2000 Florida Anthropological Society Inc.
The Florida Anthropological Society Inc. holds
source text of the Florida Anthropologist
considered the copyright holder for the text
all rights to the
and shall be
and images of
The Florida Anthropological Society has made this publication
available to the University of Florida, for purposes of
digitization and Internet distribution.
The Florida Anthropological Society reserves all rights to this
publication. All uses, excluding those made under "fair use"
provisions of U.S. Code, Title 17, Section 107 are restricted.
Contact the Florida Anthropological Society for additional
information and permissions.
* .i a^trfl
';* ; :" I= i ,B \W /
jF'~ *,. ": ;:~-1';
( 8"6: S
56::R~$: : "2 ;-air : "~ : I
..r i "' i
~::-i: ~; i
n; *.~. ii
i ';`'" i~
I' :: P ': ;':
: i I r i
i '-' i
: i r-
-"' r `; ',,:
;1. ;,. : i
,; ii ii.i~:::;
; 'c r~
C L'i L.ib
f' ` -i
i ij ; :.z' i. J
::;i ~~. ~q~ r
IN eT 1L1 C AI~
:; .;| : *" *
'..L _- .. ^,
-. ; : .~:i ~. :: ..:.. ;.I- ;1: ..,' iS
J-1 th I
Miewbrft! is: terested m*thie:aiws' of thiO
41 Or Y- Ti, Members. receive :The Florida. An,
ticatiom, as ssu
throp Publ i ed: App nations and
0109w- L h ,orders
for 400*'.ih6uld be:senf'to:Ahe. Treasurer (each single number to. rninbers,'.
Ftom dbuble number, $1.00i to non-members, $.75 and $1.50 tivelys
-35. Mes should be sent'to the.
N u*WM Nos. I s' 15 each). General inqu*
n' -Us 1p; to theE,&-6tor, aUdWewsknier items to the President
William Armistead,. 2413,Watrous Ave.,
Vi"Pi John W. Griffin St. Augustine
4! Vice Presidents rVwg Rouse, New Haven, Conn.
Marvin 15th Court' Miami 33
J,- BroDks 805 N W*
M Hal. G Smith, B4Dx 3051, Florida State Univ.,
Charles U. Fairbans, Box D51 Florida, State Univ
Comtz*tee"en: Hugh N. Davis, Mi
H. James Cut, Sanford
"Ili B. Sears, C amiesville,
UaUCATIONS OF TBE SOCIETY
NOV Awlaeological Sites in Brevard County. Florida" by Hale G.
ges, 4 pkes -- ----- -----
Sinith. ... M IL -t .50
"The Safety Harbor Site, Pinellas County, Florida, by John W. Grifflm
and,,. Ripley P. Bullen. 42 pages,,,4, plates 0.50
'The'Terra ei'ba Site, Manatee County, Florida," by Ripley P. Bullen,
THE ARCH CREEK SITE
D. D. laxson
In early January 1956 an area of land, roughly triangular
in shape, bounded on the east by Biscayne Boulevard, on the
south and west by Arch Creek, in northeast Dade county, was
being partial cleared, possibly for the construction of homes
Several buildings, part of the abandoned Sea Breeze Trailer
park, are scattered about the highest part of the land, some
six hundred feet north of the bridge crossing the boulevard. A
hand level showed the elevation of these buildings to be ap-
proximately five feet above the creek's banks just below and
west of the bridge.
In heaping two large piles of mangroves and other vegeta-
tion, bulldozers had exposed many whole and fragmentary conch,
whelk, clam and oyster shells. More than three hundred sherds
and a dozen Strombus celts were picked up in this area on the
initial surface survey. Condition and location of the material
tended to indicate sporadic occupation by Indians.
A partial list of vegetation included ficus, gumbo limbo,
cabbage palm, live oak, pigeon plum, bay, coco plum, mangrove
and more recently planted mango, avacado and royal poinciana.
No signs of animal life, other than the raccoon, were noted.
Soil was, for the most part, sand over a, basal formation
of pot-holed limestone which appeared on the surface frequently.
A strip of black dirt, evidence of the midden location, ex-
tends several hundred feet NE-SW along the highest part of the
land just south of the buildings. A metal fence runs parallel
to this area (Fig. 1).
A short distance northwest of this site, Arch Creek runs
through the only natural bridge formation in south Florida.
Originally the creek was a horizontal solution hole. Swampy,
acid-charged ground water gradually weakened the roof of this
tunnel until large pieces caved in, eventually forming an open
limestone gorge. This small creek rises westward in the glades,
is tidal throughout its two mile length, and enters Biscayne
Bay through a low marsh.
The location and surface material make this site rather
conspicious. Material had recently been pushed north from the
creek banks and also had been scattered south in the course of
constructing the trailer court on the ridge. The result was a
confusing admisture of modern and ancient artifacts on and near
Since the north side of the fence was dominated by a large
ficus, whose tremendous root system, coupled with the concrete
foundation of the old trailer park laundry, made excavating dif-
ficult, it was decided to dig all test pits on the south side
and parallel to the fence. Here hundreds of conch shells were
scattered on the surface. Permission was obtained from the
land's owners and eight pits, averaging five feet square, were
excavated in a line NESW and separated one from the other from
ten to thirty feet (Fig. 1).
Pit one, started in April 1956, was dug on the extreme NE
end of the fence.row. Digging was very slow on account of large
numbers of conch shells, making a shovel almost useless. Over
a hundred shells were removed in the first layer. Pit eight,
the last test, was completed in August 1956 and was excavated
on the extreme southwest end of the fence row.
There was a small percentage of bone in each pit, for the
most part rodent, land, sea turtle and deer. Every test showed
an abundance of shell of common varieties native to the region
at time of occupancy. Shell included the conchs Strombus gigas,
Strombus pugilis, Barnea costatus, and the whelk Busycon per-
versum. Other shells were the Virginia, crested, winged tree,
Fig. 1. Map of Arch Creek Site showing location of tests.
and bush oyster, various clams and the band shell Fasciolaria
Finds, while not dramatic, were gratifying. In the top
level of Pit one was found a single sherd with an incised zig
zag motif parallel to the rim. This type had previously been
excavated in Hialeah numbers 1 (Laxson, 1953) and 4 and a
Marine Air Station midden. A tiny well constructed, stone
pendant of the "plumb bob" type was found in the top layer of
Pit eight. A Cypraea spoon was in Pit three and an excellent
specimen of Busycon pick was found in Pit four. A discoidal
sherd (Fig. 2,C) and fragments of a bone pin of the "expanded
head" type were also found. Vertical distribution of specimens
is given in Table 2.
Many shark vertabrae were found at all levels, some were
perforated for use as beads, others had rims badly concaved
from wear as if clamped in a yoke of some sort. It is thought
possible they were used as net handles or were strung together
by the rims for ornamental purposes.
Tests seem to indicate stratigraphy within Glades II times
(Table 1). Surfside Incised (Fig. 2 F) along with the St. Johns
wares were near the top. Opa Locka Incised (Fig. 3, E-F) seem-
ed to average rather deep while Key Largo Incised (Fig. 3,A)
was concentrated at a shallow depth. Several transitional forms
were found. A few of the Opa Locka Incised sherds (Fig. 3, C-D)
had single arches but were classified as Opa Locka rather than
Key Largo because of the lack of a vertical line. Another type
was in the form of Opa Locka plus vertical lines extending down-
wards to form Key Largo with a multiple top (Fig. 3, B). These
forms tend to indicate Opa Locka becoming Key Largo with time.
Ft. Drum Incised appears relatively early.
It was noted that only a single sherd of the Glades III
index marker, Glades Tooled, was found. Actually the example
(Fig. 2, D) seemed more a modification of the Fort Drum "ticked"
rim, possibly a forerunner of Glades Tooled. Occupation seemed
to be Glades II A, B, and C. The picture was not unlike the
Grossman's Hammock site, at some levels (Brooks 1956).
Fig. 2. Specimens from the Arch Creek site.
A, cut deer antler possibly a plummet; B, utilized deer antler
tine, possibly a flaker; C, pottery disc; D, Glades Tooled; E,
Glades Plain with fluted rim; F, Surfside Incised; G, Plantation
Pinched; H-I, unique punctated.
Arch Creek, along with other middens such as Uleta River,
Indian and Snapper Creek, and Surfside seemed to have been oc-
cupied contemporaneously and abandoned at approximately the
same time. The one exception in the general vicinity seems to
be the midden near the mouth of the Miami River which shows
occupancy during Glades III times.
Fluctuation of sea level may have accounted for the inhabi-
tants departure from the coastal middens by changing the salin-
ity of the water and disrupting important sources of food. The
oyster is particularly sensitive to the salinity of water.
Another possibility is that middens such as these were
fairly well exposed to the elements. Any series of cataclysmic
hurricanes, with the accompanying high winds and tides, could
have forced the inhabitants westward into the heavily wooded
hammocks which serve as excellent windbreaks. Two Glades III
sites, Madden's hammock and Dupont Plaza show material evidence
such as Strombus celts, bone pins, sea turtle bones etc. that
could indicate their occupancy by former inhabitants of coastal
Appreciation is expressed to Mr. Peter Gluckman, owner of
the property, for permission to dig; to Wayne Allen, John
Hackett, Bob Masters and Noel Herrmann for digging and screen-
ing; and to Ripley P. Bullen, Curator of Social Sciences,
Florida State Museum for help with the illustrations.
Fig. 3. Sherds from the Arch Creek site.
A, Key Largo Incised; B, Combination Key Largo and Opa Locka
Incised; C-D, Opa Locka Incised variants; E-F, Opa Locka Incised.
Bone Pin fragments
Hollow bone points
i Sandstone hone
Shark vertebrae, possibly
perforated for uqe
Shark vertebrae, with
Depths in inches
0-6 6-12 12-18
8 1 1
3 2 2
13 3 3
10 8 4
17 11 5
17 11 5
Glades Plain, fluted lips
Key Largo Incised
Opa Locka and Key Largo
Incised transitional (?)
Opa Locka Incised
Gordons Pass Incised (?)
Ft. Drum Incised
Dunns Creek Red
St. Johns Check Stamped
St. Johns Plain
Belle Glades Plain
Depths in inches
0-6 6-12 12-18
12 9 26
4 1 6
5 1 13
3 2 10
3 4 8
8 2 29
559 241 1668
Fig. 4. Sherds from the Arch Creek site.
A-B unique incised; C-D, Dade Incised; E-H, Miami Incised, I,
Glaaes Plain exhibiting smoothing marks; J, Carrabelle Incised-
Brooks, Marvin L., Jr.
1956. "Excavations at Grossman Hammock, Dade County,
Florida." The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. IX,
No. 2, pp. 37-46. Gainesville.
Griffin, John W., Editor
1949. The Florida Indian and his Neighbors. Winter Park.
Goggin John M.
1950a. "Stratifgraphic Tests in the Everglades National
Park." American Antiquity, Vol. 15, No. 3, pp.
1950b. "The Snapper Creek Site." The Florida Anthropol-
ogist, Vol. III, Nos. 3-4, pp. 50-66. Gainesville.
Goggin, John M., and Frank H. Sommer III
1949. "Excavations on Upper Matecumbe Key, Florida."
Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No.
42. New Haven.
Laxson, D. D.
1953. "Stratigraphy in a Hialeah Midden." The Florida
Anthropologist, Vol. VI. No. 1, pp. 1-8. Gaines-
Parker and Cook
1944. Late Cenozoic Geology of Southern Florida.
Rouse, Irving Rouse
1951. "A Survey of Indian River Archeology, Florida."
Yale University Publications ij Anthropology, No.
44. New Haven.
- 10 -
A NOTE ON THE SEMINOLE BURIAL FROM HIALEAH, FLORIDA
Wilfred T. Neill
Laxson (1954) described an historic Indian burial from the
vicinity of Hialeah, Dade County, Florida. Grave goods suggested
a date of (roughly) 1840 for the interment. Laxson concluded that
the remains were those of a Seminole Indian. However, among the
mortuary offerings was a bullet mold of steatite; and stone
bullet molds are known to have been used by the Delaware Indians,
some of whom were in South Florida around 1840. Therefore the
question might arise as to whether the burial was that of a Dela-
ware rather than a Seminole.1
It seems possible to identify the burial rather definitely as
Seminole. Laxson found that certain grave goods, including a gun
and a clay pipe, had been deliberately broken. Ceremonial "kill-
ing" of mortuary offerings apparently was not practiced by the
Delaware. Volkman (1953), who examined many collections of arti-
facts from the Delaware country, found no reason to believe that
these Indians smashed or broke their grave goods in either hist-
oric or prehistoric times. Herman (1950), who attempted to recon-
struct aboriginal Delaware culture from early accounts, likewise
found no evidence that grave goods were broken. On the other
hand, the present-day Seminole do practice ceremonial "killing"
of objects placed with burials. Apparently, the only literature
remarks on this subject are my previous ones (Neill, 1956,p. 51),
which pertain to the so-called Mikasuki or Hitchiti-speaking por-
tion of the Seminole: "Each item is deliberately broken
before it is placed with the dead. Tin pans are bent double, pots
are flattened, pipe-stems are snapped, chinaware is chipped; even.
valuable objects such as rifles or shotguns are broken before
being placed with the body". These observations were based on
examination of Seminole graves, mainly in the vicinity of Immoka-
lee, Collier county, Florida; and on information from some of the
With the aforesaid burial Laxson found over 50 faceted glass
beads, most of them blue but a few green or white. Only one
spherical bead was found. The beads help to identify the inter-
ment as Seminole. Even today these Indians much prefer faceted
beads over spherical ones. While the beminole men no longer wear
beads, the women (or at least the older ones) make their neck-
laces almost exclusively from faceted beads. Seminole archeologic-
al sites dating from the first half of the Nineteenth Century
(e.g., Fort King, Osceola's Village, Bowlegs' Town) yield beads
nearly all of which are faceted; most of them are blue, a few
green, white, or clear.
Laxson also found a silver cone and a silver bangle, lying
near each other. These objects were not identified. However, they
seem to be parts of an elaborate earbob, almost identical with
one known to have been worn by the Seminole leader Osceola at the
time of his death in 1838 (see Goggin, 1955, pl. 6,A). Very sim-
ilar specimens were worn by the Creek chief Opothle Yahola (see
McKenney and Hall, 1934, vol. 2, pl. between pp. 18-19); by the
Seminole chief Cloud (Catlin, 1848, pl. 299). All of these
Indians were contemporaries of Osceola. This type of earbob,
while probably a trade item and not of aboriginal manufacture,
seems to have been favored mainly or exclusively by Southeastern
tribes, notably the Creek and Seminole. It would therefore be ex-
pected in a Seminole burial dating from around 1840.
In summary, the interment found by Laxson is very likely
(1) NOTE: The Delaware Indians discussed above had come as
scouts with the federal Army during the Second Seminole War. They
would surely have carried, and been buried with, Army issue guns,
not trade muskets as found by Laxson.
- 12 -
1848. Illustrations of the Manners, Customs, and Condition
of the North American Indians: etc. Vol. 2, 7th ed.
Goggin, John M.
1955. "Osceola: Portraits, Features, and Dress." The
Florida Historical Quarterly, vol. 33, nos. 3-4,
pp. 161-192. Tallahassee.
Herman, Mary W.
1950. "A Reconstruction of Aboriginal Delaware Culture from
Contemporary Sources." Kroeber Anthropological Soc-
iety Papers, no. 1, pp. 45-77.
Laxson, D. D.
1954. "An Historic Seminole Burial in a Hialeah Midden"
The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 7, no. 4, pp. 111-
McKenney, Thomas L. and James Hall
1934. The Indian Tribes of North America. vol. 2, Edinburgh.
Neill, Wilfred T.
1956. Florida's Seminole Indians. Ross Allen's Reptile Inst-
itute, Silver Springs, Florida.
Volkman, Arthur G.
1952. 'Killed' Inanimate Objects." Archaeological Society
of New Jersey, Bulletin, no. 5, pp. 6-8.
Ross Allen Reptile Institute
Silver Springs, Florida
- 13 -
McReynolds, Edwin C.
1957. The Seminoles. University of Oklahoma Press, Civiliz-
ation of the American Indian Series. Norman. $ 5.75.
A major work purporting to describe the entire history
of the Seminole. The earlier chapters on the Seminole
origins and their earlier years in Florida are very
curt and often inaccurate. For the more modern periods
the book is much fuller and more dependable.
Neill, Wilfred T.
1956. Florida's Seminole Indians. Ross Allen's Reptile Inst-
itute, Silver Springs. A new edition of Neill's fine
popular booklet on the Seminole, this time with the
front and back covers in full color. This is by far the
best book on the Seminole for the general reader and
entirely sound for any reader.
The Florida Department of Agriculture is rumored to
be considering a reissue of their 1940 booklet on the
Seminole. The demand for this type of booklet seems to
be almost insatiable. Neill's book will set a high
standard for the state agencies to shoot at.
Peithmann, Irving M.
1957. The Unconquered Seminole Indians. Pictorial History of
the Seminole Indians. Great Outdoors Assoc., St. Peter-
sburg. $1.00. Excellent pictures but any unhandy 8J by
11 inches. The text is only fair and shows evidence of
rather summary conclusions from some of the documents
used. The pictures, however, are worth the price.
1957. Hell's Branch Office. Florida's Choctaw Indians. Citra.
$5.00. Ridaught is leader of the little-known band of
Choctaw residing in Florida. This "history" of the
group garbles much of Florida early history but does
present the only available material on the group. When
Ridaught writes about his own experiences with his kin-
folk he is interesting and informative.
CELT AND PENDANT FROM JUPITER INLET MOUND
Bessie Wilson DuBois
The Jupiter Inlet Mound is located in Palm Beach County,
seventeen miles north of West Palm Beach, about a quarter mile
.off U.S.1. The property was owned from 1898 by Harry DuBois.
The old DuBois home is still standing on the highest point of
the mound, and is now owned by Mr. and Mrs. Leo Vickers of
Ocean City, New Jersey. The adjacent property still belongs to
the sons of Harry DuBois, John, Henry, and Niel DuBois, res-
pectively,and is accessible through the DuBois Fishing Camp.
The mound was originally about 600 feet long and 20 feet
high. Except where the old house stands, most of the shell has
been removed. This mound provided the Jaega Indians with an
excellent view of the ocean and Gulf Stream, a vantage point
in the days of Spanish treasure ships, which made them one of
the richest Indian tribes on the coast of Florida (Jackson,
1954, p. 80).
This mound may also have been the site of the captivity
of the shipwrecked party of Jonathan Dickinson in 1696. Dr.
and Mrs. Charles M. Andrews occupied the DuBois house for some
years, during which time they wrote the book on Jonathan Dick-
inson's Journal, published in 1945.
The celt with the unusual longitudinal groove, was found
over fifty years ago, by Mrs. Susan DuBois. Mrs. DuBois, now 81
years of age, relates that, "she is not sure whether she found
the celt or it found her". She fell on the way down to her
garden and chicken yard on the back edge of the mound. Investi-
gating the cause of her downfall, she found she had slipped on
the smooth stone surface of the celt, which had evidently be-
come exposed by erosion. The celt is 3-1/2 inches long. The
deep groove extends longitudinally on both sides.
The pendant, also of stone, in contrast to the black of
the celt has a slightly green mottled look. It is about 2-1/2
inches long and was found by John R. DuBois in 1927, while
shell was being removed from a site approximately 400 feet
from the place the celt was discovered.
On a recent visit to the Florida State Museum in Gaines-
ville, Mr. Ripley P. Bullen identified the celt and pendant
and some St. Johns Check Stamped sherds as belonging t6 the
Malabar II Period. Pottery of other periods, animal and fish
bones, and shell tools have been found at this site.
Andrews, Charles M. and Evnngeline W. Andrews.
1945. Jonathan Dickinson's Journal. New Haven.
Jackson, W. R., Jr.
1954. Early Florida Through Spanish Eyes. Miami
Celt and Pendant from Jupiter Inlet Mound, Florida
- 16 -
ZAMIA STARCH IN SANTO DOMINGO
A Contribution to the Ethnobotany of the
Emile De Boyrie Moya, Marguerita K. Krestensen
and John M. Goggin
ThOse Floridians interested in life before the modern in-
dustrial age have long been aware of the role Zamia starch,
Coontie, played in the economy of Southern Florida. The pine-
lands of south Dade County are marked on early maps as gather-
ing grounds of this plant for the Seminole Indians, while
starch-making was a small but important industry for the white
pioneers even before 1845 (Burkhardt, 1952). Near the end of
the 19th century a starch mill was run by water power at the
rapids of the Miami River, and a few years later one steam-
powered mill in present Miami ground 10 to 15 tons of roots a
day. The last mill ceased operations in south Florida in 1925
It was about this time that the junior author in Miami
first became aware of the plant and its uses. At that time
Seminoles would come to vacant lots between residential houses
in order to dig up roots for starch making. Some years later,
in the spring of 1938, Goggin was also able to see the washing
stage among the Seminole on the Dania Seminole Reservation.1
Although general details of the Zamia starch process have been
reported by many observers among the Seminole, no detailed eye-
witness accounts are available. Therefore, when De Boyrie and
Goggin witnessed the making of similar starch in the Dominican
Republic in 1952 and 1953, it seemed of interest in terms of
the location situation, as well as in a broader context, to ob-
serve and record the manufacturing technique.2
THE ZAMIA PLANT
The genus Zamia is widely distributed from Florida to
Brazil and includes a number of forms whose exact relationship
and taxonomy are greatly confused. The common species in
Southeastern Florida is Zamia integrifolia Ait.; in northern
Florida it is Zamia pumila L.; while that observed in the
Dominican Republic is probably Zamia media Jacq.
Zamia belongs to the Cycadacae family, of which the starch
producing Sago of Southeast Asia is another member. Super-
ficially, Zamia plants appear to be a small palm or heavy fern
with their neat pinnate leaves, but differ to any close ob-
server's eye with their distinctive central cone bearing numer-
ous coral seeds (Fig. 1, A). Most of the plant structure is
found in the heavy underground stem which may on occasion weigh
several pounds. The plant seems to prefer limestone soils,
doing well on the eroded late Pleistocene rocks of southern
Florida, Yucatan, and the West Indies, and flourishing on shell
mounds of the central Florida West Coast.
The underground stems, which we will henceforth call roots
for convenience, are formed of tough fibrous material but con-
tain a high proportion of starch grains. In addition they have
a soluable highly toxic agent probably a glycoside.3
Data on the modern preparation of Zamia starch were gather-
ed in the small coastal village of Guayacanes,4 Dominican Re-
public, which lies about thirty miles east of the capital. The
narrow, low, coastal, hardwood forest grows on a soil so rocky
that agriculture is impractical so the local economy is based
on fishing, charcoal burning, and on guayiga5 starch making
from the abundant Zamia plants. It is perhaps no coincidence
that this shore area from Guayacanes eastward to Juandolio and
Corrales was intensively occupied in prehistoric times, judging
by the abundant archeological remains.
- 18 -
GATHERING OF ROOTS
A day or two prior to the actual beginning of the starch
making process, Zamia roots are collected in the rough forested
country between the shore and the cultivated sugar lands some
distance inland. The roots are generally collected by women,
who may go out alone or in groups, although men occasionally
assist in the plant gathering. In the uncultivated fields and
scrub hardwood forest Zamia grows in moderate profusion, and
the women are able to collect enough within a day's distance
from Guayacanes. Where the plants grow at some distance from
the village, as is the case in some other parts of the Domini-
can Republic, several days must be spent camping away from the
village in order to get a sufficient quantity for processing.
The plants, when located, are pried from the ground with a
crowbar called a croa. This tool is generally made of iron and
is similar to a carpenter's crowbar, with a slight beveling at
one end and a total length of approximately three feet. The
plants are loaded into large pack baskets that are strapped,
one on each side, to a burro. Around Guayacanes it takes one
person about two hours to fill both baskets on a burro with
plants.6 Each of these burro loads, of two baskets, is equal
to about 1 3/4 bushels of topped roots and is called a carga.
Several cargas are collected in a day and brought back to
the village in the afternoon. The tops are then cut off and
the roots are piled up in the yard.
The entire starch making process is the responsibility of
the women of each household. One woman alone may make the
starch, or, if there are several women in the family, it may be
prepared by two or three, each taking one phase of the process.
Generally, a large quantity of starch is made at one time, the
complete process taking from three days to a week or more.
PEELING AND GRATING OF ROOTS
The first step in making the starch is to peel the roots.
The general size range of these roots is 3" to 8" long and
2 1/2" to 6" in diameter, weighing from an estimated 1/4 to
1 1/4 pounds each. They are usually cylindrical in shape but
may be conical or irregular. An ordinary large knife is used
for peeling the rough tan-brown skin from the roots, exposing
the cream-white root. The parings are very thin and in small
pieces. No definite pattern in peeling was noted, although the
sides seem to be peeled first and then the tops. Work is done
steadily and rapidly. The period required to peel one root
ranges from 20 to 60 seconds, with the average time close to
40 seconds. Peeled roots are placed in a rectangular wooden
tray, with the larger roots cut into two (Fig. 2, B).
The roots are next ground to a moist pulp on a metal
grater (guayo) which is fastened to a large, thick paddle-like
backing of wood (palo de guayo). The wooden paddle, which
serves mainly as support for the grater, is carved of a soft,
light wood, generally almacigo (Bursera simaruba, called Gumbo
Limbo in Florida), habilla, or cedar. It ranges from about 2"
thick in the center to 1" at the outer edge, almost lens-shaped
in cross-section, and is approximately 8" in width. The total
length is about 15", including a small handle of about 3" at
one end. On the underside of the handle is a nail that hooks
over the rim of the large, carved wooden bowl (batea) in which
it is placed for use. This helps to steady the paddle while
grating. The grater itself is a piece of sheet metal, usually
iron, about 8" by 12" in size and curved to fit flush on the
paddle to which it is loosely fastened with bits of wire and/or
string. The grating surface is formed by piercing the metal
repeatedly with a nail, which results in a sharply roughened
"lemon-grater" surface on the reverse or working side. One ob-
served in use had a circular pattern grating area (Fig. 1, C).
In grating, the grater and support rest on the side and
bottom of a flat-bottomed wooden bowl, or batea, hollowed in an
ovoid shape from a single piece of wood. The one observed was
about 5" high on the sides, about 1" thick along the rim but
thicker toward the bottom, approximately 36" by 22" in length
and width. The bowl and grater are placed on a waist height
platform. That used in this case consisted of four forked
branches placed in a rectangle, two other branches as cross
supports fitting through the forks with boards placed across
them, thus forming a small rough table adjacent to a shed wall.
In the same village of Guayacanes several other types of plat-
forms were observed, such as a braced shelf against an outside
wall or a more sturdy platform apart from any wall support.
Bateas seem to be consistent in form, though variable in di-
mensions, and are used for other purposes in addition to starch
The grater is placed a little left of center in the batea,
and then the peeled roots are transferred a few at a. time from
their wooden tray to the right side of the batea for grating.
Strokes used in grating are long and rapid, back and forth,
over the length of the grater. The root is generally held in
the right hand and turned several times while grating it down.
The left hand steadies the grater and support near the top or
on the handle (Fig. 2, A). Occasionally both hands are used to
hold the root.
The freshly grated Zamia is cream colored at first but
gradually turns to a light reddish-yellow color. As the grated
material accumulates, it is pushed to the left of the grater;
and when the entire batea is filled the pulp is transferred to
a second batea that must be kept in the shade. If the pulp
were allowed to stand in the sun it would become "toasted" with
a hard, crust-like formation that cannot be used (Fig. 1, B).
Each root is grated until a small fragment of about 1/4" to
1/2" in thickness remains. This scrap is discarded, usually
on the ground behind the person grating. The time required to
grate each root ranges from 15 seconds for a very small root to
80 seconds, with the average about 40 seconds. When an entire
carga of roots has been grated, the grating is stopped and the
pulp is ready for washing.
whenever possible this next step is carried out within the
following day or two. However, if circumstances intervene the
pulp may have to be left for several days. During this period
fermentation will begin. This is purely accidental; it is not
deliberately induced and while not particularly desired is not
considered harmful (presumably if it does not progress too far).
Apparently the main regret of such an incident is the loss of
the resultant dried surface crust which has to be discarded.
WASHING THE PULP
This step involves washing the grated pulp to separate the
starch from the fiber and at the same time removing in solution
the poison of the Zamia. A large piece of burlap about 2 1/2'
squared is tied to four stakes, one at each corner, so that the
burlap is approximately 2 1/2' above a large batea set on the
ground between the stakes. This material serves as a sieve or
strainer. Pulp is dipped from its batea with a gourd vessel
and placed in the burlap. Another gourd vessel is rinsed in
fresh water, then filled with fresh water. This is next poured
over the pulp and, as it passes through, the emptied gourd is
held directly below the burlap to catch the liquid, the pulp
being strongly kneaded and pressed against the burlap to force
the liquid through (Fig. 3). The milky liquid thus collected
in the gourd is poured again through the pulp as before, but
this second time splashing into the large batea underneath.
For each gourd of pulp four gourds of fresh water are used and
pressed through twice. The fibrous pulp refuse remaining in
the burlap is put aside and later thrown to the pigs or
chickens for food. When all the pulp has been washed, the
liquid collected in the batea is left to stand for 24 hours to
allow the crude starch to settle.
The final refining process is begun by decanting the water
from the settled starch of the first washing. When the water
is poured off, a layer of starch about 1 1/2" thick remains in
the bottom of the tray (Fig. 4, A). A square of clean broad-
cloth, which serves as a finer sieve, replaces the burlap on
the stakes, tied with string, heavy cord, or palm fiber, and
a clean tray is placed underneath. Fresh water is added to the
starch remaining, after the primary decanting in the first tray,
i ...^ t
Figure 1. A, Zamia sp. plant; B, two day old grated Zamia
root; C, grater components, palo de guayo (left) and guayo; D,
dried ball of starch. These and the following photographs were
all made at Guayacanes.
and is thoroughly mixed with the starch before commencing the
refining process. This starch and water mixture is next dipped
with a gourd from the first tray and poured through the broad-
cloth to collect in the second tray (Fig. 4, B). While pouring
the mixture it is agitated in the cloth sieve with one hand.
The fine refuse pulp left behind is squeezed out well above the
cloth, and discarded (Fig. 4, C). After all of the mixture is
thus strained the cloth square is removed to be washed and put
away. Throughout all of the preparation each utensil is rinsed
thoroughly with clean water before being put into use.
The refined starch from the previous step settles quickly,
but the liquid is usually left standing in the tray until the
next day. A second, and final, decanting reveals fine white
starch accumulated on the bottom. After a small quantity of
fine pulp which passed through and settled on top, is removed,
the starch is scraped into a clean outspread burlap sack that
has been opened up at the seams. The burlap is gathered at the
four corners, tied, and suspended from a pyramidal frame of
three stakes. For several days, while it is suspended, it is
twisted and squeezed intermittently to remove all moisture
until the starch forms a hard ball about 16" in diameter (Fig.
This ball of starch is broken apart in the final, drying
phase of the process. Small pieces of starch are spread ou a
clean cloth in the sun for a day or two to dry completely. If
necessary, the hard starch ball can be stored in the burlap for
about a week. It tends to spoil, however, if kept much longer
without being broken apart, due to a small amount of moisture
still present. Once it has soured it cannot be used. Ap-
proximately 25 pounds of starch are derived from the single
carga of Zamia plants. The starch is made powder fine in
texture by breaking the small dried lumps.with the hand and/or
rolling with a round bottle or stick. It is then a clean white
extremely fine starch of high quality -- ready for its many
- 24 -
Figure 2. A, Grating the root;
Figure 3. First washing of the
B, peeling the root.
- 25 -
COMMENTS ON THE TECHNIQUE
Although our observations were based on a more or less
"posed" or arranged starch-making sequence, it seems to have
been fairly typical. The workers were quite at ease through
note taking and questioning, movie and still photography, and
comments from neighbors over the fence.
They worked swiftly and deftly with a minimum of wasted
motion, demonstrating their skill as competent practitioners of
their craft. Despite the simplicity of their surroundings,
tools and equipment were neatly kept, and they exhibited great
care in the cleanliness of their utensils.
Considering the organized efficiency of commerce and
industry in the Dominican Republic, it is surprising to see
that guayiga starch can compete in the modern market. Ve find,
however, that it is greatly in demand, commanding a price above
other starches (mainly manioc starch). At the present time
(1954) it is sold by the producer in Guayacanes for 10 cents a
pound. From there it is carried to the cities.
One of the most popular uses of guayiga starch is for
starching clothes. It is preferred over manioc starch because
it is thought not to wash out of clothing so easily in case a
sudden shower comes up while clothes are hanging out to dry.8
This is of course a very normal hazard in the tropics. While
detailed data are not available, it seems probable that much of
the guayiga starch sold in the. markets is used for this purpose.
In Guayacanes itself, and in varying degrees everywhere in
the republic, guayiga starch is used as a food. The following
recipes were collected at Guayacanes and nearby Juandolio.
Hojaldras. A sugar syrup is prepared, spiced with cinna-
mon and cloves. On a clean, smooth surface guayiga starch is
mixed with this syrup while adding shredded coconut and coconut
milk. (Coconut milk is obtained by adding a little water to
Figure 4. A, Starch settled out after
B and C, second washing.
the first washing;
freshly shredded coconut and squeezing it in a cloth or through
a sieve.) Some people add a little wheat flour to this mix-
ture. This dough is kneaded and then cut in the form of dia-
monds (lozenges) 3" to 4" long by 1/2" thick, or shaped into
small round rolls about 2" in diameter. These are then baked
like bread in an oven, or in an iron pot with fire above as
well as below it.9
Cholas or Bollos. A light paste is prepared, over a slow
fire, by mixing some guayiga starch with water. This warm
paste is poured over dry guayiga starch, mixed with shredded
coconut and salt, and the resulting dough is kneaded. It is
then shaped into elongated or round rolls and baked in an oven,
in hot ashes, or in an iron pot with fire below and on top (al-
ways with more fire on top than below).
AreDas. The dough is prepared as for the cholas or bollos
and is pressed into the bottom of an iron pot. It is baked in
this pot, with fire above and below. This gives the area the
form of a large biscuit, generally from 6" to 8" in diameter
and about 3/4" to 1 1/2" thick.
Majablanco. Guayiga starch is mixed with milk, coconut
milk, sugar, spices (cinnamon, cloves, nutmeg) and a pinch of
salt. It is then cooked into a gruel, like oatmeal.
Chichueca. The same dough as for the cholas is prepared.
This is then dropped by spoonsful into hot lard to fry.
The use of starchy roots is an old subsistence pattern in
the Antilles as well as in the Southeastern United States. Most
of the early Spanish narrators in the West Indies give detailed
accounts of Arawak Indian use of cassava meal derived from the
manioc root (Manihot esculenta Crantz = Manihot utilissima PohL)
as well as the use of other starchy roots.10 We also have ac-
counts of starch manufacture by the Indians in the Southeastern
United States dating back to the 16th century. Since the pro-
cesses, used on both similar and different roots in the two
areas, have a number of technique parallels they will be brief-
ANTILLEAN MANIOC USAGE
For the 16th century of Spanish occupation in Santo
Domingo and neighboring islands we have a number of descrip-
ions which can be generalized from Sturtevant (Ms.). Manioc
roots were peeled and grated and the resulting pulp squeezed in
a basketry container to express the poisonous constituent. The
pulp was then sifted to remove large pieces of root leaving a
meal of ground root fiber and starch. This was made into flat
cake and toasted on a griddle.
There are no accounts of the pulp being washed with water
on a sieve which retained the root fibers, allowing the starch
grains to pass through and eventually precipitate in a catch
basin forming pure starch.
On the other hand, the modern manioc manufacturing process
to produce starch (tapioca) washes the ground pulp and extracts
the starch in a settling basin. This process certainly is late
in the Greater Antilles, although its exact date of intro-
duction is uncertain. It may have been in the late 18th or
early 19th century.
ANTILLEAN ZAMIA USAGE
An early description of Arawak Zamia preparation (Las
Casas in Sturtevant, Ms.), on Hispanola, details the grating of
the roots on "rocks like rasps." Prepared balls of the meal
were then left to ferment up to three days producing as a
by-product a multitude of worms. Finally the balls, worms and
all, were flattened and fried. Another later (1782) account
from Puerto Rico (Abbad in Sturtevant, Ms.) is closely similar.
Presumably the fermentation destroys the lethal component of
By the 1850's, though, we have a description of Zamia
starch preparation in Puerto Rico similar to the manufacture we
have recently observed in the Dominican Republic (Grosourdy in
It appears then, that the present manufacturing technique
of Zamia starch in the Dominican Republic (and apparently else-
- 29 -
where in the Antilles) is a recent development and most likely
represents a borrowing of techniques from manioc starch making
SEMINOLE STARCH MAKING
Although there are early scattered references to the use
of roots by the aboriginal inhabitants of Florida, we only have
clear cut descriptions of starch extraction for the later
Seminoles. These are a group of tribes who moved south into
Florida about 1750. They utilized two starch-producing roots,
the red coontie or China Brier (Smilax sp.) and the white
coontie (Zamia sp.). In the earlier accounts, written while
the Seminoles were in the northern part of the state, China
Brier seems to have been the major starch source; later when
they moved south, Zamia seems to have been more commonly used.
This is undoubtedly, at least in part, a reflection of the
relative abundance of the two plants in those respective areas.
Roots of both seem to have been treated in the same manner
-- i.e., breaking down the root, washing out the starch through
a sieve, and allowing the starch to settle. The earliest
Florida accounts of Smilax starch manufacture, given by William
Bartram, probably date from observations made in 1774 (Bartram,
1940: 203-204; 1943: 169-170) and present a technique basically
as summarized above. However, we have Hariot's (1946: 248)
account of the same treatment of what is apparently Smilax
dating from late 16th century Virginia. We can assume, then,
that this starch extraction technique is old in the Southeast.
Throughout the early and middle 19th century we find
numerous accounts of Seminole starch manufacture from Smilax
similar to the description of Bartram. Most refer to pounding
the root, although Williams (1837: 79) says "they grate them or
bruize them in a large wooden mortar." It is not clear if he
is referring to "grate" as a synonym for crushing or as an al-
The first of the modern Seminole scholars, Clay MacCauley
(1887: 513-516 describes the Zamia starch extraction process
in detail and tells of pounding the root. Nevertheless, from
the year previous we have a clear cut statement noting the
process was to "grate the root" (Sturtevant, 1956). We have
another lacuna in data until well into the 20th century when
we now see the Zamia process usually if not always involving
the grating of the root.
In summary, from the late 16th century to modern times we
have in the Southeastern United States a tradition of separat-
ing starch from the roots of the Smilax and later Zamia. The
process always involves extraction by washing the pulped root
through a sieve and settling out the starch grains carried
through. Not until the 19th century do we have any other
method used than crushing the roots. Then we have scattered
references to the Seminoles grating roots, and finally by the
end of the century grating becomes the normal Seminole patterns1
The introduction of root grating possibly goes back to the
British period in Florida (1763-1783). If manioc had not been
introduced earlier by the Spanish, it is not at all improbable
that the British introduced manioc from the West Indies as a
cheap slave food12 and with it metal grater which could have
been observed by the Seminoles on visits to plantations; or
alternatively, they may have been introduced from plantations
by Negroes to the Seminoles. Gradually, as sheet metal became
available, graters moved into regular use.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
We have presented a detailed description of the contempo-
rary manufacture of starch from the root of the cycad, Zamia
media, Jacq., in a small village in the Dominican Republic.
The similarity in technique to the manufacture of starch from
the same plant by the Florida Seminole Indians has been noted,
as well as the early historic (and obvious prehistoric) utili-
zation of the plant by the now extinct Arawak Indians of Santo
Although the history and technique of Zamia utilization
are now being covered in an extensive monograph by Dr. William
C. Sturtevant, it is not amiss for us to consider briefly one
implication of our report. This is the question of historic
relationship between Zamia starch-making in the Dominican
Republic and among the Florida Seminoles, in view of the almost
identical parallels in technique. Hale G. Smith (1951) has
even postulated the introduction of the Zamia plant and its
starch-making techniques from the Antilles to Florida in pre-
Both modern peoples pare the roots, shred them on a punch-
ed metal grater, wash the pulp through at least one sieve (or
more), allow the starch to settle, decant off the liquid and
dry the remaining starch.
It is the belief of the present writers that the re-
semblances between Zamia starch making among the Florida
Seminoles and the country folk of the Dominican Republic have
no direct historical meaning. The parallel similarities are the
result of a convergent process stemming from different sources.
We have shown that the modern method of Zamia starch-
making in the Dominican Republic is a development out of the
modern manioc starch process, which in turn is different from
both the manioc and Zamia aboriginal starch utilization
patterns. The grating of roots to produce an edible meal is
old in Antillean Zamia starch production, but the removal of
the pulp to yield a pure starch is a modern addition derived
from later manioc starch techniques which came into the Greater
Antilles, apparently from South America, in historic times
On the other hand, the Florida Seminoles practice of siev-
ing and settling the starch from macerated Zamia roots, stems
from a long Southeastern tradition of similar starch extraction.
However the use of a grater is new, probably not before the
late 18th century, most likely later. In any case it was never
universal until relatively recent times.
Therefore, it appears that the techniques of macerating
the roots and treating the pulp of these starchy roots had
completely independent histories among the Seminoles and the
country people of Santo Domingo. Moreover, they did not exhibit
the present close parallels until relatively modern times.
Summing up the present picture of starch making in the
Dominican Republic, we see a folk culture product which manages
to survive, apparently for two basic reasons -- 1. the demand
for this particular starch for its unique quality; and 2. the
processing of this starch by its makers as an economic balance
to certain disadvantages of their immediate physical environ-
ment. Despite the simplicity of the equipment a fine high
quality product is produced which competes on the modern market.
Our primary appreciation is to those citizens of the
Dominican Republic, the starch makers of Guayacanes, whose co-
operation made this study possible. The junior authors are
especially grateful to Emil De Boyrie Hoya for the opportunity
to participate with him in this study.
The authors owe much to Dr. William C. Sturtevant for the
use of his unpublished material on Zamia and other root food
plants, as well as his many useful suggestions concerning this
manuscript. The taxonomy used here is that suggested by Dr.
Taylor R. Alexander, Department of Botany, University of Miami.
We are especially appreciative of the contribution made by
Drs. Later and Fox towards an understanding of the poisonous
content of Zamia. Their findings resolve one of the funda-
mental legends concerning the plant.
The major observations recorded here were made on January
31, 1954. Shortly previous to this time De. Boyrie visited the
starch makers, telling of our interest and obtaining their co-
operation. Therefore, on our arrival they had ready a quantity
of unpeeled Zamia roots so we could observe peeling, grating,
and the first stage of washing. In addition they had the day
before prepared and washed out another carga of roots so we
could observe the second stage of washing, and had on hand as
well, for out examination whole plants, a dried ball of starch
still in the burlap, and the finished powdered product. We
feel that we were thus able in one day to rather faithfully
observe a process which would normally have encompassed several
Field work was divided among the authors. Marguerite
Krestensen recorded notes on the procedure; De Boyrie took
black and white and movie photographs and translated when
necessary; while Goggin took Kodachrome photos, acted as timer
in the various processes and served as general handyman to the
other workers as needed.
Subsequently, to recheck data on modern uses, De Boyrie
returned to Guayacanes and Juandolio on March 24, 1954.
The section "Modern Preparation" was written by Krestensen,
while De Boyrie prepared "Modern Uses." Goggin contributed the
introductory section and "Historical Background" and served as
general editor. All authors added comments and additions to
the assembled manuscript.
In order to resolve the question of hydrocyanic acid in
Zamia roots a series of specimens were collected and delivered
for analysis to Dr. W. M. Later, College of Pharmacy, Uni-
versity of Florida. These included roots of Zamia intergrifolia
Ait. collected at Coconut Grove, Dade County, Florida, and
Zamia pumila L. collected at Hughes Island (near Shired Island),
Dixie County, Florida.
The analysis has indicated (by action on animals) the
presence of a soluble poisonous compound, probably a glycoside.
It is definitely not hydrocyanic acid. The following progress
report has been received:
We have exhaustively examined the roots of both
Zamia pumila and Z. integrifolia for cyanogenic
glycosides which yield hydrocyanic acid on hydrolysis
and have been unable to detect the presence of this
type of glycoside in either species.
The ground Zamia roots were hydrolyzed with
strong acids (sulfuric, hydrochloric or trichloro-
acetic) for periods to 36 hours. The material was
steam distilled or recovered by washing the system
with a stream of air for 36 hours, with the apparatus
arranged to trap the released hydrocyanic acid in
10/N sodium hydroxide. The distillate gave a negative
benzidine-copper acetate test and prussian blue test,
and when an aliquot was titrated with silver nitrate
by the Leibig method no cyanides were recovered, even
though we have been able to recover 95 to 103% of
known quantities of cyanides from biological materi-
als by this latter method.
- 35 -
The plant material was also treated by the
standard phytochemical procedures for traces of
cyanogenic glycosides according to Rosenthaler's
method, as well as for larger quantities of these
glycosides by the Green method using Guignard's
reagent. In both cases complete absence of HCN was
Further studies on the toxic ingredients are
Sgd.) W. M. Lauter
I. M. Later, Prof. of Pharm. uhem.
(SYd.) Lauretta E. Fox
Lauretta i. lox, Assoc. rrof. of
Pharmacognosy and Pharmacology
(Sgd.) Howard Mossberg
Howard Mossberg, Graduate Assistant
(Sgd.) John Keating
John Keating, irauate Stuaent
- 36 -
1. Subsequent to the first draft of this paper, root
preparation and grating were observed by William C. Sturtevant
and Goggin on the Big Cypress Seminole Reservation, in Feb-
2. This was carried out by the senior author in his
capacity as Director of the Instituto Dominicano de Investi-
gaciones Antropologicas de la Universidad de Santo Domingo and
by the junior authors as a side project of an archeological pro-
gram sponsored by the Graduate School of the University of
Florida. See the Appendix A for field and editorial procedure
3. It has been generally believed that the toxic agent in
Zamia was hydrocyanic acid (Smith, 1951: 238), yet nowhere in
the literature is there a positive statement based on analysis,
nor on the other hand a negative statement on the same basis.
In an effort to resolve this situation Zamia sp. root samples
were submitted to Drs. W. M. Lauter and Lauretta E. Fox.
Their studies show a complete absence of hydrocyanic acid
A report on their analysis is found in Appendix B.
4. The name of this community has no connection with
guayiga, but is apparently derived from guayacan, the lignumvi-
tae tree (Guaiacum officinale L.).
5. This contemporary name for Zamia starch is directly
derived from the Arawak name for the plant.
6. These and the following quantitative data represent
actual measuring or estimating in our observation of this
7. Dr. W. M. Lauter (personal communication) reports
these starch grains to more closely resemble rye starch than
8. South Florida pioneers considered this "the stiffest
starch" for laundry purposes (Burkhardt, 1952: 52).
9. What is called in the United States a "Dutch oven."
10. William C. Sturtevant (Ms.) has underway a detailed
study of Zamia and other root plants in the Antilles and South-
eastern United States. Therefore we will present only a min-
imum of background data leaving this field to Dr. Sturtevant's
exhaustive botanical, linguistic, historical, and ethnographic
11. Neill (1954) depicts graters although he was unaware
of the major use in starch making.
12. Sweet manioc is still grown in some Florida rural
areas (Goggin, 1951: 53), and even the planting of it on a
modern commercial scale has been considered (Moscrip, 1941).
13. In rebuttal Theodor Just (1952) cites an extensive
paleobotanical record for the presence of cycads, and Zamia sp.
in particular, in North America.
- 38 -
1940. The Travels of William Bartram. New York.
1943. Travels in Georgia and Florida, 1773-74. A Report
to Dr. John Fothergill. Transactions, American
Philosophical Society, n.s., Vol. 33, pt. 2.
Burkhardt, Mrs. Henry J.
1952. Starch Making: A Pioneer Florida Industry.
Tequesta, no. 12, pp. 47-53. Miami.
Gearhart, Ernest J.
1952. South Florida's First Industry. Tequesta, no. 12,
pp. 55-57. Miami.
Goggin, John M.
1951. Archeological Notes on Lower Fisheating Creek,
The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 4, nos. 3-4, pp.
1946. A Brief and True Report of the New Found
Virginia. In The New World edited by
Lorant, pp. 227-277. New York.
1952. The Paleobotanical Record of Zamia.
Anthropologist, vol, 54. no. 1,
1887. The Seminole Indians of
American Ethnology, Annual
469-531. Washington, D. C.
no. 5, pp.
1940. Possibilities for Cassava Growing in Florida.
State of Florida, Department of Agriculture, n.s.
Bull. 104. Tallahassee.
- 39 -
Neill, Wilfred T.
1954. Graters of the Mikasuki Seminole. The Florida
Anthropologist, vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 74-75.
Smith, Hale G.
1951. The Ethnological and Archeological Significance of
Zamia. American Anthropologist, vol. 53, no. 2,
pp. 238-244. Menasha, Wisc.
Sturtevant, William C.
1956. R. H. Pratt's Report on the Seminole in 1879.
The Florida Anthropologist, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 1-
Ms. Kunti and Some.Root Foods of the Antilles and the
Southeastern United States. Manuscript in pro-
Williams, John Lee
1837. The Territory of Florida. New York.
- 40 -
SOME COMMENTS ON THE SEMINOLE IN 1818
Edited by John W. Griffin
Early accounts of Seminole culture are extremely rare,
and it is therefore of interest to make available some comments
of an anonymous Englishman who was in East Florida in 1817 and
1818. The following extracts are from a fascinating but little
known book, published in 1819.1 Editing has consisted primarily
of omitting digressions of the author, and in supplying a few
notes. The reader will note the point at which observations
cease to be first-hand and begin to derive from "a gentleman of
province, long acquainted with the habits and peculiarities of
this intractable race".
(164) Oh my former visit to St. Augustine, I had been dis-
appointed in my desire to see some of the aborigines of this
part of the Continent of North America. This curiosity was now
gratified; about thirty of the hunting warriors of the Seminoles,
with their squaws, had arrived, for the purpose of selling the
produce of the chace, consisting of bear, deer, tiger, and
other skins, bears' grease, and other trifling articles. This
savage race, once the lords of the ascendant, are the most form-
idable border enimies of the United States; existing, like all
other North American Indian tribes, upon the produce of the
chace, despising the more limited, though not less independent
pursuits of agriculture.2 This party had arrived after a range
of six months for the purposes of sale, and barter. After
trafficking for their commodities, they were seen at various
parts of the town, seated upon their haunches, like monkeys,
passing round their bottles of aqua dented, (the rum of Cuba)
their repeated draughts upon which, soon exhausted their con-
tents; they then slept off the effects of intoxication under
the walls, exposed to the influence of the sun. Their appear-
ance was extremely (165) wretched, their skins of a dark, dirty,
chocolate colour, with long, strait, black hair, over which
they had spread a quantity of bears' grease. In their ears,
and the cartilages of the nose, were inserted, rings of silver
and brass, with pendants of various shapes,3 their features
prominent and harsh, and their eyes, had a vild, and ferocious
expression. As I approached, their regards were those of re-
sentment, but those feelings were dissipated on a closer exam-
ination, I had been mistaken for an American, an object of
their natural antipathy;....4
(166) A torn blanket, or an ill-fashioned dirty linen
jacket, is the general costume of those Indians, a triangular
piece of cloth, passes round the loins, and between their legs;
the women vary in their apparel, by merely wearing short petti-
coats, the original colours of which were not distinguishable,
from the various incrustations of dirt. Some of the young
squaws, were tolerably agreeable, and if well washed and dress-
ed, would not have been uninteresting; but the elder squaws,
wore the air of misery and debasement. They are, as in other
uncivilised communities, the beasts of burthen... A gentleman
of the province, long acquainted with the habits and peculiar-
ities of this intractable race, gave me some interesting anec-
dotes respecting them.
The Seminoles, as it has been already observed, like the
other nations of North American Indians, depend principally
upon their hunting excursions, (167) for the restraints of civ-
ilised life, are to them intolerable; some, however, possess
extensive herds of cattle; and negroes, to whom the culture of
rice, Indian corn, and potatoes, is confided; with these cattle
they occasionally trade with the graziers, and planters of
Florida, and those on the confines of Georgia. Their towns, or
wigwams, are built of pine logs, rudely shaped, with little
attention to cleanliness, and none to comfort. In the center
of their wigwams, they form a square, on the sides of which are
buildings occupied by the chief and warriors, and one house is
appointed to the rights of hospitality. Before a stranger com-
municates the object of his visit, he must partake of their
liberality, and there arises a spirit of emulation to minister
to his necessities; from every hut, its occupier sends to the
stranger, something to allay his hunger, or assuage his thirst.
When this repast is finished, the chief demands the motive of
his visit; if it be required satisfaction for the injuries of
an individual, summary punishment is inflicted in the open
square, and on the instant. Such is their peculiar sense of
honour, that a culprit never denies the charges made against
him, if true; but the experiment of making a false accusation,
would be attended with fatal consequences, to the person who
(168) should have the malevolence, to hazard the attempt. The
accuser is then asked if he is satisfied with the extent of the
punishment, and is dismissed with presents. They despise the
delays and formalities with which civilised communities have
disgraced, and disguised the administration of justice; avering
that the prompt revenge of injuries, and the certainty of
punishment, operates as a check to the commission of crime.
They have no fixed ideas of the form and attributes of the
deity, they believe in the existence of a great spirit, to
whose approbation or anger, they ascribe the success or failure
of their schemes, but have no defined mode of adoration. The
sun and moon are also objects of veneration, as the sources
from which they derive the benefits of light and heat, and
therefore entitled to their respect.
Their government is a species of oligarchy, composed of
the council of chiefs and warriors, to whom is confided the
direction of their interests, both in war and peace; and as
courage among savage tribes, is considered the highest and most
important species of virtue, the possessors are sure to obtain
respect, for their opinions and advice.
The laws of marriage are relaxed, poligamy being permitted
to their chiefs, and they are restricted to the number of three
wives. These reside in three (169) distinct huts, opposite the
dwelling of the chief, to each of which there is but one way of
egress, and the methods they adopt to protect their honour, and
detect their infidelity, might furnish an amusing experiment,
and useful hint, to European husbands. The doors of the huts
being in front of the buildings, and opposite to the residence
of the chief, they have but few opportunities during the day,
of eluding his vigilance, but the night, friendly to lovers'
intrigues and disguise, requires more certain methods of pre-
caution; to effect these, the fronts of the huts, occupied by
the less fortunate pair of wives, being inclosures of light
sand, are swept parallel with the houses at night fall; if the
print of a foot, either in egress or ingress, is discovered in
the morning, the unfortunate woman is subjected to the penalties
of adultery; a crime visited by them with exemplary punishment;
for the first offence they cut off the ears of both parties,
for the second, the loss of part, and a slit through the re-
mainder of the nose, compensates; but the third procures a
further disfiguration; they are then consigned to their unfor-
tunate paramours, permitted after these penalties, to indulge
uninterruptedly their guilty passions. This punishment is by
no means the peculiar privilege of their chieftains, but ex-
tends to the meanest of the tribe; yet notwith (170) standing a
punishment so severe awaits their criminality, such is the pro-
pensity of mankind to this crime against society, that I saw
several, who bore evidence of their turpitude, and detection.5
They look with contempt upon the whites, as beings of an
inferior order, but the negroes are still lower in their esti-
mation; the scalp of the latter is no more desirable than that
of a dog, while the brutus fronts of our pericraniums, exalt
the young Indian to the council of the nation, and enable him
to assume the distinctive dress of its warriors.
They are habituated in early life, to view unmoved every
thing connected with our manners and our habits; this was
strikingly illustrated in the conduct of two young Indians, one
about nine, and the other fourteen years of age; the latter
held in his hand a tube, through which he blew, with consider-
able adroitness, a small arrow;6 my friend offered him a piece
of money to shoot a bird, he essayed, and missed his object,
turning round he replaced the money, refusing, as he had not
completed his part of the contract, to receive the purchase,
and it was ohly upon condition that my friend should take the
tube and try himself, that he could be prevailed upon the ac-
cept it. My friend having placed his hat upon the ground, as a
mark, ledged an arrow in the crown; (171) this produced the
strongest evidence of gratification, in the little fellow, who
jumped about with the most extravagant expressions of joy, at
the supposed misfortune, while the elder remained unmoved, not
a single muscle relaxed the wonted gravity of his face, but he
looked with an eye of anger and rebuke upon his joyous brother,
who would not restrain the expression of his feelings.
Revenge is considered an imperative obligation, neither
time, nor distance, lessens their appetite for its indulgence;
whether by accident or intention, one of a tribe is killed, it
becomes the duty of his nearest relative to revenge his fall
upon the homicide,7 and in rotation the task of vengeance de-
scends to the remotest degree of consanguinity. For this pur-
pose the Seminole Indian will encounter hunger, thirst, the
burning heat of summer, and the chilling frosts of winter,
neither distance, nor difficulty, detains him from his object,
nor lessens his thirst for vengeance; indefatigable in the
pursuit, they have been known to traverse the most distant
regions of their continent, in search of the homicide, who,
aware of the unremittee pursuit, either meets his adversary
resigned to his fate, or adds another victim to his criminality
(174) The Seminole savages have a vague idea of the cre-
ation of man: they believe that he was originally formed from
the clay, that the Great Spirit submitted his creation to the
influence of fire, but that his ignorance of the degree of heat,
necessary to give consistence, caused the first batch to be
over baked, black and crusty: these were the aborigines of
the negro race. Again, the Creator essayed, but endeavouring
to avoid the error of the former attempt, he plunged into
another, that of applying too little fuel, they were in con-
sequence but half baked, of a pale ash colour, these were our
first parents: but in the third and last effort, the great
master, created perfect models, both in shape and colour, pro-
ducing to the world the founders of the Indian tribes.9 Such
is their traditional tale of the creation, certainly entitled
to as much respect as our belief, that Eve was formed from the
rib of Adam. (175)
The frequent incursions of the Georgia back-woodmen, in
the Floridas, to steal cattle, and negroes, from the Indians,
obliges them to keep scouts constantly on the alert, to detect
and punish the maurauders; these are generally the young men,
who have not obtained the rank of warriors. The avidity with
which they hunt after the scalps of the predatory Americans,
often betrays them to the power of those free booters, who,
equally expert as themselves, to the wood warfare, and not
less savage in character; devote to slaughter the Indian, with
as little compunction, as they feel in the destruction of the
wild animals of the forest.
On the eve of battle, the Seminole warriors paint their
bodies in the most fantastic manner, with vermilion and ochre,
in order to terrify and discourage their enemies.
When the hunters bring to town the produce of the chace,
they come in small parties of from twenty to forty; the major
part of the women are left at some distance, to protect the
cattle, as well as to preserve them from the violation of the
whites. After completing their sales and barter, they return
with the latter to their encampment, the principal (176) part
of which is rum or whiskey; one cask is set apart for the women.
The following day is devoted to the enjoyment of the men; this
is passed in excessive intoxication, and they generally exhaust
the whole of their purchase, the produce of many months in-
defatigable labour in the chace, excepting the women's share,
which they religiously preserve. The want of nourishment, for
they seldom think of eating, during this debauch, produces the
most destructive inebrity, and they frequently become the
victims of this vice. On the following day, the orgies of the
women commence, and no interference, or intrusion is offered,
or permitted by the men; they show themselves no mean imitators
of their husbands, in this beastly indulgence, and their cask
of spirits, fails, from their repeated draught upon its con-
tents. The liquor, as usual, gives fluency to their tongues,
for even among savages, the daughters of Eve, claim the use of
the female weapon, and the vocabulary of Billingsgate would de-
rive considerable augmentation from their abusive phraseology.
The war of words usually terminates in blows, tearing of hair,
clothes, &c. and all the variety of attack and defence, a
broil in St. Gile's might furnish. All this time the men are
cool spectators of the animated scene before them; but on the
morrow, ill or well, (177) bruised, lame or blind, these un-
fortunate beings must endure the misery of their situations,
and follow, unrepining their obdurate husbands, unpitied and
I was very anxious to visit the Indian nation, to become
more intimately acquainted with their (178) habits; but the war
conducted by the American General Jackson, against them, render-
ed the attempt extremely hazardous, some of their straggling
parties might have mistaken me for an American, and without
waiting to ascertain the fact, I might have paid the forfeit of
their error, with existence.
Of the people of the United States, they have a most con-
temptible opinion, believing them incapable either of honour,
or honesty. Bowlegs, the principal chieftain of the Seminoles,
and Monakatapa, the second in command, are men of strong minds
and determined courage, yet shrewed, and suspicious. In a con-
ference with the governor of East Florida on the subject of
American spoliations, that gentleman assured them, that the
government of the United States, discountenanced the aggression,
and would observe with fidelity, their pledges to Spain, not to
molest them, or their property. Bowlegs, enraged by an assur-
ance, so oft repeated and dishonoured, by the executive and
people of the union, told the governor that he was a fool to
believe them; for himself, he would never trust an American be-
yond the range of his rifle.11
- 47 -
1. Narrative of a Voyage to the Spanish lain, in the Ship
"Two Friends;" the occupation of Amelia Island, by M'Gregor,
etc. Sketches of the Province of East Florida; and an-
ecdotes illustrative of the Habits and Manners of the
Indians: with an Appendix, containing a Detail of the Sem-
inole war, and the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister.
London: Printed for John Miller, Burlington Arcade, Pic-
cadilly. 1819. The narrator was in Florida at the time
of Aury's occupation of Amelia Island in 1818, which was
the year of Jackson's attack in West Florida. The informa-
tion in this paper is on pages 164-178, the appendix starts
on page 196.
2. He later qualifies this statement.
3. At a later date Mac Cauley (1887, p. 488) stated, "Ear
rings are not generally worn by the Seminole." he also
noted (p. 489), "They no longer pierce the lips or the
4. Here follows a digression on lip thickness as a character-
istic differentiating Europeans from Americans.
5. Swanton (1946, p.732) notes ear cropping as a punishment
for adultery among the Creek and Chickasaw.
6. This is a definite reference to a blowgun, adding the
Seninole to the list of Southeastern tribes known to have
used the device (Swanton, 1946, pp. 585-86).
7. Retaliation for murder is cited for the Creek (Swanton,
1946, p. 731, who also indicates that lack of intention
was not a valid excuse in many cases.
- 48 -
8. The narrator gives as an example the case of a Seminole
attached to a Loyalist Ranger regiment during the Revolu-
tion. This warrior accidently killed another Seminole, a
close friend, also with the regiment. Col. Brown, knowing
the custom, induced the young man not to return home. But
after 14 years he did return to his settlement, and was
shot to death by the uncle of the friend. The narrator
then discusses "just retribution" at length.
9. This is obviously a post-Conquest tale, presuming as it
does knowledge of the existence of the three major stocks
of mankind. I have seen essentially the same story recorded
from, I believe, Malaysia, but have been unable to locate
a reference in the limited comparative material available
10. The narrator speaks of the effects of alcohol on the
Indians in general and steps taken to keep it from them.
11. This section is concluded with bitter comments directed,
primarily, against Jackson, about whom he says, "The
passions of this man are of the most violent and barbarous
character, despising, under every circumstance, the forms,
and restraints of society, outraging decency on every
occasion." An Appendix of 132 pages deals with Jackson's
1818 campaign against the Seminole, and the trial and ex-
ecution of Arbuthnot and Armbrister.
- 49 -
TESTS I I II II II II
CERAMIC CATACOIES 0-9 9-16 0-12 12-24 24-35 35-i
W. I. Plait 13 1 1
W. I. Inc. 3 1
Carrabelle Inc. 1
Carrabelle Punc. 5
*Swift Crk Comp. St.. 4 1
#Wakulla 01. St. 10 10
Tucker Ridge Pin.
St. Petersburg 1 1
Smooth Plain 3 57 4 12 6 6
Resid. Plain 7 21 1 1 1
W. I. Pinched 1 7
W. I. Plain, red slip _
LEVEL TOTALS 22 113 7 14 9 15
PIT TOTALS I: 135 II: 60
TABLE I: Ceramic breakdown of material from controlled excavations.
.5 45-56 0-12
W. I. Plain
I W. I. Incised
W. I. Punctated
W. I. Pinched
*Swift Crk Comp. St.
*Crooked R. Comp. St.
#Wakulla Check St.
Ruskin Dentate St.
Tucker Ridge Pinched
Deptford Simple St.
Little Manatee Zon. St.
Unident (Pensacola ser.?)
TABLE II: Statistical presentation of surface ceramic collections.
*Weeden Island I markers
#Weeden Island II markers
a. op-e j o
$ S d M u d
INVESTIGATION OF A NORTHWEST FLORIDA GULF COAST SITE
Richard E. Adams
In the fall of 1955 the writer was stationed at Tyndall
Air Force Base near Panama City, Florida. Taking advantage of
free time and the proximity of an archaeological site mention-
ed in Gordon R. Willey's report on the Archaeology of the
Florida Gulf Coast (Willey,1949),he made a surface collection
and sank three test pits, the results of which form the sub-
ject of this paper.
Though no specific problem was in mind at the time of
the work, it will be seen that the problem of sub-phasing the
Weeden Island Period is the primary one touched by material
from the excavation.
The site is referred to in Willey's report as Davis Point
West or By-7. It was briefly visited by Willey and Woodbury
in 1940, and consists of a shell midden and a separate sand
mound. The sand mound was excavated by C. B. Moore in 1902
(Moore, 1902, pp. 176-182). The midden stretches approximate-
ly 200 yards along the shore of St. Andrews Bay and extends
inland for an average of 60 yards. The sand mound lies about
100 yards further inland from the northern end of the midden
(see map). The site has been much disturbed in recent years,
the top three to four feet of the midden apparently having
been stripped off at the time of the construction of Tyndall
Field in 1940. Thus the excavation assumed the character of a
salvage job. The central part of the midden being so highly
disturbed, the writer thought the best possibility of finding
an undisturbed portion would be on the edges. One test was
dug in the edge but proved to be rather disappointing in depth,
though the information gained from it was the most important
gleaned from the whole dig. Two other test pits were put into
the sand mound and an extensive and thorough surface collect-
ion was made from the entire site. Work ended at this time
with transfer of the investigator.
Excavation and Material Gained:
The test pits were five foot squares dug in levels aver-
aging eleven inches. Material from the pits was sifted through
a sand screen.
Test I: This pit was dug in the approximate center and
at the rear of the shell midden. The heaviest ceramic deposit
encountered was found in this test in the second and lowest
level, yielding 113 sherds from a 7 inch level. Sixteen inches
was the maximum depth of cultural material at this point and
in this depth did not vary much from the norm of twenty inches
established by tests across the midden. Pottery and one frag-
ment of a stone mano were found. Shell was found throughout
the excavation. The soil was black, humus-stained sand.
Test II: This pit was dug on the north side of the sand
mound and contained cultural material to a depth of 49 inches.
This was the first and deepest of two tests dug in the sand
mound. Pottery and shell obtained to virgin soil. The soil
was grey sand with charcoal flecks.
Test III: This pit was located on the east side of the
mound. The characteristic grey charcoal stained sand obtained
to the sterile level at 24 inches.
Note: In none of the excavations did detectable vertical
soil differences show up.
Discussion: Test pit I was the only one to yield a hint
of stratigraphy. It will be noted that the Weeden Island I
marker of Swift Creek Complicated Stamped appears in the lower
level mixed with the phase II marker of Wakulla Check Stamped.
This mixture disappears in the upper level with Wakulla Check-
ed Stamped still being present in quantity. In view of the
doubts expressed by W. H. Sears as to the validity of the
Weeden Island Period separation into two phases, this is a
tantalizing glance. In some of the original work, specifically,
at Fort Walton, a similar overlap showed up in the strati-
graphy (Willey, 1949, fig. 13). Thus this overlap of the com-
plicated and checked stamped pottery in the lower level and
the exclusion of complicated stamped in the upper level, seems
- 52 -
to corroborate Willey's original scheme for the NW. coast at
least. This problem is discussed more at length in the con-
The typological and statistical breakdowns of pottery
from the excavations are given in Table I.
James A. Ford's excellent study of the Viru Valley (1949)
makes clear the value of thorough surface collections as clues
to many archaeological problems. Two indispensable prerequi-
sites to clear understanding of such collections, he points
out, are that the ceramic chronology be fully understood by
means of conventional stratigraphic studies, and that the col-
lections be unselectively gathered. Ford mentions that, after
these prerequisites had been met at Viru, it was a fairly re-
liable chance that in a surface collection of over 100 sherds,
any type in a strength of over five percent would appear (1949,
Though it cannot be argued by any means that sound
stratigraphy has been established at By-7 by our excavations,
fortunately the job has already been done by work at other
sites in the area. The surface collections were carefully and
thoroughly made; a definite effort being made to pick up all
sherds in each section of the site. This resulted in a col-
lection of 384 sherds, the typological analysis of which is
given in Table II.
Discussion: The salient feature of the statistics pre-
sented in Tables I and II is that the midden is unequivocally
Weeden Island II in date according to the use of the ceramic
marker of Wakulla Check Stamped. The Weeden Island I markers
total 2% of the surface collection while the Weeden Island II
markers constitute over 26% of the total. The small amount of
Swift Creek Complicated Stamped does not indicate an occupat-
ion much earlier than early Weeden Island II since the overlap
of the Complicated Stamped and Check Stamped wares has been
indicated stratigraphically at this site and demonstrated de-
finitely at others viz. the Sowell and Fort Walton sites
(Willey, 1949, pp. 231-2). The sand mound is dated as Weeden
Island II on the basis of the pocket of Wakulla Check Stamped
found in the initial test.
It will be noted that no Swift Creek-Santa Rosa. Period
types were encountered, although Willey and Woodbury found
some in 1940. A later occupation is tenuously suggested by
the presence of one sherd of the Pensacola series.
As noted in a preceding section, the use of Wakulla Check
Stamped as a ceramic marker for Weeden Island II has been
questioned by W. H. Sears. Since our excavation seems to bear
upon this problem it is discussed below.
On the basis of his work at the Sowell, Carabelle and
Fort Walton sites, Willey (1949) established the separation of
the Weeden Island period into an early and a late phase. The
former, Weeden Island I, is distinguished by the presence of
the late variety of Swift Creek Complicated Stamped and Weeden
Island II by its absence and the presence of Wakulla Check
Stamped. In these excavations were found a slight overlap of
complicated and checked stamped during the time when the
second phase was superseding the first. It is this transition-
al period that appears to be represented at By-7 by the lower
level of Test I, the upper level of the same pit representing
Weeden Island II with check stamp completely excluding compli-
cated stamp. This picture is valid for the portion of the
Northwest coast from St. Andrews Bay to Fort Walton at least.
At Kolomoki W. H. Sears (1951 a & b) limned the following
picture. There was a Weeden Island period with complicated
stamped followed by the Kolomoki period also characterized by
complicated stamped. Sears equates the Kolomoki period, tem-
porally, with Weeden Island II on the basis of certain Mature
Mississippian traits. Therefore he questions the use of check
stamped as a valid time marker of the second phase. Sears
(1952) has further questioned its validity in a review of the
report on the excavation of the Tierra Ceia site (cf. Bullen,
1951). In this review he points out that the statistics from
the pottery of the Prine mound indicate that, "Wakulla Check
Stamp is as important, or as unimportant, as the complicated
stamp at all levels. A picture of replacement of one by the
other, in terms of relative importance per level is not to be
found." (Sears, 1952, p. 78).
Thus there are three conflicting pictures presented by
excavations in these various areas. This writer does not pre-
tend to understand all the complexities or problems of South-
eastern archaeology and the following hypothesis should be re-
garded in this light.
The problem, essentially, is one of determining the
spread of Wakulla Check Stamp ware during a certain allotted
time. Certain assumptions must be made. One, that the check
stamped type of pottery originated in certain spot or area and
spread to its proven geographical extent during the Weeden Is-
land period. It would appear that this source was near the
Manatee region. Two, that complicated stamped ware was al-
ready popular through the Gulf Coast region, it having spread
during the previous Swift Creek period. Thus, since the check
stamp originates at or near the Manatee region, Terra Ceia man-
ifests a mixture of the two types of stamped pottery through-
out the Weeden Island period A coastwise diffusion took
place and evidently only reached the Northwest coast toward
the middle of the period at which time the new ware completely
replaced the old. Here diffusion evidently was halted. The
spread north was stopped or, at least limited, by such pos-
sible factors as warfare, political barriers or other unknown
difficulties. Check Stamped ware never reached Kolomoki.
Needless to say, much work has to be done in the North-
west coast area before such a hypothesis can be proven or re-
futed. In view of the rapid destruction of the archaeological
resources of the region in the past few years due to increased
building activity and military construction, a salvage program
could prove valuable.
- 55 -
Bullen, R. P.
1951. The Terra Ceia Site, Manatee County, Florida.
Anthro. Soc. Pub., No. 3. Gainesville.
A. and Gordon R. Willey
Surface Survey of the Viru Valley, Peru. Anthro.
Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist. New York.
Moore, Clarence B.
1902. Certain aboriginal remains
Florida coast, pt. 2. Jour.
Philadelphia, Vol. 12.
of the Northwest
Acad. Nat. Sci.
Sears, William H.
1952. Review of R. P. Bullen; The Terra Ceia Site,
Manatee County, Florida. In: Amer. Antiquity,
Vol. XVIII, No. 1. Salt Lake City.
1951a. Excavations at Kolomoki. Season 1-1948. U. Ga.
Ser. in Anthro., No. 2, U. Ga. Press. Athens.
1951b. Excavations at Kolomoki. Season 11-1950. U. Ga.
Ser. in Anthro., No. 3, U. Ga. Press. Athens.
Willey, Gordon R.
1949. Archaeology of the Florida Gulf Coast. Smith-
sonian Misc. Coll., Vol., 113. Washing, D. C.
United States Geological Survey
1931. Geological Map of the United States.
Washington, D. C.
- 56 -
ECEINT PUBLICATIONS. CONTINUEDX
1956. The: Seminole Indians of Florida. Department of the Int-
erior, Bureau of Indian Affairs. Branch of Education,
Sherman Institute Press, Riverside, Calif. $.15. Some
copies have overprinted on the cover. "Distributed by
Department of Agriculture, Nathan Mayo, Commissioner.
Ta labassee, Florida". Recent population figures that
are considerably less than the 1950 U.S. Census and
some good pictures. The issue is just about exhausted.
Bullen, Ripley P. & Adelaide K. Bullen.
1966. Excavation on Cape Haze Peninsula, Florida. Florida i :
State Museum, Contributions, Social Sciences no, I.,
Gainesville. An archeological survey and excavations at
eight sites in the Charlotte Harbor area. The sequence :
ras firoa Orpage Period to Leon-Jefferson, with the
final occupation represented by remains of either
the Spanish Indians. or Seminole of the early 1800',
Carter, Clarence Edwin (ed.)
1958. The Territorial Papers of the United States. Vol. 22 ,i
The Territory of Florida 1821-1824. Govt. Printing Off-
ice, lWashigton. $8.25. This is the first in the series
of theTerritorial Papers to be devoted to Florida, Co:isi
tains eany documents of prime importance for history adI
ethaohistory of Florida. An excellent job. .
1956. Seamnole Music. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of
American Ethnology, Bulletin 161. Washington. Already
in its second printing. Miss Densmore made four visits
to tjh FlErida Seminole during 1931,192,932,1933, and 194
during which she recorded more than 250 Cow Creek ad
Mikasuki songs. This monograph concerns only the three
earlier trips. The music is presented without any of
the vocal parts of the songs, but is nevertheless a
definite contribution to Seminole studies.
Vol. I Noveber 1967 Ns -
TMAc re ie mw '" MO Owl --- D. D. so
t ot On''the; Setin ofte Lari_:1 frton
Blzaleft' Plor Ida --- --- Wilfred T. Noil I 114
Mout nd Pendan frt Jupie ftn1t8etU
ato D ese Bisn a Bos1