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The Sume aeR SIt,
St. .ons Coun. ..orida
by Adelaide K. and Ripley P. Bullen
The Summer Haven site is important as it is one of the few
Orange (fiber-tempered pottery) period sites located to the east
of the inland waterway. There the environmental situation is dif-
ferent from that of the St. Johns River valley where most of the
sites of this period have been found.
Its location (Fig. 1), immediately south of Matanzas Inlet
and west of Route A1A, has been known for many years. The St.
Augustine Restoration Society sponsored excavations there in
1940. No report was ever published but the specimens uncovered
have been preserved by the St. Augustine Historical Society.
Other collections have been made by various people. In spite of
these investigations, nothing is in print regarding this site except
its inclusion by Goggin (1952:92) in his list of sites for the North-
ern St. Johns region.
During the last week of July, 1959, we conducted archaeologi-
cal excavations at the Summer Haven site for the Florida State
Museum. As examined by us in 1958 and again in 1959, the site
originally covered a sizeable area extending from Matanzas Inlet
southerly 500 feet and from Route A1A westerly 200 feet. The
minimum depth of midden deposit was about 4 feet. The marsh
whichborders the site to the west, and the sand spit which sepa-
rates this marsh from Matanzas Inlet, may not have been present
Like many Florida sites, this one has suffered from the re-
moval of shells for various purposes. By 1959 only about 750 sq.
ft., less than 1 per cent of the original area, remained undisturbed.
Almost all of this was within the new right-of-way which had been
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1.2, March-June, 1961
Figure 1. Location of Tests at the Summer Haven Site
South Face-Square B
Figure 2. Profiles from
uW-- c-- .
secured by the State of Florida to permit widening and rerouting
of A1A. Labor was furnished by the State Road Department as
part of Florida's highway salvage program (Sears 1958).
The surface of this remaining undisturbed area sloped down-
ward both to the north and to the east. Our test was located in
the highest portion to secure the maximum depth of deposit. In
spite of this, the surface sloped downward 18 inches along a 10-
foot east-west distance.
Our excavation consisted of two adjoining 10- by 10-foot
squares, Square A to the north and Square B to the south(Fig. 1).
Results in terms of sherds are presented inTable 1 andFigure 3
by the arbitrary 6-inch levels by which they were excavated. The
seventh level of each square refers to a zone of gray sand which
underlay the midden proper and which contained a few shells and
The midden deposit (Fig. 2) consisted of many shells with
which were mixed varying amount of charcoal, food bones, sherds,
and occasional shell, bone, or stone tools. Along the western
wall of our trench, the midden was divided into two major com-
ponents an upper part, about 2 feet thick, in which coquina
shells dominated and a lower portion, about 1-1/2 feet thick,
composed chiefly of oyster shells. In places this lower zone was
separated from the underlying sand by thin lenses of coquina shells.
West Foce -Square A
,., North Face-Square A
e Summer Haven Site
TABLE 1. VERTICAL DISTRIBUTION OF SHERDS SUMMER HAVEN, TEST I
SQUARE A SQUARE B PERCENT DECORATED
i s I o
9 41 50 7 4 399 1 531 18.0 4.7 24.
.3 I 4( E- 4 1 4 0 S Square A Square B Both
1 105 3 155 263 1 1 117 538 657 40.7 17.8 24.4
2 50 2 120 172 160 1 441 602 30.2 26.7 27.5
3 17 2 61 80 302 5 738 6 1051' 23.7 29.2 28.8
4 141 6 227 2 376 238 11 389 2 640 39.0 38.9 38.9
5 9 41 50 127 4 399 1 531 18.0 24.7 24.1
6 16 1 100 16 133 32 49 81 12.8 39.6 23.0
7 10 1 35 46 3 75 78 23.9 3.8 11.3
Totals 348 15 739 18 1120 1 1 979 21 2629 9 3640 32.4 27.5 28.6
Below was yellowish-white dune sand which at a further depth of
18 inches became red. The top 6 inches of this sandwas stained
gray and contained afew shells and specimens as mentioned above.
They had been trampled into the loose top of this sand before the
midden started to accumulate at this point.
Towards the east (Fig. 2), the top of the lower or oyster
shell zone sloped downward more rapidly than did the surface of
the midden. This lower deposit extended only 5 to 7 feet from
the west wall. Consequently those parts df the lower levels of the
midden nearest the west wall were older than the eastern parts
of the same arbitrary levels. It is also likely, due to the slope
of the midden at this point, that specimens from certain depths
in Square B might be temporalequivalents of those from greater
depths in Square A.
Our arbitrary levels probably do not reflect such slight tem-
poral differences. Still, as minor differences are evident in the
vertical and horizontal distributions of specimens from the two
squares which may have meaning, we have not combined the speci-
mens from the two squares in Table 1 and Figure 3.
Most of the Orange Plain and Incised (fiber-tempered) sherds
from the Summer Haven site came from straight sided flat-
bottomed containers (Figs. 4, o; 5, e-g) about 4 to 5 inchesdeep.
We were unable to assemble a base but the slight curvature of
vessel walls and the edges of some basal fragments suggest an
oval form. Miniature vessels (Fig. 4, n, p) were also flat-
bottomed but had round mouths and incurving sides.
Paste seemed normal for Orange period ceramics although
a few sherds contained some limestone inclusions (Table 1). Ves-
selwalls varied from 3/16 to 1/2 of an inch while bases were us-
ually 1/2 inch thick. The junction between the base and the wall
was usually quite thick, in one instance 1 inch thick. In general,
walls tapered from their basal edge upwards. Rims were simple
and rounded (Fig. 5, a-d) or widened with flat lips (Fig. 6, c-f).
As plain sherds include those from vessel bases as well as
those which do not happen to exhibit incision but which came from
decorated vessels, the ratio of decorated to plain sherds in Table
1 bears no direct relationship to the ratio of decorated to plain
vessels. Of 354 rims, sufficiently complete for analytical treat-
ment, 181 or 51% were decorated. Rims varied as follows:
Wide rims with flat and undecorated lips 73
Flat-rounded rims 62
Simple rounded rims 26
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Squares A B A B AB A ABA l A B AB
1 77 16 23 2 9 2
2 1 3 4 1 10 40 2 3 3
3 2 1 8 2 3 64 1 3 5
4 3 2 1 4 10 1 26 64 4 3 2
5 2 1 3 1 23 1 1
6 1 1 3 1
Figure 3. Vertical Distribution ,
Eared rims 1
Rims pinched in or out '11
Wide rims with flat decorated lips 25
Wide rims with flat but undecorated lips 105
Narrow rims with flat lips 12
Flat-rounded rims 23
Simple rounded rims 10
Rims pinched in or out 6
A widened rim with a flat but undecorated lip was the most
common form irrespective of whether the walls of the vessels
were decorated. In one case an otherwise undecorated vessel
bore incision on its wide, flat lip. In the case of decorated ves-
sels with decorated lips, there is usually, but not always, a rela-
tionship between the design on the sides and on the tops of the
rims (Fig. 6). We could detect no meaningful variation in the
vertical distribution of any of these ceramic modes.
Decorative motifs from Orange Incised vessels have been
classified by various investigators (Griffin 1945; Ferguson 1951;
Sears and Griffin 1950; Griffin and Smith 1954) with different re-
sults as each was dealing with a different collection of sherds.
We present in Figure 3 a similar analysis from the Summer Haven
site correlatedwith depths in the midden. In this figure the first
columns list the sherds from Square A and the second those from
While there seems to be little variation in the relative popu-
larity of these motifs indicated inFigure 3, it may be pointed out
that the simpler designs, such as Motifs 3-7 and 11, are concen-
trated in the higher zones while the more complicated ones, such
as Motifs 8-10 and 12-13, have a deeper average provenience.
It should be remembered that it is these simpler designs that are
Motifs at the Summer Haven Site
0 1 2
Figure 4. Bone Tools and Sherds. A,B. Bone Pins; C. Bone Point;
D. Bone Fish Hook; E,F. Clay Daub(?): G. San Marcos Complicated
Stamped; H. Steatite Vessel Sherd; I-P, Orange Incised Sherds.
Figure 5. Orange Incised Sherds from Same Vessel
carried over onto St. Johns andPasco Incised vessels of the suc-
ceeding archaeological period.
The most common design motif at the Summer Haven site,
as well as at both the SouthIndianField and Gotten sites, consists
of groups of parallel lines obliquely applied and separated by blank
spaces (Motif 5). However, the second most frequent design at
both the Gotten and South Indian Field sites, parallel right and
left lines (Motif 11), was weakly represented at the Summer Haven
site as were parallel vertical lines (Motif 2), the third most pop-
ular motif at the Gotten site. The se difference s may have implica-
tions of a chronology but are more apt to be normal site-to-site
variations, regional or tribal in nature.
Incised parallel lines paralleling rims and setting them off
from design elements on vessel sides as in Motifs 6, 8, 11, and
13 were much more common at the Summer Haven than at either
of the other two sites. As such lines were encountered relatively
0 1 2
Figure 6. Orange Incised Sherds with Wide, Decorated Lips
deep at the Summer Haven site and were rather common in the
tested portion of the Bluffton site (Bullen 1955:9), believed to rep-
resent an early part of the decorated portion of the Orange period
(Bullen 1955:14), their popularity at the Summer Haven site may
indicate it to be a little earlier than either the Gotten or Sound
Indian Field site.
Most of the decorative elements found at the Summer Haven
site are old friends to those familiar with ceramics of the Orange
period and require no further comment other than their inclusion
in Figure 3. A few are more noteworthy.
One consists of narrow, hatched bands within incised lines
(part of Motif 15). Such were present at South Indian Field (Fer-
guson 1951:P1. 2, G) and at the Gotten site (Griffin and Smith 1954:
35). However, in these cases and in one illustrated by Sears and
Griffin (1950:8-3) the cross-hatching lines are oblique to the out-
side lines. In the Summer Haven example (Fig. 4, i; Fig. 3, 15)
and on a St. Johns Incised sherd in the Florida State Museum's
collections fromTickIsland (Fig. 8) theangle between thehatching
and the enclosing lines approaches a right angle. As this general
technique, designs formed with narrow zones area, is well known
for later archaeological periods (Marksville, Hopewell, and Ft.
Walton-Englewood) it is interesting to record its earlier occur-
rence, circa 1000 B.C., in Florida.
Another design deserving comment is that of a running fret
(Fig. 6, f). It does not seem to have been previously reported
for Floridabut it is, of course, closelyallied to the one (Fig. 6, e)
we have illustrated with itunder Motif 12 in Figure 3. This second
design was previously known as it was also found at the Gotten
(Griffin and Smith 1954:PI. I, 14) and South Indian Field (Rouse
1951:P1. 2, B) sites.
Attention should also be called to several sherds which illus-
trate what appear to be horizontal lug handles, located a short dis-
tance below rims (Fig. 4, k-1). These handles are punctated but
otherwise closely resemble those found on steatite vessels.
Sometimes designs are elaborated by the addition of ticks or
ovoid gashes bordering design elements (Figs. 4, m-p; 6, b). Such
decorative treatment was also foundat the Gotten (Griffin and Smith
1954:36) andSouth Indian Field (Ferguson 1951:21 sites. Its sub-
sequent appearance on Gordan's Pass and Sanibel Incised, later
pottery types of the Glades area to the south, is of interest.
Elaborate use of this decorative mode is shown on an Orange
Incised sherd (Fig. 4, p) found some years ago at the Summer
Haven site and presented by Mr. Thomas M. Schmidt of Pittsburgh
to the FloridaState Museum (Cat. No. 94939). This sherd is from
a small bowldecorated with two bands of alternately filled and un-
filled triangular areas. Eachunfilled area was set off by means of
these short incisions or ticks.
The use of punctations by themselves, as on rims (Figs. 6, a;
4, j),was not reported for the South Indian Field sitebutwas pres-
ent at the Gotten site. In that case, however, the punctations were
on a wide flat lip (Griffin and Smith 1954:37) while at the Summer
Haven site they were on rounded lips.
In the highest six inches of Sq. B we found a St. Johns Plain
and a semi-fiber-tempered plain sherd (Table 1). These require
no special comment. They are typical of terminal or immediate-
ly post-Orange period times. These sherds indicate, as do the
decorated rims, that the excavated portion of the Summer Haven
site was occupied towards the end of the Orange period.
The Summer Haven site was so large that a limited test, such
as ours, could not be expected to cover the whole ceramic history
of the site. It is entirely possible that there may have been other
areas where the debris, if investigated, would have been foundto
belong to other than the Orange period. One San Marcos Stamped
sherd (Fig. 4, g; FSM Cat. No. 94901), found in spread shellfrom
the site andkindly givenus by Mr. H. M. Johnsonwho lives across
Matanzas Inlet to the north, indicates reoccupation probably very
temporary during the St. Augustine period of the seventeenth
century. Others may have pottery from the intervening St. Johns
I and II periods.
0 1 2
Figure 7. Stone and Shell Tools. A- Ovate Knife; B. Projectile Point;
C. Busycon Gouges; E. Strombus Celt; F-G Busycon Hammers;
H. Busycon Pick.
Three fired clay lumps were found including in Level 3 of Sq.
B some fragments of daub (Fig. 4, e-f).
Worked bone included two bone pins, a bone point, a carved
fish hook (Fig. 4, a-d), 12 fragments of bone pins, and 2 other
worked bone specimens irregularly distributed throughout the mid-
den. The bone point exhibited spiraled lashing marks at one end
while the other end is fractured, presumably by use. Originally,
it formed part of a composite tool.
One Strombus celt (Fig. 7, e; Sq. B, Lev. 2), 2 Busycon (B.
carica eliceans Montford) gouges (Fig. 7, c-d; Sq. A, Lev. 4;
Sq. B, Lev. 5), and 15 other Busycon (B. carica eliceans Mont-
ford) tools were found. Of these 14Tare Type X (Rouse 1951:231)
with ahaftinghole in the top, or at the edge of the top, of the shell
(Fig. 7, f-h) and one had no hafting hole. Ten (Sq. A, Levs. 1,
Figure 8. St. Johns Incised
Sherd from Tick Island
2, 4, 5, 10; Sq. B., Levs. 3, 5) are classified as hammers and
5 (Sq. A, Lev. 7; Sq. B, Levs. 1, 2, 5) as picks. Of these picks,
2 have the edge of the tip ground to the same plane as the beak
(Fig. 7, h). Two have similar ground lips but the beak is broken
so that it is not certain whether or not the edge of the lip and the
grinding of the beak were in the same plane.
We found two chipped stone specimens, an ovate knife (Fig. 7,
a; Sq. B, Lev. 2) and a projectile point or hafted knife (Fig. 7, b;
Sq. B, Lev. 3). Also presentwere 2 pieces of coquina, 2 of scoria,
and 1 of coral rock as well as 36 fragments of worn fossil bone.
Of these, 24were in the lowestand 5 in the next to the lowest level
of Square A.
Unquestionably the most interesting stone specimens were 2
fragments of a steatite vessel (Fig. 4, h) found in Levs. 3 and 5
of Square B. Tool marks were left on the outside but both the flat
rim and the inside surface have been well smoothed. The flat lip
is similar to that found on Orange Plain and Incised vessels.
Food remains at the Summer Haven site were predominantly
the oyster and coquina shells wh'ch formed the major component
of the midden. Mixed with them were some shells of the clam
(Mercenaria) and, more rarely, those of the murex (Murex rufus
Lamarck), the heavy whelk (Busycon carica eliceans Montford)
and the large snail (Polinices duplicataSay).
As noted on the profiles, there is some evident alternation
in the deposition of coquina and oyster shells. This may reflect
local ecological changes or seasonal occupation. Oysters are better
tasting and more worthwhile collecting for food in the winter than
in the summer.
Shark vertebrae, both large and small, were extremely com-
mon (1500), while turtle (1300), fish (800), and deer (730) bones
were also quite plentiful. Other forms were much less common
but included bird (37), raccoon (30), alligator (20), rabbit (17),
dog (15), snake (19), and, rarely, crab claws (6), bear (?) (9),
opossum (4), otter (3), wildcat(2), andwolf (1) bones. Quantities
indicated above refer to the number of bones found, not to the num-
ber of individualanimals represented. It does, however, indicate
the orientation of the economy of Indians living at the Summer
Haven site to water either salt or fresh with deer as the major
Deer included both young, i.e., immature, and old individuals.
Raccoon bones were rather large. Dog bones seemed to be those
of a small species. Undoubtedly, the dog bones, like those of the
other animals, represented individuals eaten for food. One dog-
like tooth was very large and presumed to be that of a wolf. The
wolf, otter, and wildcatbones were kindly identified by Mrs. E. S.
Wing of the Department of Biology, University of Florida.
Bird bones were identified by Pierce Brodkorb of the Depart-
ment of Biology, University of Florida, with the following results:
Loon (Gavia immer) 11 bones, at least 2 individuals
Gannet Morus bassanus) 9 bones, at least 2 individuals
Wild Turkey (eleagris gallopavo) 1 bone
Great Auk(Pinguinus impennis) I bone
Common Murre (Uria aalge) 1 bone
The loon and the gannet are winter visitors to Florida. The
auk and the murre are also northern species. This is the first
record of the common murre south of New Jersey and only the
third Florida record for the now extinct greak auk (Brodkorb 1960).
Scarcity of land birds, such as the turkey, again shows ecological
orientation towards the ocean.
These bird bones are of considerably interest. In the. first
place they document the fact that the site was occupied in the winter
in spite of its fairly exposed location. Secondly, they suggest the
climate was a little cooler during the late part of the Orange period,
around 1000 B. C., when the site was occupied. Thirdly, Dr.
Brodkorb, while identifying the bird bones, commented on the fact
that all four water birds loon, gannet, great auk, and common
murre would be expected perhaps a mile off shore rather than
inside Matanzas Inlet where the site is located near the inland
waterway. He suggests the Indians must have hunted off shore and
brought the birds back to camp.
Our excavations at the Summer Haven site give us another view
of the industrial products and way of life of the late Orange period
in east Florida. Pottery and other artifacts vary only in details
from those previously known from the SouthIndian Field and Gotten
sites. Some of the similarities and differences, particularly in the
decoration of pottery, have been pointed out earlier.
At both the Gotten and South Indian Field sites there was an
upper, post-Orange period zone characterized by chalky pottery.
For this reason there has been some question regarding the dating
of Busycon hammers and gouges at those sites (Griffin and Smith
1954:49; Goggin 1952:115). Evidence from the Summer Haven site
clearly indicates these tools were made and used during the late
Data from the Summer Haven site further documents the pres-
ence of steatite vessel fragments, the trait of using dogs for food,
and the presence for the second time of bones of the extinct great
auk in the late Orange period context. Added to traits known for
this period are lug-like handles and running fret designs on pottery,
daub, and some new bone forms.
The presence of some form of water transport, presumably
dugout canoes, during the Orange period has been considered by
archaeologists dealing with this period. Presence of fiber-tem-
pered pottery on Amelia Island (Bullen and Griffin 1952) and on
islands in Charlotte Harbor (Griffin 1949; Bullen and Bullen 1956)
has been suggestive but not conclusive. It has also been men-
tioned that the presence of steatite vessels in Florida implied
transportation by water as these containers are too heavy to be
carried overland on one's back while the nearest source of this
material is several hundred miles distant. Inventories of fish
bones have suggested the use of boats (Griffin and Smith 1954:52).
The presence in some quantities at the Summer Haven site of bones
of birds usually found a substantial distance off shore seems to
settle this question. Indians living in Florida during the Orange
period must have known and used dugout canoes.
The close of the Orange period can be confidently placed as
around 1000 B.C., possibly a little later, based on several radio-
carbon determinations (Bullen 1958). By that early date the Indians
of Florida had sufficiently mastered their environment to permit
them to live in fairly large concentrations of people. They had
developed a sophisticated ceramic industry. They knew the art of
weaving(Goggin 1952:46; Benson 1959). They had mastered shell
and bone working. Several thousand years earlier their ancestors
learned to successfully substitute shell for ground stone woodwork-
ing tools (celts and gouges). They enjoyed interstate commerce
and had available water transportation for both travel andfood
procurement. Many of the traits we find among later cultures had
been developed by them. Their contribution to culture growth in
eastern United States is probably much greater than realized.
BENSON, Carl A.
1959 "Some Pottery Contributions to Early Fabric Techniques."
The Florida Anthropologist, Volume 12, No. 3, pp. 65-70.
1960 "Great Auk and Common Murre from a Florida Midden."
The Auk, Volume 77, pp. 343-44.
BULLEN, Adelaide K. and Ripley P.
1956 "Excavations on Cape Haze Peninsula, Florida." Con-
tributions of the Florida State Museum, Social Sciences
BULLEN, Ripley P.
1955 "Stratigraphic Tests at Bluffton, Volusia County, Florida."
The Florida Anthropologist, Volume 8, No. 1, pp. 1-16.
1958 "More Florida Radiocarbon Dates and Their Significance."
The Florida Anthropologist, Volume 11, No. 4, pp. 97-110.
1959 "The Transitional Period of Florida." Southeastern
Archaeological Conference, Newsletter, Volume 6, pp. 43-
BULLEN, Ripley P. ,.and John W. Griffin
1952 "An Archaeological Survey of Amelia Island, Florida."
The Florida Anthropologist, Volume 5, Nos. 3-4, pp. 37-62.
FERGUSON, Vera Masius
1951 "Chronology at South Indian Field, Florida." Yale Uni-
versity Publications in Anthropology, No. 45.
GOGGIN, John M.
1952 "Space and Time Perspective in Northern St. Johns
Archaeology, Florida. Yale University Publications in
Anthropology, No. 47.
GRIFFIN, James B.
1945 "The Significance of the Fiber-Tempered Pottery of the
St. Johns Area in Florida." Journal of the Washington
Academy of Sciences, Volume 35, No. 7, pp. 213-23.
GRIFFIN, John M., and Hale G. Smith
1954 "The Gotten Site: An Archaeological Site of Early Ceramic
Times in Volusia County, Florida. Florida State Universiti
Studies, No. 16.
GRIFFIN, John M.
1949 "Notes on the Archaeology of Useppa Island." The
Florida Anthropologist, Volume 2, Nos. 3-4, pp. 92-93.
1951 "A Survey of Indian River Archaeology, Florida." Yale
University Publications in Anthropology, No. 44.
SEARS, William H., and James B. Griffin
1950 "Fiber-Tempered Pottery of the Southeast." Prehistoric
Pottery of the Eastern United States. University of
Profile view of a carved stone head, approximately 4 inches
tall, found in association with Ft. Walton Period burials in
Okaloosa County, Florida. Flakes of red paint in the face
area suggest that this artifact belonged to a Weeden Island
period but was used as burial goods by the Ft. Walton Cul-
ture. This object is in the collection of William C. Lazarus
at Ft. Walton Beach, Florida.
The M)s p k 43, Fla.
by William C. Lazarus
Morrison Spring is a sizeable fresh water spring boiling up
from decomposed limestone strata which underlies much of Florida.
It is located in eastern Walton County about 4-1/2 miles south
southeast of the community of Ponce de Leon, Florida. The out-
flow from this spring reaches the Choctawhatchee River through a
stream called Morrison Spring Run which is about 1, 200 yards in
length. The land between the Spring and the river is generally low
so that when the Choctawhatchee River floods, the spring is cov-
ered by the flood waters (Fig. 1).
Scuba divers from EglinAir Force Base began the underwater
exploration of this spring during the Summer of 1958. Based on
data from depth gauges worn by the divers and their descriptions
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1.2, March.June, 1961
NW \I SE
.25 ft -- -
Sea LevelL .--...... J_ _
'110 ft 80
S". Sunken Boaot
Pensacola Incised Jar -
with Flored Orfice and~'
f = Large:
STwo Proiectile Pointsf .
250 ft (approx.)i
FI.w Sand Floor -- `
Figure 2. Cross Section of Morrison Spring
of the underwater features, the sketch (Fig. 2) has been prepared
presenting a profile from northwest to southeast (left to right).
Ahydro-archaeological site was discovered at the 110-ft. level
in the main passage of the spring. The passage walls and roof are
of decomposed limestone. The sloping floor is covered witai a
white sand at about the natural angle of repose. The depth of this
sand floor has not been determined. The water flow up this pass-
age is appreciable but can be negotiated by a diver without too
much effort. About one-third of the way down this passage, two
of the early divers recovered a small globular jar with flared
orifice (Fig. 3).
This vessel has maximum diameter of 10. 2 cm and a height
of 10. 9 cm; the orifice is oval with a major axis of 4. 7 cm and a
minor axis of 4. 2 cm. This jar shows extensive erosion more or
less evenly onall exterior surfaces, probably from sand blasting.
This uniform erosion seems to indicate that it had not remained
static in one position on the bottom but had moved from time to
time as the currents in the spring changed.
Although this jar was recovered as a whole vessel from the
spring, it was subsequentlybrokei due to careless handling by in-
experienced people. The 11 sherds intowhich it fragmented were
recovered and the vessel has been restored. While in the broken
condition, the thickness of the vessel was measured and found to
vary from 4 mm to 2 mm. The latter was near thebase while the
former occurred just below the orifice. Interior smoothing is
crude and coiling techniques of manufacture are evident. The frag-
mented ends of the sherds showed a uniform black core with a very
fine shell temper. The present surfaces vary in color from buff
to blackbut the lighter colors appear to be mineral deposits on the
surfaces. When fired, the vessel was probably a uniform black
The pattern is confined to the area between the maximum diam-
eter and the base of the orifice. Incising with interlocking "three-
line" scrolls dominates the pattern. There-is some overlapof
patterns noted. This jar is identified as belonging to the Ft. Walton
Period and is classified as Pensacola Incised a shell tempered
ware. Fig. 4 is a scale reproduction of the pattern.
A drilled kill hole occurs on the maximum diameter of the jar.
This hole is 5 mm in diameter.
On the same slope in the spring and at the 110 ft. level where
the jar was found, the divers picked up two projectile points from
the sand surface (Fig. 5). Both points appear to have intentional
"knicks" on the edge.
The larger of the points is more crudely done. The material
is a fine grain buff-colored flint with flakes of red in it near the
The smaller point is expertly made. Its material is a gray
flint which blends into rose near the tip.
Although the points were in the same general area as the jar,
there is nothing further to associate them. Neither of them show
any wear from exposure to sand movement within the spring and
there is no patination observable. Their configurations tend to
associate them with no archaic dating.
Several flint chips have been surface collected from the land
at the head of the spring which is largely uncleared. Further ex-
ploration may develop a land site in the vicinity.
WILLEY, Gordon R.
1949 Archaeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Smithsonian
Miscellaneous Collections, Volume 113. Washington.
WORMINGTON, H. M.
1957 Ancient Man in North America. Denver Museum of
Natural History. Popular Series No. 4. Denver.
by Edward B. Kurjack
The Childersburg Site (TaVl) is located north of the con-
fluence of the Coosa River and. Talladega Creek in the central
part of Alabama. This site was believed by ethnohistorians to
be the remains of the Upper Creek village "Coosa" visited by
DeSoto in 1540. The reportof the site's excavation concludes,
however, that the major occupation dates from the period be-
tween 1700 and 1825 (DeJarnette and Hansen, 1960).
A number of clay pipe fragments were collected at this
site. Measurements were made of the bore diameters of the
stem sections in order to compare the results withHarrington's
histograms of clay pipe bore diameters for various periods.
Total Sample: 157
64 64 6
Stem Hole Diameter (inches)
Figure 1. Frequency Distribution
of TaV1 Clay Pipes by Diameter
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1-2, March.June, 1961
The measurements indicate that the trade pipes belong to Har-
rington's 1710-1750 period (Harrington, 1954); 83% of the total
sample of 157 had a bore diameter of 5/64 of an inch.
A single pipe was found whole in a burial at the site. This
specimen was identified by Malcolm Watkins of theUnited States
National Museum as dating from the period between 1730-1770.
Arthur Woodward of the Los Angeles County Museum concurred
with this date. The pipe, illustrated on page 42 of the Childers-
burg Site report, has a bore diameter of 5/64 of an inch.
One of the bowl fragments found at the site carried the
maker's mark "R. T. This mark was used by the Bristol pipe-
maker Robert Tippet, his son, and his grandson. Robert Tip-
pet Ibecame aburgess of Bristol in the year 1660, his son was
made a freeman of that same city in 1678. Robert TippetIII
was still making pipes in 1724; this particular example was
probably his work (Charles H. Fairbanks, per sonal communica-
In conclusion, it can be safely assumed that the clay pipes
at TaVl date from the 1710-1750 period. This falls well within
the time range assigned to the overall occupation of the site by
the earlier study, but it is somewhat earlier than the 1750-1775
date suggested by the majority of the burials.
DeJARNETTE, David L. and Asael T. Hansen
1960 "The Archaeology of the Childersburg Site. Florida
State University, Notes in Anthropology, No. .
HARRINGTON, J. C.
1954 "Dating Stem Fragments of Seventeenth Century Clay
Tobacco Pipes. Quarterly Bulletin of the Archaeologic-
al Society of Virginia, Volume 9, No. 1.
The Happy Life in the City of Ghosts
An Analysis of a Mikasuki Myth
by Ethel Cutler Freeman
DUAL AFFILIATIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND FOLKLORE
The dual affiliations of folklore with the humanitieson the one
hand and with social science on the other are well recognized (Bas-
com 1953), and the value of collaboration between the two is becom-
ing increasingly apparent. As Bascom writes, "both the literary
and social anthropological approaches are essential and compli-
mentary. Myths, like language, mirror culture and incorporate
detailed descriptions of ceremonies, institutions and technology,
as well as the expression of beliefs and attitudes. In short, they
give a penetrating picture of a way of life (Herskovits 1948:418)
since they emphasize the things of primary importance in the cul-
ture (Boas 1916).
However, anthropologists have made all too little use of myths.
Hallowell says that it is an open secret that myths, recordedby
anthropologists moulder on the shelves waiting for the profession-
al folklorist (Hallowell 1947:544).
For their part, folklorists are sometimes not sufficiently aware
that a myth, as it exists in its living primitive form, is much more
than a story told, it is a reality lived... .not symbolic, but a dir-
ect expression of subject matter, that it is believed to have hap-
pened in primeval times and through continuity it has influenced
human destiny (Malinowski 1948:78, 79). Despite the important
contributions that have been made to the study of oral narratives
by folklorists, only a limited range of problems have been com-
passed within their traditional literary historical approach (Hallo-
There is evidence, as Malinowski says that "The folklore of a
people canbe understood only through thoroughknowledge of their
culture...." (Malinowski 1926:41), but it is also true that know-
ledge of folklore is necessary for a full understanding of the culture.
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1.2, March-June, 1961
Myths act as sanctions and validate religion, social, political,
and economic institutions, as wells s serving as a device for trans-
mitting cultural values and unifying social opinion. In sum, the
relationship between folklore and other aspects of culture is the
joint problem of both anthropologists and folklorists. Therefore,
a short description of Mikasuki-Seminole culture is necessary for
an understanding of the Mikasuki myth.
THE MIKASUKI. The 1000 Seminoles who live in South Florida
today are the least acculturated Indians east of the Mississippi
River and probably anywhere in the United States. They represent
sections of two tribes, the Mikasukis and the Muscogees, whobroke
away from their people and migrated into Florida in the late 17th
and 18th centuries. Previously, they were both members of the
great Creek or Muscogean Confederacy of Alabama and Georgia,
a league of tribes that united for defense against both Indian and
White aggression in DeSoto's time (Hodge 1911:363; Swanton 1922:
257). In the 17th century, unable to repulse the encroaching col-
onizers in the southeast, the Mikasukis broke from the Confederacy
and moved into northern Florida (Brinton 1859). This angered
other members of the Confederacy, who taunted the Mikasuki,
calling them, "Seminoli, or "renegades, run-a-ways, wild-men."
According to Swanton and Debo, Seminoli means peoplewho camp
ata distance (Swanton 1922-398; Note 1, Debo 1941). The Mikasuki
themselves find "Seminoli" no insult. I was told that Seminole
means people who love nature and not cities, people who want to
be independent, free, wild, like the deer that will not be tamed.
Their name of wild deer is echi-seminoli.
Several decades later, some of the Muscogee themselves
found the situation in Georgia and Alabama unbearable, and moved
into Florida in such numbers that Muscogeanbecame the principal
language, replacing Hitchiti Mikasuki (Swanton 1922:414). Domina-
tionby Indians or Whites was equally insupportable to the Mikasukis,
who retreated farther into south Florida and spurned contact with
the Muscogees until recently. Even now, only a portion of the
Mikasuki have joined with the Muscogee Seminoles in what is vir-
tually a self protection pact. The Mikasuki could not forget occas-
ions when the Mascogees had fought with white soldiers against
them. These historically antipathetic bands were designated as
one tribe, "The Seminoles of Florida," and in spite of their pro-
tests throughout the years, the United States Government has dealt
with them as one political unit until late developments altered the
The increase in the American population in the 1800s led to a
clamoring for new farming country, and pressure groups in Wash-
ington cast envious eyes on Florida's rich soil and warm climate.
Andrew Jackson's sabre rattling, as he invaded the Spanish-Florida
border, led to the purchase of that peninsulaby the United States in
1821. During the negotiations, Spain stipulated that the Seminoles'
rights must be respected. However, the public ignored this pro-
vision, and Washington capitulated to the demand that Florida be
cleared of the Seminoles, and that slaves who had escaped from
the north and had taken refuge among the Indians, be returned to
Whites. In this way the Whites would acquire both land and the
labor to clear and improve it.
Reports of the number of Indians in Florida at this time vary
from 4883 (Swanton 1922:440-448) to double that number. All but
an estimated 200 were killed or deported west of the Mississippi
River (Sprague 1848; Note 2). This remnant of a people fled into
the Everglades and refused either to negotiate or capitulate. Thus
the Seminole War of 1835-1842 is known as the longest war that
the United States has ever fought and the only one that it has not
The Florida Seminoles of today are the descendants of those
unconquered Indians who escaped into the Everglades and adapted
their culture to a formerly unknown sub-tropical environment.
Two-thirds are Mikasuki or "Big Cypress Seminoles" who live
either on two reservations south of Lake Okeechobee or near high-
ways where they sell their excellent handicraft to tourists. The
other third are Muscogees, known now as Cow-Creek Seminoles.
They live on the Brighton Reservation, northwest of Lake Okee-
chobee, and on the Dania Reservation on the East Coast. The Dania
Reservation, which lies between major highways, is now being com-
mercialized and will be leased to Whites for business purposes.
Both groups, the Big Cypress and Muscogee or Cow-Creek Semi-
noles, live much as their ancestors did generations ago, in open-
sided, unwalled thatched shelters, called chikis. All of the Mik-
asuki women and some of the men still wear their colorfultribal
costumes. However, tourist cars and rancher trucks now roar
over the many new roads in South Florida, and miles of cultivated
land replace the Mikasuki hunting country. Thus, the Seminoles
have had to adapt their culture once again to an altered ecology.
Drainage of the swamps has turned the Seminole dug-out canoe into
a rarity, and manySeminoles now have automobiles plus the "air-
boats" that they invented to skim over shallow water and grass.
Seminole bands now plant and pick crops for cash, and pur-
chased food is replacing wild roots and berries and game, although
fish and wild birds still form amajor.part of their menu. In spite
of certain necessary adjustments to new conditions, they have in-
corporated this new labor complex into their old social patterns.
Whereas in the old days, the matrilineal family, under the direc-
tion of the head-man, moved seasoAally on food quests, today it is
the head-man who negotiates with the rancher to supply labor.
THE MYTH AS A CULTURE RECORD. As in many primitive cul-
tures thathave no written language, there is no definite line of de-
marcation between Mikasuki myths and actual history. The Mik-
asukis have handed down tales that correlate remarkably with
United States historical records. Through rigidly-patterned cul-
turalmechanisms thatpass onmyths and historyunchanged (Free-
man; Note 3), the names of tribesmen, their heroic acts, the bushes
and trees behind which they hid, and their disdain of the white man,
who gavebounties for the capture of helpless women and children,
paint a living, vivid picture of war days. The Mikasukis portray
supernatural life in ryths in the same intimate naturalistic manner,
for they visualize 'the supernaturaland natural world on the same
A Mikasuki man must be, not only a medicine-man, but he
must be exact in repeating chants and magic formulas, yet at the
same time, he is permitted to originate new songs and to make
additions to the myths when they are given him through supernatural
means, such as singing bushes or talking animals. These verbal
adaptations are comparable to the new magic items that are found
in the sacred tribal medicine-bundle when the medicine-man opens
it at the Green Corn Dance Ceremony, so that the Great Spirit may
renew the supernatural power of its contents. This new "medicine"
is given by the "Breath-maker" as protection against novel situa-
tions and is evidence of his approval of the tribe's and the medi-
cine-man's actions. In this way the power of the supernatural re-
mains an active principle, capable of dealing with all modern prob -
lems and conditions, and it is in like manner that myths are kept
up to date.
Unfortunately for anthropologists and folklorists, the Mik-
asukis have been so independent and unapproachable, that few of
their myths and little of their early culture has been recorded
(Sturtevant 1958:29). Their myths are particularly interesting in
that they differ from most Southeastern mythology. Their strong
emphasis on the relationship between supernaturals and humans
and their accounts of visits to the world of the dead are in sharp
contrast to the myths of the southeastern Indians, except for some
tales of the Alabamas (Swanton 1929:138-148). Nor do we find the
animals with human characteristics, the trickster rabbit, the gulli-
ble wolf, and other figures common in most of the southeast. It
is also striking that there seems to be no transference from the
B'rer Rabbit and other folk tales of the refugee slaves to Mik-
asuki stories, although regulations barring slaves from clan parti-
cipation presumably accounts for this lack of diffusion.
"Sacred" myths were passed on at intimate gatherings, or at
the judicial and religious annual Green Corn Dance, and "for fun"
stories were toldby the elders of the extended family to the young-
er generation, as they gathered around the central cooking fire in
the camp. Sacred myths tell of ghosts of their clan members and
powerful fearsome supernatural beings, who must be spoken of
with caution. The Mikasuki believe, as many primitives do, that
to speak a name is to summon a spirit, who is often so angry at
being called that terrifying events result.
The following myth, "The Happy Life in the City of Ghosts,"
falls into the "dangerous" category. It was told me by a very in-
telligent Mikasuki medicine-man who has had more white contact,
perhaps, than any member of his tribe. He is an officer of the
Christian Seminole Church, yet like other Seminole Christians he
believes in the power given him by the supernatural, and uses it to
counteract evil, sickness and black magic.
As a medicine-man he may add to the myths by symbolic adap-
tation: The Great Spirit is changed to God, the Christ becomes
analogous to the Breath-maker. The medicine-manblows Christ's
healing spirit into his "medicine" to make it potent. The Bible is
an important fetish. Most of the Seminoles cannot read it, but as
the word of God it has great protective power. Practically every
Christian Seminole has his own Bible. A Seminole deacon ex-
plained, "Can you see a spoken word? No'. It got no shape, yet
it more strong than anything in the world. You say a word, it brings
good and bad spirits right among us, make men mad, kill each
other, or make them glad, maybe. Bible's God's world, it got
great power. The Church forbids its members to repeat the fol-
lowing myth but in spite of this taboo, Seminole Christians still
believe it and that it has great power.
THE HAPPY LIFE IN THE CITY OF GHOSTS: A Mikasuki Myth
Six Mikasuki men and a Negro wanted to see where the "Breath-
maker" (Fishaki ommishtchi) lived, s o they went East. Each man
carried his bundle, for he must travel far, many suns, to the
Breath-maker's home. They sawthat the land goes way, way over
there and they walked on it, and kept on to where it went up high.
As each man went over the top, the ones behind him could not see
that he fellover the edge, so every man in turn, dropped down and
tumbled over and over through the blue sky.
They did not know how thick the clouds were, so they threw
their bundles on them and they did not fall through.
The sky was like smooth waves, going up and down fast. The
six Mikasukis stood back, then ran and took big jumps and landed
on the other side of the sky where the Breath-maker lived. But the
colored man came last and the Breath-maker dropped the sky as
he ran, so that he fell through and was killed.
When the six men came up on the other side of the sky, they
looked towards the East and sawbuildings, but no people, and they
were afraid for they did notknow what people lived there. One old
lady from over there came up to them and talked "easy" and asked,
"Why you here?"
"To see the Breath-maker, Fishaki ommishtchi," they an-
"People can't go to the Breath-maker," she said. But the
Breath-maker came to them and asked, "What youwant to know.?"
"We came to see Fishaki ommishtchi, the Breath-maker,"
they told him. He did not tell them that he was the Breath-maker,
he only said, "You look around for awhile, and he went back to
Then the six menheard lots of noise and they saw abig crowd
of people playing a ball game. Some of the people had wings and
they were white like the down of birds. They could see that they
were having abig time, good people. The six men liked what they
saw and two of them said, "I'd like to stay here and not go home,"
but the other four wanted to go back to their kinfolk.
Pretty soon, the six men went back and found their bundles
where theyhad left them in the clouds. That evening, the Breath-
maker came again and said, "Who wants to stay h9re ? Two said,
"I do." Two others saw some cedar trees and said, "I'd like to
stay here, all right, but I'd like tobe a cedar tree and not a ghost."
The two others said, "I'd like to go back."
"Ho, (All right), the Breath-maker said. I'll see you after
awhile," and he left.
Later, the Breath-maker came backand he had chains. First
he took the two men who wanted to be cedar trees and he smoothed
down their arms and put his hands on their sides and stood them
up like trees and they grew there.
After that, he wrapped the two men who wanted to stay, in
chains, and boiled them in a great kettle of water and killed them.
When thebodies were cooked, the Breath-maker took out the bones
and laid them on a platform on a white sheet. Then he took a white
switch and he beat the bodies with it. Each time that he hit them
they stirred a littlebit more. First ahand moved, and pretty soon,
an arm, and then the skeletons jumped up. Then the Breath-maker
took the white sheet and rubbed the skeletons and dried them out.
The other two men watched the two newly dead men join those
who were playing balland they were all somuchalike that they did
not know whichwere their former partners. But the two dead men
came back to them and said, "Do you want to go home? It is good
here. So they knew that it was their friends who had come to talk
"We got to go home, tell your kinfolk where you are," the
After that, the two men went back to their bundles. The Breath-
maker came to them again and said, "You want to go home?" He
did not say that he was the Breath-maker who had killed their
friends and made the other two into trees, but they answered him
anyway, "Yes, we want to go."
"All right, the Breath-maker said, "Tonight youbundle your
things good and tight and get ready to go. "
So the two men packed their bundles and went to sleep. All
night, while they slept, they were coming backthat long way home
from the Breath-maker in the sky. But they did notknow this until
they heard the chickens crowing in their own camps, for the Breath-
maker does not want anyone to learn the way back from the Cityof
AN ANALYSIS OF THE MYTH
LIVING IN TWO WORLDS. The Happy Life in the City of Ghosts
is based on the as sumption that is still accepted by most Mikasukis,
that man lives in two worlds, the tangible material world and the
more powerful invisible one that surrounds him. Theybelieve that
every man has two souls. One stays in the body and the other
travels around the world. Dreams are actual experiences, there-
fore the behavior of the wandering soul is the responsibility of its
owner. If the soul enjoys what it sees on its expeditions and does
notwish to return, as is recounted in the legend, then the body and
its resident soul sicken. If the truant soul cannot be caught by the
medicine-man and persuaded to return, then the body dies.
To the Mikasukis, material objects that they see, hear, smell,
taste, and touch are not as important as those intangibles mani-
fested through supersensory recognition. A man is more afraid
of a ghost and his anger than of a person who has threatened to
kill him, for the latter is physical and can be dealt with, while the
ghost's power is subtle. Good and evil, which are supernatural
properties, are carried in odors and smoke and air which penetra-
tes the orifices of the body. To prove that there is nothing as
potent as noncorporeal sights, sounds and smells, the Mikasukis
say, "You see a ghost and you shake, you hear war chants and you
are eager to rush in and fight, a white flower which no one has seen
and which grows only at night, smells so sweet that it makes young
people go crazy and make love." These forces are particularly
malevolent when there is already sickness or sorrow among one's
One old man explained the Mikasukis's conception of the uni-
verse and the way in which supernatural power affects people, in
"The white man now learning, a little bit. The Mikasukis
know long time, many things you cannot feel or see. White man's
father not know he could do things thousands of miles away. Maybe
now he go to the Milky Way, like us. We know all these things be-
fore. Indian understand great power around us. White person come
into my camp, I cannot see him, but I know he is there, he smell
bad. We turn our backs, or hang our heads so that the stranger's
evil won't get into us and make us sick or die. White man don't
believe evil can make you sick but soon he learn we speak the
These Indians recognize "likeness," not as a similarity, but
as a synonym. One thing equals another and is therefore the same;
it is not just a symbol, for it has the same qualities and equal
This is also true of colors, which are not symbols of charac-
teristics but are the qualities themselves. In the mythall the arti-
cles that relate to the transition from mortal to supernatural are
white. For the Mikasukis, white is the absence of allhuman attri-
butes and so is supernatural. Putrification is a yellowish green.
A Mikasuki stated what to him was an obvious fact, "That yellow-
ish color not like rotten things. See for yourself, rotten things
are that color, so it is rottenness itself. "
The menin the myth travel towards the East and see far ahead
of them the City of Ghosts. The points of the compass have super-
natural connotations and all good things come from the East. The
sunrises in the East, thebark and leaves are taken from the east-
ern side of trees and bushes when medicine is made, and so on.
In the legends of many Southeastern tribes, the West and not the
East is the location of the afterwdrld (Swanton 1929:141).
MIKASUKIS AS SEPARATISTS. The Happy Life in the City of
Ghosts reveals the Mikasukis's insistence on being a people apart
(Freeman 1952). Seven menstart out together, butone is aNegro,
so soon drops through the sky and is eliminated. My informant
stressed the fact that the Breath-maker "dropped the sky, so that
the colored man would not onlybe killed but also dropped out of the
world. Thus, neither he nor his ghost would appear again. The
Mikasukis have strong taboos against social contact with negroes
(Freeman 1944a; 18),although when the slaves fled to them for
protection in the 1800s, they harbored them and were kind mas-
ters. The clan is basic in both Mikasuki worlds, the natural and
the supernatural, so a colored man, who could not belong to a
Seminole clan on earth, likewise could not share in the City of
The attitude of these Indians towards out-groups, both white
and negro, is described as contemptuous by M'Gregor, who vis-
ited them in 1817 and 1818 and wrote, "They look with contempt
upon Whites, as beings of an inferior order, but the Negroes are
still lower in their estimation (M'Gregor 1819:44). Some years
later, Joshua Giddings, a lawyer, depicts the independent spirit
of the Seminoles and their insistence on remaining a segregated
people when he quotes the warrior Osceola as saying, "Every drop
of my blood is Seminole and cries out against the white man"
(Giddings 1858; pp. 272, 273).
In spite of migrations and wars, the Mikasukis have remained
an encysted group within the encroaching dominant civilization.
They have maintained their isolation from out-groups, their dis-
tinctive cultural traits, attitudes and ideologies (Greenlee 1944;
318), and the integrity of their society, by strong compulsions,
and by passing laws aimed to preserve their traditionalway of life
(Freeman 1944b; 124). According to John T. Sprague, the his-
torian, "In April, 1841, the Bands of the Big Cypress (Mikasukis)
held a great Council...to prevent intercourse with the white man.
A law was passed that should any Indian, male or female, be found
in communication with a white man, they should be put to death
(Sprague 1848; 316, 317). This law forbidding white contact was
still enforced at a surprisingly late date.
The firm belief in the value of their own culture and the ex-
clusion of strangers has discouraged the infiltrationof alien ideas
and concepts. Therefore the introduction of certain items such as
buildings, chains, and chickens into the myth of "The Happy Life
in the City of Ghosts," comes as somewhat of a surprise, as does
the white sheet on which the Breath-maker places the men's skele-
tons. The Mikasuki had no weaving technique and most of them,
even today, have never slept in a bed. Asking my informant about
this, he said, "Some of my people saw big buildings and sheets a
long time ago. Surely the Breath-maker would have sheets though
we don't." Sheets might be called a prestige item, a rare article,
whose ownership was transferred from a dominant people to a God.
Some of the Mikasukis and Muscogees had gone to Fort Moultrie,
South Carolina, and to Washington, D. C., in the 1800s, as evi-
denced by the paintings of King (1838-1842) and Catlin (1800).
Further investigation might relate the chains toDeSoto's visit
to Florida, for he used them tobind his captive Indian bearers to-
gether. The Mikasukis themselves have not used chains.
Other items in the mythmay be accounted for by contacts with
neighboring cultures. The boiling of thebones of the two men and
the removal of the flesh of the dead men was but the statement of
the well-knownburial customs of the Southeast, while the platform
on which the bones were placed was sometimes part of the same
PSYCHO-CULTURAL DATA IN THE MYTH. Attitudes that are
still meaningful to the Mikasukis are depicted in this myth. Sev-
eral situations stress a fundamental cultural concept, namely, that
each person is responsible for his own acts and no one person has
a right to impose his will on another (Freeman 1941; 11). On the
way to the City of Ghosts, each man does not see the one ahead of
him drop through the sky. Each is entirely responsible for his own
fall. The two men who stay in the City of Ghosts do not argue with
their friends urging them to stay. Even the Breath-maker does
not try to coerce them, but simply a sks, "Do you want to go home ?"
He leaves the decision to them, for free choice is a basic tenet of
Yet it is also each individual's responsibility not to act in a
way that will hurt others. The request of the two men to become
cedar trees at first seems odd. However, itbecomes understand-
able whenwe learn that cedar is one of the Mikasukis's most often
used medicines and that it correlates with altruism. The menwere
accepting a compromise measure. They were not categorically
refusing the Breath-maker's hospitality, but as cedar trees they
were showing their good-will towards their fellows, while not mak-
ing the radical decision of turning into ghosts.
A typical Mikasuki point of view is apparent in the Breath-
maker's first greeting to the visiting men when he asks:
"What do you want to know?" not, "What do you want?" The
desire for material gain is alien to Mikasuki culture. The amass-
ing of material possessions is frowned on as indicating a lack of
generosity to kinfolk.
The myth also touches on the fact that enjoyment of life is an
important Mikasuki value. "When the men saw the good people
having a big time playing in the ball game, they liked what they saw
and two of them wanted to stay." A ball game would mean a happy
time in the City of Ghosts, for the ball game is the gay, sexually
provocative part of their great annual religious World Renewal
Ceremony, the Green Corn Dance.
All observers have commented on the Seminoles's dislike of
argument and bickering and their love of care-free gaiety. Fair-
banks writes in 1871, "The Mikasukis are content, tranquil, like
the birds, they coo and sing. They are the picture of perfect hap-
piness, joy and internal content... This is an habitual state and
this is part of their nature" (272, 273). While this may be gilding
the lily, others agree, although in less ecstatic terms, and none
refute Fairbanks's statement.
The myth of "The Happy Life" also reflects the fact that Mik-
asuki society is matrilineal, and it suggests something of Mikasuki
attitudes toward women (Freeman 1944b). When the six men arrive
in the clouds, they are frightened by seeing buildings without in-
habitants. They fear an ambush, but no strong fierce men come
out to bar their way. An old woman comes from the Breath-maker
and as she approaches she asks politely why they are there. The
men understand why she accosts them, for the old woman is the
respected head of her clan in Mikasuki social structure, who pre-
serves decorum and is responsible for the continuity of the culture's
customs. She says to the men quietly, "People cannot go to the
Breath-maker." Her simple statement satisfies them for she is a
person speaking with authority, informing them that their own laws
apply here and contact with strangers is forbidden.
The important place that womenhave held among the Mikasuki
has oftenbeenreported. In 1771, Bartram, the celebrated botanist
who traveled extensively in the Southeast, wrote of the Seminoles,
"There is no people anywhere, who love their women more than
these Indians do, or men of better understanding in distinguishing
the merits of the opposite sex, or more faithful in rendering suit-
able compensation" (1773, 1774). Again we discount superlatives,
but accept the unrefuted premise.
Honesty is a trait inherent in Mikasuki culture. One notes
that the men are not surprised to find their bundles where they
left them, for respect for other's possessions is a fundamental
Whether thesebundles that the travelers leave when they first
enter the supernatural world are correlated in Seminole minds
with worldly cares, is a matter which must await further study.
The analogy is extremely close. The men leave their bundles
when going towards the Breath-maker, then they return and look
them over before making their final decision either to foresake
them, or to pick them up and return to their responsibilities on
An interesting interactionbetween old and new ideologies was
shown by my informant when he explained why the men in the myth
were not surprised when the fleshless skeletons, after being hit
with a white switch, jump up and play in the ball game. "You under-
stand that," he said. "It is like Jesus coming back from dead.
His friends sawand talked this ghost, justlike our kinfolk's ghost
come back and visit us." These skeletons had white bodies and
wings. "The wings of the skeletons not likebirds or angels wings, "
he continues, "but like the shoulder-blades of our earliest kinfolk,
that turned into wings when they came out of the ground and became
"little people." In another Mikasuki myth, shoulder-blades play
an important part.
As Hallowell suggests (1947; 545), myths such as this one il-
lustrate the fact that myths can add to one's picture of a culture
and the changing relationshipbetween religious and economic com-
plexes, psycho-cultural attitudes, and interpersonal phenomena.
A striking thing about Seminole culture is the way in whichit
has incorporated innovations while maintaining its cultural core.
This myth shows a culturalpattern thatallows for the easy accep-
tance of desired items, such as new medicine needed to handle new
diseases and difficult problems. For example, "The Happy Life
in the City of Ghosts" was told me twice by the same medicine-
man and only one variation occurred. In 1953, he told me five
men, not seven, journeyed to find the Breath-maker, but in 1958,
two men who asked to become cedar trees were included. Cedar
is a potent medicine which has recently been sent from Oklahoma
to the medicine-man who told me the myth. It is now part of his
medicine-bundle with whichhe counteracts modern malevolent in-
fluences and diseases. In this wayby an analysis of myths we gain
insight into the cultural mechanisms that allow the acceptance of
certain innovations which support and perpetuate the societyby en-
abling it to resist intrusive disruptive elements and retain social
equilibrium (Freeman 1957).
As Malinowsky points out, all myths are indirectly related to
historical fact (1926; 122), but the problem of... the relationship
between folklore and other aspects of culture is in itself far more
important than whether tales are true or false, although it has a
bearing on whether a tale is a form of amusement or literature
(Bascom 1954; 336, 337).
Mikasuki myths avoid the exaggeration and cultural contradic-
tions of many myths, but express reality, not frustration or escap-
ist mechanisms and repressions, whichare the explanations given
by many psychologists for the fantasy of myth(Bascom 1954; 344,
The Mikasukis do not include the unusual, impossible, or ambi-
valent items or actions which are in direct opposition to cultural
values, but they portray life as they see it, for they believe that
living men can visit the Breath-maker.
So if, as Hallowell(1947; 544, 545) and others have suggested,
important fields in the study of myths still remain to be explored
by both anthropologists and folklorists, "The Happy Life in the
City of Ghosts," which presents unusual material, may contribute
its bit towards, "the understanding of culture and its functioningin
human societies, and the investigations of human psychology and
the adjustment of the individual to his culturally-constituted world"
1. Swanton says, "The name (Seminole) as is well known, is
applied by the Creeks to people who remove from populous towns
and live by themselves and it is commonly stated that the Seminole
consisted of run-a-ways and outlaws from the Creek proper. A
careful study of the history shows this to be only a partial state-
ment of the case." (1922, p. 398)
2. Many Indians told Sprague that there were 3899 Indians in
Florida, with 150 slaves and 650 negro women and children. But
the truth is, that until 1940, when their friend, W. Stanley Hanson,
who was then a government agent on the Big Cypress Seminole
Reservation, made the first true census of the Seminoles, they
had refused to give information on their numbers or had misrepre-
sented them. (E. C. Freeman)
3. The stabilizing mechanisms in Mikasuki culture are dealt
with in another article now in preparation, titled "Cultural Mecha-
nisms toInsure the Continuation of Desired Traits." (E. C. Free-
1773-1774 "Travels in Georgia and Florida." Original
1792 Bartram's Travels.
BASCOM, William R.
1953 "Folklore and Anthropology." Journal of American
Folklore, Volume 66, No. 261, pp. 283-291.
1954 "Four Functions of American Folklore." Ibid.,
Volume 67, No. 265, p. 333.
1916 "Tsmishian Mythology. Annual Report, Bureau of
American Ethnology. Washington.
BRINTON, Daniel G.
1859 "Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, Its Literary
History, Indian Tribes and Antiquities." Philadelphia.
1840 "Portraits of Indians." Paintings in the U. S. National
Museum, Washington, D. C. and elsewhere.
1841 Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs and Con-
ditions of the North American Indians. 2 Volumes.
1941 The Road to Disappearance. University of Oklahoma
FAIRBANKS, George R.
1871 The History of Florida from its Discovery by Ponce
de Leon in 1512 to the Close of the Florida War in 1842.
FREEMAN, Ethel Cutler
1941 "The Seminole Indians of Florida." Florida Depart-
ment of Agriculture Bulletin, No. 107, August.
1944a "Our Unique Indians, the Seminoles of Florida." The
American Indian, Volume 2, No. 2.
1944b "The Seminole Woman of the Big Cypress and Her
Influence in Modern Life. American Indigena, Volume
4, No. 2, April.
1952 "Fashions Among the Modern Seminole." Scenic
Highlands of Florida.
1957 "Culture Stability and Change Among the Seminoles of
Florida: An Analysis of a Stable Culture Now Being
Forced Into Rapid Change." Paper read before the
Fifth International Congress of Anthropological and
Ethnological Sciences, September, Philadelphia.
MS "Cultural Mechanisms to Insure the Continuity of
Desired Traits." Unpublished Manuscript.
The Exiles of Florida or the Crimes Committed by oar
Government Against the Maroons Who Fled from South
Carolina and Other Slave States, Seeking Protection
from the Spanish Laws. Follet, Foster and Company,
GREENLEE, Robert F.
1944 "Medicine and Curing Practices of the Modern Semi-
noles." American Anthropologist, Volume 46, No.
HALLOWELL, Irving A.
1947 "Myth, Culture and Personality. Ibid., n.s.,
HERSKOVITS, M. J.
1948 Man and His Works.
HODGE, Frederick Webb
1911 "The Handbook of American Indians." Bulletin No.
30, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.
KING, Charles Bird
1838-1842 Portraits of Indians. Reproduced by colored
lithograph by Thomas L. McKenney and James Hall
in "The Indian Tribes of North America." 3 Volumes.
1926 Myth in Primitive Psychology.
1948 Magic, Science and Religion and Other Essary.
Robert Redfield, Editor.
1819 Narrative of a Voyage to the Spanish Main, in the
Ship, "Two Friends," and the Occupation of Amelia
Island, Etc. John Griffin, Editor. Excerpts pub-
lished in the Florida Anthropologist, Volume 10, No.
SPRAGUE, John T.
1848 Origin, Progress and Conclusion of the Florida War,
Etc. D. Appleton and Company, New York.
STURTEVANT, William C.
1958 "Accomplishments and Opportunities in Florida
Indian Ethnology." Florida Anthropology, Volume 2,
SWANTON, John R.
1922 "The Early History of the Creek Indians and Their
Neighbors." Bulletin No. 73, Bureau of American
Ethnology, Washington, D. C.
1929 "Myths and Tales of the Southeastern Indians."
Bulletin No. 88, Bureau of American Ethnology,
Washington, D. C.
Excavation and Salv
at Starks Ha
by Lawrence E. Aten
During February and April, 1958 and February, 1961, the
writer undertook the exploration of five Indian sites located in the
general area known as Starks Hammock on the southeastern shore
of Lake Beresford in Volusia County, Florida. These sites are all
indicated on the map (Fig. 1), and will be described individually,
noting test results. This area is first mentioned in the literature
by William Bartram (1943), again by Jeffries Wyman (1875), and
finally by Clarence Moore (1894), none of whom did much more
than mention it in passing.
37; Midden A, Lake Beresford (Vo-37)
38; Midden B, Lake Beresford (Vo-38)
39; Starks Grove Mound (Vo-39)
C; Midden C, Lake Beresford
D; Midden D, Lake Beresford
Figure 1. Starks Hammock Sites, Volusia County, Florida
The Florida Anthropologist, Yol.XIV, Nos 1.2, March.June 1961
EXCAVATION AND SALVAGE
MIDDEN A, LAKE BERESFORD, Vo-37. This smallshell ridge,
one of two mentioned by Wyman, measures approximately 20 feet
from east towest and 150 feet fromnorth to southand lies direct-
ly on the shore of Lake Beresford.
The first test to be conducted at this site was exploratory in
nature, to determine the midden content and extent of the deposit.
The presence of Deptford and St. Johns Incised wares and a rela-
tively large amount of St. Johns Plain sherds indicated the desira-
bility of further excavation at this small site. Three additional
tests, each four feet square, were dug by arbitrary six-inch levels
in a scrub area at the south end of the midden. As can be seen
from Table 1, the vertical distribution is compressed, a situation
that does not lend itself to easy interpretation.
Principally, we have St. Johns Incised, Deptford Bold Check
Stamped and some Deptford-like pottery underlying St. Johns Check
Stamped pottery withSt. Johns Plain running consistently through-
out. This would indicate a ceramic sequence beginning probably
late in the Transition Period (Bullen, 1959), or Orange Late (Goggin,
1952), and progressing into the St. Johns la, Early Period. Based
on information to be presented later in this report concerning the
development of check stamp size, the upper levels of the site are
believed to be a late occurrence in the St. Johns II time period.
Whether or not the sherd of Spanish tinaja is associated with the
St. Johns Check Stamped pottery is not known. A further discus-
sion of European wares is included later in this report.
This site is significant for three reasons: One, the location
of St. Johns Incised pottery, in this case not clearly in its expected
stratigraphic position, but very close. The compressed vertical
column mayaccount for this. The position of this pottery has very
rarely been demonstrated in a controlled excavation. Two, the
presence of a small, but persistent Deptford occurrence, thus far
undemonstrated in information available to this writer, this far up
the St. Johns River Valley. Three, the apparent completion, or
near completion, of a picture of check stamp size development to
be discussed later in this report.
MIDDEN B, LAKE BERESFORD, Vo-38. This shell ridge, also
mentioned by Wyman, lies about 300 yards south of Midden A on
the shore of the lake. This site, which has been completely de-
molished by cultivation that has been going on at least since the
Wyman visit, was, according to Wyman, several acres in area
and in some places, 18 inches deep. Our collection comes from
the scattered surface material that remains in the area.
In our collection (Table 2), we have one mat imprinted sherd,
our only indication of the possible presence of the Transition Per-
iod (Benson, 1959; Bullen, 1959). One sherd does not establish a
period, but due to the site being under cultivation, an earlyoccu-
pation may have been literally "plowed" away. The bulk of this
collection is St. Johns CheckStamped and will be discussed in the
section on check size development. Finally, there are ten sherds
of Spanish tinaja and one fragment each of an English Delft-like
TABLE 1. DISTRIBUTION OF SPECIMENS AT MIDDEN A, LAKE BERESFORD, Vo-37
Item Test Level Test I Test II Test III Test IV
0-6 6-12 12-18 0-6 6-12 12-18 0-6 6-12 12-18
Pottery Deptford Series:
Deptford Bold Check Stamped 2 1
Random Punctated (Deptford Paste) 4 2 3
Incised (Deptford Paste) 1 1
Plain (Deptford Paste) 1
St. Johns Series:
St. Johns Plain 30 61 39 18 32 23 15 50 31 17
St. Johns Incised 2 1 1 1 1
St. Johns Check Stamped 1 21 3 13 1 12 7 2
St. Johns Cord Marked 4
St. Johns Simple Stamped 1 2
Clay Daub (?) Fragment 1
Stone Projectile Point Fragment 1
Worked Chips 2
Unworked Chips 1
Shell Busycon Gouge 1
Venus Fragment 1
Bone Drilled (?) Fragment 1
Worked Antler Tine 1
Awl Fragments 1 6 2
Miscellaneous Fragments 11 28 44 15 16 29 31 38 28 10
TABLE 2. DISTRIBUTION OF SPECIMENS AT MIDDEN B,
LAKE BERESFORD, (Vo-38) AND MIDDENS C AND D,
Midden B Midden C Midden D
Item Site Level Vo-38 Unlisted Unlisted
Surface 0-1 ft 1-2 ft Surface
Pottery Deptford Series:
Deptford Check Stamped 2
St. Johns Series:
St. Johns Plain 9 4a 137b
St. Johns Incised I
St. Johns Check Stamped 39c 3d 1
St. Johns Scored on
Check Stamped 2
St. Johns Scored 2
St. Johns Mat Imprinted 1
Grit Tempered Plain
Delft-like Ware 1
Salt Glazed Ware 1
Miscellaneous Clay Lump
Stone Polished Greenstone Fragment 1
Worked Flint Chips 2
Sandstone Tool Fragment 1
Shell Busycon Dipper Fragment 1
Miscellaneous Shell Tool Fragments 5
Miscellaneous Shell Food Remains 4
Bone Pin Fragment 1
Incised Fragment 1
Miscellaneous Bone Fragments 29 2 12
a. Includes one sherd from surface.
b. Includes one possible simple stamped sherd.
c. Includes seven linear check stamped sherds.
d. Includes one linear check stamped sherd.
ware and a salt glazed ware. In all probability, the area was a
camp-site for river travelers during post-contact times, this site
being approximately a one day journey by boat from Spauldings
Upper Store. The English Delft and the salt glazed ware most
probably date either during or shortly after the English Period,
1763-1784. The only other site this material is known from in
this area is Spauldings Lower Store (Goggin, 1949). The Spanish
ware, not numerous, but common at other sites in this area,could
have been left at any time during Spanish occupation of the territory.
STARKS GROVE MOUND, Vo-39. This sand mound is located in
Starks Grove about 100 feetbehind the destroyed Midden B. Moore
described it as being about 8 feet high and 370 feet in circumfer-
ence, which is accurate in the current situation. The mound is
completely under cultivation at this time. A careful search of the
area produced no surface material. No collection being available
for examination, we have to fallback on Moore's description of the
site (Moore, 1894). He records finding one skeleton in the center
at a depth of 2 feet, immediately under a 9-inch stratum of shell.
Accompanying the burial, he reports a few fragments of check
stamped pottery which probably were St. Johns Check Stamped.
The following two sites are unlisted inGoggin's site survey of
1952 (Goggin, 1952) and are not known by any local names; there-
fore, they have been designated Middens C and D, Lake Beresford.
MIDDEN C, LAKE BERESFORD. This site is a shell ridge which
lies about 200 feet above Midden A and measures 75 feet from north
to south and 20 feet from east to west. At this site one test, five
feet square, was dug in one foot levels, two of which penetrated
the deposit and produced very little material (Table 2). The ma-
terial from this site, though scant, indicates aSt. Johns II occupa-
MIDDEN D, LAKE BERESFORD This site, also a smallshell
ridge, lies directly on a jutting point of land about 50 feet above
Midden C. Because of its exposed position, the site has suffered
from the eroding action of water currents. It measures currently
about 100 feet in length and from 10 to 20 feet in width. The site
is heavily overgrown with large pines, palms and scrub. Brief
clearings are marked with large potholes. No surface material
was observed on the site proper, though a collection was gathered
from the washed-out portion of the site (Table 2).
One doubtful St. Johns Incised sherd is present and may in-
dicate the early Transition Period. A St. Johns Ia, early, occu-
pation, similar to that atMidden A, is indicated here by the pres-
ence of Deptford Check Stamped pottery accompanied by a large
number of St. Johns Plain sherds. In addition to this, we have
one St. Johns Check Stamped sherd. Check stamping occurred on
chalky paste occasionally as an imitation of Deptford Check Stamped
styles during St. Johns la, early, times. Consequently, it ap-
pears that, based on available evidence, a St. Johns II occupation
cannot be definitely established as Midden D.
As was previously mentioned, no surface material was found
on the site proper and our collection was gathered on the lake shore
from the washed-out portion of the site; consequently, most of the
sherds are "water-worn." Many exhibited suspicious surface
markings but could not be definitely identified as being anything
other than St. Johns Plain. Many of the St. Johns Plain sherds
exhibited highly gritty characteristics. Goggin (1952, p. 101) sug-
gests this occurred in lat6r St. Johns II sites, however, Bullen
and Sleight (1961) report gritty St. Johns pottery from St. Johns I
levels at the Green Mound in Volusia County.
DISCUSSION OF CHECK SIZE DEVELOPMENT. The idea of an
orderly development of check stamping size on St. Johns pottery
is one that has beenexploredby manywriters in the past, but still
remains problematical. Information obtained from Middens A and
B appear to shed a little more light on the question. Before going
into the new data, perhaps abrief summary of available informa-
tion is in order.
Griffin (1948), based on information from Green Mound in
Volusia County, suggests a large, small, large development of
check size, while Goggin (1952), based on evidence from Nocoroco
in Volusia County, plus Griffin's information goes further to sug-
gest a large, small, large, small development of check size. Bul-
len and Sleight (1959) charted the checks per inch for all levels at
Castle Windy Midden in Volusia County. It is noticed that at the
bottom of that site a shift from small to large checks is indicated
while at the top, a very definite shift from large to small checks
is indicated, with a reasonably uniform peak for the site at four
checks per inch. The radiocarbon date for the second level at
Castle Windy is 1305 -100 A.D. Also, there is the report on the
Grant Mound in Brevard County (Sears, 1958). Sears reports that
80 to 95 percent of the St. Johns Check Stamped sherds "fall in the
4 to 6 checks per inch range, the remainder being evenly divided
between 2 to 3 checks and 7 or more checks" per inch. Sears dated
this portion of the site on the basis of other informationand con-
cluded it to be a middle Malabar II occupation which apparently
can be equated with the top levels of Castle Windy.
At Green Mound again, Bullen and Sleight (1961) recently ex-
cavated a deposit representing a continuum from St. Johns I to St.
Johns II times. The first levels of check stamped pottery, which
represent the introduction of the St. Johns II period, produced pot-
tery averaging 6 checks per inch with a gradual shift to 4 checks
per inch. The authors correlated the Green Mound results with
those of their previous excavation at Castle Windy. This correla-
tion, which considered radiocarbon dates for both sites, the fact
that very little Halifax sherd types were found at Green Mound,and
that this pottery type was found primarily in one zone at Castle
Windy, in addition to comparing check development, indicates a
small, large frequency of check development from the beginning
of the St. Johns II period up to approximately 1300 A.D.
A chart was prepared illustrating the frequency of checks per
inch on the St. Johns CheckStamped pottery for the first two levels
of Midden A and the surface collection from Midden B (Fig. 2).
The two sherds from the lowest level at Midden A are included in
the material from the second level. At Midden A, the curves show
a peak at 8 and 9 checks per inch, while at Midden B, the peak
ranges from 4 to 6 checks per inch. The curves from Midden A
appear to be complementary to the curves from the top of Castle
Windy and from the Grant Mound. To make the position of Midden
A a bit more comfortable, Sear's information on a series of sites
excavated on the lower St. Johns River is cited (Sears, 1957).
Sears reports an average of 8 checks per inch for the St. Johns
CheckStamped pottery fromall the sites he discusses. The com-
plication here revolves around the presence of Savannah Fine Cord
Marked sherds and St. Petersburg Incised and Little Manatee Shell
Stamped sherds, with the former suggesting a St. Johns IIb period
and the latter suggesting aSt. Johns Ha period. This complicating
situation deserves, as do so manyother problems, additionalwork.
If, however, it should prove to be a St. Johns IIb period, it would
fit, albeit early, our situation.
By combining the curves from all sites mentioned, three per-
iods of check development are apparent. The first, and earliest,
28 -------- -----------
Midden A; 0.6 in.
4I ....... Midden A; 6-12 in._
-4 -.--.Midden B; Surface
S--- Castle Windy; Top
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
Checks per Inch
with an average of 6 checks per inch, the second with an average
of 4 checks per inch and the third with an average of 8 or more
checks per inch. This mightbe termed a "medium," large, small
development of check stamp size, from early to late. This does
not depart drastically from the original statement of a large, small,
large, small check size development. The early large develop-
ment statement probably evolved out of the difference in method
employed by Griffin at Green Mound and by.Bullen and Sleight at
the same site. Under close scrutiny, this portion of their results
appear essentially the same and ane what are called here, medium
check size development.
Check size development, as previously stated, remains large-
ly problematical. Going back to the curve from Midden B, having
no other diagnostic material in the collection, we are confronted
with a choice of placing this site either early or late in the sequence.
For the present, this situation will have to be left to itself due to
lack of evidence.
The sites discussed here, excepting the mound, are all small,
shallow, shell ridges. Tests were small, sherd counts low and
vertical distribution compressed.
Two sites were found to have been occupied during St. Johns
la, early, times with possible extensions back to the Transition
Period. At one of these sites, St. Johns Incised pottery was loca-
ted in a stratigraphic position along with a small Deptford occur-
rence, thus far undemonstrated this far up the St. Johns River
Valley. St. Johns II occupations were found at five sites, presum-
ing the check stamped pottery found by Moore was St. Johns Check
Stamped. Two sites are presumed to havebeen camp-sites during
historic times due to the incidental presence of Spanish and English
wares. New data was presented on check size development on St.
Johns Check Stamped pottery which, with previous information, in-
dicates a medium, large, small development of check size. In
conclusion to this information, the presence or value of orderly
check size development is notpresumed by this writer. This data
is presented in the desire that, with additional stratigraphic evi-
dence, this question may soon be resolved.
I would like to take this opportunity to gratefully acknowledge
the assistance of Mr. George H. Johns with the work at the sites,
Mr. Vernon Strickland for permission to work the sites, and Mr.
Ripley P. Bullen with identification of specimens.
1943 "Travels in Georgia and Florida, 1773-74, a Report to
Dr. John Fothergill." American Philosophical Society,
Transactions, n.s., Volume 33, pt. 2, pp. 121-242,
BENSON, Carl A.
1959 "Some Pottery Contributions to Early Fabric Tech-
niques." The Florida Anthropologist, Volume XII, No.
3, pp. 65-70. Tallahassee.
BULLEN, Ripley P.
1959 "The Transitional Period of Florida." Southeastern
Archaeological Conference Newsletter, Volume VI.
BULLEN, Ripley P. and Frederick W. Sleight
1959 "Archaeological Investigations of the Castle Windy Mid-
den, Florida." The William L. Bryant Foundation,
American Studies, Report Number One. Orlando.
1961 "Archaeological Investigations of Green Mound, Florida."
The William L. Bryant Foundation, American Studies,
Report Number Two. Orlando.
GOGGIN, John M.
1949 "A Florida Indian Trading Post, Circa 1753-1784."
Southern Indian Studies, Volume I, pp. 35-38. Chapel
1952 "Space and Time Perspective in Northern St. Johns
Archaeology, Florida." Yale University Publications
in Anthropology, No. 47. New Haven.
GRIFFIN, John W.
1948 "Towards Chronology in Coastal Volusia County."
The Florida Anthropologist, Volume I, Nos. 3-4, pp.
MOORE, Clarence B.
1894 "Certain Sand Mounds of the St. Johns River, Florida,
Part 1." Academy of Natural Sciences, Journal, n.s.,
Volume 10, pp. 5-105. Philadelphia.
SEARS, William H.
1957 "Excavations on Lower St. Johns River, Florida."
Contributions of the Florida State Museum, Social
Sciences, Number Two. Gainesville.
1958 "The Grant Site -- Br-56." The Florida Anthropologist,
Volume XI, No. 4, pp. 114-124. Tallahassee.
1875 "Fresh-Water Shell Mounds of the St. Johns River,
Florida." Peabody Academy of Science, Memoirs,
No. 4. Salem, Massachusetts.
Goggin John M.
966. The Spanish Olive Jar an Introductory study. In:
"Papers in Caribbean Anthropology" compiled by Sidney W. Mints.
(Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 62, New
Goggin draws on his extensive excavation in Spanish colonial
sites to provide the material for a classification of a very com-
mon type of Spanish ceramics. He divides olive jars into three
basic periods, Early, Middle, and Late. Each chronological style
is subdivided into shape and paste categories. The descriptions
are based on both whole vessel characteristics and sherd features
so that the identification is very useable by the archaeologist.
The Early style is the most clear cut and the Middle style the
broadest. The Middle style was in use from about 1580 to 1780
and thus covers most of the Spanish dominion in Florida.
This paper presents a highly interesting and useable discus-
sion of the origin, use, and classification of an important pot-
tery type. It will prove highly valuable to all interested in
the colonial history of Florida and the southeast.
Sturtevant William C.
1960. the Significance of Ethnological Similarities between
Southeastern North America and the Antilles. In: "Papers in
Caribbean Anthropology", (Yale University Publications in Anth-
ropology, No. 64, New Haven)
Sturtevant reviews previous writing on the subject of relation-
ships between the Antilles, the southeastern United States, Cen-
tral America, and northern South America. In a sense this is a
companion paper to Rouse's discussion of archeological similari-
ties which appeared in "Florida Anthropology". Both papers are
modern, precise, and scientific in weighing of the evidence in re-
gard to similarities. Sturtevant concludes that there is little
or no evidence for parallels between the southeastern United
States and the Antilles. He lists ten ways in which the supposed
similarities are fallacious. He concludes that the evidence of
supposed ethnological parallels is of little use in assessing the
amount of contact between the two regions. The paper is a useful
and important contribution to the study of Florida Indians.
A Radiocarbon Date for the
Moneys Bend Site, Ce3,
Cherokee County, Alabama
by Bennie C. Keel
In the previous account (Keel 1960) on this palisaded village
site it was the author's conclusion that the chronological place-
ment of the site was in the Middle Woodland Period; this inter-
pretation was based primarily on ceramic evidence.
During the excavation of the site we were visited by Dr. James
B. Griffin and with his aid a charcoal sample (M 995) from Feature
1 was dated by the Michigan Memorial-Phoenix Project Radio-
carbon Laboratory under the supervision of Professor H. R. Crane.
A date of 550 150 years B. P. (1410 150 A. D.) was given for
this sample (Griffin, Personal Communication).
This date gives new information concerning the site and neces-
sitates changes in the original chronological placement. This date
would indicate that the palisade system belongs to the Decline
Mississippian Period (DeJarnette and Hansen 1960:19-20).
As stated previously, the original chronological placement
of the site was based on ceramic evidence, the archaeological per-
iod and the percentage of ceramics relating to theperiods were as
follows: Middle Woodland, 97.03%; Late Woodland, 2.53%; and
To account for this high percentage of Middle and Late Wood-
land pottery and the sparseness of Mississippian wares, the follow-
ing explanation is offered.
There was during the Middle Woodland Period a rather heavy
occupation, then a lighter Late Woodland occupation which was fol-
lowed by the erection of a palisaded village by a late Mississippian
population. In the original report the author stated the site "has
been under cultivation for many years... (and) such cultivation has
certainly produced its share of sheet erosion" (Keel 1960:2-3).
Thus, it would appear that thebalk of the late Mississippian occu-
pational remains were carried from the site by erosion. The re-
maining Middle and Late Woodland materials were carried into the
ditchinside the palisade by erosion also. This ditch was an integral
part of the palisade and was constructed shortlyafter the site was
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1-2, March-June, 1961
occupied. There evidently was no substantial accumulation of late
Mississippian materials prior to the filling of the ditch and there-
fore they were not included in the fill of the ditch.
In the light of the radiocarbon date, it appears that the site
was occupied by a late Mississippian population who constructed
a palisaded village, but the bulk of evidence pertaining to this occu-
pation was carried away by erosion.
DeJARNETTE, D. L. and HANSEN, A. T.
1960 "The Childersburg Site, Alabama." The Department
of Anthropology Notes in Anthropology. Volume 6.
The Florida State University, Tallahassee.
GRIFFIN, J. B.
1960 Letter to Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks, Department of
Anthropology and Archaeology, The Florida State
University, Tallahassee, Florida, dated December 9,
KEEL, Bennie C.
1960 "The Money's Bend Site, Ce 3, Cherokee County,
Alabama. The Florida Anthropologist, Volume XIII,
No. 1. Tallahassee.