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PUBLISHED BY. THE
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE EARLY NORTH FLORIDA
INDIANS. Charles W. Spellman. ................... 37
TOWARD CHRONOLOGY IN COASTAL VOLUSIA COUNTY
John W. Griffin. ................. ............. 49
A REVISED TEMPORAL CHART OF FLORIDA
ARCHAEOLOGY. John M. Goggin ................ 57
THE RACIAL TYPE OF THE SEMINOLE INDIANS OF
FLORIDA AND OKLAHOMA. Wilton Marion Krogman .. 61
The Flint River Site: Ma048. Wm. S. Webb and David L.
Dejarnette. Reviewed by Ripley P. Bullen........... 75
The Archaic Horizon in Western Tennessee. T. M. N. Lewis
and Madeline Kneberg. Reviewed by Ripley P. Bullen ... 78
EDITORIAL COMMENTS ........................... 74
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE ..................... 79
Information on the FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, its
organization and officers, and on this journal, THE FLORIDA AN-
THROPOLOGIST, will be found on the inside rear cover.
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE EARLY
NORTH FLORIDA INDIANS
Charles W. Spellman
In the early years of the sixteenth century when white men were mak-
ing their first contacts w'th the peninsula of Florida, this state was
inhabited by Indians of settled agricultural habits. It is true that they
depended greatly upon hunting and fishing and the gathering of wild
fruits and berries for their sustenance but they also cultivated crops
systematically and stored up the fruits of their labors to guard against
times of famine and to alleviate the hardships of the unfortunate. For
the most part, barring disaster, accident or adverse elements, they
lived a life of plenty. They were peoples who were striving for some-
thing better than the hand to mouth existence that nature alone afforded
Both the Timucua and the Apalache Indians (the north Florida groups
to which this discussion will be limited) were fairly well advanced
agricultural peoples. They lived in fixed homes and cultivated their
fields systematically. Normally, they planted and harvested two
crops a year. Evidences of rather extensive cultivation are not lack-
ing in the chronicles of the first expeditions which attempted to con-
quer or settle Florida. By carefully gleaning from these narratives
those passages which refer directly to the agricultural habits of these
north Florida peoples, we can piece together a picture that is im-
pressive if not astonishing.
The Timucuan Indians were the most important Florida people.1
Their affiliations and language extended throughout the central and
northern parts of the peninsula and for a short distance into Georgia.
Timucua was the original name of one tribe, also called Utina which,
according to Dr. Swanton lived north of the Santa Fe River," whose
name was gradually extended to include all the tribes belonging to
their linguistic family. Although they have been given the status of
an independent family, they undoubtedly were a branch of the great
Muskhogean stock.3 To the west, their provinces reached the Aucilla
River; to the south, they included the area around Tampa Bay on th<
1. Swanton, Indians of the Southeastern United States, p.
193-194; W.W.W. Ehrmann, "The Timucua Indians of Sixteenth
Century Florida", Florida Historical Quarterly, XVIII (Jan.,
1940) pp. 168-174.
3. Ibid. See also: J. W. Powell, Indian Linguistic Fami-
lies of-America North of Mexico, 7th Annual Report, Bureau
of American Ethnology, 1885-1886 (Washington, D.C., 1891).
Powell is responsible for the separate classification of the
Gulf Coast and Cape Canaveral on the Atlantic. The coastal islands
north of the mouth of the St. John's River, Talbot, Amelia and Cumber-
land islands, as far north as St. Andrews Sound were Timucuan like-
wise. As far as the Spanish missions are concerned, however, the
most important part of Timucua was that area lying between Gaines-
ville and the Aucilla River. It was this district that the padres were
accustomed to refer to as Timucua.
The western neighbors of the Timucuans were the Apalachee who
lived between the Aucilla and the Ochlockonee rivers.4 Their chief
centers of population were near Tallahassee. They, likewise, were a
part of the great Muskhogean stock which included most of the tribes
of the southeastern United States.
Normally, both the Timucua and Apalache planted and harvested two
crops a year.5 They supplemented their crops by hunting and fishing,
of course, but basically they were agricultural peoples, living on
staple food crops, wild fruit and berries.6 Evidences of rather ex-
tensive cultivation are not lacking in the chronicles of the first ex-
peditions which attempted to conquer or settle Florida.
Very little can be learned from the accounts of the Ponce de Leon
expedition in 1521. It is worth noting, however, that Ponce de Leon
came with the purpose of establishing an agricultural and stock-
raising colony.? He arrived on the Gulf coast near Charlotte Harbor
with horses, cattle, sheep, goats, hogs and "all kinds of domestic
animals" as well as an abundant supply of seeds of all kinds for the
cultivation of the land.8 Unfortunately Ponce de Leon had selected
4. Chapman J. Milling, Red Carolinians, (Chapel Hill, 1940)
pp. 165-175. Hereafter to be cited merely as, Red Carolini-
ans. This is the best treatment of the Apalachee, part of
whom were forcibly transported to South Carolina by Gover-
nor James Moore in 1704. See also: Swanton, op. cit., pp.
89-91: Daniel G. Brinton, Notes on the Floridian Peninsula,
its Literary History. Indian Tribes and Antiquities (Phila-
delphia, 1859), pp. 92-111. Brinton's amusing account was
based almost entirely upon the fabrications of the English
impostor, Brigstock (Bristock), whose purported visit to
Apalache has been thoroughly discredited by modern writers.
Brigstock supposedly visited a colony of Englishmen who had
fled from one of the Indian massacres in Virginia and New
England to settle in the "province of Apalacha". The domains
of the "great King of Apalachia" were supposed to have been
located near the mountains. It is from this myth that the
Appalachian Mountains received their name.
5. Lucy Wenhold, A 17th Century Letter of Gabriel Diaz Vara
Calderon Describing the Indian Missions of Florida. Smith-
sonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 95, no. 16 (Washing-
6. Lyman Carrier, The Beginnings of Agriculture in America
(New York, 1923), p. 41.
for his colony the territory of the warlike Calusa Indians and within
a few days the Indian attacks forced him to abandon the project and
retire to Cuba where he died shortly afterwards of the wounds he had
received from the Calusa arrow s.
The expeditions of Narvaez and De Soto which followed in the years
1528 and 1539 were more on the order of conquest than of coloniza-
tion, but from the pages of their chronic ers we are able to determine
something more definite about the life and habits of the Indians. Par-
ticularly observant were the me mbers of the De Soto expedition and
it is upon their accounts that we must rely for much of the story.9
The De Soto chronicles are particularly useful in that they describe
those portions of Timucua and Apalache which were to become the
backbone of the mission system in its Golden Age. Much more de-
tail is provided for the story of Indian economy by the writings of
Laudonniere, Ribaut, Hawkins, Fontaneda, Fr. Luis Ore and Bishop
7. See; "Patent of King Ferdinand to Ponce de Leon to Col-
onize Florida," in Florida Historical Quarterly, XIX, p. 53.
8. Frederick T. Davis, "History of Juan Ponce de Leon's
Voyages to Florida, "Florida Historical Quarterly, XIV, no.
I, entire, see p. 64.
9. The a tory of the De Soto conquest is told by several
first hand sources. There are four eye witness accounts.
Considered to be the most reliable is that of De Soto's sec-
retary, Rodrigo Ranjel. Ranjel's Diary may be found in
Oviedo y Valdez, Historia General y Natural de las Indias.
(Madrid, 1851-55). It may be found in English in: E. G.
Bourne, Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto, (New
York, 1922; American Explorer Series). A second account of
the expedition is that of the Portuguese Gentleman of Elvas.
James Alexander Robertson, trans. and ed., True Relation of
the Hardships Suffered by Governor Hernando de Soto and Cer-
tain Portuguese Gentlemen during the Discovery of the Prov-
inces of Florida (DeLand, Florida, 1932-33), 2 vols. The
third account is that of Luis Hernandez do Biedma, A Narra-
tive of the Expedition of De Soto, in B. F. French Histori-
cal Collections of Louisiana and Florida (New York, 1869.,
II, 97-109. The account of the expedition by Garcilaso de
la Vega, perhaps the least reliable, was however based on
written and verbal reports of actual members of the De Soto
band. See his La Florida (Madrid, 1723). See; Bernard
Shipp, The History of Hernando de Soto and Florida; or,
Record of the Events of Fifty-Six Years, from 1512-1568
(Philadelphia, 1881). This is an abbreviated translation
of a French version of Garcilaso. Garcilaso had access to
another eye-witness account which is no longer extant: Alonso
de Carmona, Peregranaciones de La Florida y El Peru.
The line of march of the De Soto expedition took them through the
heart of the provinces of Timucua and Apalache. The disembarcation
took place at Tampa Bay, called by the chroniclers Bahia del Espiritu
Santo,11 most probably at Terra Cela Island. From there, on the
march inland, the army swung somewhat to the east t6ocross the
Little Manatee River, passed over the Alafia River, which has been
accepted as the river of Mocozo by the United States De Soto Com-
mission. This river was crossed by two bridges somewhere near
the present day town of Riverview. Continuing northward, the ex-
pedition traveled by Thonotosassa Lake to the neighborhood of Dade
City skirting the province of Urriparacozi, which perhaps lay between
that point and the modern town of Lacoochee or even extended to
Tarrell. The army made an attempt to cross the swampy country
to the eastward was unable to do so.
It therefore passed around the western edge of the swamps about
Tsala Apopka Lake and crossed the Withlacoochee lust before it
emerges from those swamps. Ocala, said to have been twelve or
fifteen miles away, was the next point on the route. This may have
been the site of modern Ocala, or it may have been near Silver Springs.
From Ocala the route led through the important province of Potana
which was to become one of the most important mission centers of
the following century. It passed north to approximately the spot of
Gainesville, thence to Olustee Creek somewhat east of its intersec-
tion with the Santa Fe River. The Santa Fe, called by the chroniclers
the River of Discords, was bridged with some difficulty indicating that
De Soto did not follow the trail later followed by the Spanish Road
from St. Augustine to San Luis (Tallahassee), for the Camine Real
passed that river by the natural bridge. From here they took a west-
erly course and probably passed near Lake City and Live Oak, to
cross the Suwanee River near Dowling Park. Thence, taking a course
somewhat south of Madison, perhaps along the route now followed by
10. Rene Laudonniere, L'Histoire Notable de la Florida,
Paris, 1585. In Paul Gaffarel, Historie de la Floride Fran-
caise, Paris, 1875. English translations may be found in
French, op. cit., vol. I, p. 465 ff.
Hakluyt, Prinpal Voyages, etc., Glasgow, 1904, vol. VIII,
Jean Ribaut, The Whole and True Discovery of Terra Florida,
Thomas Hacket (tr.) in J. T. Connor, Jean Ribaut, De Land,
1927. John Hawkins, Second Voyage, Payne, Voyages of Eliza-
Don D'Escalante Fontaneda, Memoir of Don D'Escalante Fonta-
neda Respecting Florida (1575), Buckingham Smith (tr.), Mi-
ame, 1944. Fr. Luis Jeronimo de Ore, The Martyrs of Florida,
1513-1616, Maynard Geiger (tr.), New York, 1936.
Bishop Gabriel Diaz Vara Calderon, in Wenhold, op. cit.
11. Final Report of the United States De Soto eCommission,
House Document, no. 17, 76th Congress, 1st Session (Washing-
ton: U. S. Govt. Printing Office, 1939),; 152.
the Seaboard Air Line Railroad, they crossed the Aucilla River some-
where near the station of Aucilla to enter the territory of Apalache.
Tallahassee has been quite definitely established as the spot upon
which the army encamped during the winter of 1539-1540.12
The spots along this route through Florida at which the army found
sufficient food to maintain itself gives us some indication as to where
the large centers of population were located. The Province of Mocozo
in the vicinity of Tampa Bay was found to be "cultivated with fields
of Indian corn, beans, pumpkins, and other vegetables, sufficient for
the supply of a large army."13 After passing northward beyond Dade
City the expedition was:
Experiencing great hardship from hunger and bad roads as
the land was very poor in maize, low, and very wet, swampy,
and covered with dense forests, and the provisions brought
from the port were finished. Wherever any village was found
there were some blites (pot-herbs) and he who came first
gathered them and having stewed them with water and salt,
ate them without anything else. Those who could not get any
of them gathered the stalks from the maize fields which being
still young had no maize, and ate them. Having reached the
river which the governor had crossed (Witihlacooehee), they
found palm cabbages in low trees like those of Anolusia.14
Ranjel says that "there was much suffering from hunger so that they
ate the ears of corn with cobs or wood... on which the grains grow"
and that they ate "herbs and roots roasted and others boiled without
salt and what was worse, without knowing what they were."15
Once the army crossed the Withlacoochee River into the province of
Ocala the story begins to change. The Governor who had gone ahead
of the army with a small body of troops sent back messengers who
told them that there was maize in abundance in Cale; at which they
rejoiced. As soon as they reached Cale, the governor ordered all the
maize which was ripe in the fields to be taken, which was enough for
three months. When they were gathering this, the Indians killed three
Christians and one of two Indians who were captured told the governor
that seven days journey farther on was a very large province with
maize in abundance, called Apalache.16
12. "De Soto to Municipal Authorities of Santiago de Cuba,'
1539, in French, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 92.
13. "De Soto to Municipal Authorities of Santiago de Cuba,"
1539, in French, op6 cit., vol. 2, p. 92.
14. Robertson, Elvas, op. cit., p. 53.
15. De Soto Commission, p. T3.
16. Robertson, Elvas p. 53
The next province, Potano, adjoined Ocala on the north and extended
to the Santa Fe River with its center in the area of present day La
Crosse and Alachua was evidently also well populated and contained
one town which the soldiers named "Villafarte," "The Well-Fed
Town,"17 because of the vast amount of stores located there. Agua-
caleyquen, which lay between the Santa Fe and the Suwanee rivers
was the next province visited and was described as being even more
populous than Potano and better supplied with grain.18 Apalache was
considered the most populous province. It had many villages and
offered sufficient provisions to supply the army for the entire win-
It should be stated at this point that the army of De Soto was of con-
siderable size. He landed at Tampa Bay with 620 men and 237 horses,
a drove of hogs, which at the end of the expedition in 1542 was said to
number more than seven hundred, a pack of bloodhounds,20 some
mules were sent for after the expedition landed.21 These were gotten
from Havana. Added to this, as Garcilaso points out,22 there was by
this time a large number of Indian slaves which the army has round-
ed up to help carry the provisions and grind the corn. Also many
camp followers, women and children, who were following along with
their men. Garcilaso places the total figure by the time the army
reached Apalache at fifteen hundred.23 Perhaps it was close to a
thousand at least.
In these provinces there were at least ten towns that were able to
supply a considerable amount of food to the army.24 Paracoxi near
the present town of Dade City,25 Uqueten where an abundance of corn,
beans and little dogs were taken,26 Ocale, the chief town of that prov-
ince, where the three months supply of grain was gathered from the
fields, all received special mention. In the province of Potano, Itara-
holata, "a fine village with plenty of corn,"27 the capital town itself
and Cholupaha,28 the "Well-Fed Town" were the large towns. Uru-
itina29 "A village of pleasant aspect and abundant grain" where the
population was "considerable", and Napituca "A pleasant village in
a pretty spot, with plenty of food"30 were in the province of Agua-
17. De Soto Commission, p. 154
19. B~ema, op. cit. in French, vol. II, p. 99, Robertson,
Elvas, p. 67
2 De Soto Commission, p. 141
21. Ibid., p. 146
22. Garcilaso, op. cit., loc. cit., p. 107
24. Deoto Commission
25. Robertson, Elvas, p. 46; and De Soto Comm., p. 148
26. Biedma, in French, II, p. 98
27. De Soto Commission, p. 154
28. Ibid., p. 149
29. Ibi., p. 146
30. Iid., quoting Ranjel, p. 146; Robertson, Elvas, 64.
caleyquen in the vicinity of Lake City and Live Oak respectively.31
Caleyquen in that same province had much food. In the province of
Apalache, Iniahica and Varachuco were the large towns mentioned.32
At Iniahica the army discovered an "abundance of maize,
pumpkins, beans, and dried plums native to the land, which
are better than those of Spain and grow wild in the fields with-
out being planted. Food which seemed sufficient to last over
the winter was gathered together from those towns into Anhaica
Several times the De Soto chroniclers remark about the vast extent
of some of the cultivated fields in Timucua and Apalache. At Ibitachuco
(Vatachuco) in Apalache, the Army passed through cultivated fields
which extended for two leagues.34 While at Ucachile, a large town
of two hundred houses, the fields extended for four leagues around
The country to the west of Apalache land was not so fertile; the Indians
were scarce and poor. The De Luna expedition of 1559 was to find
this out to its sorrow when it attempted to settle at Pensacola. The
expedition, which was much larger than that of De Soto, experienced
little but suffering and starvation.36 The summer following their
arrival there was threat of mutiny and pitiful letters from the settlers
to the viceroy demanding to be returned to Mexico.
We see that we have no prospect of food from any quarter,....
for the Indians have the whole country in revolt and burned
over, as is notorious among all the captains and men who
have gone out for the purpose of finding food.37
In regard to the Indians along the east coast of Florida the following
quotations from John Hawkins are revealing.
There they found sorrel to grow as abundantly as grass, and
where their houses were, great store of maize and mill, and
grapes of great bigness, but of taste much like our English
31. De Soto Commission, p. 157
32. Ibid., p. 147
33. Robertson, Elvas p. 67
34. De Soto ConmIssion, p. 147
35. Ibid., p. 146
36. Herbert I. Priestley, Tristan de Luna, Conquistador of
the Old South (Glendale. 1936).
37. Herbert I. Priestley, The Luna Papers, 2 vols. De Land,
1928. See vol. I; pp. 139-141.
38. Payne, op. cit., p. 55
Notwithstanding the great want that the Frenchmen had, the
ground doth yield victuals sufficient if they would have taken
the pains to get the same; but they, being soldiers, desired to
live by the sweat of other men's brows. ... The ground yieldeth
naturally grapes in great store, for in the time that the French-
men were there they made twenty hogsheads of wine. Also it
yieldeth roots passing good, deer marvellous store, with divers
other beasts and fowl serviceable to the use of man.39
The principal crops discovered by De Soto and the other early ex-
plorers among the Florida Indians were therefore maize, beans,
millet, squash, pumpkins, roots and herbs, fruits of numerous kinds
including plums, persimmon, black cherries, mulberries, both white
and red, berries blue and raspberries of various kinds, grapes, nuts
walnuts, chestnuts, dwarf chinquapin.40
Quite probably tobacco also was cultivated. John Hawkins said of the
Floridans; that "when they travel, they have a kind of herb dried, who,
with a cane and an earthen cup at the end, with fire and the dried
herbs put together, do suck through the cane the smoke thereof, which
smoke satisfieth their hunger."41
The cultivation of roots seems to have been general throughout the
peninsula for practically all of the chroniclers mention the use made
by the natives of roots. Fontaneda mentions that they were grown
both by the Indians around Lake Okeechobee and the Apalache.
On this lake, which lies in the midst of the country, are many
towns, of thirty or forty inhabitants each; and as many more
places there are in which people are not so numerous. They
have bread of roots, which is their common food the greater
part of the time; and because the lake, which rises in some
seasons so high that the roots cannot be reached in conse-
quence of the water, they are for some time without eating
this bread ....There is another root, like the truffle over here
(Spain), which is sweet; and there are other different roots of
39. Ibid., pp. 60-61
40. Grapes: see, Hawkins, Second Voyage, in Payne, op.
cit., p. 55, 60. Mulberries: Laudonniere, In Hakluyt, vol.
VIII, pp. 459-60. Plums: Robertson, Elvas, p. 67; Dickinson,
p. 62; Laudonniere, p. 451. Walnuts Luonniere, loc. cit.,
451. Chestnuts: Ibid. Cherries: Jeanette Thurber Connor,
Jean Ribaut, True and Whole Discovery of Terra Florida, De
Land, 1927, p. 73. Millet: Hawkins, 55. Blueberries, rasp-
berries: Laudonniere, Ibid. Roots: p. 13; Hawkins in Payne,
O cit., p.60; Laudonniere in Hakluyt, vol. VIII, p. 451.
Chinquapin: De Soto Comm., p. 144-145.
41. Hawkins, Second Voyage; Payne, op. cit., p. 61
Laudonniere also mentions that roots were used: "There grow in
that country a kind of Roots which they call in their language Hasez,
whereof in necessitie they make bi ead."43 The roots referred to
were probably some of the Caribbean roots, manioc or cassave, which
had been brought over from Cuba.
Other important foods of the Florida Indians which are prominently
mentioned in the chroniclers of early Florida are: animals and birds
of all sorts which were hunted; all kinds of fish, which were caught
in weirs; oysters and other shellfish. Both Fontaneda and Hawkins44
mention that bison were plentiful in the state at the time. A small
domesticated dog was used as food also.45 Foods were often dried
or smoked for there is mention of dried venison,46 dried fish,47
dried plums,48 parched corn,49 dried mullet and roe.50 Also sor-
rel,51 medlar, "the fruit whereof is better than that of France, and
bigger."52 Notable among the animals mentioned by Laudonniere are
wild dogs and "divers sortes of wolves.'"3 Sea grapes were also
A final commodity in the Indian diet was a drink made of certain
leaves and which is referred to by most of the chroniclers as casina.
This was a stimulant and was much cherished by the natives. It has
often been referred to as the Yerbe Mate of Florida. Perhaps it was
the "black drink" of the Creek Indians (Ilex Vomitoria). One of the
Friars gave an account of it.
42. Fontaneda, p. 13, in reference to the root plants grown
by the Apalachee. Ibid., p. 43, note 16S. A native Florida
root, Zamia Integrifolia, has never been successfully culti-
vated in the field, The Seminoles make a bread of a root
which they call Kunti Hatki "White Bread," to distinguish
it from their "Red Bread" (Smilax Hastata China Briar
Root). Ibid., note 17S: Identifies the sweet root as Apios
Tuberosa, "iMud Patato," which grows in abundance near Aha-
43. Laudonniere, in Hakluyt, op. cit., VIII, 451.
44. Smith, Fontaneda, p. 24; Hawkins, in Payne, o. cit.,
45. Biedman, in French, Hist. Col., TI, 101
46. De Soto Commission, p. 147.
47. Laudonniere, in Hakluyt, op. cit., VIII, 154.
48. Robertson, Elvas, p. 67.
49. Laudonniere, in Hakluyt, op. cit., VIII, 154.
50. Cabeza de Vaca, in Hodge and Lewis, Spanish Explorers,
in the Southern United States, 1528-1543 (New York, 1907).
51. Hawkins, in Payne, o cit., p. 55.
52. Laudonniere, Hakluyt, op. cit., VIII, 451
54. Cabeza de Vaca, in Hodge and Lewis, op. cit., p. 67.
There is no need of treating drunkenness, for their drink does
not cause it; even many of the religious are not without it. It
is made of some leaves of the oak tree. This is toasted dry
in a pot or jar placed in water. Immediately they pour water
upon it to a point where it is neither hot nor cold. Nor do they
mix any other things with it. It is good for preventing stones
and small accretions in the kidneys, as well as preventative
against pain in the side. For this reason it has been taken to
Spain and to New Spain.55
Noticeable among the above mentioned foods are the dried and smoked
products. The chief means which the Indians had for preserving their
food was by these methods.56 Both meat and crops could be cured
for storage in this manner. Curing the crops would prevent much of
the weevil injury which is so destructive to stored grain in warm
climates. At times the corn cribs were so constructed that the cur-
ing could be hastened by fires built underneath them. Storage gran-
aries were common among both the Timucua and the Apalache. The
Timucuan storage house is remarkable in that it was solidly built of
stone and earth and "supported by twelve beams."57
In regard to their farming methods, Laudonniere observes of the
Timucuans along the Atlantic coast that:
They never dung their land, only when they would sowe, set
the seedes on fire, which grewe up the 6 months, and burned
them all. They dig their ground with an instrument of wood
which is fashioned like a broad mattock, wherewith they digge
their vines in France, they put two graines of Maiz together.
When the land is to be sowed, the King commandeth one of his
men to assemble his subjects every day to labour, during which
labor the King- causeth store of that drinde to be made for
them,....At the time when the Maiz is gathered, it is all carried
into a common house, where it is distributed to every man
according to his qualitie. They sowe no more but that which
they think will serve their thrnes for sixe months in the year
and that very scarcely. For during the winter they retire
themselves for three of four months in the year into the
woods, where they make little cottages of palme boughes for
their retraite, and live there of Maste, of Fish which they
take, of Oisters, of Stagges, of Turkeycockes, and other beasts
which they take. They eate all their meate broyled on the
coales, and dressed in the smoke.58
55. Ore, op. cit., p. 106.
56. Lyman Carrier, op. cit., p. 92.
57. Wenhold, op. cit., p. 12.
58. Laudonniere, in Hakluyt, op. cit., VIII, 455-56.
William Bartram who traveled through Florida in 1774 had the follow-
ing observation to make about the farming of the Seminoles who at
that time lived on the Alachua Plain in what formerly was the prov-
ince of Potano. It is offered bec ruse it may shed some light on Indian
farming methods and probably closely parallels the methods used
in the pre-Spanish period.
(The) plantation is one common enclosure, and is worked and
tended by the whole community; yet every family has its par-
ticular part, according to its own appointment, marked off
when planted; and this portion receives the common labour
and assistance until ripe, when each family gathers and de-
posits in its granary its own proper share, setting apart a
small gift or contribution for the public granary, which stands
in the center of the plantation.
The youth, under the supervisal of some of their ancient people,
are daily stationed in the fields, and are continually whooping
and hallooing, to chase away crows, jackdaws, black-birds,
and such predatory animals; and the lads are armed with bows
and arrows, and being trained up to it from their early youth,
are sure at a mark, and in the course of a day load them-
selves with squirrels birds, and the men in turn patrol the
corn fields at night, to protect their provision from the de-
predations of night rovers, as bears, raccoons, and deer; the
two former being immoderately fond of young corn, when the
grain is filled with a rich milk, as sweet and nourishing as
cream; and the deer are so fond of the potato vines.59
Such an enumeration of crops and foods as that already given might
lead one to think that the Indian was probably quite well off agricul-
turally before the coming of the white man to Florida. The enthusiastic
reports of Ribaut and Laudonniere, the detailed descriptions of the
De Soto chroniclers and Fontaneda quite certainly leave that im-
pression. If the tragic results of the Narvaez and De Luna expeditions
seem to indicate otherwise, there are certain factors which par-
tially explain these failures. In both cases the resistance of the In-
dians to the settlements was more successful.. As regards the De
Luna Expedition, the place in which it settled was very sparce and
the Indians had burned all the fields to prevent the Spaniards from
59. William Bartram, Travels through North and South Caro-
lina, East and West Florida... (1794), Mark Van Doren, ed.
(New York, 1928), pp. 169-70.
getting food.60 On the other hand, those places at which De Soto dis-
covered such abundant supplies of corn, beans, squash, plums, and
fruits were very fertile and would be included in the farm lands in
the vicinity of Dade City, Ocala, Gainesville, Lake City, Madison and
St. Augustine, Florida
60. Priestley, Luna Papers, II, 139-41.
TOWARD CHRONOLOGY ON COASTAL
John W. Griffin
The present paper is based on material from four sites in coastal
Volusia County, Florida. They are the Oak Hill shell heap, Green
Mound, the Cotten site, and the historic Timucua village of Nocoroco.
The first of these was examined by N. C. Nelson in 1918,1 and the
remaining three were examined or excavated by the Florida Park
Service in 1946.2
It should be stressed that the conclusions reached in this paper are
tentative and subject to change, but it is believed that in broad outline
they are substantially correct.
This large shell heap stood on the western shore of Mosquito Lagoon,
near the town of Oak Hill, some 10 miles south of New Smyrna. When
Nelson examined the site in 1918 it was being removed with steam
shovels. Two large vertical faces were standing, from which he took
From the bottom to the top of the site Nelson defined the following
horizons. First a level in which no pottery occurred, consisting of
the bottom two feet near the mound center. Above this occurred a
thick zone in which only plain chalky pottery (St. Johns Plain) was
found, and, above this check stamped chalky pottery (St. Johns Check
Stamped) was also found.
Since Nelson's total sample from the site consisted of 190 sherds
there may be some reason for doubting the validity of the prepottery
horizon at this site, although, pre-pottery levels are known in Florida,
particularly from the shell heaps of the St. Johns River. Although the
sample was scanty, Nelson's work remained for many years the only
stratigraphic sequence empirically established for this region.
Green Mound is a large shell heap seven miles south of Daytona
Beach on the eastern shore of the Halifax River. The removal of
shell from this site had left a standing face about thirty feet in height.
1. Nelson, 1918,
2. A popular account of Green Mound, in which some errors
on ceramic sequence occur, will be found in Griffin, 1948.
The site report on Nocoroco has been written by Griffin and
Smith, n.d. The Cotten site report is in preparation.
Our sample in 1946 was taken from superimposed strata, established
on the basis of differences in composition. Some levels were totally
shell, others contained quantities of organic matter and evidently
indicated occupation zones. Sherds were more frequent in these dark
bands than elsewhere.
From bottom to top Green Mound revealed the following ceramic
zones. (1) Near the base of the mound only plain chalky pottery (St.
Johns Plain) was found. Above this, and continuing to the top of the
mound, check stamped chalky pottery (St. Johns Check Stamped)
occurred as well. This portion of the mound can be divided into three
zones on the basis of physical stratigraphy and ceramic change, as
follows: (2) only check stamped and plain pottery occurred. The
check stamped pottery ranged from 5 to 8 checks per inch, with the
largest number falling at 5 per inch. (3) The check stamped pottery
of this zone ranges from 5 to 8 checks per inch, but the largest num-
ber fall at 7 per inch. In addition, certain other pottery types make
their appearance. Some sherds are decorated with trailing and punc-
tation, and some red painting occurs. (4) The top portion of the
mound displays a different picture again. The range in check size is
from 3 to 9 per inch, with the peak of the curve at 4 per inch. The
trailing, punctation and painting are no longer present, but a con-
siderable number of sherds are scored with parallel lines (St. Johns
Scored) or simple stamped (St. Johns Simple Stamped).
The plotted curves of number of checks per inch in the three periods
in which check stamped pottery occur is shown on Fig. 10. It will be
noted that this represents a trend from large to small and then back
to large for this site. This shift is accompanied by the appearance
and disappearance of certain other pottery types. The major breaks
in the sequence coincide with the physical stratigraphy of the site in
such a way that occupation zones of the different periods may be de-
fined. Thus, although the stratigraphy rests on a relatively low num-
ber of sherds, about 215, it seems to possess considerable validity.
The Cotten Site is a large midden on the western bank of the Halifax
River within the city of Ormond. Some previous work had been re-
ported for this site, but it was not adequate for stratigraphic pur-
poses.3 Our excavations reached the bottom of the site at one place;
11 feet 6 inches beneath the surface.
The site has only fiber-tempered pottery for most of its depth, with
a surface scattering of other material. The dominant pottery is of the
fiber-tempered Orange Plain and Orange Incised types. The surface
3. Blatchley, 1902, pp. 164-183.
scattering is chalky pottery of the types St. Johns Plain and St. Johns
Check Stamped. The checks range from 5 to 12 per inch, with a peak
at 8 per inch.
The documented Timucua village of Nocoroco is located on a point of
land between the head of the Halifax River and the mouth of the Tomoka
River, about five miles north of the city of Ormond. This site was
occupied when visited by Mexia in 1605.
The excavated samples reveal chalky (St. Johns Series) and gritty
(Halifax Series) sherds in about equal amounts. Both wares occur
in plain, check stamped, scored and simple stamped types. A small
amount of complicated stamping is also present. The surface collec-
tions, largely from the beach where they have been washed from the
midden, reveal a higher porportion of chalky pottery than the exca-
vated samples, and lead to the conclusion that another horizon was
probably also present in parts of the site which have been washed
In this section we shall attempt to integrate the data previously pre-
sented. Insofar as possible the data from the four sites under con-
sideration will be used without recourse to comparative data, but, as
will soon become obvious, we cannot totally dispense with compara-
tive material in our attempt to erect a sequence from these data.
The prepottery level at Oak Hill, if we accept it as valid, is only
known to precede a level containing plain chalky pottery. There are
many instances along the St. Johns River of non-pottery levels in the
lower portions of shell heaps,4 and this period has been correlated
with a pre-pottery period now widely recognized in the eastern United
States. If the prepottery level at Oak Hill is accepted we must postu-
late an abandonment of the site following this time level, for the ac-
cumulated evidence from the St. Johns River indicates that the pre-
pottery period is followed by fiber-tempered pottery, not chalky as at
The Cotten site contains ample evidence of the presence of man in
coastal Volusia County in the period marked by fiber-tempered pot-
tery. Its place in the time scale of the area is fixed more by com-
parative evidence than by stratigraphy at the site, however. As men-
4. See Wyman, 1875; Moore, 1892-94; Holmes, 1905.
5. Goggin, 1947, pp. 122-123.
tioned above, fiber-tempered pottery is known to follow the pre-
pottery period on the St. Johns. The Cotten site adds to our data on
the placement of the fiber-tempered pottery as previous to the chalky
pottery of the area.
Both Oak Hill and Green Mound contain levels with only plain chalky
pottery underlying levels in which check stamping also occurs, adding
weight to the concept of a plain pottery period preceding check stamp-
ing. This period would equate with the St. Johns I period of Goggin,
but the evidence from coastal Volusia County does not yet permit us
to speak in terms of divisions within the period, such as the St. Johns
I A and I B of Goggin's framework.
The appearance of check stamped pottery is generally taken as the
marker for the beginning of St. Johns I. All four of the sites under
consideration give evidence of all or part of this time period. As
was indicated above, it was possible to isolate three zones within the
check stamped period at Green Mound. Oak Hill cannot throw addi-
tional light on this sequence for it is impossible to compare the pub-
lished report with the observations at Green Mound. The chalky check
stamped pottery at the Cotten site, however, can be compared, and
when this is done on the basis of the size of the checks, one is led to
the conclusion that the St. Johns II occupation at that site roughly
equates with period 3 at Green Mound. The close coincidence of the
resulting curves when the number of checks per inch are plotted
lends support to the validity of a time range within St. Johns I char-
acterized by a preponderence of small checks.
With Nocoroco we approach a more complex ceramic problem, which
has been dealt with in the yet unpublished site report. The presence
of large amounts of gritty pottery, absent or nearly so in any level
previously discussed, indicates a different situation for this site. The
site may be placed temporally by its 1605 documentation, supported
by a small amount of historic trade material recovered in the exca-
vations. A late dating is also supported by the presence of a similar
gritty ware and some similar decorative treatments, particularly in
the presence of simple stamping and complicated stamping, in the
fully historic St. Augustine Period defined by Smith.6 The Nocoroco
material cannot be considered as full St. Augustine in character, and
we assume that it is slightly earlier, but also historic, marking a
transition from St. Johns II to St. Augustine.
The presence of scoring both at Nocoroco and Green Mound may be
taken as an indication of relationship. The presence of the gritty
6. Smith, 1948
\ PERIOD 2
CHECKS PER INCH
Fig. 10: Number of checks per inch on St. Johns Check Stamped
pottery from three superimposed levels at Green Mound.
Fig. 11: Summary chart of the cultural sequence in coastal Vo-
lusia County, based on four sites, and compared to the general
sequence for the Northern St. Johns Area.
pottery at Nqcoroco would indicate that it is slightly later than the
top portions of Green Mound, but on the other hand the higher pro-
portion of chalky pottery in the surface collection than in the exca-
vated sample from Nocoroco would indicate that earlier levels were
present at the site, but have Ir.rgely have washed away. There is,
then, the possibility of some overlap in time between the top portion
of Green Mound and Nocoroco.
We may also note at this point that it is difficult at the moment to
correlate the three check stamped zones at Green Mound with the
two divisions, St. Johns II A an II B, of Goggin.7 Future research
in northeast Florida will clarify many of these problems.
In Fig. 11 the various levels present in the four sites under discuss-
ion are placed in the time order indicated in the preceding paragraphs.
On the left hand side of the figure Goggin's periods for his Northern
St. Johns Area are reproduced.8 His dating of these periods is also
followed. Aside from Nocoroco. none of the sites under consideration
throw any direct light on dating. Nocoroco, with its 1605 date, in-
dicates that Goggin's date of about 1650 for the bottom line of the St.
Augustine Period is perhaps more nearly correct than the broader
extent back to 1565 originally proposed by Smith.9 On the right hand
side of the chart the sequence for coastal Volusia County is summar-
In rapid resume it will be noted that in part this sequence rests on
empirical data observed at the sites under consideration, and that,
in part, it rests on interpolation from other sites, particularly on the
nearby St. Johns River. We have tried to indicate in every instance
which type of data was used in establishing the sequence. No doubt
there are many refinements which can be made in the future in this
sequence, both in the isolation of temporal periods and the expansion
of our knowledge of the cultures involved.
7. Goggin, 1947.
8. From a mimeographed revision by Goggin, October, 1948.
9. Smith, 1948.
Blatchley, W. S.
1902. A Nature Wooing at Ormond by the Sea. Indianapolis.
Goggin, John M.
1947. "A Preliminary Definition of Archaeological Areas
and Periods in Florida," American Antiquity, vol. 13,
no. 2, pp. 114-127.
Griffin, John W.
1948. "Green Mound A Chronological Yardstick," The
Florida Naturalist, October.
Griffin, John W. and Hale G. Smith.
n.d. Nocoroco: A Timucua Village of 1605 in Tomoka State
Park. Ms. on file, Florida Park Service.
Holmes, W. H.
1905. Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States. 20th
Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash-
Moore, C. B.
1892-94. "Certain shell heaps of the St. Johns River, Florida
hitherto unexplored", In 6 parts in American
Naturalist, vols. 26-28.
Nelson, N. C.
1918.. "Chronology in Florida", Anthropological Papers,
AmericanMuseum of Natural History, Vol. 22,
Smith, Hale G.
1948. "Two Historical Archaeological Periods in Florida",
American Antiquity, Vol. 13, no. 4, pp. 313-319.
1875. Fresh Water Shell Mounds of the St. Johns River,
Florida. Peabody Academy of Science. Salem.
Florida Park Service
A REVISED TEMPORAL CHART OF
John M. Goggin
In a recent paper defining archeological areas and periods in Florida
(Goggin, 1947), a chart w-s included summarizing the chronological
picture in most regions of Florica. At that time the data for the major
areas were fairly complete, although some of the smaller regions
were not as well known. Since then a more intensive study has been
made of the state, and this combined with new material from other
workers in the fields gives us a broader picture of the chronology.
This revised chart is presented here Fig. 12).1
The chart itself is self explanatory2 but brief comments-will be made
on changes in each region. Various workers responsible for new
additions will be cited, although a summary of their results will not
Northwest Gulf Coast. The principle change in this area is the in-
troduction of a new historic period, Leon-Jefferson. This was de-
fined by Hale G. Smith (1948:316) on the basis of recent discoveries
concerning the Spanish Mission occupation in that area.
A second change, somewhat tentative, has been the recognition of
the various occurences of fiber-tempered pottery as being sugges-
tive of the Orange culture, more characteristically found in north-
eastern Florida. The Seminole period was also added.
Central Gulf Coast. This area also is basically unchanged. The
Seminole Period has been added, and the Buzzard Island complex
is placed within the Safety Harbor Period, although it may eventually
be considered only a part of that culture (Goggin, n.d.)
1. This chart and notes are from "Culture and Geography
in Florida Prehistory" a dissertation presented by the writ, r
to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University, in
partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Doctor
The general work in Florida has been done as part of the
Yale Caribbean Anthropological Program under the direction of
Dr. Cornelius Osgood. This final statewide analysis was made
possible by a Fellowship (1947-48) from the Social Science
2. See a discussion of the principles underlying such a
chart in Goggin (1947:116).
NORTHWEST CENTRAL TEE L S NORTHERN CENTRAL
GULF COAST GULF COAST MANATEE GLADES KISSIMMEE ST. JOHNS FLORIDA
t + +
ORANGE ORANGE ORANGE
Fig. 12: Areas and Periods of Culture in Florida.
SANTA ROSA -
The most important change is the addition of the Crystal River Period,
which finally solves the question of placement of this interesting,
Hopewell-influenced complex. The position of the culture was de-
fined by Gordon R. Willey (1.948b) on the basis of newly discovered
museum specimens excavated by Clarence B. I Ioore.
Manatee Region. As in the case of the previous region, revisions
here are also due to the work of Gordon R. Willey (1948a). His anal-
ysis of excavations madi in the 1930's by the Smithsonian Institution
reveal the existence of a new cultural complex, Perico Island, and
supplement our knowledge of the other periods in the region. The
Orange Period was added by the writer (Goggin, n.d.) to account for
the presence of Orange Plain pottery at the Perico site. As in other
areas the presence of the Seminoles is recognized.
Glades Area. The general sequence for this region is little changed
but minor revisions include the division of Glades I into two parts,
moving the earlier back some 150 years. The apparent existence of
a possible Pre-Glades culture related to the Orange is also noted
(Goggin, n.d.). The Seminole period is added.
Kissimmee Region. The chronological column for this area is a com-
pletely new addition. It is nothing more than an attempt to arrange
the few known sites in some temporal sequence; and perhaps only
those in Glades m times are very accurately placed. (Goggin, n.d.)
Melbourne Area. There is considerable change in this region but
mainly in terminology. The terms St. Johns I and I are no longer
used; Rouse (n.d.) has changed them to Malabar I and II in order to
more clearly emphasize the distinct cultural content of the periods.
The termination of the Orange Period has been moved to correspond
with the date of the period in the Northern St. Johns area. The St.
Augustine Period has been added to account for late material, and
the former Seminole occupation is also recognized.
Northern St. Johns Area. The definition of the St. Augustine Period,
a time of historic Indian occupation, is a contribution from Hale G.
Smith (1948). The major St. Johns periods are the. same as before
except that each has been divided into two parts.
A major change in nomenclature was made for the culture distin-
quished by fiber-tempered pottery. The trait which suggested the
previous name Tick Island Period did not stand up on detailed anal-
ysis to its supposed importance and the culture is seen as similar
to that of the Orange Period to the south, thus that name was adopted
here. The ending of the period was also placed earlier. A final
change is the definition of the former "Non-ceramic" period as Mt.
Taylor after the important site of that name (Goggin, n.d.). The Semi-
nole Period was added.
Central Florida. This region is a new addition to the chart represent-
ing an increase in our knowledge of the area. The first three horizons
are poorly represented, but Cades Pond sites are not rare. These
show influence from both the east and west coasts with little distinct
But the following periods, Hickory Pond and Alachua, very clearly
are endemic developments characterized by an abundance of cord-
marked pottery in the former and cob-marked pottery in the latter.
The important Seminole Period is included.
This brief consideration of the new archeological periods in Florida
gives no more than a brief indication of their existence. Further de-
tails can be obtained by consulting the sources used; unfortunately
some are unpublished but it is hoped this will be shortly remedied.
Goggin, John M.
1947. A Preliminary Definition of Archeological Areas and
Periods in Florida (American Antiquity, vol. 13, pp.
n.d. Culture and Geography in Florida Prehistory (Doctoral
dissertation, Yale University, New Haven).
n.d. A Survey of Indian River Archeology, Florida (Manuscript,
Yale Peabody Museum, New Haven).
1948 Two Historical Archeological Periods in Florida (Ameri-
can Antiquity, vol. 13, pp. 313-319, Menasha).
Willey, Gordon R.
1948a Culture Sequence in the Manatee Region of West Florida
(American Antiquity, vol. 13, pp. 209-18, Menasha).
1948b The Cultural Context of the Crystal River Negative
Painted Style (American Antiquity, vol. 13, pp 325-7
THE RACIAL TYPE OF THE SEMINOLE INDIANS
OF FLORIDA AND OKLAHOMA1
Wilton Marion Krogman
To the people of Florida the Serinole Indians are of great interest.
They represent, as it were, the final remaining evidence of the abo-
rigines who first occupied and roamed the Peninsula. To the social
anthropologist they afford an opportunity to study a "fossil" culture,
as it were, persisting into modern times. To the physical anthro-
pologist they provide an opportunity to analyze racial types and their
relative persistence in a new geographic environment. On the phy-
sical side there are very few data on the Florida Seminoles; the data
on the Oklahoma Seminoles are much more adequate. We shall con-
sider 60 "full-blood" males and 49 "full-blood" females.2
The Florida Seminoles were probably a split-off from the Lower
Creeks. In 1750 Chief Seacoffee rejected Creek authority and, to-
gether with the Mickasukies, set the Seminoles up as a separate tribe.3
This act was officially announced in 1791, though Georgia and other
States did not recognize it. The Federal government recognized
Seminole status in 1882.
1. This article is based on field work in Oklahoma in 1932,
under the auspices of the Laboratory of Anthropology of Santa
Fe, N. M. In 1935 I published a book, The Physical Anthro-
pology of the Seminole Indians of Oklahoma. (Vol. II, Series
III, of the Comitato Italiano por lo Studio dei Problemi
della Popolazione, Rome, Itafy.) The data herein given are
abstracted from the book. For the benefit of the reader
I shall include several references of general historic and
2. I put "full-blood" in quotes. It is a time-honored term,
but it is unscientific: "blood" has nothing to do with racial
analysis. The correct term is genetically homogeneous. T
have based my analysis upon the genealogical history of 205d
Seminoles and/or Seminole-mixtures. If for three, or possi-
bly four, generations there has been no out-mixing I accepted
the individual as "pure" or "full-bloodo" I studied, in ad-
dition, 87 "mixed" adults, and 95 "full-blood" and "mixed"
children. In all, I carefully measured 291 persons. In fig-
ures 13 to 20 are presented photographs of four male and four
female adult "full-blood" Oklahoma Seminoles. Figure 15 and
Figure 17 are husband and wife; Figure 14 is the son of this
3. "Seminole" seems to have meant "runaway".
The Florida Seminoles, apart from their affiliation with the Creeks
and their incorporation with the Mickasukies, included also elements
from other Muskhogean tribes: Apalachicola, Chiaha, Hichiti, Oconee,
Okmulgee, Sawokli, Yamasee, and Yuchi. It is doubtful whether these
peoples merely at different tribal level markedly influenced the
physical type. At all events the term "Seminole" originally included
a number of tribal elements. (see Bartram, Gidding, Nash, Swanton).
Upon this nucleus of Indian groups must be superimposed mixture
with whites, mostly Spanish and Scotch-Irish-English mostly, and with
American Negroes. (on the latter see Porter).
In the 1830's, and the decades following, the "Five Civilized Tribes" -
Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, Seminole were expatriated
to the then Oklahoma Territory.4
The early population figures for the Florida Seminoles are unsatis-
factory. Swanton gives the following figures:
Spanish census, 1738 (men) 757
French 1750 ( ") 398
U. S. Census 1760 ( ) 1030
Census of 1761 (hunters) 770
Taitt, 1772 (gunmen) 470
Marbury 1792 (men) 1105
Hawkins, 1790 ( ) 430
U. S. Census 1832 ("souls") 7408
In Table 1 I have brought together the population figures on Florida
and Oklahoma Seminoles from 1836-1928, based largely on Swanton
and official U. S. reports.5
In Table 2 I present vital statistics onthe Oklahoma Seminole whose
genaelogies were studied by me, covering a registration period of
1898-1905. For a comparable analysis of the Florida Seminoles I
have calculated Table 3, based on Nash, for the Census of 1930.
4. I have always thought it an act of poetic justice that,
in moving the Indians, the Government settled them on about
the most inhospitable land it could find- inhospitable be-
cause its oil-drenched soil would support little vegetation I
Waste-land then; unbelievably rich land a generation or so
5. The tables are grouped at the end of the article.
Fig. 13 Fig. 14
no m m
I I -ge mu ImI
S- ._.- -m o
SFig. 15 Fig. 16
Fig. 15 Fig. 16
OKLAHOMA SEMINOLE MALES
OKLAHOMA SEMINOLE FEMALES
If Tables 2 and 3 be analyzed for a major age-grouping the results
are of significant interest:
Group Birth-19 yrs. Birth-29 yr3. Birth-39 yrs.
I Florida Seminoles (578 persons)
Male 41.7% 58.9% 76.2%
Female 49.6% 67.3% 84.7%
Combined 45.7% 63.1% 80.4%
II Oklahoma Seminoles (2056 persons)
Male 53.94% 74.59% 83.75%
Female 56.86% 74.89% 84.19%
Combined 55.37% 74.71% 83.94%
It appears, from these data, that the population-profile of the Oklahoma
Seminoles is skewed more in the direction of middle-age death, than
is that of the Florida Seminoles. Both are markedly skewed in this
direction when compared to modern American white population, i.e.
there is us "peak" of old-age death in the Seminoles.
The living Florida Seminoles have not been studied in any precise
descriptive detail.. MacCauley, in 1880-83, wrote of them as follows:
Physically both men and women are remarkable. The men,
as a rule, attract attention by their height, fullness and sym-
metry of development, and the regularity and agreeableness
of their features. In muscular power and constitutional ability
to endure they excel. While these qualities distinguish, with
a few exceptions, the men of the whole tribe, they are partic-
ularly characteristic of the two most widely spread of the
families of which, the tribe is composed. These are the Tiger
and Otter clans, which, proud of their lines of descent, have
been preserved through a long and tragic past with exceptional
freedom from admixture with degrading blood. Today their
men might be taken as types of physical excellence. The
physique of every Tiger warrior especially I met would furnish
proof of this statement. The Tigers, are dark, copper-collored
fellows, over six feet in height, with limbs in good proportion;
their hands and feet well shaped and not very large; their
stature erect; their bearing a sign of self-confident power;
and their foreheads full and marked. An almost universal
characteristic of the Tiger's faces is its squareness, a widened
and protruding under jawbone giving this effect to it. Of other
features, I notices that under a large forehead are deep set,
bright, black eyes, small, but expressive of inquiry and vigi-
lance; the nose is slightly aquiline and sensitively formed
about the nostrils; the lips are mobile, sensuous, and not very
full, disclosing, when they smile, beautiful regular teeth; and
the whole face is expressive of the man's sense of having
extraordinary ability to endure and to achieve. Two of the
worriors permitted me to manipulate the muscles of their
bodies. Under my touch these were more like rubber than
flesh. Noticeable among all are the large calves of their legs,
the size of the tendons of their lower limbs, and the strength
of their toes. I attribute this exceptional development to the
fact that they are not what we would call "horse Indians" and
that they hunt barefoot over their wide domain. The same
causes, perhaps, account for the only real deformity I noticed
in the Seminole physique, namely, the diminutive toe nails,
and for the heavy, cracked, and seamed skin which covers
the soles of their feet. The feet being otherwise well formed,
the toes having only narrow shells for nails, these lying sunken
across the middles of the tough cushions of flesh, which, pro-
tuberant about them, form the toe tips. But, regarded as a
whole, in their physique the Seminole warriors, especially
the men of the Tiger and Otter gentes, are admirable. There
are, as I have said, exceptions to this rule of unusual physical
size and strength, but these are few; so few that, disregarding
them, we may pronounce the Seminole men handsome and
The women to a large extent share the qualities of the men.
Some are proportionally tall and handsome, through, curiously
enough, many, perhaps a majority, are rather under than over
the average height of women. As a rule, they exhibit great
bodily vigor. Large or small, they possess regular and agree-
able features, shapely and well developed bodies, and they show
themselves capable of long continued and severe physical
exertion. Indeed, the only Indian women I have seen with
attractive features and forms are among the Seminole. I would
even venture to select from among these Indians three persons
whom I could, without much fear of contradiction, present as
types respectively of a handsome, a pretty, and a comely
women. Among American Indians, I am confident that the
Seminole women are of the first rank.
In 1922 Hrdlicka reported on the Florida Seminoles. He measured
one young male in some detail, though he describes two. They were
medium brown plus in skin color, with straight black hair, and were
"oblong to slightly shorted-headed." Stature was "moderate to fair,"
and body' and limbs were "well developed." Hrdlicka concluded of
all his data that they were "quite common for a southeastern, medium
developed, young adult or slightly sub-adult Indian."
For 60 Oklahoma "full-blood" male Seminoles and 49 "full-blood"
females I present the following descriptive information:
1. Stature and build. The males are predominantly tall. The fe-
males are of medium- height. Both are fairly well built, but tend to
take on weight with age, especially the women. Muscular develop-
ment in younger subjects is usually robust to medium.
2. Head form. The head shape for both sexes is at the lower range
3. Skin color. The color of the face is basically medium brown,
though there is a range from light to very dark brown. The color
on the inner upper arm and on the chest (not exposed to the sun) was
a dusky yellowish-brown to a submedium brown. On the skin color-
top, measuring red, black, yellow and white, I registered the follow-
ing percentages on the inner upper arm:
Red Black Yellow White
Male 18.91% 57.88 13.48% 9.49%
Female 19.12% 57.51% 14.95% 8.95%
4. Hair color and form. The hair color is very dark; in at least half
of the population it is brown-black; the range is medium brown to
brown-black. Hair form is uniformly straight. Graying is rare, and
occurs very late. Beard hair is sparse. Eyebrows are never bushy.
5. Eye color and eye-fold. The prevailing eye color is dark brown.
Sclera is clear in younger life, "muddy" or "flecked" in later life.
The medial eye fold ("epicanthic" or "Mongolian" fold) was present
in 20 of 59 males, absent or slight in 39; it was present in 27 of 49
females, absent or slight in 22.
6. The face. The face across the cheekbones is broad; the cheek-
bones tend to be "high" (forward projecting) and prominent (out-
wardly arched). The forehead is well developed, fairly high and broad,
and tends to be arched or "bulging." The bony ridges above the eyes
supraorbitall ridges) are not prominent in the males.
7. The nose. The Seminole nose is only moderately wide across thu
wings. The bridge is high and straight. Nasal root is fairly well
In general the Seminole physical type does not differ markedly in
appearance from that of his close relatives, the Creeks.
Physical Measurements of
the Oklahoma Seminoles
The physical anthropologist takes many measurements to aid in his
assessment of race and body-type. In addition he derives many
indices of proportion.6 We shall present these measurements and
indices in grouped form and then shall discuss their import.
I Head and Face Males Females
Head Length 191.9 185.5
Head Breadth 153.2 149.0
Forehead Breadth 107.9 105.7
Auricular Height 132.7 129.2
Breadth/Length Index 79.9 80.6
Height/Length Index 9.3 69.7
Height/Breadth Index 7 8T.
Cheekbone Width 14fT
Jaw Width 114.9 109.4
Interpupillary Width 62.2 58.9
Interorbital Width 32.5 31.6
Biorbital Width 98.2 92.6
Total Face Height* 122.9 117.5
Upper Face Height* 73.9 68.3
Total Facial Index 85.2 84.2
Upper Facial Index.7 496
Nose Height 55 15
Nose Breadth 40.7 37.6
Nasal Index 73.4 75.6
Ear Height* 763.2
Ear Breadth* 37.6 35.3
Ear Index 56.7 57.8
Mouth Breadth 51
Lip Height 17.4 16.6
Mouth Index 32.7 33.6
(The measurements marked are "morphological" rather than
I Body Lengths and Breadths Males Females
Stature 1695.9 1566.9
Sitting Height 876.3 811.4
Sitting Height/Stature Index 51.67 51.78
6. In the tables to follow all measurements are in milli-
meters and all indices (underlined) are in percentages. We
shall give averages only. The detailed statistics range,
standard deviation, co-efficient of variation, and errors
of mean, S.D., and C.V. are given in my 1935 report.
Shoulder Height 1407.5 1305.4
Sternal Height 1390.3 1281.2
Cristal Height 1003.1 941.3
Trochanteric Height 893.8 827.5
Knee Height 455.9 431.1
Shoulder Breadth S85.6 352.4
Chest Breadth 309.5 283.6
Chest Depth 245.2 228.1
Chest Index 131.1 126.7
Chest Circumference 7 8937T
Cristal Breadth 315.6 336.1
Trochanteric Breadth 341.4 347.0
III Arm and Leg Lengths Males Females
Total Arm Length 756.6 693.4
Upper Arm Length 303.5 280.0
Forearm Length 262.6 239.0
Hand Length 191.3 175.1
Hand Breadth 80.5 72.5
Forearm/Upper Arm Index 86.2 85.8
Forearm/Hand Index 7T3T 73.
Hand Index 4T" IT
Total Leg Length 893.8 82 7T
Thigh Length 443.4 403.6
Lower Leg Length 397.4 374.5
Foot Height 55.9 55.8
Foot Breadth 99.0 94.6
Foot Length 256.0 240.0
Lower Leg/Thigh Index 90.8 89.5
Foot Index M- IT
Total Arm/Total Leg Index 9T -"
Upper Arm/Thigh Index 4. KT
Forearm/Lower Leg Index W6V W6.
The\ foregoing rather formidable battery of dimensions and propor-
tions may be summarized as follows:
1). The Seminole Indians of Oklahoma have a head of average length
and breadth, a forehead breadth a bit above average, and an auricular
height slightly below average for American Indians generally. Hi3
head-form tends to be round-headed.
2). The face is typically Indian, especially in the breadth across the
cheek-bones. Face height is average. The nose is average in width,
is straight, and not unduly prominent. The mouth is wide, as is true
of American Indians generally. The ear is sma.
3). The stature is-tall, though not among the tallest of American
Indians. Sitting height (i.e., trunk length) is relatively short. Legs
are of average length, as are also arms. Forearm is relatively long
but lower leg is not unduly so. Hand is small, but foot is large.
Shoulders are narrow, chest is average, and hips are wide.
4). In conclusion, the Oklahoma Seminole Indian type is essentially
that of a variant or geographical race (sub-race?) of the American
Indian. As is true of all American Indians, taken as a group, the
majority of Seminole physical traits, where not absolutely definitive
for the Mongoloid type, are intermediate between Caucasoid and
Negroid rather nearer the former in most traits.
Bartram, W. "Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia,
East and West Florida." Phila. 1794.
Giddings, J. R. "The Exiles of Florida." Columbus, Ohio. 1858.
Hrdlicka, A. "Anthropology of Florida." Pub. Fla. State Hist. Soc.
#1. Deland, Fla. 1922.
MacCauley, C. "The Seminoles of Florida." 5th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am.
Ethnol. Washington, D. C. 18.
MacCauley, C. "Personal Characteristics of Florida Seminoles."
Smithson. Misc. Coll. Vol. 25. Washington, D. C.
Nash, R. "Survey of the Seminole Indians of Florida." Office Indian
Affairs. Washington, D. C. 1932.
Porter, K. W. "Relations between Negroes and Indians within the
present limits of the U. S." J. Negro. Hist. 17:287-
Swanton, J. "Early history of the Creeks and their neighbors." Bull.
73, Bur. Am. Ethnol. Washington, D. C. 1922.
Graduate School of Medicine
University of Pennsylvania
Table of Seminole Population
from 1.836 1928
Year r o Total Year Total
F sd (D F_ e o
0 H a 0
oi 0 H 0
~I o EC
--- 3,250 --- 3,250
370 1,500 --- 1,870
348 1,500 --- 1,848
--- 2,500 --- 2,500
500 2,500 --- 3,000
500 2,500 --- 3,000
--- 2,500 ---
--- 2,500 ---
1859 --- 2,253 --- 2,253
1861 ---2,267 --2,267
1865-6 --- 2,000 2,000
1867 --- 2,236 --- 2,236
Baped on Swanton and U.
S. Indian Office Returns.
(1) Lower number equals mixed bloods.
(2) Mixed blood: 1/2 plus, 478: 1/2 minus, 409.
Age and Sex Distribution of Oklahoma Seminoles
FREQUENCY PERCENT OF TOTAL
M. F. Both M. F. Both
Age antil Sa lDfmthiKb tmattaSai ssfi F'IlInrda Sendlimles
ialle Female Total
YU. 7% Mo. % Io. %
Tihbary IL yefar 4 1-4 5 1.7 9 1.6
31- Z ye~r .- IS 2 13 4.5 31 5.4
4- 9 '" .. 7 12.0 aS 13.2 75 13.0
I-Il- "' I 21.14 7 50.2 149 25.8
2CT-2A "' .. 5 17.2 51 17.7 101 17.4
3G- 5B 177.2 50 17.4 100 17.3
4 "' .. .- 6. 19 6.6 44 7.6
5 '" T 2 7.6 15 4.5 55 6.0
6D-6- "' 314 4.& 6 2.1 20 5.5
-7 "' 1 0. 5 1.7 6 1.0
7D-S "' 2 ? 7 .4 a --- 7 1.2
cear SD ai ) (0.3 1 0.2
S2w 2zm 578
The second issue of the FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is now in
print. Like the previous issue this is a double number, and com-
pletes volume I. Beginning in January we will attempt to get the jour-
nal to you in quarterly numbers, and at quarterly intervals. Our
success in this attempt will depend largely upon the membership
of the Society.
First of all, we will need the continued support of the present mem-
bership, and the addition of many new members, to assure financial
support for the project.
Secondly, we will need a supply of good manuscripts to bring to the
membership. Readers will note that our contributions so far have not
come exclusively from professional anthropologists, although we have
not had as many from non-professionals as we had hoped. Remember,
it is the policy of the journal to balance its pages between the needs
of the professional and the non-professional. Thus, we appeal again
for articles and brief communications from the membership.
Although this issue closes volume I, the publication program for the
first year is not complete. We have available a certain amount of
money in the Bulletin fund, and have a manuscript under consideration
for publication as our first BULLETIN. Although this will probably
appear after the first of the year, it is to be considered as a publi-
cation of the current year.
John W. Griffin
The Flint River Site. Mao48. Wm. S. Webb and David L. DeJarnette.
Museum Paper 23, Alabama Museum of Natural History, University,
Alabama, 1948. 87 pages, map, line drawings, 34 plates, 10 strati-
Archaeologists concerned with the prehistory of the southeast divide
prehistoric time into two major periods: a pre-ceramic period called
the Archaic and a ceramic period which ends with the coming of Euro-
peans and the breakdown of Indian culture. A still earlier period is
evidenced by Folsom-like points and by associations between human
bones or artifacts and extinct fauna but extremely little is known about
such a period in this area. The ceramic or post-Archaic period has
been arbitrarily divided into smaller time periods based upon archae-
ological study of changes in the material culture of the aborigines.
As far as I am aware there has been no formal attempt to subdivide
the Archaic period of this area until publication of The Flint River
Webb and Dejarnette in their theoretical introduction to this paper
take the position that the "appearance in a particular stratum of a
new type of artifact, previously not used, as shown by the entire ab-
sence of this artifact from lower and earlier strata" may be taken
as a chronological marker for a new period in time. They point out
that the absence of a technique or artifact in higher or later strata
is not as acceptable as a time marker as "Man generally does not
forget what he has once known." We are all familiar with heirloom
pieces and can agree with this reasoning.
Pointing out that all shell heaps alnng the Tennessee River "have
had a similar development" the authors propose "a six step chrono-
logical scale for the shell middens of the Tennessee River, each step
being defined by the appearance of a material trait." The first three
periods are subdivisions of the Archaic previously mentioned. The
other three cover most of the time during which pottery was made.
The major difference between this arrangement and that used by other
archaeologists is that most students of the area would include the
authors' first pottery period, that during which fiber-tempered pot-
tery was made, as the last stage of the Archaic.
The proposed arrangement follows. In considering this scheme it
must be remembered that each new period is marked by the intro-
duction of a new trait, while many traits may span several periods.
Archaic 1 represented by lowest zones of shell middens.
Characterized by many double pointed bone projectile points
and split bone awls, abundant cut and worked bone, and an
absence of worked flint.
Archaic 2 marked by introduction of flint, usually in the
form of large ovate or lanceolate blades sometimes having
a straight base. Atlatl points with slightly bifurcated stems
are typical. Other artifacts are antler atlatl hooks, bell shaped
pestles, artifacts cut from human bone, and hammerstones.
Dog burials are found.
Archaic 3 marked by introduction of steatite and sandstone
cooking vessels. Long, narrow, stemmed projectile points
are dominant although also found into Pottery 2 times. Other
traits of Archaic 3 include antler drifts, spear points, atlatl
hooks, and head dress; stone gorgets, atlatl weights, and
beads; shell pendants and disc beads.
Pottery 1 marked by introduction of fiber-tempered pottery.
Due to the small amount of this pottery the authors suggest
that it represents trade material. Other traits are medium
small stemmed points with barbs at corners of blades, and
long cylindrical shell beads.
Pottery 2 marked by introduction of grit-tempered pottery
which was rapidly developed into diverse shapes and varied
surface finishes and decoration. Projectile point types found
in Archaic 3 reach their maximum frequency in this period.
Antler artifacts and stone gorgets are still found. Celts and
hoes are present as well as cylindrical shell columella beads.
Gorgets and pendants are also made of shell. There is evidence
of some copper.
Pottery 3 marked by intrusion of shell-temperedpottery into
the very top layer of some shell middens. This seems to indi-
cate a period when these shell middens were used as burial
places by people other than the builders of the middens.
The above abridged lists of traits correlated with relative time show
a complicated picture of culture growth. Comparisons with other
areas indicate various influences which impinged upon and were in-
tegrated into the culture of the shell midden dwellers. This important
story the authors only hint at; they content themselves with building
up a chronological framework which is the necessary prerequisite
to a study of culture growth and change.
The main body of this report covers the Flint River site, its excava-
tion, and artifacts. Excavation was accomplished by isolating large
blocks of the mtidden and then removing them by six inch zones. This
midden was nicely stratified into four zones by layers of shell and
silt. These zones are labeled A to D and the vertical provenience
of artifacts in respect to these zones Is indicated in many tabulations.
The authors are to be congrat elated on this method of presentation
as it makes this information available in ready form for the compara-
One point occurred to the reviewer in studying this part of the report.
The authors state very definitely that Zone C is a pre-ceramic hori-
zon (p. 35). Flaked celts and hues concentrate in this zone (p. 45).
They also state that the character of wear on these implements "seems
to suggest their use as digging tools" (p. 46). "While they flime-
stone celts, hoes, and grooved axes] may have been in use at this
site after limestone pottery began to be used, they are clearly assigned
as to origin to the pre-ceramic time horizon" (p. 47). This would
seem to imply the possibility that agriculture was practised before
the introduction of pottery. It also would appear that these tools
should be included in the list given earlier for Archaic 3.
Apparently pits were not noted or not separately excavated when their
tops were uncovered and before the surrounding dirt or shell was
removed. This appears to have blurred the stratigraphic picture
somewhat, particularly in respect to pottery tabulations. In spite of
this The Flint River Site fits nicely in the conceptual scheme pre-
sented in the introduction. Occupation in Archaic 3 and Pottery 2
periods plus intrusive burials representing Pottery 3 is indicated.
Major exceptions are the limestone celts and hoes mentioned earlier.
Plate references in tabulations and scales on plates would aid the
comparative student. It is also baffling to find that flint types 1, 12,
41, and 45 (the only ones more prevalent in higher than in lower
zones) are not illustrated. A footnote refers the reader to pp. 8-9
of the authors 1942 report. However, these pages only explain how
the classification was made. A plate by plate examination of the
Pickwick Basin report is necessary to find out that type 1 is a small
asymmetric trianguloid knife, type 12 a broken or reworked point,
and types 41 and 45 are drills.1 About five typographical errors in-
dicate how difficult it is to eliminate this trouble.
This paper with its many illustrations and tabulations is very help.
ful in our understanding of the Archaic and middle ceramic periods.
With publication of more reports of this nature from other areas it
may be possible to reconstruct the life and culture of the Archaic
period. Already a much more complicated picture is suggested than
was glimpsed a few years ago.
Ripley P. Bullen
Florida Park Service
The Archaic Horizon in Western Tennessee. Thomas M. N. Lewis
and Madeline Kneberg. Tennessee Anthropological Papers, No. 2,
Knoxville, 1947. 39 pages, map, trait list, chronological chart, many
This publication summarizes data from eleven Archaic (pre- ceramic)
sites in the lower Tennessee River Valley. The salient points of
each site are briefly mentioned and their traits tentatively combined
to form an Eva Focus. Eva Focus traits are compared with those
from Lauderdale and Indian Knoll by a tabulation. A short discussion
Realizing that it would be some time before site reports could be
published, the authors wrote this book "to provide an illustrated in-
ventory of the more important artifacts" and "to call attention to the
probability of the Archaic culture having persisted up to a late period
in western Tennessee." The first objective is admirably attained by
many pen and ink drawings which make this book extremely useful for
We will have to await publication of the site reports for documentation
supporting the thesis that people of the Eva Focus continued to live
virtually unacculturated during about 300 years of ceramic history and
received a few pottery vessels from people of four successive ceramic
periods. At some of the sites covered by this publication pottery is
placed above the base of the plowed zone. At others it is stated to
have come from undisturbed deposits. It is hoped that in the final
reports attention will be given to horizontal as well as vertical dis-
tribution of types of pottery.
Ripley P. Bullen
Florida Park Service
1. William S. Webb and David L. DeJarnette, An Archaeolog-
ical Survey of Pickwick Basin in the Adjacent Portions of
the states of Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee. Bulletin
129, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1942. Pls. 226, 12, 3.
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Ripley P. Bullen. Mr. Bullen is the new Assistant Archaeologist of
the Florida Park Service. Prior to his coming to Florida, Mr.
Bullen was associated with the R. S. Peabody Foundation for
Archaeology, Andover, Massachusetts, and had worked ex-
tensively in the northeastern United States.
John M. Goggin. Dr. Goggin, well known for his work on Florida
archaeology, is now Associate Professor of Sociology and An-
thropology at the University of Florida, having accepted this
post last summer after receiving his doctor's degree from
John W. Griffin. Mr. Griffin is Archaeologist for the Florida Park
Service, and the present paper covers work done in that capacity.
NWilton Marion Krogman. Dr. Krogman is internationally known in the
field of physical anthropology, and we consider ourselves for-
tunate in being able to present a paper by him. He is President
of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists, and
has served in high offices in most major national organizations
concerned with anthropology. At the present time he is Pro-
fessor of Physical Anthropology at the University of Pennsyl-
vania, having recently gone there from the University of Chicago.
Charles W. Spellman. Father Spellman is at present located at La
Leche Shrine in St. Augustine. Academically, Father Spellinan
is an historian, having done his work at the University of Cali-
fornia. His master's thesis was written on the Spanish missions
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