Adelaide K. Bullen, Editor
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PROGRAM IN SPAIN, WILLIAM L. BRYANT ARCHAEOLOGICAL
FOUNDATION ............................ William J. Bryant 33
THE IDENTITY OF FLORIDA'S "SPANISH INDIANS" ...... Wilfred T. Neill 43
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE .................................. 59
Fig. 1. Roman Amphitheatre, Tarragona. The Romanesque church located on the
arena with the plinths and apse of the newly-discovered Visigothic church.
The Visigothic remains fit just inside the main aisle of the Romanesque
church. The plinths or foundation stones for the supporting pillars appear
half-hidden under the walls of the more modern building; and the semi-
-- ...-.. e.+ In rn rn.ink ctnn.& in the fnrearaund is where the aose stood.
PROGRAM IN SPAIN,
WILLIAM L, BRYANT ARCHAEOLOGICAL FOUNDATION
William J. Bryant, Trustee
While making a visit in Spain during 1933, I became interested in the
archaeological possibilities there. Not only was I interested in excavation
and preservation of monuments but also in developing an outside interest in
Spanish archaeology so that it may take its proper place in importance with
the archaeology of France, Italy, Greece, and other countries.
I think the American public in general is unaware of the rich field exist-
ing in Spanish archaeology in spite of there being nearly a hundred museums
throughout Spain and eleven chairs of archaeology in universities there. Little
publicity of activities seems to penetrate beyond the country itself although
excavations are going on at numerous sites at all times including one long-
term site quite like Pompeii.
The Spanish War and then World War II delayed my participation in Spanish
archaeology, but in 1946 I began to develop contacts which led to collaboration
with a number of people in this field. My initial interest was in the Romanesque
amphitheatre at Tarragona (Figs. 1 and 2), some sixty miles below Barcelona on
the coast. For many years Tarragona was capital of the largest Roman pro-
vince in Spain; thus it was embellished with elaborate and beautiful buildings
of the Imperial Period.
The city itself is built on a steep bluff three hundred feet above the
Mediterranean. Even today it is surrounded on three sides by the megalithic
walls upon which the Romans built their original walls in 217 B.C. These
walls were heightened during the Germanic invasions of Late Imperial times.
The amphitheatre nestled at the bottom of the hill beside the sea. When we
first saw it, it was completely obscured except for a few tiers of seats on the
side nearest the water.
Apparently the amphitheatre site had been occupied continuously from the
time of the expulsion of the Moors (the Reconquest), first by a Romanesque
church, which later became the nucleus for a monastery. At one time the
Templars owned the buildings. Eventually, in the nineteenth century, it be-
came a prison. It was finally abandoned only about fifty years ago and slowly
fell into ruins. A mountain of debris remained. Excavation was started in
1948 and still goes on today.
Underneath the Romanesque church we discovered the foundations of a
Visigothic church; and recently new walls have been uncovered beneath,
which may be an early Christian edifice (Fig. 3). To date, over four hundred
Roman coins have been found and much epigraphic material of real interest.
Disappointingly, the tiers of seats cut out of the living rock on the city side
had been quarried, but the podium with a three-foot-wide corridor around the
entire arena is intact. We can foresee several more years of archaeological
Also at Tarragona we have done some initial excavation at a large villa
called Altafulla, some six kilometers outside of town towards Barcelona. In
a fragmentary way we have also been exploring a site south of town called
La Ermita de la Pineda which may possibly be the site of the Greek trading
post of Callipolis. There are a number of Roman edifices buried in the old
town which should be explored, primarily the circus and forum.
We have an apartment where the agent for the Foundation, Sefior Jose
Guijarro, lives. Here we can also take care of visiting scholars and investi-
On the east coast of Spain there are about a dozen Greek settlements
identified by the classical authors which have never been located archae-
ologically. This winter we have begun a search for these sites.
As another part of our program, we have bought a small Roman theatre
(Fig. 4) on the island of Mallorca at the Roman town of Pollentia, now called
Alcudia. This site is located outside of town on a farm. Two years ago it
was cleaned and an access road built. Tourists can now visit the theatre,
and it is to be put into shape so that in the summer local plays can be given
there. A performance of Mallorcan dances (Fig. 5) in the summer of 1953 is
believed to be the first use of the theatre in nearly two thousand years. The
results of excavation at this site have been published in a current issue of the
Spanish journal Archivo Archeol6gico de Espagna.
We also bought a seignorial manor house in the town of Alcudia, which is
still surrounded by its ancient medieval walls. We are developing a center
there for Spanish-American archaeology. This house (Fig.6) is about three
hundred and fifty years old. We are restoring it to its former state and fur-
nishing it with local Mallorcan furniture of that period (Fig. 7).
Fig. 2. Roman amphitheatre at Tarragona. A speech on the significance of the work
being given at the site by Sr. Ventura, director of the excavation.
Fig. 3. Roman amphitheatre, Tarragona. Four different time elements show in this
picture: the first-century Roman podium (curved stonework in left foreground),
probable early Christian elements (stonework in right foreground), foundations
of a Visigothic church (sixth century), and the Romanesque church (twelfth
century). The Visigothic apse and plinths are those shown in Fig. 1; more of
the Romanesque columns are evident here (to right and left of the Visigothic
Fig. 4. The Roman theatre at Alcudia purchased and restored by the Bryant Foundation.
Fig. 5. Roman Theatre, Alcudia. A performance of Mallorcan native dances given
during the summer of 1953. Believed to be the first use of the theatre in
nearly two thousand years.
Fig. 6. The restored seignorial
manorhouse at Alcudia,
Mallorca. To serve as an
Fig. 7. The typical seventeenth-
century entrance hall of
the Center at Alcudia,
Fig. 8. Recovering a Roman amphora with the aid of an aqua-lung at Campos,
Its primary use is to act as a local museum for the numerous Roman arti-
facts that have been found in the region. We also intend to develop the col-
lections through excavation and purchase of material. We are developing a
source library in Spanish archaeology in anticipation of excavation work in
the area. We will have living quarters for scholars, students, and excavators,
as well as for a care-taking family.
It is here at the island of Mallorca that we did some submarine exploratory
work a year ago last fall. The Spanish navy loaned us a boat with a crew which
made it possible to cover about twenty miles of the coast. With the use of an
aqua-lung, we found numerous Roman amphorae (Fig. 8) and worked stone. Also
we believe we have found the former harbor of Alcudia at a place called Au
Canada, some distance from the present harbor. Through this submarine ex-
ploration we also believe we have identified the site of Palmeria, the first city
in Roman days, at a place called Campos.
This brief resume of our activities in Spain has tried to give you some
idea of the work that is going on there and the future potentialities and facili-
ties for research. It is of interest for Americans to consider the items of
Spanish culture which have come to the New World in the light of their far-
THE IDENTITY OF FLORIDA'S "SPANISH INDIANS"
Wilfred T. Neill
When Europeans first explored Florida, they found the southwestern por-
tion of the state occupied by a tribe now called Calusa. The Calusa persisted
in Florida until the latter Eighteenth or early Nineteenth Century, at which
time documents begin to mention "Spanish Indians" in the old Calusa country.
Swanton (1922, p. 344) assumed that the Spanish Indians were in fact a Calusa
remnant, and in this he has been followed by most subsequent authors. Recent-
ly, however, Sturtevant (1953) advanced a different view: that the Spanish
Indians probably were an independent band of Mikasuki Seminole. This con-
clusion was based largely upon the traditions of living Mikasuki, and Sturtevant
emphasized the need for further investigation. The present paper sites addi-
tional evidence that the Spanish Indians were Seminole and not Calusa.
Sturtevant remarked (1955, p. 43), "... no primary source known to the
present writer refers to them [i.e., the Spanish Indians] as Seminole." Histo-
rians may regard this as a flaw in Sturtevant's arguments. Actually, primary
sources, some of them important, do make such an identification.
Wiley Thompson, an honorary general, served as Indian agent from 1833
until his death at the hands of Osceola in 1835. Thompson was in communica-
tion with the President of the United States, the Secretary of War, the Superin-
tendent of Indian Affairs, etc., informing them almost daily of events in Florida.
Thompson was perhaps the best informed man of his time on Indian hostilities
in the state, and it is important to search his correspondence for references to
As early as 1833, six years before the Spanish Indians entered the war,
Thompson was aware of their existence. On January 1, 1834, he wrote a letter
to William P. Duval, governor of Florida, and stated, "I am informed there is a
settlement on an island not far southeast of Charlottes harbor, composed of
negroes, Indians, and Spaniards; a lawless, motley crew; and that there is a
similar settlement on the main, in the section of country connected with that
harbor, in relation to which I enclose you the affidavit of John Winslett"
Winslett's affidavit was dated December 21, 1833, and stated in part,
"John Winslet, a white man, citizen of the creek nation, west of the Mississippi,
but for some months past located in the Seminole nation ... makes the following
statement on oath. That having started in pursuit of three negroes ... and
having arrived in the neighborhood of Tampa Bay, he was there told that it
would not be safe to pursue them much farther without force; that a band of
desperadoes, runaways, murderers, and thieves (negroes and Indians, a majority
runaway slaves) are located on an island thought to be southeast from Char-
lottes Harbor, the island said to be about a mile in length. This information
he received from Indians and negroes who said they had seen the settlement ...
That the informants of said Winslett added, that there is another settlement of
lawless persons (Indians and absconded slaves) on a creek between Manatia
river and Charlotte's Harbor, some miles west of the latter ... He says that he
critically understands the Creek language, which is the language spoken in
this nation. That he carefully examined his informants, and did not misunder-
stand them" (Winslett, 1833).
In a letter dated June 4, 1832, from Elbert Herring to Major John Phagan,
this Winslett was described as being "attorney for the Creek nation"; he had
come to Florida in an effort to procure Negro slaves sheltered by the Seminole
and claimed by the Creek (Herring, 1832).
On January 19, 1835, Thompson wrote to Elbert Herring as follows: "In
my report to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Florida ... I adverted to
the existence of several unauthorized settlements of negroes, Indians, and
Spaniards (lawless bands) on the peninsula of Florida ... all the Indians, and
descendants of Indians in that region are properly Seminole Indians belonging
to this tribe ... They descended from the Seminoles, are connected with them by
consanguinity ... many of the negroes connected with those lawless bands are
runaway slaves ... there are [also] roving bands of the Seminole Indians, on and
about the Everglades ..." (Thompson, 1835a).
Well before the Spanish Indians entered the war, the government was con-
cerned with their legal status. Many of these Indians were employed at Spanish
fishing settlements in the vicinity of Charlotte Harbor (Dodd, 1947), and some
had intermarried with the Spanish. On January 10, 1835, Judge Augustus Steele
wrote from Tampa Bay asking Thompson for a clarification of the status of
these Spanish Indians. Steele observed, "... at all the fisheries along the coast
from Jupiter on the east, to Tampa on the west, there are a number of Indians
and half bloods who owe no allegiance to, andof whom none is claimed by, the
Seminoles, though descended from them (italics Neill's). They were born in the
different ranchos, or fishing places, mostly speak Spanish, and in some in-
stances have been baptised in Havana. They were Spanish fishermen under the
Spanish Government of Florida ... They are entirely identified by habit, occu-
pation, and intermarriage with people of another nation, of different pursuits
and modes of life, and incapable of supporting themselves by ordinary Indian
means ... two of those in Captain Buner's service are registered as seamen on a
vessel roll of equipage in the custom-house at Key West, and another is en-
rolled among my revenue crew, and is a first rate seaman, having followed the
sea from a boy" (Steele, 1835).
Augustus Steele was a county judge, a postmaster, and a deputy customs
inspector; he was an important figure in early Hillsborough County politics. It
is obvious that the West Coast fisheries were by no means isolated from the
main course of events in Florida. Had the Spanish Indians been non-Seminole,
Steele or his associates would surely have known and publicized the fact.
Evidently Steele was personally familiar with the Spanish Indians and anxious
to have them classified as non-Seminole; yet even he was forced to admit that
they were of Seminole descent.
Steele enclosed a letter from Captain William "Buner" to Thompson, dated
January 9, 1835; it read in part, "... At my rancho, or fishing place, I have ...
about ten Spaniards and twenty Spanish Indians, most of the latter have been
born and bred at the rancho, on the coast, speak the Spanish language, and have
never been in the country ten miles in their lives; their only mode of living is
by fishing with the different Spanish companies, from August until March; during
summer they cultivate some small spot of land in the neighborhood of their
working place ... there are many more at the other ranchos, say Caldees, Cayo,
Pelow, Ponte Rasa, and Eslava ... All my white Spaniards have Indian fami-
lies, and some of them have children and grandchildren. Many of the Spanish
Indians have wives from the [Seminole] nation. There are several Indians that
have been temporarily employed from the [interior] country during therunning
of the fish, and are now discharged ..." ("Buner," 1835).
William "Buner" is presumably an error for William Bunce. Bunce was
head of the Tampa Bay fisheries, 1835-1840; and, like Steele, he was an im-
portant figure in local politics. He was eventually accused by the prominent
Creek leader, Tustenuggee Emathla, of inciting the Indians to revolt. Bunce
supplied Major Francis Dade with the Negro guide, Luis Pacheco, who is
thought to have led Dade's command into a Seminole ambush (Dodd, 1947).
Clearly, we must not think of the Spanish Indian fisheries as having been
isolated, remote, or little known.
On March 31, 1835, Thompson replied to Steele as follows, "I had sub-
mitted to the War Department the question involving the citizenship of the
Indians employed in the ranchio, on the Gulf coast ... Those Indians who
are on the Gulf coast and about the Everglades, were as much bound to come
within the limits of the Indian reservation as the Indians who lived ... about
Tallahassee and Hick's old town ... That the Indians within the reservation
have not claimed those on the coast ... is no argument ... The people referred
to [i.e., the Spanish Indians] have sprung from, and are connected with, these
Indians [i.e., the reservation Seminole]. There is a constant intercourse be-
tween the Indians residing within and those without the Indian boundary. There
are Indians here [on the Seminole reservation] who have relatives there [at
Charlotte Harbor] ..." (Thompson, 1835b).
Other documents indicate that the Spanish Indians were of Seminole de-
scent. When in 1837 the Seminole were being rounded up for expulsion to
Oklahoma, some of the Spanish Indians were among those forced to emigrate.
An Arkansas newspaper described these emigrants as being "Spanish Indians
or Spaniards who have intermarried with the Seminoles" (Foreman, 1932, pp.
364-365; cited in Sturtevant, 1953, p. 43). In 1838 some of the Charlotte
Harbor fishermen protested the removal on the grounds that they were Spanish,
not Indian. They sent a petition to Joel Poinsett, Secretary of War; it bore 21
signatures, all of them Spanish names. Two of the petitioners complained that
their respective wives had been claimed by the Seminole chief, Holata Emathla,
who planned to take the women to Oklahoma (Covington, 1954). Evidently
these women were either Seminole or Seminole Negroes.
In 1839 the Spanish Indians remaining in Florida entered into the war
against the United States, under the leadership of a man whose name was
variously rendered as Chekika, Chakaikee, Chokika, etc. (Sturtevant adopts
the spelling "Chakaika," hereafter employed.) The entry of a new Indian
band into the fray naturally attracted attention, in Florida and elsewhere; and
there was considerable speculation as to the actual identity of Chakaika's
Spanish Indians. In 1839, the editor of the St. Augustine Herald stated that
"there was no such thing as 'Spanish Indians' in South Florida; that they
were 'Florida Indians' [i.e., Seminole] who did not go north to join in the
war, and entered it only when hostilities reached their section" (Davis, 1942,
An earlier reference, perhaps pertinent, is a comment by Gad Humphreys,
in a letter of March 2, 1825, to Secretary of War John C. Calhoun. According
to Humphreys, in 1825 Captain Isaac Clark found Seminole Indians at Char-
lotte Harbor; they were on their way to (or returning from?) Havana, which they
visited to secure rum and other commodities (Humphreys, 1825).
A letter from Augustus Steele to General Thomas S. Jesup (cited by Cov-
ington, 1954) helps to explain why the Seminole proper did not officially claim
kinship with the Spanish Indians as a group. By disavowing the Spanish In-
dians, the other Seminole avoided the legal necessity of sharing their annuities
There is some additional, roundabout evidence as to the identity of the
"Chakaika" is the only Spanish Indian personal name that has come down
to us. According to Sturtevant (1953, p. 59, footnote 35), a Mikasuki Seminole
who died a few years ago had the same name. (The Mikasuki pronunciation is
approximately "Chakaikee.") However, Sturtevant's Indian informants were
not in accord as to the meaning of the name, and our argument would be helped
by further evidence that "Chakaika" or "Chakaikee" is a Seminole appellation.
In June, 1835, five Seminoles from the Long Swamp settlement (near pres-
ent-day Belleview, Marion County) wandered off the Central Florida reservation
and killed a cow. Near Kanapaha (in Alachua County), they were joined by
three Seminoles from Big Swamp (Osceola's settlement near present-day Ocala).
A party of whites, one of whom claimed the cow, set upon the Indians, killing
one, wounding another, and whipping three. This episode is well known; it
helped to precipitate the Second Seminole War. The names of the Indians were
recorded; one of the Seminoles from Big Swamp was called Chokikee. There
never was any doubt but that all these Indians were Seminole. Most of their
names are in Muskogee, but it is not surprising that one of Osceola's men
should bear a Mikasuki name, for Osceola's adherents were largely Mikasuki.
(Most Seminoles are known to history by their war titles, always in Muskogee.
"Chokikee" is a personal name, not a war title.) Chokikee and the other
Seminoles were interviewed by Wiley Thompson, and their testimony published
(U. S. War Dept., 1836). It is not out of the question that this Chokikee was
the man who led the Spanish Indians in 1839, but it is more likely he was an-
other person of the same name.
According to Romans (1775, p. 291), in 1763 the last of the Calusa, con-
sisting of about eighty families, departed from Key Vaca and Key West for
Havana. Even so, there are apt to have been a few Calusa left in their old
haunts when the Seminole arrived. Thus it is of interest to search for Seminole
legends of contact with aboriginal Florida peoples. One such legend was told
to me by a Cow Creek Seminole, who had heard it from some old Indian.
My imformant related that there were Indians in the Everglades before the
Seminole. They were called ima':la. (The system of orthography used herein is
patterned after that of Sturtevant, presented in Tequesta, 1953, p. 66. A copy
of Sturtevant's system appears on the next page.) They were very big and
very ferocious. The ima:la fought the ko:ico:bt (Mikasuki name for the Florida
panther, perhaps in this instance meaning the Panther or "Tiger" Clan of the
Mikasuki). The ima:la were driven away and not seen again until after the
Seminole Wars, when a few of them returned and sought refuge with the Mika-
suki, who then received them in friendship.
WILLIAM C. STURTEVANT'S NOTE ON ORTHOGRAPHY
Tequesta, 1953, Number XIII, p. 66
The orthography used here for the transcription of Mikasuki Seminole is
one worked out by the author [Sturtevant]. The symbols have approximately
the following values:
p, b, t, f, h, m, n, 1, w, y nearly as in English
k as English "k" in "skin" or nearly as "g" in "again"
s nearly as English "sh" in "shin"
c nearly as English "ch" in "chin"
L voiceless "1", a sound not occurring in English, but remotely
resembling "thl" in "athlete" or "1" in a rapid pronunciation
i as "i" in English "pin" or "e" in "pen"
i: nearly as "ee" in English "feel"
o nearly as "o" in English "mote" or "u" in "put"
o: nearly as "o" in English "pole"
a as "o" in American English "pot"
a: as "a" in English "father"
~ over a vowel indicates nasalization, as in French "pain, on,"
Double consonants, such as -kk-, are about twice as long as
Accented syllables are louder than un-marked ones:
/ over a vowel indicates a high, level pitch of the voice;
^ indicates a high pitch falling to a low one;
unmarked syllables are usually lower in pitch than marked ones.
The name ima:la suggests Emola, an Indian town, supposedly Timucuan,
mentioned by Laudonniere (Swanton, 1922, p. 325). At any rate, the legend
gives an idea of what may have befallen the Florida aborigines who did not
flee to Havana: futile struggle against, and final amalgamation with, the
Seminole. It is, of course, possible that a few Calusa, and especially those
of the Muspa sub-tribe, united with the Seminole band that eventually became
known as the Spanish Indians.
We might also ask what became of the Spanish Indian remnant, following
Chakaika's death in 1840. The succeeding year, they attended the Green
Corn Dance of the Mikasuki Seminole (Sprague, 1848, pp. 349-350), and one of
their number served as guide for an expedition across the Everglades (Sprague,
1848, pp. 333-345, 349). Thereafter they disappear from history, unless the
remarks of John C. Gifford (1944) have to do with them. About 1904, Gifford
visited a well-nigh inaccessible Seminole village in the Everglades. He did
not give the precise location of this village, but his description strongly sug-
gests the now deserted Banana Camp on Shark River. Gifford (a botanist)
found these isolated Seminole growing taro, cassava, and an abundance of
bananas. He thought that these Indians somehow were not typical Seminole;
he suggested that they were perhaps a Calusa-Seminole mixture. He also
thought that they were in contact with the West Indies.
The Choctaw in Peninsular Florida
One other aspect of the problem remains to be discussed: the continued
reference, after the First Seminole War, to "Choctaw" in the old Calusa
country. In 1822, or thereabouts, a band of Choctaw resided at Charlotte
Harbor, according to John Bell (in Morse, 1822, p. 308). In 1847 there were
said to be four Choctaw warriors left in Florida (Sprague, 1848, p. 512; School-
craft, 1851, p. 522). The remarks in Morse and Schoolcraft led Swanton (1922,
pp.27-28) to suggest that these "Choctaw" actually were Calusa; while Sturte-
vant (1953, p. 56) indicated that they might have been Spanish Indians.
Vignoles (1823, p. 134) had previously explained that the Choctaw at
Charlotte Harbor were "the scattered remnants of those who in 1818 broke up
the Seminole settlements ..."; and Swanton (1922, p. 345) was told by an Okla-
homa Seminole that some Choctaw had been removed from Florida with the
Seminole. The statements of Vignoles and of Swanton's informant seem reason-
able; for about half of Andrew Jackson's men, sent against the Seminole in
1817-18, were Creek, Choctaw, and other Indians. On the other hand, there has
been no proof, to date, that Choctaw were actually settled in peninsular Flor-
ida during the early 1800's; Sturtevant's informants denied that the Choctaw
had ever lived in the state. Obviously, our argument would benefit by evidence
that actual Choctaw were settled in Florida after Jackson's raids.
As a matter of fact, Choctaw have resided continuously in peninsular
Florida since 1814, immediately after the series of raids (1812-14) which
devastated the earlier Seminole towns. There are about eighty-nine present-
day Florida Choctaw, mostly in Alachua, Bradford, Clay, Marion, and Putnam
counties. Their chief, Mr. Horace G. Ridaught, has entered suit against the
United States, claiming ownership of certain Florida lands given to his an-
cestors by Andrew Jackson.
Mr. Ridaught also has in press a book detailing the history of his band in
Florida. This particular band, under a chief named Chifubi, resided for a time
near Marianna, Jackson County; near Live Oak, Suwannee County; and at
scattered localities in the five counties mentioned previously. They also
operated as far south as Lake Monroe, Seminole County, but are not definitely
known to have lived at Charlotte Harbor.
However, there were other Choctaw bands who participated in the early
raids on the Seminole, and still more who fought with Jackson during the First
Seminole War; unfortunately, they had no chronicler as did Chifubi's people.
When the Seminole recovered from the smashing raids of 1817-18, the Choctaw,
Creek, and other Indians left behind by Jackson were, of course, in imminent
danger; indeed, on one occasion Chifubi's band was captured by the Seminole
and cruelly treated, according to Mr. Ridaught. It is not surprising that some
of the Choctaw should have fled to the comparative safety of the West Coast
fisheries, there to await cessation of hostilities before returning to land they
regarded as legally theirs.
The peninsular Choctaw will be discussed more fully in a later paper.
For the present, suffice it to say that the Charlotte Harbor "Choctaw" prob-
ably were just that, and not Calusa or Spanish Indians.
Some Linguistic Considerations
In 1814, 1820, and 1824, many Indians from "the coast of Tampa" visited
Havana (Morales Patiio, MS; Sturtevant, 1953, pp. 38-39). No doubt they were
some of the so-called Spanish Indians. The names of the visiting chiefs were
recorded but unfortunately were considerably distorted in the process, appar-
ently through miscopying of manuscript. Nevertheless, it is important to ex-
amine the names for linguistic evidence of the Indians' identity. Sturtevant
(1953, pp. 38-39, 68-70) pointed out that some of the names clearly are in Mus-
kogee (Creek), as would be expected if the chiefs had been Seminole. However,
for certain of the names Sturtevant could offer little or no explanation, the
puzzling ones being Callope, Uquisilisinifa, Opo-arico, and Yottaja-Arico.
"Callope" probably is a Muskogee name, for a Creek town of Callobe is
shown on the Purcell map (reproduced in Swanton, 1922, pl. 7); and Benjamin
Hawkins, writing in 1797, mentioned the Ca-le-be-hat-che ("hat-che" meaning
"river" in Muskogee) which received its name from this town (Hawkins, 1938,
pp. 28, 30). As for "Uquisilisinifa," Sturtevant thought "sinifa" might be a
miscopying of "heniha" but could suggest no interpretation of "Uquisili."
A very similar word appears in the literature as "Uquilisi"; it was the name
of a Creek clan and also a Creek personal name. It is now rendered "Okilisa"
and in combining formi "Okilis." Its meaning has been lost, even to the
Creek, but was thought by Albert Gatschet to have been an early attempt at
"English" (Swanton, 1928, pp. 106, 116, 122). "Opo-arico" is another trouble-
some name. The position of "arico," its capitalization in one place, and the
absence of "r" from the Muskogean languages, suggest a miscopying of "mico."
"Opo-mico" would be a fairly good rendering of a very common Creek title.
Turning to "Yottaja-Arico," one must remember that the Spanish "j" approxi-
mated an English "h"; before miscopying, the name may have been "Yolaja-
Mico," an acceptable Creek title (Yala:ha MikWko).
Summation of Pertinent Evidence
Until Sturtevant's recent paper (1953), the Spanish Indians were generally
considered a Calusa remnant. There has been no real evidence for such a
view, beyond the fact that the Spanish Indians succeeded the Calusa in the
Charlotte Harbor region. It seems desirable to enumerate, very briefly, the
contrary evidence presented in Sturtevant (1953) and the present paper evi-
dence which identifies the Indian element of the Spanish Indians as Seminole.
(1) Romans (1775, p. 291) stated that the last of the Calusa, about eighty
families, migrated to Havana in 1763. Some authors have thought that Romans'
statement was actually based on the Tekesta, largely on the grounds that there
were subsequent references to Calusa in Florida. However, most of these later
accounts deal with the Choctaw, the Spanish Indians, or the Caloosahatchee
town of the Seminole. Bartram's (1943, p. 171) information in 1774 from an old
Indian of North Florida, and Williams' (1837, pp. 25, 32-33, 36) remarks on the
Muspa, afford no real evidence that Romans was in error.
Romans not only stated that the last of the Calusa departed from Florida
in 1763 but also commented in a later paper that they had been "driven off
the continent" by the invading Seminole (MS. quoted in Forbes, 1821, p. 97).
Yet, in this later paper he mentioned employing a Spanish Indian guide in 1769.
Evidently Romans did not consider the Spanish Indians to be Calusa.
Morse (1822, pp. 308, 364), who was aware of Choctaw at Charlotte Har-
bor, stated that in 1822 the Calusa were "all extinct."
(2) Indians from the Tampa area, visiting Havana in 1814, 1819, and 1820,
bore names in Muskogee, as would be expected of the Seminole but not of the
Calusa (Morales Pati-o, MS.; Sturtevant, 1953, pp. 38-39, 68-70; and the pres-
(3) About three years before "Spanish Indians" were reported as such at
Charlotte Harbor, Seminole Indians were observed there (Humphreys, 1825).
(4) Wiley Thompson, Indian agent and an important authority, reported
that the Spanish Indians were an independent band of Seminole and that some
of the Seminole on the Central Florida reservation had kin among the Spanish
Indians (Thompson, 1835a, 1835b).
(5) Augustus Steele, a judge who lived in contact with the Spanish Indians,
admitted that they were of Seminole descent, even though he was anxious to
have them classified for legal purposes as non-Seminole (Steele, 1835).
(6) A St. Augustine newspaper editor stated that the Spanish Indians
were merely a band of Seminole who did not enter the war until it reached their
country (Davis, 1942, p. 54).
(7) The Spanish Indian chief, Chakaika, bore a Seminole name (Sturtevant,
1953, p. 59); and an Indian, almost surely of Chakaika's band, was called Mico,
a Seminole title (Sturtevant, 1953, p. 55).
(8) The Spanish Indian name for Yonge's River, below Cape Romano, is
in Muskogee, as would be the case with the Seminole but not with the Calusa
(Williams, 1837, p. 50; Sturtevant, 1953, p. 41).
(9) The present-day Seminole, who retain clear traditions of Chakaika and
his Spanish Indians, insist that these people were an independent band of Mika-
suki Seminole (Sturtevant, 1953, pp. 56-61).
(10) The Seminole also have traditions of encounters with Florida aborig-
ines who were not Spanish Indians (Sturtevant, 1953, pp. 56-57; and the present
(11) The Seminole chief, Hospetaka, and some of his band were among the
Spanish Indians who entered the war under Chakaika; Hospetaka is known to
have had a Spanish wife (Sprague, 1848, p. 99). Another Seminole, Holatooche,
lived among the Spanish Indians and was treated with "great distinction" (Spra-
gue, 1848, p. 98). On one occasion a Seminole leader, Holata Emathla, claimed
two Spanish Indian women as rightly being members of his band (Covington,
1954, p. 63).
(12) Some of the loot, secured by Chakaika's Spanish Indians during the
raid on Indian Key, was turned over to the Seminole chiefs in Big Cypress
Swamp (Sprague, 1848, p. 317; Sturtevant, 1953, p. 50).
(13) The Mikasuki Seminole buried the bodies of Chakaika and his men,
left hanging from trees by Col. W. S. Harney (Coe, 1898, p. 156; Sturtevant,
1953, p. 54).
(14) Shortly after Chakaika's death, the last of the Spanish Indians at-
tended the Green Corn Dance of the Mikasuki Seminole (Sprague, 1848, pp.
349-350; Sturtevant, 1953, p. 55). Even today, outsiders are hardly ever ad-
mitted to this ceremony.
(15) About 150 Spanish Indians, deported to Oklahoma, were described
by a contemporary source as being mixed-blood Spanish and Seminole (Fore-
man, 1932, pp. 364-365; Sturtevant, 1953, p. 43).
(16) Some Oklahoma Seminole claim Spanish ancestry (Krogman, 1935, p.
8; Sturtevant, 1953, p. 54).
(17) No primary source identifies the Spanish Indians as Calusa.
(18) Some Choctaw were settled in Florida during the early 1800's
(Ridaught, in press). Nineteenth Century references to Choctaw in the penin-
sula probably were not based on Calusa.
(19) The Charlotte Harbor fishing settlements were by no means isolated
from the main course of events in Florida (Cohen, 1836, p. 173; Boyd, 1951,
p. 22; Sturtevant, 1953, p. 40; also see Dodd, 1947, on Captain Bunce). The
Seminole descent of the Spainish Indians was well known at the time and is
Apparently, then, the Spanish Indians were a band of Mikasuki Seminole
who, settling about Charlotte Harbor, intermarried with Spanish fishermen and
to some extent departed from the customary Seminole way of life. Nevertheless,
when the fish were not running, they dwelt in palmetto-thatched huts, cultivated
corn, pumpkins, melons, and peas, gathered coontie, and ate fish and turtle
(McIntosh, 1824; Whitehead, 1831; Williams, 1837, pp. 25, 33, 294). They
maintained contact with Havana, from which they obtained coconuts, limes,
and oranges, and to which they sent certain produce of their own. They were
also in contact with other Seminole bands but did not enter the Seminole War
until it reached their country. They seemed well on the way toward forming a
hybrid culture of Hispanic, Indian, and perhaps Negro elements, until uprooted
by the war. Documentary sources, other than those listed in Dodd (1947),
Sturtevant (1953), and the present paper, are not apt to throw much additional
light on this interesting group; but it should be possible to locate and to ex-
plore archaeologically the main Spanish-Indian settlements, three of which are
placed rather definitely by McIntosh (1824).
1943. "Travels in Georgia and Florida, 1773-74; A Report to Dr. John
Fothergill," (Annotated by Francis Harper). Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society, N.S., Vol. 7, Part 2. Philadelphia.
Boyd, Mark F.
1951. "The Seminole War: Its Background and Onset." Florida Historical
Quarterly, Vol. 30, No. 1, pp. 3-115. Gainesville. (Reprinted with
title "Florida Aflame" by the Florida Board of Parks and Historical
1835. (Letter to Wiley Thompson, dated January 9, 1835) 24th U. S. Con-
gress, 1st Session (1836), House Document No. 271, pp. 83-84.
("Buner" is presumably a misprint for "Bunce.")
Coe, Charles H.
1898. Red Patriots: the Story of the Seminoles. Cincinnati.
Cohen, M. M.
1836. Notices of Florida and the Campaigns. Charleston.
Covington, James W.
1954. "A Petition from Some Latin-American Fishermen; 1838." Tequesta,
No. 14, pp. 61-68. Coral Gables.
Davis, T. Frederick
1942. Florida Events of History. (MS book in P. K. Yonge Library of
Florida History, Gainesville.)
1947. "Captain Bunce's Tampa Bay Fisheries, 1835-1840." Florida
Historical Quarterly, Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 246-256. St. Augustine.
Forbes, James G.
1821. Sketches, Historical and Topographical, of the Floridas; more
particularly of East Florida. New York.
1932. Indian Removal; the Emigration of the Five Civilized Tribes of
Indians. Norman, Oklahoma.
Gifford, John C.
1944. "Five Plants Essential to the Indians and Early Settlers of
Florida." Tequesta, No. 4, pp. 36-44. Coral Gables.
1938. "The Creek Country" in "Creek Indian History," pp. 19-83.
Reprinted from Georgia Historical Society Publications, Vol. 3,
Part 1. Americus.
1832. (Letter to John Phagan, dated June 4, 1832) 24th U. S. Congress,
1st Session (1836), House Document No. 271, pp. 19-20.
1825. (Letter to John C. Calhoun, dated March 2, 1825) Florida Semi-
noles, 1825, Office of Indian Affairs. National Archives.
Krogman, Wilton M.
1935. "The Physical Anthropology of the Seminole Indians of Oklahoma."
Comitato Italiano per lo Studio dei Problemi della Popolazione,
Serie 3, Vol. 2. Rome.
Morales Patino, Oswaldo
MS. Supervivencias Indigenas en Cuba. (Not seen; quoted in Sturte-
vant, 1953, pp. 38-39)
1822. A Report to the Secretary of War of the United States, on Indian
Affairs etc. New Haven.
McIntosh, James M.
1824. (Remarks in) Pensacola Gazette, October 16, 1824.
Ridaught, Horace G.
n.d. The Battle of the Florida Choctaw. In press.
1775. A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida. Vol. 1 (all
published). New York.
MS. (MS quoted in Forbes, 1821, p. 97).
Schoolcraft, Henry R.
1851. Historical and Statistical Information, respecting the History, Con-
dition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States etc.
Part 1. Philadelphis.
Sprague, John T.
1848. The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War etc.
1835. (Letter to Wiley Thompson, dated January 10, 1835) 24th U. S.
Congress, 1st Session (1836), House Document No. 271, p. 83.
Sturtevant, William C.
1953. "Chakaika and the 'Spanish Indians': Documentary Sources com-
pared with Seminole Tradition." Tequesta, No. 13, pp. 35-73.
Swanton, John R.
1922. "Early History of the Creek Indians and their Neighbors." Bureau
of American Ethnology, Bulletin No. 73. Washington.
1928. "Social Organization and Social Usages of the Indians of the
Creek Confederacy." Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology for 1924-1925, pp. 23-472. Washington.
1834. (Letter to William P. Duval, dated January 1, 1834) 24th U. S.
Congress, 1st Session (1836), House Document No. 271, pp. 7-11.
1835a. (Letter to Elbert Herring, dated January 19, 1835) 24th U. S. Con-
gress, 1st Session (1836), House Document No. 271, pp. 82-83.
1835b. (Letter to Augustus Steele, dated March 31, 1835) 24th U. S. Con-
gress, 1st Session (1836), House Document, No. 271, pp. 80-82.
U. S. War Dept.
1836. (Testimony of various Seminole Indians, given on June 24 and 25,
1835) 24th U. S. Congress, 1st Session (1836), House Document
No. 271, pp. 68-69. Washington.
1823. Observations upon the Floridas. New York.
Whitehead, William A.
1831. (Remarks in) 22nd U. S. Congress, 1st Session, House Document
No. 201, p. 2. Washington.
Williams, John L.
1837. The Territory of Florida: or Sketches of the Topography, Civil and
Natural History etc. New York.
1833. (Affidavit) 24th U. S. Congress, 1st Session (1836), House Docu-
ment No. 271, p. 7. Washington.
ROSS ALLEN REPTILE INSTITUTE
SILVER SPRINGS, FLORIDA
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
William J. Bryant, trustee of the William L. Bryant Archaeological Foun-
dation, for many years has come to Florida in the winter and is a member of the
Florida Anthropological Society. His archaeological interests include research
in Florida as well as in the Old World.
Wilfred T. Neill, president of our society, adds another pertinent article to
his growing bibliography on Florida Indians.
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
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