottery types made up
the complex. A brushed group of sherds were assigned the type
name, Chattahoochee Brushed (Bullen 1950, pp. 101-25), largely
because of the priority of this type name for a sand-tempered brush-
ed type (1-E-K). The sherds could almost as well have been called
Childersburg Brushed (DeJarnette and Hansen, 1960,pp. 39-40). The
pottery is thin and well made, tempered with sharp sand or occas-
ionally coarse prepared grit. It contains large amounts of mica as
does most of the sand and clay in this region. The 252 sherds (60.7%
of the Creek complex) are thin, hard, well made, and the brushing
is usually a parallel, rather light, scoring. Only a few sherds showed
the stippling variant. All the brushing was presumably done with a
corn-cob in the process of scraping the pot. The rims are slightly
flaring with rounded lips. As a variant, we found a notched fillet
below the lip or notching of the outer edge of the lip. The white clay
"wash" described by Bullen on Chattahoochee River specimens was
The other decoratedtype was representedby 38 sherds of Childers-
burg Incised (P1. 1, A-D). Itusually does not show the weak, careless
incising so typical of Ocmulgee Fields Incised. The lip treatment
lacks the elaborate extrusions so characteristic of the central Geor-
gia specimens. The sample is small and it is dangerous to draw con-
clusions regarding temporal or areal differences from this collection.
Certainly, it is highly similar to both Childersburg Incised and Oc-
mulgee Fields Incised, with greatest resemblance to the former.
A relatively large group of 125 plain sherds evidently represent
body sherds of Childersburg Incised or possibly plain neck areas of
Chattahoochee Brushed. They closely resemble the paste character-
istics of the Childersburg Incised sample from Tohopeka. The total
of the Creek complex thus is 415 sherds, or 14.5% of the total sherd
The major ceramic complex at Tohopeka was a plain sand-temper-
ed ware which cannot be exactly identified with any previously des-
cribed ceramic complex. It has been called Dadeville Plain. The
Definition of Type: New Type, described on the basis of 2426 sherds from Tohopeka,Tp-1
Horseshoe Bend National Battlefield Park, Ala. (Pl. 2, A-F).
Method of Manufacture: Sherd fractures suggest coil-and scrape method.
Temper: Fine sharp sand, mica flakes. Mica probably present naturally in both
local sands and clays.
Texture: Fine granular. Surfaces smooth, rarely show burnishing marks, mica
usually on surface, surface sandy.
Hardness: Range 2.5-5.0, average 3.5.
Color: Most sherds chocolate brown to reddish brown, some grayish brown, but
reddish tones predominant. Black fire clouds common. Core usually redder
than surfaces. Interior usually reddish.
Modifications: Both surfaces well smoothed, interior usually smoother than ex-
terior. Exterior may show burnishing marks.
Appendages: Wide strap handle from lip to neck (1 case). One example each of
rounded low knob on shoulder and one semicircular lug on lip with
Body: Two vessel shapes have been identified.
1. Somewhat flattened globular bowl with collar.Diameterprobably somewhat
greater than body height, collar slightly flaring or rarely straight.
2. Flattened globular bowl. Rim incurved.
Rim: On collared bowls, rims slightly flaring to straight. On flattened bowls,
Lip: On collared glubular bowls, rim is rounded and always notched. The notches
are sharp vertical cuts or roundbased shallow grooves. The notching process
usually produced a slight version of the lip surface. Lip surface rounded,
rarely flattened. Notches about evenly divided between those at right angles
to vessel circumference and slightly slanted to left. On simple bowls, lip
Bottom: Seems to be rounded In all cases with little or no thickening.
Thickness: Range 4 to 8 mm., average 5 mm.
GEOGRAPHICAL RANGE: Known only from Tohopeka, Tp-1, Horseshoe Bend National
Battlefield Park, Tallapoosa County, Ala.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION: Below historic Creek ceramic complex at Tohopeka. Pro-
bably ranges from about A. D. 1200, to beginning of the final
Mississippian Incised ceramic complexes ca. A. D. 1400.
Related Types: One sherd of very similar characteristics at Tohopeka has random ovate
(fingernail?) punctates. This seemstobearelatedtype, and has been named
Dadeville Punctated(P1.2, G).
J'1 I n 14
PLATE I. Dadeville Complex from Tohopeka. A-F. Dadeville
Plain, C. is a squared sherd and F. is a strap handle. G.
Dadeville Punctated. H. Rough stone disc;I. part of bi-
concave discoidal; J. Dadeville Plain sherd disc; K. Dade-
ville Plain sherd drilled as a bead; L. quartzite stemmed
projectile point; M. pipe bowl sherd. Scale in inches.
Finally there were six brushed sherds that seem to be on the same
paste as Dadeville Plain. I cannot be sure whether this Dadeville
Brushed is contemporary with Dadeville Plain or whether the sherds
are an aberrant form of the Chattahoochee Brushed. At any rate, they
are not significant in this quantity.
Finally, a group of sherds were lumped under the heading of
miscellaneous types. They were: Lamar Plain-23; Lamar Compli-
cated Stamped-5; sherds of a miniature vessel-21; Limestone tem-
pered plain-3; white Ironstone china-1; total-53. The entire sherd
count and percentages was thus:
Dadeville Plain: 2426 83.4%
Dadeville Brushed: 6 0.2
Total Dadeville: 2433 83.6%
Childersburg Incised: 40 1.4
Chattahoochee Brushed: 253 8.7
Ocmulgee Plain: 130 4.4
Total Creek: 423 14.5
Miscellaneous: 53 1.9
Grand Total: 2909 100%
Stratigraphically, there was a very slight preponderance of the
Creek complex types in the upper six inches, and the Dadeville
complex in lower levels. This stratigraphic separation, along with
evident differences in manufacture lead me to believe that the
Dadeville types represent an earlier occupation. I believe the two
occupations of the site were separated by a considerable time, per-
haps as much as four hundred years. The Prophets were supposed
to have selected a spot for the village of Tohopeka where no white
man had ever set foot. It certainly sppears that there was a long
hiatus in the occupancy of the site between Dadeville times and the
historic Creek settlement.
Four pits were found in Tohopeka, all seemingly dating from the
Dadeville horizon. Feature 8 was a small pit 1.5 feet in diameter in
Trench 7. It was filled with dark humic stained soil and contained
a quantity of artifacts. The bulk of the material was 187 Dadeville
Plain sherds. In addition there were minor sherd counts as follows:
Dadeville Punctated: 1
Chattahoochee Brushed: 2
Ocmulgee Plain: 1
There was one piece of clay daub, a piece of white Ironstone China,
a pinkish quartzite projectile point 53x25x 11 mm, a part of a pipe-
bowl. This pipebowl has encircling shallow grooves and is very
similar in paste to Dadeville Plain. Believe it belongs to the earlier
occupation. The Creek sherds and Ironstone china are evidently
Feature 9 was a somewhat irregular pit 3.7 feet wide and 4.7 feet
long in Trench 13. It was 4.5 feet deep to the top of Feature 11. The
PLATE II. Creek artifacts from Tohopeka. A- D. Childersburg
Incised; E- H. Chattahoochee Brushed ; I- I
Ocmulgee Fields Plain with folded or notched lips;
L. French honey colored pistol flint.
' ^ Y
irregularity seems to have been due to late root disturbance. The
pit was filled with dark humic stained sand and considerable quan-
tities of artifacts. The list is as follows:
Dadeville Plain: 495
Dadeville Brushed: 1
Miniature vessel: 8
Limestone tempered plain: 3
Ocmulgee Plain: 5
Chattahoochee Brushed: 1
Childersburg Incised: 2
Total Sherds: 515
1 rough stone discoidal
1 piece greenstone gorget with hole
2 pieces rubbed schist
1 sherd Dadeville Plain drilled as a bead
2 pipestems of Dadeville Plain ware
calcined bone, charred bone, charred nut hulls, probably hickory.
Again the date of the pit seems to be the Dadeville horizon with
subsequent intrusion of the Creek materials. The combination of a
Mississippian type of pottery with a flat piece of gorget is somewhat
unusual. The pit evidently was a storage pit later used for refuse.
This pit was subsequent to Feature 11, immediately below it.
Feature 10 was a large storage pit subsequently filled with refuse
in Trench 17, 3.5 feet in diameter and 4.0 feet deep. The sides were
nearly vertical or sloping inward very slightly toward the top. The
fill was a very slightly darkened sand. The amount of sherds was
noticeably less than in Feature 9, as follows:
74 Dadeville Plain
1 piece schist possibly worked to a point
1 piece rubbed sandstone
1 piece rubbed schist
about 1/3 of a biconcave discoidal stone
1 piece of sheet mica, 1.5 x 1.5 inches
The sherds were large and fit into parts of one collared and one
plain bowl with incurved rim. Neither pot is complete from the
sherds found in the pit, which thus clearly dated from the Dadeville
horizon. One of the sherds seems to have been worked into a square
with rounded corners.
Feature 11 was a round storage pit 3.5 feet in diameter. It was
precedent to Feature 9 and below it. Separation into two pits was
made on the basis of sharply contrasting pit fills. Feature 11 was
filled with nearly clean sand and had very few artifacts. These were:
31 Dadeville Plain
2 pieces greenstone gorget
1 piece pottery pipestem, Dadeville paste
1 part of deer pelvis
1 partial jaw of immature deer
The base of Feature 9 seemed to curve inward and end just above
Feature 11. The part of Feature 11 remaining was 1.4 feet deep,
making the total depth about 6.0 feet originally. Among the sherds
was a Dadeville Plain sherd disk 37 mm. in diameter.
The Dadeville complex was almost everywhere the most common
type. In some of the test pits the percentage of Creek sherds rose
above the general average of 14.5%. In most cases the total number
of sherds is so small that the diagnostic value of the percentages
is probably slight. There just does not seem to be specific concen-
tration of Creek sherds. We evidently were not in the immediate
vicinity of a Creek house at any point. There may be a greater con-
centration of Creek sherds towards the north, just south of the
shallow slough that cuts across the north end of the toe. I cannot be
sure of this as the collections are so small that they may not be
Only two objects of European manufacture were found. In Trench
35 was an iron escutchen that appears to have been from a chest
of some sort. In Trench 29 we found a gun flint (Pl. 1,L). It is bi-
plane in form, of honey-colored flint, and seems to have been used
on three sides. This is the type identified by Carlisle Smith as of
French manufacture (Smith, 1960, pp. 44-8, Fig. 13).
The scarcity of historic Creek ceramics presents something of
a problem. Tohopeka was supposed to have been a compact refugee
town of some 1000 men with at least some additional women and
children (Jackson took at least 350 women and children prisoner).
I believe the reason there is not more cultural material is due to
the short life of Tohopeka. Tohopeka was founded during 1813,
presumably after the fall harvest as the Prophet's party would want
to collect whatever crops they had managed to raise during the year.
If we assume that they settled Tohopeka in September, 1813 and it
was destroyed in March, 1814 this would mean that it was occupied
for something like six months. The remains indicate that the Pro-
phet's group had in fact divested themselves of their European
domestic animals and much of their European trade materials. The
usual clay pipe stems, glass bottles, iron tools, and European ani-
mal bones are completely absent. During the six months when the
site was occupied not much midden material accumulated. In spite
of the fact that they spent a winter on the site they do not seem to
have erected any permanent houses. If Jackson had burned the usual
Creek mud-daubed wooden houses, we should have found considerable
quantities of burned clay. Only one or two small pieces were in fact
found. The remains we found, then, represent the sort of artifactual
debris from a moderate sized Creek village occupied during only
a few, perhaps six, months. The lack of any specific postholes or
burned debris of houses suggest that any dwellings were quite flimsy
affairs. The major construction activities were probably expended
on the fortifications across the neck of the bend. The materials
found would agree with this reconstruction. Evidently the greater
concentration of the occupation was rather back from the river, just
south of the shallow slough across that part of the bend. One pit dug
north of this slough on the rising ground proved to be completely
sterile of artifacts. The rather compact nature of the village would
agree with its character as a refuge settlement.
When the sampling of Tohopeka had shown its essential nature we
determined to test the possible location of the village of Nuyaka
across the river. This village had been the largest in the vicinity,
having been destroyed by the Tennessee troups earlier in the cam-
paign. It was important to confirm the location and to sample the
type of remains found.
The location of Nuyaka had been detailed in Hawkins "Sketch of
the Creek Country (pp. 43-4) and local collectors had reported some
excavation of burials in the general area. Surface reconnaissance early
in the season seemed to confirm the location given in Hawkins' sketch.
The northern park boundary on the left bank of the Tallapoosa bi-
sects a wide river flat. This corresponded to the description of the
location of Nuyaka. The south end of this flat is limited by a small
stream flowing into the river. South of the stream the river bottom
is much narrower and the red clay bench approaches close to the
river bank. On these red clay shoulders a few sherds of Chattahoo-
chee Brushed, Childersburg Incised, and Ocmulgee Plain were found
along with the cock from a flintlock musket. North of the creek the
land was about evenly divided between a pasture and fields planted
with corn and cotton. All the areas were under special use permit.
The permitted granted permission to excavate in the pasture. Sur-
face collections in the planted fields and northward on Alabama Power
Company lands to the mouth of Eagle Creek indicated a heavy con-
centration of Creek ceramics. Three 10 feet by 10 feet pits were
Trench #1 was located just north of the tree-line along the creek
and midway from the river bank to the foot of the second terrace.
The soil proved to be tough silt with almost no artifacts. The soil
was tested to a depth of three feet without uncovering any occupation.
Trench #2 was 1094 feet north of Trench #1 and just back from
the treeline along the river bank. The trench was located on top of
a low natural levee along the river. The soil was mixed sand and
silt, considerably softer than at Trench #1.
Two features were found in Trench #2 indicating a definite Creek
occupation. No direct evidence of a house, however, was uncovered.
Feature #1 was a large storage pit somewhat irregular at the upper
edge but on oval shape below, 3.6 x 3.1 feet in diameter. The sides
belled out slightly to a rounded base 3.4 feet below the present base
of plowzone. The lower 0.9 foot was filled with a light tan and brown
sandy soil containing a few sherds and animal bones. The upper 2.5
feet contained a dark brown mottled soil with large quantities of
artifacts and animal bones. The artifacts are (Plates 3 & 4):
112 Chattahoochee Brushed representing at least 3 vessels
10 Childersburg Incised representing at least 4 vessels
128 Ocmulgee Plain
masses of unburned potter's clay
many pieces of thick, grass-tempered, fired clay floor
34 pieces common green bottle glass
1 sherd white semi-porcelain china
4 pieces melted lead
1 lead musket ball, 52 cal.
1 flattened lead musket ball
1 piece iron nail
3 pieces thin flat strap iron
1 flattened rolled copper cone, "jangler"
1 earpiece of silver earring with ball
1 sheet silver annular ornament 15 mm. dia., 2 mm. wide
1 rolled silver tube, pinched end, 2.5 mm. x 30.5 mm.
1 bone knife handle (1/2), with 4 rivet holes, 105 mm. long
1 fragment of similar knife handle.
numerous hen's eggshell fragments including 1 complete shell
3 peach seeds
1 fragment of hickory nut shell
1 piece of resinous pine 12 inches long
1 crudely ground sandstone whetstone 13 x 29 x 150 mm.
6 pieces of fire cracked quartzite
1 Childersburg White Oval glass bead 5 x 5 mm.
3 Childersburg Opalescent Pink Oval, glass bead 8.5x 4.5 mm.
3 Georgia White Cylindrical glass beads 3.0 to 4.5 dia., 3.0 to
6.5 mm. long
1 Georgia Translucent Blue Cylindrical glass bead 2.5 x 7.5 mm.
animal, bird, reptile bones: cow, pig, deer, terrapine, turkey,
The bone has been submitted to Stanley Olsen, Florida Geological
Survey, for identification. The corn cobs have been submitted to
Dr. Hugh Cutler, of the Missouri Botanical Garden for analysis.
The pit was certainly an abandoned storage pit which accumulated
about a foot of dirt and a little midden at the bottom. It was then
filled with trash, probably when a house was refurbished. The numer-
ous fragments of baked clay floor suggested this filling took place
when a fire area was rebuilt. The many sherds which make up the
large sections of pots came from a number of places within the
pit, but they all fit into seven large sherds. The sherds were counted
after as much repair as possible had been done, so the total number
of recovered individual sherds is higher. None of the seven sherds
made up a complete pot. Evidently the jars and bowls had been
broken previously to being placed in the pit.
The Chattahoochee Brushed belongs to two subtypes. The first,
represented by the sherds of two deep jars with smoothed rims, is
heavily tempered with coarse prepared grit. The brushing also is
heavy and coarse. The second is represented by about half of a
small rather shallow jar. The texture is much finer, and the tem-
pering is fine sand. It also has a smoothed rim. All three have
everted, notched lips. The basic shape is highly similar to some jars
from Oklahoma (Schmitt and Bell, Okla. Arch. Soc. Reprint, Plate
The Childersburg Incised represents parts of certainly three, per-
haps four, large cazuelas. One has a completely rectilinear design.
Two have combined curvilinear and rectilinear designs. In all these
vessels the surfaces are finely smoothed and the incised lines fine,
clear, sharply cut. The designs might almost have been cut with a
iron graver, so sharp they are. This incised type is in sharp con-
trast to the bulk of the related type from Georgia. In the Georgia
sites the surfaces are carelessly smoothed andthe incising slovenly.
These Nuyaka sherds represent the work of a highly skilled and
meticulous craftswoman. Aside from the care of execution and some-
what simpler lip treatment the sherds do not differ from the Ocmulgee
The great similarity between the Nuyaka sherds and those from
Ocmulgee Old Fields is worthy of comment. The Ocmulgee Trading
House seems to have been occupied from 1686 to 1716. Nuyaka was
occupied from 1777 to 1813. Thus the two sites are distant in space
some hundred miles, in time at least 60 years and possibly 127
years. Ocmulgee represents a time when the great dislocations of
Creek culture were just beginning. The deer skin trade with South
Carolina was in its early years and acculturation was probably less
than a generation old. At Nuyaka, three to five generations later, the
acculturation had progressed to the point where a revitalistic re-
action had developed, the Red Stick Movement. The picture painted
by Hawkins of the Creek towns on the Tallapoosa in 1799 is one of
well-advanced acculturation to the American mixed farming model.
Many fields were fenced and European domestic animals were
common. The presence of these cultigens is confirmed by the ani-
mal bones in the pit. How then could the ceramic industry remain
I believe the conservatism of the pottery reflects the fact that
pottery was manufactured by the women and that the society was
matrilineal and matrilocal. In the 18th century the impact of Euro-
pean and American cultur- was primarily on the men. They were the
hunters of the deer whose skins formed the backbone of the Indian
trade. They were drawn ever more into more lengthy fall and winter
hunts away from their towns. Participation in trade was evidently
the sphere of the men. Increasing military and political involve-
ment with Europeans and Americans added to this economic and
The women on the other hand remained more often at home and
were less technologically involved in the acculturation process. It
is true that Hawkins hadbegunto introduce spinning and loom weaving
C D "
PLATE III. Creek sherds from Nuyaka. A- B. Childersburg Inc-
ised; C- D. Chattahoochee Brushed. Scales varied.
among the women. But, the women remained at home at marriage.
Each girl probably learned potting from her grandmother or other
older lineage member. Thus the impact of acculturation was weakened
by the presence of older women of her matrilineage. Thus the house-
hold crafts were more resistant to change than the hunting and fighting
technology of the men. It may well be that the culture lag which
thereby developed between women's and men's technological spheres
contributed to the personal stress which in turn gave rise to the
revitalistic Prophets' Movement.
The other materials in the pit seem to all fit into what might be
expected from household trash. The silver ornaments and glass
beads were probably jewelry lost and swept into a trash pile. The
earring with ball at the ear and a conical pendant (missing in this
case) appeared in early Carolina trade stores and continues very
late. It was evidently an article of high appeal to the southern In-
dians. None of the beads are very distinctive. Their types have been
named by De Jarnette (De Jarnette & Hansen, 1960, p. 57): Childers-
burg White Oval, Georgia White Cylindrical, Georgia Translucent
Blue Cylindrical, and Childersburg Oplescent Pink Oval. All seem to
have been drawn beads and are generally quite common on late Creek
sites. The Childersburg Opalescent Pink Oval is one form of the type
called "barleycorn" beads by the traders. These beads were seem-
ingly originally a rather dark pink. They patinate very rapidly and
usually are extremely fragile when found in clay soils. For this
reason very few whole ones are available for study. The opalescence
is evidently due to the decay of the glass.
The animal and vegetable remains give us a good deal of insight
into the diet of the late Creek. Peach seeds clearly indicate the
beginnings of orchards among the Creek. Hawkins mentions the peach
trees at Okfuskee in 1799 and does not indicate that they were intro-
duced as part of his acculturation program. Probably the Indians
themselves secured peaches from the Spanish or English. The hickory
nut hull indicates that collecting was still important. Hawkins said
(1938, p. 58) that he regularly purchased hickory nut oil for the agency
table at $.75 per bottle. Probably most of the nuts were processed
The presence of cow and pig bones indicates how much these
European animals had entered into the life of the Creek. Hawkins
records numerous cows, horses, and pigs among the Creeks in
1799 period. He does not specifically mention cattle or pigs for
Nuyaka but all the other villages had them during this period. Most
surprising was the number of egg shells, apparently all from domes-
tic chickens. Hawkins recorded, in this list of agency supplies, that
he purchased capons, fowls, and eggs from the Indians. Evidently
the Creek adopted both chickens and eggs, although it is far from
clear how the eggs were cooked. The presence of at least one whole
eggshell in the pit suggests a "setting" that failed to hatch. The
whole picture seems to be that large domestic animals had nearly
PLATE IV. Artifacts from trash pit, Nuyaka. A. Half of bone
knife handle; B. Childersburg White Oval bead; C. Georgia
White Cylindrical beads; D. Georgia Translucent Blue Cylindri-
cal bead; E. Childersburg Opalescent Pink Oval bead; F. Hen's
egg; G. Silver earring; H. Silver tube ornament; I. Flat sil-
ver ring; Neck of green bottle; K. Copper cone; L. Lead mus-
ket ball and lead droplet. Scale in inches.
replaced deer and bear as meat sources. The amount of land ter-
rapin shells suggests that collecting of small animals still formed
a part of the food technology. The Creek were at this time using a
much more varied range of environmental resources than they had
during the prehistoric period. They still used most of the aboriginal
food sources and had added cows, pigs, chickens, peaches, and pro-
bably some domestic crops.
Just west of the large storage pit was a small shallow pit with
irregular outlines and indefinite extent. It was filled with charred
corn cobs that had been burned in the pit. There was a thin, discon-
tinuous burned line in the base of the pit showing that a moderately
hot fire had been burning there. The cobs were collected and efforts
are being made to secure a professional analysis. This feature of
small pits filled with burned cobs is now being recognized as a con-
sistent feature of Creek Sites. It was present at Childersburg (De
Jarnette and Hansen, 1960, p. 31) Ocmulgee, and even extends back
into the Ft. Walton period (Neuman, 1961, pp. 75-80). Various
functions, usually ceremonial, have been suggested for the burning
of corncobs. As these were clearly not in a ceremonial situation a
utilitarian use is suggested. It may be that they were used to create
mosquito smudges. Mosquitos were probably troublesome in the
Tallapoosa River bottoms. Another utilitarian function may have
been to burn cobs for use in scraping pottery. The Chattahoochee
Brushed pottery is quite surely scrapedwith a corncob. It is probable
that the Creek manufacture of pottery regularly involved scraping
with cobs. In some cases at least the Navaho at present use a charred
cob. It may be that the Childersburg Incisedpottery was first scraped
with a cob, then polished. The scraping reduced the thickness of
the vessel wall after coiling. At any rate, small pits filled with corn-
cobs seem to be a fairly regular feature of Creek sites. I am con-
vinced it had a utilitarian rather than ceremonial function.
Trench #3 was laid out 450 feet northeast of Trench #2. This trench
was located on a low rise in the floodplain where there seemed a
good likelihood of significant remains.. Nothing of any importance
was found and no features were discovered. Evidently the structures
are rather widely scattered in this large flat bottomland. It may be
that houses with their attendent features were scattered among the
fields. It seems likely that the most concentrated part of the site
lies in the area in cultivation during our visit.
Bullen, Ripley P.
1950 An Archeological Survey of the Chattahoochee Valley in
Florida. Jour. Wash. Acad. Sci., 40: 101-25.
DeJarnette, David L. and Asael T. Hansen
1960 The Archeology of the Childersburg Site, Alabama. Notes
in Anthropology, Department of Anthropology, Florida
State University, No. 6, Tallahassee.
Smith, Carlyle S.
1960 Two 18th Century Reports on the Manufacture of Gunflints
in France, Missouri Archeologist, Vol. 22, pp. 40-50.
1938 Reprint of "A Sketch of the Creek Country", Amer-
Schmitt, Karl & Robert E. Bell
n.d. Historic Indian Pottery from Oklahoma, Oklahoma Arch-
aeological Society, Vol. ?, pp. 19-34.
Neuman, Robert W.
1961 Domesticated Corn from a Fort Walton Mound Site in
Houston Country, Alabama, Florida Anthropologist, Vol.
14, Nos. 3-4, pp. 75-80.
The Florida State University
PIPE STEM DATING AND THE DATE FOR SILVER BLUFF, S.C.
A brief review of the history of kaolin pipe stem dating by means of the hole diameters.
The Binford regression formula is applied to a sample of 268 stems from Silver Bluff,
South Carolina and the mean date is found to be 1744. This date falls just after the appear-
ance there of George Galphin, a noted Indian trader.
Clay pipes first started to appear in England in the latter part of
the sixteenth century, about thirty years after the first introduction
of tobacco into Europe. These pipes reached the American colonies
shortly thereafter and were soon in wide use. Until the American
Revolution, almost all the pipes in the colonies came from abroad,
principally from England.
The manufacture of these clay pipes was a flourishing industry
in England for over two hundred years. They were formed from a
fine white clay known as Kaolin. Because the stems of the pipes
were molded as a solid piece, a hole had to be made through the
length of the stem. For this purpose, a strand of heavy iron wire
with a little nob on the end was thrust the length of the stem and
In the early pipes, this hole is relatively large, but the size of
this hole undergoes a gradual decrease, apparently leveling off at
a size approximately one-half of that of the earliest diameter.
The lessening of the stem bore size was first formally noted by
J. C. Harrington in 1954. He suspected that the lessening in the size
of the bore proceeded at a set rate through time, and checked his
suspicions on dated samples from Jamestown, Williamsburg, and Fort
Fredrica. Using these, he found that it was possible to approximate
the date of a stem from its diameter, letting each sixty-fourths of
an inch increment represent an arbitrary span of years (Omwake,
Harrington's findings were promptly criticized by J. F. Chalkley,
who felt that the former's measurements lacked accuracy. However,
those who supported the Harrington conclusions were greatly in the
majority, and serious thought began to be given to the technique.
The first and only substantial improvement on the Harrington
method of dating was recently developed by Lewis R. Binford of
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. XV, No. 2, June, 1962 57
the University of Chicago. Binford substituted a mathematical for-
mula for Harrinton's table of stem bore versus time span. Binford,
considering the dwindling size of the bore, merely calculated the
year, 1931, in which the hole in the pipe stem would have ceased
to exist. The Binford formula has proven to be able to supply the
mean date of sites with a reasonable margin of error. (Binford, 1961).
We at Florida State University were recently given a chance to
use the Binford formula. We were presented with a collection of
plain pipe stem fragments from a site in South Carolina known as
The measuring is accomplished with a set of drill bits in sixty-
fourths of an inch gradients. The cleaned pipe stems are tried with
bits, and the largest size over which the stem will easily fit is
called the diameter of the piece. As you can see from the accom-
panying graph, the sample is heavily weighted toward the five
sixty-fourths diameter. The number of six sixty-fourths is very
small, almost small enough to be regarded as statistically meaning-
less. Merely by inspection, you can observe that the five sixty-
fourths are at the height of their popularity, the four sixty-fourths
are beginning to appear, and the six sixty-fourths have almost
entirely disappeared. To the best of our knowledge, a distribution
this heavily weighted, one size making up almost ninety per cent
of the sample, is unprecedented in the annals of pipe stem dating.
4, 5 6
PERCENTAGE GRAPH OF SAMPLE
THE BINFORD FORMULA
Y being the date
X being the mean hole diameter
APPLICATION TO SILVER BLUFF SAMPLE
Pipe stem diameters for 268 stems:
Mean hole diameter: 4.91
The Binford formula is applied to the measurements as follows:
FIRST: The mean hole diameter is foundby multiplying the number
of stems of one size by the numerator of the diameter, adding the
products, and dividing by the total number of samples.
SECOND: The mean hole diameter is then multiplied by 38.26,
giving us the number which we are to subtract from 1931.85, the
year in which holes in pipe stems ceased to exist.
THIRD: The product of the mean hold diameter and 38.26 is sub-
tracted from 1931.85, giving us, in this case a date of 1743.99.
A problem arises concerning the use of the fraction of a year, in
this case, .99. This can be solved in two ways. First, it can be car-
ried out, giving us, as the mean date for Silver Bluff, approximately
8:24 in the morning of December the 27th, 1743. More prosaically,
it can be rounded off, yielding a mean date for Silver Bluff of 1744.
The Silver Bluff from which our sample had come appears to have
been the site of the pre-Revolutionary trading post and abode of
one George Galphin Esq. Our location for Silver Bluff was Aiken
County, on the Savannah River, approximately fourteen miles below
the present city of Augusta. We found most of the documentary
locations for Galphin's post agree almost exactly with our own.
Francis Harper, in the Travels of William Bartram, says:
In leaving Augusta, Bartram doubtless crossed the Savannah
River at the Sandbar Ferry, 3 miles below the town (Augusta),
and continued about 10 miles down the Carolina side to Silver
Bluff. There he doubtless had many matters to communicate
to his friend George Galphin. .. (Harper, 1958. p. 414)
James Adair also estimates Silver Bluff to be about thirteen miles
They went to a small town of the Euchee, about twelve miles
below Savannah Twon, (which was three below Augusta) and
two below Silver-bluff where G. G. (George Galphin) Esq;
lives, ... (Adair, 1755. p. 345)
George Galphin, who, then, lived between thirteen and fourteen
miles below Augusta, appears to have been quite active in trade
during his residence there. He is prominent in many of the histories
dealing with that section of the Savannah River. According to Robert
S. George Galphin .appears in the creek trade in 1744.
In 1747 it was stated that he had bought four hundred acres,
surveyed in 1737, from the McGillivray company. The tract
lay immediately south of Town Creek and so included part of
Silver Bluff, where he established his home. He was granted
two thousand acres by the South Carolina government, and in
receiving other grants from Georgia he declared in 1757 that
he had forty negroes. From 1750 to the Revolution, Silver
Bluff was a place of some note: Henry Laruens wrote Galphin
in 1770 thanking him "very heartily for your politeness and
civilities when I was lately at your Hospitable Castle. (Meri-
wether, 1940. pp. 69-70)
Thus, it appears that Galphin's trading post at Silver Bluff dates
from 1744 at the earliest, and probably three years later.
From the Rev. George White, we get a positive terminal date for
Galphin's trading at his Silver Bluff Trading post and "Castle."
What was the relation of George Galphintothe American
Revolution? As preliminary to the answer, it is proper to state
that George Galphin was a native of Ireland, emigrated soon
after manhood to America, and died at Silver Bluff, his resi-
dence, on Savannah River, in South Carolina, on the 2nd of
December, 1780, in the seventy-first year of his age.
By his enterprise, he extended his mercantile transactions
with several Indian tribes, far into their country, and, by
fair dealing and uniform kindness, acquired a controlling in-
fluence over their temper and conduct, which were always
predisposed to resentment and war. (White, 1853. p. 247)
Meriwether and White, then combine to give us the total time during
which Galphin was active in the Indian trade from his post in Silver
Bluff. Now we are presented with a problem. Galphin's occupation
of Silver Bluff could not have conceivably lasted longer than thirty-
six years and more probably lasted closer to thirty. Our date for
the site (which is the mean, or middle, date) is 1744. Therefore,
either we were again mistaken in the location of our site, or there
was a previous occupation of Silver Bluff. We find the latter to be
true. Milling, in the Red Carolinians states that:
A few miles farther up the Savannah lived another band of
Indians who were not natives of the province, the Yuchi, of
Silver Bluff, in the present Aiken County. The Yuchi. .settled
in South Carolina subsequent to the Yamassee War (1716). ..
(Milling, 1940. pp. 179-180)
Further, Paul Quattlebaum says:
Across the Savannay, some thirteen or more miles below the
present city of Augusta, Georgia, stands Silver Bluff, in present
Aiken County, South Carolina. On this bluff stood the Indian
town of Cofitachiqui, the capital of the Euchee (Yuchi) Indian
people. (Quattlebaum, 1956. p. 37)
If Galphin's residence lasted about thirty years, then, and if we
subtract another thirty from the median date, we find that the docu-
mentary and pipe stem dates for this site agree almost exactly.
The Yuchi apparently moved to Silver Bluff a little after 1716, and
by subtracting thirty from 1744 we obtain a beginning date of 1714,
which is only three or four years apart from the estimate which we
made from the pipe stem median.
In the case of Silver Bluff, the technique of pipe stem dating proved
to be extremely useful. It aided us by supplying a date of historic
origin for the site, which agreed with all available documents.
1775. The History of the American Indians. London: (12) 464.
Binford, Lewis R.
1961. "A New Method of Calculating Dates from Kaolin Pipe
Stem Samples." A paper before The Second Annual Con-
ference on Historic Site Archaeology, Macon, Ga.
Chalkley, John F.
1955. "A critique and a rebuttal of the paper 'Dating Stem
Fragments' by J. C. Harrington." Quarterly Bulletin of the
Archaeological Society of Virginia. Vol. 9, No. 4.
1958. The Travels of William Bartram. New Haven: Yale Uni-
versity Press. Naturalist's Edition. pp. 727, illus.
Harrington, J. C.
1954. "Dating stem fragments of seventeenth century clay
tobacco pipes." Quarterly of the Archaeological Society of
Virginia. Vol. 9, No. 1.
Meriwether, Robert L.
1940. The Expansion of South Carolina 1729-1765. Kingsport,
Term: Southern Publishers, Inc. pp. 294.
Milling, Chapman J.
1940. Red Carolinians. Chapel Hill: The University of North
Carolina Press. pp. 438.
Omwake, H. G.
1958. "Kaolin pipes from the Schurz Site." Bulletin of the
Archeological Society of Connecticut. No. 29, New Haven, Conn.
1956. The Land Called Chicora. Gainesville: University of Flo-
rida Press. pp. 153.
White, The Rev. George, M. A.
1855. Historical Collections of Georgia, etc. New York: Pudney
and Russell. pp. 688.
The Florida State University
Manucy, Albert C.
1962 The Fort At Frederica. Notes in Anthropology, Vol. 5, Dep-
artment of Anthropology, Florida State University. 150 pp.,
62 plates. $2.00. (For sale by: The Fort Frederica Associa-
tion, St. Simons Island, Ga., and by The Florida Anthropolo-
This is an integrated study of the historic documents, the archeo-
logical investigations, and the exhibition of the remains at Ft.
Frederica. The fort was built by Oglethorpe on St. Simons Island as
part of the defense of the new colony of Georgia from the Spanish to
the south. Manucy and Mrs. Margaret Davis Cate have made an ex-
haustive analysis of the many documents relating to the construction
and use of the fort. Archeological investigations by Fairbanks and
Shiner for the National Park Service revealed the physical remains
of the fort and buildings within it. On the bases of these lines of evi-
dence the fort has been exhibited and interpreted. This is probably
the most complete report so far on the history and archeology of a
colonial fort in America. One section discusses the activity of the
soldiers who used the fort.
1962 El Morro. Notes in Anthropology, Vol. 6, Department of
Anthropology, Florida State University. 97 pp., 34 plates,
31 figs., 5 tables.
The report discusses the work conducted by the author during
1961 at El Morro, San Juan, Puerto Rico. The work was divided into
investigations of the moat area, the kitchen court area, and the water
battery. Military and civilian artifacts from the Spanish and American
periods were recovered. Rebuilding activities on the narrow tongue
of land had largely removed any deep stratigraphic deposits. The
sequence of building stages was determined inthe areas investigated.
The appendices discuss the artifacts and the geology of the fort area.
Spanish Olive Jar and two Wine Bottles from Ft. St. Marks.
A. Wine bottle, European, 18th century. B. Spanish olive jar, Type B, Late,
about 1780-1821. C. English wine bottle, about 1770 to 1800.