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 The Maximo point site - William...
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Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00126
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
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Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00126
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: Department of Special Collections and Area Studies, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
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Resource Identifier: oclc - 01569447
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issn - 0015-3893

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    The Maximo point site - William H. Sears
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
    Cultural relationships between the northern St. Johns area and the Georgia coast - Levin H. Larson, Jr.
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
    A Poverty Point complex in Florida - William C. Lazarus
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
    Recent publications
        Unnumbered ( 36 )
    Back Cover
        Back Cover
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> 17 '58
UO1 170

Published By

'/3. 7,7-
7 A*A'


NO. 1

Florida Anthropological Society

Membership is open to all interested in the aims of the society; regular dues,
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No. 1. "Two Archaeological Sites in Brevard County, Florida," by Hale G.
Smith. 32 pages, 4 plates ................................... ...... ................ 0.50
No. 2. "The Safety Harbor Site, Pinellas County, Florida," by John W. Griffin
and Ripley P. Bullen. 42 pages, 4 plates ................................ 0.50
No. 3. "The Terra Ceia Site, Manatee County, Florida," by Ripley P. Bullen,
48 pages, 7 plates ......... ..... ................ ........... ... .. .... 0.50
No. 4. "The European and the Indian," by Hale G. Smith. 150 pages,
frontispiece, 6 maps ........................................ .......--- ...--..-- 2.00


1st Vice President:

2nd Vice President:




Executive Committeeman:

William H. Sears, Fla. State
Museum, Gainesville, Fla.
John M. Goggin, 312 Peabody Hall
Univ. of Fla., Gainesville, Fla.
Marvin J. Brooks,805 N.W. 15th Ct.
Miami 33, Fla.
D.D. Laxson, 231 W. 41st Street,
Hialeah, Fla.
Hale G. Smith, Box 3051, Fla.
State Univ., Tallahassee, Fla.
Charles H. Fairbanks, Box 3051,
Fla. State Univ.,Tallahassee, Fla.
Irving Rouse, Yale Univ.
Paul G. Hahn, Yale Univ.
W. J. Armistead, Tampa

Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 11, No. 1, February, 1958

William H. Sears
In the spring of 1957, Mr. Bob Becker called the attention
of the Florida State Museum to the extensive shell middens at
Maximo Point in Pinellas County. He suggested that some exca-
vation at this site, located at the extreme southern end of St.
Petersburg, might be in order and secured permission for this
work from the owners of the tract, Mr. E.G. Fitzgerald and Mr.
Dorsey Whittington.
The excavation crew consisted of some thirty members of
Tampa Troop IV, Boy Scouts of America, with their adult super-
visors. Certain boys later came to Gainesville with Mr. C.L.
Knight and cleaned the specimens. I
The site was visited by Moore in 1900 (Moore 1900:353-54).
Although he was refused permission to excavate, he did provide
a description and a sketch map (Moore 1900:fig. 1, p. 353). His
map appears essentially correct excepting that one long causeway,
"D", appears to be of recent construction, serving as a road to
the site and probably to the house which was on the mound when
Moore was there. No traces of causeway "F" or mound "H" were
observed, but they may well have been removed by recent highway
The community plan is a very simple one, essentially a line
of midden, indicative of house sites, fronting the water, with
a temple mound immediately being the village. (See map)
Excavation was necessarily limited to a few test pits.
None of these ten foot square holes got any deeper than two 1
foot levels, excepting the one in the mound. And, excepting in
1 -


te// I//,/I- //a

// '/ *3/

,---S'"--lll ,--
N /, /



the mound, no physical changes were observed in any of the pits.
Oyster and clam shells were quite rare, most of the bulk of the
middens being composed of various gastropods. The quantity of
earth, pottery, and bone was comparatively small.
The 10-foot pit in the mound, placed so that its upper end
was approximately at the top of the slope, was carried to a
depth of 58 inches. Observed construction (see Plate II, lower)
seems to have been, from the ton down and ignoring slope wash
and slump, 2 feet of shell midden, about 2 feet of clean white
sand, 2 feet of shell midden, and then more sand. Midden was
transported as building material. It did not accumulate in
place. Chart I, below, includes sherd occurrences from all
levels. Very few were actually found in the sand levels, but
the slopes of the layers in the mound put some sherds in each
of our arbitrary levels. These sherds of course date the de-
posits from which the shell midden was taken, and give & begin-
ning date for the mound. On the basis of its apparent lack of
burials, layered construction, and location adjacent to the


center of the back or inland edge of the village, there is lit-
tle doubt, even with this single small pit, that the' structure
functioned as a temple or platform mound.
Pottery: Sherd type distribution is given in chart I below.
Certainly this sample of 1,045 sherds, 92.3 % Pinellas Plain,
indicates rather clearly that the top 2 feet of the site at
least, as well as the midden used to build the mound, was de-
posited during a single cultural period.
At least 50% of the Pinellas Plain sample is at the heavi-
ly laminated, "shaly", and contorted end of the range of the
type as described (Willey 1949:482). The other half of the
sherds show some lamination and contortion, but do not appear
quite as apt to split into thin fragments momentarily. Temper
is normally a relatively sparse grit, which occasionally in-
cludes some sand, some sherd fragments, and some shell.
It may be observed that the peculiar characteristics of
this Pinellas Plain paste can only be due to a manufacturing

technique which called for working of the paste in an overly
dry form, so that every fold and contortion made as the vessel
was thinned and the coil segments welded together, is preserved.
The more compact specimens, in which most of th% laminations
are securely fastened to their neighbors, are then from vessels
in which compaction was performed with a more adequately moist
Vessel form here seems to have been limited to open bowls
with direct rims. I saw no sherds, rim or body, which would
indicate the presence of any other vessel form excepting a few
rims from bowls so flat and shallow that they might be classi-
fied as plates. Rims on all of these bowls can be classified
in two groups, direct with rounded lips and direct with flatten-
ed lips. Rounded rims are occasionally slightly swollen, in-
side, outside, or both. The characteristic Pinellas Plain notch-
ed lip may be regarded as a secondary modification of the flat
lip. The notches, on the outer edge of the flat lip, vary in


Pit I found III IV V Site Totals
Level: 1 2 3 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2
TYPES # %#
Pinellas Plain -92.2 -9.2 -7.6 8-100 28-95.7 13-93.7 76-91.6 3-85.6 2.7 60-95.2 88-93.6 58-90.6 97-9.2
Rims: Flat 2-15.4 2-25 1-00 3-75 6-.3 1-9.1 2-11.7 3-30 7-66 1-125 3-23.1 4-30.8 35-22.9
rounded 8-615 5-625 1-5 1-28.1 6-545 13-76.5 7-70 1-9.1 6-75.0 8-61.5 6-46.2 73-7.7
notched 2-15. 2-571 2-18.2 2-11.7 2-18.2 2-15.A 2-15.4 36-2.8
other 1-77 1-2 -182 1-9.1 1-12.5 1- 7.7 7- 4
Sand Tempered
Plain-all 5- 5.6 2- 4.5 5- 26.- 12- 4 4- 2.7 7- 8.4 13-14.4 3- 7.2 3- 4.8 4- 4.3 4- 6.2 62- 5.9
Rime-rounded 1 1 2
flat 1 _
St. Johns Plain 1-2.5 1 4- 2.7 2- 2.1 8- ,4
St. Johns
Check Stamped 1- 1.1 1
Cord Marked 1.1 1
Safety Harbor Inc. 1 1 2
Pasco Plain I 1- 1

Totals 90 44 19 8 300 143
Chart 1 Pottery distribution at the Maximo Point Site.

I size and spacing but are, almost with out exception,
V-shaped. All of them seem to have been made with a
sharks tooth by pressing in the notch with the side
of the tooth and then using the edge to cut off the
extruded clay. This technique leaves the character-
istic serrated mark of the shares tooth at one side of
the notch.
The sand-tempered Glades Plain sherds, 5.9% of
the total, may or may not be indicative of contact
with the Glades area immediately to the south. The
sherds do fit the type description, and the heavily

83 97 41 63 94 63 1045

sand-tempered paste is readily distinguishable
from the more common Pinellas Plain. However,
all sites in this area, from early levels
through the Safety Harbor period, have some
such sherds. They may well then, at this site,
represent a low ebb of a resident tradition.
St. Johns Plain appears frequently, if in
tremendously varying quantities, as a part of
most assemblages in the Tampa Bay area. This is
also true, in the later periods, of St. Johns

Check Stamped. The single sherd with cord mark-

ing on St. Johns paste is not of any particular significance to
the best of my knowledge. Safety Harbor Incised is the predict-
able decorated type for this predominantly Pinellas Plain assem-
blage. The 2 small sherds of the tyne confirm the late time po-
sition, but add nothing to our knowledge of the type.
Chipped Stone: 7 projectile points were found. The six com-
plete or nearly complete specimens are illustrated on Plate I.
It may be noted that they are all of the larger, stemmed or
side-notched varieties usually associated with earlier horizons..
Since there are no sherds in our collection attributable to pre-
Safety Harbor complexes, I think it clear that these points are
part of the Safety Harbor cultural complex. It may be noted
that roughly similar points were part of the complexes from the
Safety Harbor Site and Parrish Mound 3 (Willey 1949: Plates 54B,
55; Griffin and Bullen 1950:Plate II).

Other Artifacts: Distribution in the site of tools and other
artifacts made from shell, stone, and bone is as follows:

Test Pit I I I l 1 V V
Type Leves 1 21 3 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 Total.
Area shell 1 2 1 1 5 7 5 25
olumnella 1 1 3
fragment 1 1 2
Pick, Busycon,
fragment 1 1
Tools, Busycon,
misc.frpaments 1 i i 1 1 1 6
Dipper.Busycon 1
Grinding stone
fragments 1 12-
Pin, bone,
fragment 1 i
Plummet, sand-
stone, crude

Chart II. Shell, stone and bone artifact distribution.

Classification of shell tools follows Goggin (1950) as far

as this is possible with fragmentary specimens. The sandstone
fragments all show one or more surfaces smoothed from use.



The ceramic assemblage, shell tools, and, probably, the
site plan, are in agreement for a Safety Harbor period dating
for this site. I do not feel that the projectile point assem-
blage is out of line although we did not find the distinctive
small triangular points. The data do give us something of a
rounded picture of a Safety Harbor period community, the second
to be excavated.
Comparative data are available from the Safety Harbor Site
(Griffin and Bullen, 1950) at the opposite, north, end of
Tampa Bay; from Parrish Mounds 1-3 (Willey 1949:142-56) and the
Seven Oaks Site (Willey 1949:334-35 and Florida State Museum
collections). Only the Safety Harbor site had truely compar-
able material since the other data are from burial mounds only.
Comparison of chart 1 above, a compilation of the basic pottery
data from the Maximo Point site, with the tables of sherd occur-
rences from Safety Harbor (Griffin and Bullen 1950:tables 1,2,3)
indicates that the Maximo Point ceramic assemblage differs from
the Safety Harbor assemblage in only two important respects.
These are the lack, at Maximo Point, of the Spanish sherds and
the Jefferson Ware sherds. In all probability, these absenses,
as well as the lack of any artifacts of European origin in our
admittedly rather small sample, indicate that the Maximo Point
site was abandoned before the Safety Harbor site.
Ceramic assemblages from the Parrish Mounds are not direct-
ly comparable since there was probably aboriginal selection for
ceremonial function followed by selection of a limited number
of slierds from the total sample before analysis and publication
(Willey 1949:142-56). Nevertheless, the assemblages do not
differ greatly from the Safety Harbor-Maximo Point collections.
Again, the artifacts of European origin give the site a late


One last Safety Harbor period site which might be men-
tioned is the Seven Oaks site. An analysis by John M. Goggin
of-the sherds from this site in the Florida State Museum was
published by Willey (1949:334) and Goggin has discussed else-
where (1954:161-62) some of the artifacts of European origin.
Check-stamped sherds and complicated-stamped sherds in this col-
lection were assigned to the Leon-Jefferson complex. The com-
plicated stamped sherds are near duplicates, in paste, finish,
and stamped motif, of some collected from a. "Lamar" midden at
the Kolomoki site (Sears 1951: Plate V,1) which was considered
pre-contact. I rather suspect now that the dating of the Kolo-
moki collection was in error, and that it may represent north-
ern Apalachee, or some of their relatives, who were not yet in
possession of European artifacts. The time period would be the
same 1650-1700 one indicated for these other collections by the
combination of Leon-Jefferson pottery and Spanish trade goods
discussed below.
The evidence for contact between the Seven Oaks site, the
Safety Harbor site, and Parrish Mounds 1 and 3 with the Leon-
Jefferson (Apalachee) culture to the north is interesting, as
is the lack of evidence for either this contact or direct Span-
ish contact at the Maximo Point site. The Lamar Complicated St-
amped pot from Parrish Mound I (Willey 1949:Plate 53-c) is a
variant which could come from almost any of the assemblages cl-
assified as "Lamar", including Leon-Jefferson, its probable so-
urce. The vessel illustrated from Parrish Mound 3 (Willey 1949:,
PI. 54-lower left) appears to be Smith's Jefferson ware, Type A
(Smith 1948:317 and Plate XXXII).
There does not seem to be enough of the Leon-Jefferson mat-
erial in the Tampa Bay area to indicate resident Apalachee Ind-
ians, although this possibility remains. That Leon-Jefferson
ware appears with objects of European origin, or, judging by
its lack at Maximo Point, not at all, indicates that both the
pottery and the European artifacts were reaching Tampa Bay Ind-
ians through trade or other diffuse channels. This in turn

means that the Safety Harbor, Timucua Indians were not in real
contact with the Spanish at any time in the 1650-1700 period,
but were receiving desired Spanish artifacts through the
agency of the missionized Apalachee.


Goggin, John M.
1950 Stratigraphic Tests in the Everglades National Park.
American Antiquity, Vol. XV, No. 3, pp. 228-46.
1954 Are There De Soto Relics in Florida? The Florida
Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXII, No.,37pp.ISTH-U.
Griffin, John W. and Ripley P. Bullen
1950 The Safety Harbor Site. Florida Anthropological
Society Publications No. 2. ealnesvlle.
Moore, Clarence B.
1900 Certain Antiquities of the Florida West Coast Jour-
nal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Phila'IeT-
p ha7 i- ser. 1VoTTI. 11 pp 35U-4. ladeilpha.
Sears, William H.
1951 Excavations at Kolomoki-Season I. University of Geo-
rgia Series in Anthropology, No. 2. Athens.
Smith, Hale G.
1948 Two Historical Archeological Periods in Florida.
American Antiquity, Vol. 13, No. 4., pp. 313-19.
Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archaeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Smithsonian
Miscellaneous Collections. Vol. 113. Washington.

Florida State Museum
Gainesville Florida
October, 1967


IB~s ^^
r 3


4 5 6




PLATE 1. Nos. 1-6 Projectile points, No. 1 is 31" long.
7- Sandstone plummet, 8- conch shell dipper,
9- bone pin fragment, 10-12 perforated
Arca shells.

PLATE 2. Upper: 1- Pinellas Plain rim, 2- Pinellas
Plain interior view laminated, 3 & 4- PineTTas Plain
noticed rims 5- Cord-marked St. Johns paste .
Johns Check Stamped, 7- Pinellas Plain incised,8 -
sa rety-i Tior incised.
Lwer: wall, pit in mound.



Lewis H. Larson, Jr.

It has been suggested by John M. Goggin that the Northern
St. Johns archeological area extends north of the St. Marys
River along the Georgia coast, perhaps as far north as Bruns-
wick in Glynn County (Goggin 1952: 15). It is the purpose of
this paper to examine the available evidence and comment upon
the possibility of such an extension of this archeological area
and the relationship of the Georgia coast to Florida during the
late prehistoric and historic periods.1 In particular, I pro-
pose to examine a series of sites found in Camden County, the
southernmost of the Georgia coastal counties. Logically it can
be assumed that this region would offer the best evidence for
including a portion of the Georgia coast within the embrace of
the Northern St. Johns cultural province.
Two kinds of evidence are available for determining the
nature of aboriginal occupations in Camden County. (1) Archeo-
logical data is derived from the mound explorations of C.B.
Moore (Moore 1897: 10-15), and is sunplemented by an archeo-
logical survey of the area carried out by the Georgia Histori-
cal Commission in 1953. (2) Documentary evidence from 16th and
17th Century Spanish sources provides ethnographic data on the
historic period.
Camden County is similar to all of the Georgia counties
fronting on the Atlantic Ocean in that it is made up of marsh
and sandy high land covered with pine thickets. A product of

- 11 -

relatively recent geologic forces, the region is marked by many
tidal creeks and rivers. Two fresh water rivers drain the
county, the St. Marys River on the southern border, and the
Satilla River cutting through the northern half of the county.
Numerous islands, or rather areas of high ground are located in
the marshes. One large island, Cumberland Island, faces on the
open sea.
One would suspect that in Camden County we might have a
"contact area" situation. In the proto-historid and historic
periods, the Guale Indians were l cated--on4-he coast in
McIntosh7 and Liberty Counties, some twenty-five miles north of
Camden County. To the south of Camden County in the Northern
St. Johns area of Florida were a Timucuan group, referred to by
Goggin as the Eastern Timucua (Goggin 1952: 28). In general,
the Guale were culturally related to central Georgiaadtheir
close linguistic kin, the Creeks (Larson MSa), while the
Eastern Timucuan relationships lay primarily in Florida (Goggin
1952: 68-70). However, both groups were peripheral to a broad
Southeastern cultural pattern during the Mississippian period
and therefore reflect to varying degrees, aspects of this
larger pattern.
The pre-Spanish Guale have been equated with the Pine
/' Harbor ceramic complex, which includes: Irene Plain, Irene In-
cised, Irene Filfot Stamped, and McIntosh Incised (Larson 1955:
75). This complex seems to extend no farther north than St.
Catherines Island nor farther south than the area of the
Altamaha River delta. It appears to be confined to the tide-
water portion of the coast. The sites which have been identi-
fied as belonging to the pre-contact Guale are characterized by
numerous small marine shell middens along tidal waters. Often
these midden sites are associated with low sand burial mounds
(Larson 1957: 37-52). To the best of my knowledge, no platform
mounds have been reported from that portion of the coast identi-
fied as Guale.2
In the Northern St. Johns region, the chalky ware produced
during the St. Johns II phase, i.e. St. Johns Check Stamped and
12 -

St. Johns Plain, has been recognized as a product of the East-
ern Timucua (Goggin 1952: 80). Huge shell middens and care-
fully constructed burial mounds and occasionally truncated
pyramidal mounds are features of the late St. Johns sites
ibidd.: 55).
Historically, these two culture areas were recognized as
separate by the Spanish. The region it the-rIrM -lty of the
Altamaha delta and north to Ossabaw Island was repeatedly refer-
red to as the "Province of Guale". The area about the mouth of
the St. Marys River, Including Cumberland Island, and to the
south was designated as the "Province of Timuouan. This dis-
tinction, which the Spanish maintained for almost two hundred
years, was based on cultural as well as geographical separation.
The two groups were distinguished by a definite linguistic
difference. A grammar of the Timucuan language was composed by
Father Pareja (Gatshet 1877-1880) while he served the mission
of San Pedro on Cumberland Island. A Guale grammar was written
by Brother Domingo Augustin in 1568 (Kerrigan 1951: 149).
Priests who were conversant in the Timucuan language found it
necessary to employ interpreters when talking to the Guale
Indians (Swanton 1922: 15), so that the two languages could not
have been mutually intelligible.
The cultural difference, exemplified by the languages, cer-
tainly carried over into other aspects of the two cultures. Ex-
amples of this lie in the ceramic differences already mentioned
as well as apparent diversity in settlement patterns, i.e.
small scattered middens of the Guale as opposed to the large
consolidated middens found in the Northern St. Johns area.
During the .closing years of the 17th Century., the Gule
toved into the Eastern Timuoua territory, principally settling
around St. Augustine, to escape the increasing raids of the
Carolinians on the Georgia missions. Within a few years many
of the Guale returned to Georgia, where they were mentioned in
the various British accounts as the IIuspaw, Yamassee, or Yama-
craw. It was the Yamacraw, who in 1733 finally and formally
ceded their territory to Oglethorpe, retaining only the islands
13 -

of Ossabaw, St. Catherines, and Sapelo for their own use.
Goggin has pointed out that the development of the dis-
tinctive San Marcos ware during the St. Augustine period was
contemporary with the Guale exodus to Florida during the
latter half of the 17th Century (Goggin 1952: 61). The San
Marcos ware (including the type formerly referred to as Ft.
King George Malleated) almost certainly appeared earlier on
Georgia coast. For example, as early as the first half of
the 17th Century it occurs on the north_ Lnd_.Llarris Neck in
McIntosh County in association with Spanish olve jar sherds,
Columbia. Plain, Fig Springs Polychrome, and Ichtucknee Blue-
on-White Majolica sherds.3 The San Marcos ware in Georgia has
been assigned to the Sutherland Bluff period, which is equat-
ed with the Guale culture during the period of intensive
Spanish mission effort from 1602 to 1686 (Larson MSb). Dif-
ferences in the San Marcos ware of Georgia and Florida are of
a relatively minor character. During the Sutherland Bluff
period in Georgia, there were two important vessel shapes
which utilized only a single San Marcos stamped motif. Dur-
ing the later St. Augustine period in Florida, the number of
stamp motifs increased and the vessel shapes became more di-
verse (Smith 1948: 315, P1. 31). The San Marcos ware is cer-
tainly a direct development out of the pre-Spanish Guale cer-
amic complex of the Pine Harbor period, both in so far as
vessel shape and decorative technique are concerned. This
also would seem to argue for a priority for the ware on the
Georgia coast.
When we examine the Camden County sites, we are faced
with a lack of evidence for contact with the Guale area dur-
ing the Pine Harbor period. The same situation applies to
the north coastal region of Florida. Nowhere did Bullen and
Griffin encounter sherds of the Pine Harbor period on Amelia
Island (Bullen and Griffin 1952: 37-64). The last prehistor-
ic contact between the central Georgia coast and north Flori-
da is in Savannah IT'Fimes when Savannah Fine Cord Marked
pottery was found to be distributed over most Camden County
-14 -






Fig. 1. A map of the historic cultural situation on the
central and southern portions of the Georgia coast.
(1) Irene Site; (2) Pine Harbor Site; (3) Harris Neck Site;
(4) Mound at Woodbine; (5) Mound at Fairview; (6) Kings Bay

sites. This situation was also true for Amelia Island ibidd.:
58, Table I).
In Camden County, a scattering of sites are found which
have produced the St. Johns Plain and St. Johns Check Stamped
types instead of the Pine Harbor types. Lacking the evidence
of excavation, it must be assumed that these two types were
contemporary on the particular sites where they occur, and
that on such sites the St. Johns II period was present.
Camden County was influenced by the Eastern Timucua of the
Northern St. Johns region rather than the Guale of the cen-
tral Georgia coast. In view of the ethnographic evidence, it
would seem that Camden County was actually occupied by a Ti-
mucuan speaking group rather than merely influenced by such.
The most recent ceramic shift in Camden County took
place with the introduction of the San Marcos ware. This
ware appears on only a few sites and nowhere does it appear
to be as strong as was the preceding St. Johns ware. Arche-
ological indication of Spanish contact appeared on only one
site which was the Kings Bay site (9Cn14) where a single
olive jar sherd was picked up.
One of the mounds which Clarence B. Moore excavated in
Camden County indicated a Florida source for certain of the
grave goods found in it. This mound was located about one
mile west of Woodbine on the Satilla River (Moore 1897: 11-
14). Here Moore found two of the copper gorgets or plaques
which occur frequently in Florida in the Northern St. Johns
area (Goggin 1952: 123), the Glades area, and in northwest
Florida (Goggin 1947: 273-6). One of the Woodbine specimens
was oblong in shape with a central boss and a beaded margin,
the other specimen was a disc with a central boss and a bead-
ed margin (Larson MSc).
In none of the other Camden County mounds did Moore re-
port anything which might be related to Florida. Although in
the "Low Mound" at Fairview (9Cnl5), he encountered a "......
sheet copper ornament with repousse decoration" (Moore 1897 :
10). This object now on exhibit at the Museum of American
16 -

Indian, Heye Foundation (Catalogue no. 17/2968), appears to
be part of an eagle warrior plate. On the basis of this evi-
dence, it almost certainly can be assigned to a period con-
temporary with the St. Johns II and the Pine Harbor periods.
The s4tiRarity and abundance of Southern Cult copper para-
phernalia from the Grant Mound and Mount Royal suggests a re-
lationship between the mound.at Fairview and northern Florida
rather than the Guale area.
On the basis of the above data, the lack of Pine Harbor
period material in Camden County, the presence of the North-
ern St. Johns material in the county, and the historical evi-
dence of Timucuan groups in the area, I believe it correct to
conclude that Camden County was a part of the Northern St.
Johns cultural area during the late prehistoric and historic
periods (St. Johns IIa and b).
It would seem that the territory around the mouths of
the Satilla and St. Marys Rivers underwent a series of ceram-
ic shifts which for most of the earlier periods reflect chan-
ges taking place on the central and northern portions of the
Georgia coast. With the exception of the occurences of
Orange Incised during the earliest ceramic period, the ceram-
ic picture of Camden County is tied very closely to the rest
of the Georgia coast until the end of the Savannah II period.
During the fiber tempered ceramic period, we have a whole
series of local variations in the fiber tempered horizon de-
veloping in the rather restricted area of the Georgia and
north Florida coast. The Stallings Island, Bilbo, Sapelo, St.
Simons, and Orange wares, for example, appear to be the pro-
ducts of a rather tenuous contact between various isolated
At the end of the Savannah II period, contact with the
northern coast was broken off and a shift in cultural orien-
tation toward the Northern St. Johns area is apparent. That
this represents a population shift there can be no doubt, for
bySt. Johns IIo times, we have definite historical evidence
that a Timucuan speaking group was occupying Cumberland Island
17 -

and, most probably, the adjacent mainland. It seems likely
that the Timucua pushed into the area at the end of St. Johns
I bringing with them St. Johns ceramics and elements of the
Southern Cult. They remained in the area having little con-
tact with groups immediately to the north, until late in the
S17th Century when the Guale were forced south, bringing with
them the San Marcos pottery. In most respects, this situ-
ation also holds true for the northern most of the islands on
the east coast of Florida, Amelia Island (Bullen and Griffin
1952: 61).
The Timucua intrusion may have come about as the result
of what seems to have been a period of general unrest on the
Georgia coast at the end of Savannah II times. It is sugges-
ted that the region to the north of Camden County experienced
a similar population shift with the appearance of complicated
stamped pottery, marking the Pine Harbor period. It would
seem likely that a Muskhogean group moved into the McIntosh
County area by way of the Altamaha River system and then
gradually expanded to the north. This group would have
brought with it the complicated stamp tradition of inland
Georgia along with the Southern Cult. The Southern Cult in
the Guale area is decidedly different from that found in the
Northern St. Johns area. There is a preoccupation with the
anthropomorphized eagle concept which appears on pottery ves-
sels, clay pipes, and clay figurines (Larson MSc). Such a
ceremonial complex is entirely foreign to north Florida and
Camden County, Georgia.

In examining the character of the St. Johns II expansion
in Georgia two major problems confront us. (1) To what ex-
tent is the Camden County St. Johns manifestation comparable
to the St. Johns II complex which existed in the center of
the Northern St. Johns region? (2) What was the nature of
the expansion of the Northern St. Johns complex in Georgia?
Frankly, these problems cannot be solved on the basis of pre-
sent data, but certain inferences can be made.
From what we know of culture processes in general, it is
18 -

suggested that the Camden County St. Johns II complex repre-
sents a peripheral situation and we cannot expect a. typical
Northern St. Johns development or assemblage. As sketchy as
the evidence may be, we still do not see -in Camden County a
cultural development like that found in Volusia County, Flo-
rida. That Camden County is peripheral and that the North-
ward movement of the St. Johns culture was relatively late
may explain why so few sites were occupied during the later
period, The St. Johns II and St. Augustine period sites are
few. In comparison to the preceding periods, the scarcity of
sherds from the late occupations indicates a relatively small
To summarize, it can be said that the Camden County re-
gion of the Georgia coast represents a northward extension of
the Northern St. Johns culture area during St. Johns II times
and lasting through the early years of the St. Augustine
period. This extension of the Florida culture was probably
peripheral and not very intensive. Finally, it may be assum-
ed that little or no cultural contact between the Guale Indi-
ans and-the Eastern Timucua of the Northern St. Johns area
took place during __the late prehistoric period in Camden

The author is indebted to the Georgia His-
torical Commission for permission to publish
this paper, and to Miss Mary Ross of Bruns-
wick, Georgia, Miss Beatrice Lang of Woodbine,
Georgia, Mr. T. M. C. Jonston of Cumberland
Island, Georgia, and Mr. George Davis of Fer-
nandina, Florida. These individuals extended
assistance and innumerable courtesies to the
author during the archeological survey of
Camden County, Georgia.
1 The term historic is used here to denote
those aboriginal groups still making pottery.
19 -

2 A. J. Waring, Jr. informs me that during the
destruction of the Cedar Point Mound, a Pine
Harbor period structure, in McIntosh County,
a number of floor-like levels were observed
in the mound.
3 These sherds were very kindly dated and iden-
tified for me by John M. Goggin, University
of Florida, Gaineaville, Florida.


1952 An Archeological Survey of Amelia Island Florida.
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 5, Nos. 3-4, pp.
37-64. Gainesville.
1877-1S80 The Timucua Language. Proceedings of the Ameri-
can Philosophical Society, Vol. 16, pp.625-42;
Vol. 17. pp. 490-504; Vol. 18, pp. 465-502.
1947 Manifestations of a South Florida Cult in North-
west Florida. American Antiquity, Vol. 12, No. 4,
pp. 273-6. Menasha.
1952 Space and Time Perspective in Northern St. Johns
Archeology, Florida. Yale University Publications
in Anthropology, No. 47. New Haven.
KERRIGAN, Anthony (trans.)
1951 Barcia's Chronological History of the Continent of
Florida. Univ. of Florida Press, Gainesville.
1955 Unusual Figurine from the Georgia Coast. The
Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 8, No. 3, pp. 75-81.
n.p. (Gainesville)
1957 The Norman Mound, McIntosh County, Georgia. The
Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 10, Nos. 1-2, pp.
37-52. Tallahassee.
20 -

USa An Ethnographic Reconstruction of the Coastal
Georgia Guale. Manuscript on file at the Georgia
Historical Commission, Atlanta.
MSb An Archeological Survey of McIntosh and Liberty
Counties, Georgia. Manuscript on file at the
Georgia Historical Commission, Atlanta.
MSc Southern Cult Manifestations on the Georgia Coast.
In Press.



Certain Aboriginal Mounds of the Georgia Coast.
Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of
Philadelphia, second series, Vol. 11, pt. 1, pp. 4-
138. Philadelphia.

Two Historical Archeological Periods in Florida.
American Antiquity, Vol. 13, No. 4, pp. 313-19.

1922 Early History of the Creek Indians and Their
Neighbors. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of
American Ethnology, Bulletin 73. Washington.

Cartersville Georgia
October, 1957

- 21 -





Fig. 2 A tentative chronological arrangement of the ceramic
situations found in Liberty, Mclntosh, and Camden
Counties with respect to the established sequences at the
mouth of the Savannah River and in the northern St. Johns

William C. Lazarus

During initial work at the Elliott's Point Site (OK-10)
in Ft. Walton Beach, Okaloosa County, Fla., during the summer
of 1953, two unidentified fragments of fire-baked clay were
found in the escarpment along the western shore of Chactawhat-
chee Bay. Each of these fragments, measuring some 3 to 4 cm.
in diameter, have a rounded outer surface with shallow but ob-
vious ridges. They were found on the surface in association
with the course yellow sand exposed on the escarpment, but it
could not be determined whether they occurred there or had rol-
led down from the white sand level which forms the top layer of
this site.
Little or no significance was attached to these objects at
the time since the quantity and variety of sherds and other
artifacts on the site seemed of greater importance. How-
ever, they were numbered and retained in the collection from OK-
The Elliott's Point site (See Fig. 1) is on the main -
land adjacent to the confluence of Santa Rosa Sound and Chactaw-
hatchee Bay and is about 12 ft. above sea. level. The site is
bounded on the east by the Bay and on the south by the Sound.
It extends northward to the vicinity of Shore Dr., in Ft.
Walton Beach. The western limit is not easily determined as it
merges into a whole series of sites which extend some two miles
westward along the north shore of Santa Rosa Sound. Site OK-6
(Ft. Walton), as reported by Dr. Gordon R. Willey (1949, pp.
213-4) is about 1 1/2 miles west of OK-10. The cultures identi-
fied at OK-10 from several thousand sherds and artifacts are:
23 -

Seminole, Ft. Walton, Weeden Island, Santa Rosa-Swift Creek,
and Deptford.
In January, 1955 a peach-shaped fire-baked clay spheroid
with distinct irregular ridges running from pole-to-pole was
accidentally discovered on the graded shoulder of a secondary
road in the Chactawmar Subdivision near the village of Shalimar,
Okaloosa Co., Fla. This site is now identified as "West Chac-
tawmar, OK-13" (See Fig. 1), and is about 2 miles north of
Elliott's Point site, OK-10.
The exact location of this find was the surface of a shal-
low cut (about 30" below surrounding ground) on the south side
of the road. The site is about 200 ft. north of a small fresh
water lake on the north shore near the west end of Chactawhat-
chee Bay. A narrow spit of land separates this lake from the
Bay. The eastern boundary of the site appears to be an unnamed
small stream of fresh water which feeds the lake. The western
boundary is less well defined but is in the vicinity of another,
smaller stream feeding the same lake about 400 ft. west of the
eastern boundary. The land elevation between the streams may be
10 ft. at the highest point. The extent of the site remains
relatively undefined at this time.
The top soil at this site is white beach sand to a depth
of about 12 inches. Beneath this is the course yellow sand
identical with that at Elliott's Point and typical of the sub-
soil around the western end of Chactawhatchee Bay. The clay
spheroid was exposed on the yellow sand. A careful combing of
both shoulders of the road yielded a large assortment of chert
and flint chips, projectile points, and two small delicately
formed tool points of flint. This collection is described as
1 Buff colored fire-baked clay spheroid (6.8 cm by 4.8 cm)
with irregular ridges running from pole-to-pole. These
ridges average 2 mm in depth and 5-8 mm in width. A
twig or the side of an index finger fit well into these
ridges. The paste is highly contorted and there is no
visible temper. The outside is well smoothed but lacks

- 24 -

2 flint tools, one of which is wedge-shape measuring 7 mm
at the base and 10 mm high. No chipping is evident.
The wedge is 10 mm long, with a sharp edge. Material
is a yellow flint. The second tool is of a white flint
in the shape of a quarter moon crescent. It measures
20 mm from point-to-point of the crescent with a maxi-
mum thickness of 10 mm. The tool has a ground surface
on the inner face which is 9 mm wide tapering to noth-
ing at the points of the crescent. The other surfaces
are finely chipped to form a rather blunt edge.
1 Flint scrapper of rectangular shape (4 cm wide by 4.5
cm long and 1 cm thick). All four sides show chipping
to form crude edges.
6 Chert projectile points, one of which could be the for-
ward section of a knife or spear head. This largest
one (5 cm wide and 12 mm thick at the broken end) is
chipped on one face only. The other five (all broken
in some manner) are crudely made. The only one with a
stem has a straight, thick shank.
16 chert chips of varying sizes.
3 rose quartz chips
8 yellow-white flint chips
2 small red sandstone fragments.
41 artifacts total.
A few sherds were also recovered in this collection
from 0K-13. These have been classified as follows:
Deptford Linear Stamped 1
Gulf Check Stamped 3
Weeden Island Plain 1
Residual Plain* 25

Of the residual plain 5 are 8mm or more in thickness
and two of these five could be fragments of a
The presence of these sherds at this site may not be sig-
nificant since the entire shoreline area from Dixie Point to
Black Point (about 1 3/4 mi.) contains a random scattering of
sherds. The Black Point Mound (OK-4) which is predominantly
Weeden Island is situated just 7/10 ths of a mile east of OK-13.
In any event, no other known site between Pensacola and Panama
City has produced such a high ration of other artifacts to
sherds. The site, therefore, is considered unique in the fol-
lowing respects:
1. It produced the first identifiable baked clay spheroid
in Northwest Florida.
2. It produced in association with the spheroid two uncom-
mon flint tools.
3. Chips and stone artifacts outnumbered sherds, 40 to 30.
4. Since random sherds are common along this shore, the
sherds may have no association with the others objects
25 -

The clay spheroid, the flint tools and chips naturally lead
to a comparison with the Poverty Point clay objects of North-
eastern Louisiana (Ford, 1955). A physical comparison was made
at the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C., and several
fundamental differences are immediately obvious. The Poverty
Point clay balls have very obvious finger-made ridges which run
latitudinally around the balls while the OK-13 spheroid's
ridges run longitudinally (from pole to pole). The Poverty

Point balls have fewer and much deeper ridges, being rather
crude and unsymetrical in form. The OK-13 shperoid is carefully
formed and finely worked.
Subsequent to the OK-13 site discovery, a city sewer pro-
ject trenched through site OK-10, Elliott's Point, along Bay
Drive and Brooks St., passing about 300 ft west of the location
where the two original baked-clay fragments were found in 1953.
After the sewer trenches were filled, another complete baked
clay spheroid was found on the surface of the yellow sand fill.
Its style, shape, and markings are directly comparable with the
one found at OK-13 (altho somewhat smaller in size) and the two
previous fragments from OK-10. Further searching on the surface
of the fill dirt produced another large fragment of a baked
clay ball. This latter one differs from the previous finds in
that its outer surface is smooth and has no obvious ridges. It
is impossible to judge whether ridges were or were not original-
ly applied and have worn off.
These finds signaled the need for stratigraphic data. Site
OK-10 was selected in preference to OK-13 since OK-10 is prolif-
ic in sherds from at least four known cultures and the possibil-
ity existed to relate the clay spheroids with respect to them.
Since a long trench was required to connect our home at
103 So. Bay Drive, Ft. Walton Bench, to thp city sewer system,
and since this trench would pass thru a known undisturbed mid-
den area, it was decided to excavate the trench in strati-
graphic fashion. It was started at a point 32 ft. south of the
north property line of Lot 5, Block 4, Elliott's Point Subdi-
vision as measured along the eist curb of South Bay Drive. The
26 -

trench ran easterly toward the house. The first four feet east
from the curb was found to be disturbed dirt so the starting
point for Section I was selected 4 ft. east from the curb.
The length of each section was determined to be 16 ft. of
16 in. wide trench so that the area of a section (24 sq. ft.)
would approximate the more standard 5 ft x 5 ft (25 sq. ft.)
section used in stratigraphic work. The depth for each level
was selected to be 4 in. initially. The profiles for Sections
I, II, and III are shown on page 31. All dirt from each sec-
tion was processed in a rotary type sifter with 1/4" mesh. Sec-
tion Notes are as follows:
0" 4" 26 sherds (see Page 31); Eastern Oyster shell most
common; Gragments of Southern Quahogs (Hard Shell Clam); 1 Flo-
rida Cerith shell; 1 fragment of Staghorn Coral; 1 miniature
Ark Shell; charcoal plentiful with sample preserved in sealed
glass jar.
4" 8" 86 sherds (see Page 31) Eastern oyster shell most
common; 3 small Florida conch shells; 1 Quahog fragment; 1 Stag-
horn coral fragment; 6 small quartz pebbles, fire blackened;
charcoal plentiful with sample taken.
8" 12" 42 sherds (see Page 31) Shell content much reduced;
some charcoal with sample preserved in sealed glass jar.
12" 16" 2 sherds (see Page 31); top of this levpl in
gray sand; bottom in yellow. One depression of gray sand pro-
uced 2 sherds & charcoal.
16" 20" 2 sherds from gray pocket. Remainder of cut in
yellow sand. a clay ball (4 1/4 cm x 3 1/2 cm) of baked red
clay taken from yellow sand plus one chert chip also in yellow
20" 28" No sherds; No chips; 3 baked clay fragments;
1 piece of charcoal; all in yellow sand.
0" 4" 9 sherds (see Page 31); 25 Eastern Oyster shells;
3 Quahog fragments; 1 staghorn coral fragment; 1 snail shell ;
1 vertebrae; 5 flint or chert chips; 11 fire blackened quartz
pebbles; 1 sandstone fragment; charcoal sample taken; bottom in
gray sand; am now east of midden pile.
4" 8 53 sherds with heaviest concentration at western
and (adjoining Section I); few oyster shell; 1 shell fragment;
1 chert chip; top in gray sand, bottom in yellow sand except
pocket at western end.
8" 12" (12" of rain fell after the 4"-8" level was exca-
vated and before this level was excavated. Therefore trench
was cleaned before proceeding) 35 sherds; a few oyster shells
one small baked clay elob about 1 cm in diameter; charcoal
sample preserved. The sherds came from all along the trench
but were more frequent at western end.

- 27 -

12" 16" 15 sherds all but one of which came from gray
sand pocket at western end. The one sherd not from the pocket
was Deptford Bold Check Stamped 10 mm thick; 4 chert chips and
3 small fire-baked clay globs (1 cm dia.) came from eastern end.
Few oyster shells and one fragment of Guahog clam.
16" 20" 3 small sherds; Entire cut in yellow sand.
20" 28" 5 chert chips; 2 fire-baked clay fragments; no
sherds; no shell.
0" 4" 17 small sherds (see Page 31) mostly from west-
ern half of section; few oyster and Quahog shell fragments.
4" 8" 49 average size sherds evenly distributed; few
oyster shells; charcoal; sandstone (?) fragment; 2 quartz
8" 12" Brown pocket identified at about 38 ft. 23 sherds
with none from brown pocket;3 flint chips all from brown pocket.
12" 16" No sherds; 2 fire baked clay fragments; 12
chert chips; nothing from brown area.
16" 24" 4 baked clay fragments and 6 chert chips in
random distribution. Nothing from brown pocket.

From these stratigraphic sections ar site OK-10, a total
of 20 fire-baked clay fragments of spheroids or balls were re-
covered predominantly from levels below or associated with Dept-
ford sherds. The clay fragments represent about 5% of the total
of 418 artifacts recovered from the trench. Chert chips are
generally associated with these clay fragments.
To date from the two sites (OK-10 and OK-13), a total of 25
clay spheroids, clay balls, or fragments thereof have been re-
covered. Two of these (one from each site) are considered ex-
cellent specimens of longitudinally ridged spheroids. These,
together with the supporting evidence of fragments, chert and
flint chips, and flint tools appear to justify the identifica-
tion of another cultural complex for the Northwest Florida Gulf
Coast. Since the original finds and the stratigraphic sections,
which tend to relate this apparent new complex to previously
known ceramic cultures of the area, occurred at site OK-10, it
is proposed that the nomenclature of Elliott's Point Complex be
applied to identify it.
The functional use of these fire-baked clay objects remains
somewhat obscure. It has been suggested that they could have
been used as refactory surfaces in barbeque pits, they may have
28 -

been substitutes for cooking stones, or they may have served as
weights in a version of the bolo. All these suggestions lead
to the common belief that they are man-made substitutes for
stone in areas where natural stones are rare.
Further work is certainly required to expand the knowledge
of this new cultural complex in the southeast. Other sites, in
addition to the two discussed herein and the Poverty Point site
in Northeastern Louisiana, are known to have produced fire-bak-
ed clay balls. One of these is near Albany, Georgia. A collec-
tion from that site is in the Carnegie Library, Albany,Georgia.
Another "clay ball" find has been reported by Dr. Hale G. Smith
of Florida State University in the vicinity of Tallahassee,Fla.
The objects from these latter two sites may be functionally si-
milar to the clay spheroids reported herein, however, they are
stylistically different being spherical rather than spheroidal
and having complicated stamped surfaces. (1)
It is also reported that Dr. J. A. Waring, Jr., has found
baked clay objects at sites near Savannah, Ga. (2)
(1) Dr.Charles H. Fairbanks, Florida State University,personal
communication of October 8, 1957.
(2) Dr. James A. Ford, American Museum of Natural History,
personal communication of February 3, 1956.
Ford, James A.
1955. The puzzle of Poverty Point. natural History Vol.
64, No. 9, (Nov.), pp. 466-71.
Ford, James A. and Clarence H. Webb.
1956. Poverty Point, a late Archaic site in Louisiana.
Anthropological Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist.,Vol.
46, part 1.
Willey, Gordon R.
1949. Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast.Smithsonian
Inst., Misc. Col., Vol. 113.

29 -

......r -

Ft. Walton Beach, Fla.

Arturo's Studio
Ft. Walton Beach, Fla.
Plate 1 Elliot's Point Complex artifacts from sites Ok-10
and Ok- 13 (incomplete). Left row: longitudinally
ridged baked clay spheroid from Ok- 10, same from Ok- 13, &
fragments of same from Ok- 10. 2nd row: projectile points
from Ok- 13. Center: flint tools from surface Ok- 13. Right
side: large scraper and flint chips from Ok- 13.


Table III
below ,, .
surface) 3 a 'aS

0 4 1 1 1 1 2 17

4 2 4 34 5 711 13 8 49

8- 12 3 2 4 1 8 8 4 26

12 16 2x 12 14

16 2 4 6 10

24 28 St 0

Section Total 116
From Brown Pocket (Flint)
x Fragments

Table II

Table I

Tables I -III Pottery and stone locations in stratigraphic
cut at Elliot's Point Site.

SECTIOA1 Z 09101

X X-22 00." ke~ ~ o

0 0
6K- I. LOW

c o
U I.

c rr o of 4 a


3T WA1M 4

vow 31 4 -

4 .-

k Mm

F d* rwico
14 L

a SAt m" I


Fundaburk, Emma Lila & Mary Douglas Foreman
1957. Sun Circles and human hands. The Southeastern Indians
art and industry. Luverne, Ala. by the author. 232pp.
160 plates, $7.50.
Narrative material is held to a minimum, simply to
explain the wealth of photographs and drawings which
illustrate every aspect of southeastern Indian art
and crafts. Text adequate, illustrations profuse.
Keegan, P.G.J. y Tormo Sanz
1957. Experiencia misionera en La Florida, siglos IVI y
XVII. Madrid. Institute Santo Toribio de Mogrovejo.
Consejo Superior de Investigatienes Cientificas.Mis-
sionalia Hispanica, Series B., Vol. VII.
A general discussion of Spanish missions in Florida.
Some new material and some new conclusions based in
Spanish archives. An important contribution.
Sears, William H.
1957. Excavations on Lower St. Johns River, Florida, Contr-
ibutions of the Florida State Museum, Social Sciences
No. 2, Gainesville. vii, 40 pp., 3 plates,12 figs.
Excavation and survey of 7 sites southeast of Ft.Car-
oline National Monument on St. Johns Bluff. Defines
Deptford period as present in Florida, along with a
new ceramic complex, Colorinda, that is sherd temper-
ed. Rather technical for the lay reader.
Jennings, Jesse D., Gordon R. Willey, & Marshall T. Newman
1957. The Ormand Beach Hound East Central Florida. Anthro-
pological Papers, No. 49, Smithsonian Institution,
Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 164, pp. v-28
Washington. $2.75.
A sand burial mound, St. Johns I Period mostly, with
some earlier Orange Incised, Deptford Period, and
St. Johns II Period represented. Adequately illust-
rated and some discussion of skeletal material.

VOL. XI FEBRUARY, 1958 No. 1
The Maximo Point Site William B. Sears 1
Cultural Relationships between the Northern
St. Johns area and the Georgia Coast Lewis H. Larson, Jr. 11
A Poverty Point Complex in Florida William C. Lazarus 23
Recent Publications Editor Inside back cover

The Florida Anthropologist accepts manuscripts on any subj-
ect pertaining to Florida or southeastern anthropology. Manu-
scripts must be typed on one side of sheet only, with 65
spaces to the line, 35 lines to the page. Tables must be typed
in final form with inked lines. Citations should follow the
style of The American Anthropologist. Footnotes and biblio-
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