Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Editor's page
 Book reviews
 About the authors

Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00093
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference: Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society
Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Publication Date: March 1997
Copyright Date: 1948
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00093
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: ltqf - AAA9403
oclc - 01569447
issn - 00153893
lccn - 56028409
issn - 0015-3893

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Editor's page
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
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        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
    Book reviews
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
    About the authors
        Page 48
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MARCH 1997


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President: Loren R. Blakeley, 6505 Gulfport Blvd. S., St. Petersburg, FL 33707
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Albert C. Goodyear, Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208
Jerald T. Milanich, Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611 (jtmflmnh.ufl.edu)
Iafrw M- Mitchnm Arkansas Archeoloeical Survev. Parkin, AR 72373 (jmich acomp.uark.edu)







Volume 50
March 1997

Number 1



Editor's Page.

Robert J. Austin

Additional Spanish Artifacts, Evidence of Ritual Feasting, and Rectangular Structures at 8WL38,

a Fort Walton Village in Walton County, Florida.

Gregory A.


Salvage Excavations of an Archaic Period Special-Purpose Site in Collier County.

G. Beriault, Jean Belknap,

Did Coosa Decline Between 1541 and 1560?

Arthur R. Lee,

Walter M. Buschelman, Annette L. Snapp, and John W. Thompson

Paul E. Hoffman


Professional/Amateur Cooperation In Florida: The Isolated Finds Program Is A Good Start.

Robert L. Knight


Lyon: A New Deal for Southeastern Archaeology.

Mark Williams

Odell (Editor): Stone Tools: Theoretical Insights into Human Prehistory.

Robert J. Austin

About the Authors

Cover: Reflections by Elizabeth Neily


As you probably know, 1997 marks the 50th anniversary of
the Florida Anthropological Society. According to John Griffin
(FA Vol. 36, Nos. 3-4), the foundation of the society was laid
during a three-day conference held in Daytona Beach in mid-
August of 1947. By the end of the month a newsletter had been
written and distributed. In it was published the goals and
purpose of the newly formed Florida Anthropological Society
which were "to serve both non-professionals and professionals
interested in one or more fields of Florida anthropology." The
newsletter also authorized the organization of local chapters.
The society's original Organizing Committee consisted of
Winston W. Ehrmann (Chair), Hale G. Smith (Secretary-
Treasurer), John M. Gogginm, John W. Griffin, O.F. Quack-
enbush, and Frederick W. Sleight. The composition of the
committee soon changed when Hale Smith returned to college
to finish his doctorate. He was replaced as Secretary-Treasurer

by Donald E. Worcester. Smith stayed on
committee and was joined by Raymond F.

Greenlee, Albert C.

Holt, and Bevode C.

as a member of the
Bellamy, Robert F.


The diverse

backgrounds of the committee members reflected the range of
interests that the society was anxious to cultivate. Of the eleven
members, there were five anthropologists, four sociologists, one
historian, and a minister.
The first issue of The Florida Anthropologist was published in
May 1948 and the first monograph in the society's Special
Publication series followed in 1949. The journal's first editor
was John Griffin. In that first journal issue, Winston Ehrmann
indicated that membership in the society totaled 70. By the time
the first annual meeting was held on February 13, 1949,
membership had increased to 104. Today the society has grown

to nearly 700 members and 13
Anthropologist and Florida An
Publication series are distribute
throughout the United States as
tries. They are the primary r
interested in recent developments
pology of Florida.
A philosophical cornerstone of
original statement of purpose, is
professional and avocational arch
articles contained in this first

I local chapters. The Florida
thropological Society Special
ed to members and libraries
well as several foreign coun-
eference sources for anyone
in the archaeology and anthro-

the society, as reflected min its
the close association between
iaeologists. Appropriately, the
issue in the society's golden

anniversary year reflect this philosophy. The first paper by Greg
Mikell details the results of his excavation at a Fort Walton
village in Walton County. Greg's field crew consisted primarily

cant contribution to the archaeology of northwest Florida.
Members of the Southwest Florida Archaeological Society
(SWFAS) present the results of a salvage excavation at a small
prehistoric site in Collier County that contained fiber-tempered
ceramics and evidence of a columellae-extraction workshop.

This article illustrates
play when destruction
mobilized quickly and


, they public

. .l

the valuable role that FAS chapters can
of a site is eminent. SWFAS not only
executed a thorough, well documented
hed their results in a timely fashion. The

project should serve as a model for other FAS chapters to
follow on how to conduct and report on their field work.
In the third paper, historian Paul Hoffman critically examines
the claim that the paramount chiefdom of Coosa, which was
located primarily in present-day north-central Georgia, experi-
enced population decline and social disruption as a result of
contact with Hernando de Soto's expedition in 1541. It is
Hoffman's thesis that the image of Coosa as small, poor, and
weak was created intentionally by members of the 1560 Luna
expedition to justify their desire to abandon the mission and
leave La Florida. His reinterpretation of the Spanish documents
is sure to inspire healthy debate regarding the effects of the
Spanish entradas on native societies.
Professional/amateur cooperation is the topic of Robert
Knight's contribution in this issue's COMMENTS section in which
he discusses the recently implemented Isolated Finds Program.
Developed by the Florida Division of Historical Resources, the
program allows for the collection and ownership of artifacts
from state-owned river bottoms as long as the finder reports the
artifacts to the state. Although considered an experiment, Knight
believes the potential increase in knowledge that can result from
such a cooperative effort should outweigh any potential prob-
lems. As he observes, however, the success of the program will
be decided by the actions of professionals and amateurs alike.
Before closing I want to welcome to the journal's staff Keith
Ashley and Albert Goodyear. Keith will be taking over as Book
Review Editor from Brent Weisman. Brent did an excellent job
developing this position, but his teaching and research duties
forced him to request that I find a replacement. Keith has
accepted the job with enthusiasm and I am sure he will do a fine
job soliciting books and coordinating with reviewers. Al
Goodyear will replace Louis Tesar on the Editorial Review

Board. Louis had to resign his duties for personal re
his editorial expertise and vast knowledge of Florida
gy will be sorely missed. Al will review manuscripts
.4 '- I. I A 4 .,I"I* -- -

asons, and
1 i



4430 Yarmouth Place, Pensacola, Florida


Previous investigations at 8WL38, a Fort Walton village with
,prehistoric (Four Mile Point Phase) and protohistoric compo-
nents produced many interesting artifacts and a wealth of data
(Mikell 1992a, 1994). The site is located in Walton County,
along the west side of Four Mile Point, on the south side of
Choctawhatchee Bay. During the fall of 1994, as a follow-up to
previous excavations at 8WL38, I conducted an archaeological
field school designed to educate a group of volunteers in the
techniques of large-scale block excavation. With the invaluable
aid of the Fort Walton Beach Temple Mound Museum staff and
their facilities, the field school culminated in the excavation of
a 12 m2 block in the midden mound and a 34 m2 block where
post holes, post molds, and a refuse pit had been previously
documented along the mound's eastern slope (Mikell 1994:243).
My earlier investigations revealed that the midden mound
contained a large number of Fort Walton pottery types, Spanish
artifacts, ceremonial objects, and refuse apparently associated
with ceremonial feasts. These investigations also indicated that

there was the potential for the remains
and below the midden mound. The
successful in recovering more Spanish

of structures adjacent to
block excavations were
artifacts and additional

evidence of ritual feasting, as well as locating the remains of
two structures. Post holts and pits associated with a larger,
rectangular structure and a portion of a smaller square or
rectangular building were found below midden deposits associat-
ed with the midden mound. A refuse pit associated with the
structure yielded a calibrated radiocarbon date of approximately
A.D. 1275 (for a detailed review of the previous findings at
8WL38 see Mikell 1994).

A Brief Summary of Previous Findings at 8WL38

In 1993, a field school project (Mikell 1994) concluded with
the excavation of 44 m2 and resulted in the recovery of Spanish
artifacts, over 4500 aboriginal ceramic vessel fragments and
partial vessels, subsistence remains, and many other types of
artifacts. The vast majority (83%) of the identifiable pottery
recovered is sand- and/or grit-tempered Fort Walton types. The
remainder is shell-tempered Pensacola pottery or unidentified
-.r.t- .*< I. -_-_

between A.D. 1150 and the 1550s (Mikell 1994:260).
Of primary significance during the initial investigation was the
documentation of the protohistoric component, particularly the
midden mound with its potential ceremonial objects, ritual-
associated refuse, and Spanish artifacts. Intra-site comparison of
various classes of artifacts (faujial materials, botanical remains,
pottery, and other artifacts) indicate that the midden mound is
a distinct deposit, or accumulation of materials, associated with
specialized activities that are clearly distinguishable from the
remains of household and domestic activities on the site (Mikell
The Spanish artifacts recovered from the site include a brass
buckle, a wrought-iron nail fragment, and an iron band frag-
ment. The iron band and nail were recovered in the upper
portion of the east slope of the midden mound. The brass buckle
was recovered in direct association with a cache of artifacts that
includes 22 stingray spines, an engraved ceramic disc, two
Olive-shell beads, an altered alligator scute, a very small
ceramic disc, and a turtle-shell gorget fragment (Mikell

1994:241-242). The cache of artifacts, which may
remains of a ritual cache, was indirectly associated
hearth or fire pit that yielded charcoal producing a cal
radiocarbon date range of A.D. 1468 to A.D.1552 (see
1994:260 for radiocarbon date details).

be the
with a

The Block Excavations: Spanish Artifacts, Evidence of
Ritual Feasting, and Rectangular Structures

Subsequent work at the site included the excavation of a 12 m2
block (Block 7) in the midden mound and a 34 m2 block (Block
8) adjacent to the mound (Figure t). In general, materials and
data recovered during these subsequent investigations were
similar to those from the previous excavations, but three
features of primary interest are discussed here. Spanish artifacts
and a dense deposit of deer bone were encountered in Block 7.
Post holes, post molds, and pit features associated with a
structure were found beneath the midden mound deposits in
Block 8.
In Block 7, two additional iron artifacts, assumed to be
fl' Vt--i- -- ------------------- ----------- flfl -if^ r -------- A.1


1997 VOL. 50(1)

1997 VOL. 50(1)



in length, and has been battered on both
ends. The second is a long (19.7 cm),
slender, bipointed or double-ended iron
spike. C.B. Moore (1918:537-539) found
considerable European materials at his

"cemetery on Hogi
8WL50, located less
8WL38. Moore descr
pair of iron scissors
iron objects. Two
Spanish Nueva Cadiz
been identified in a
from the Hogtown B
(Calvin Jones, perso
In addition to the S
unusual feature was
central portion of the i



than 2 km from
ibed glass beads, a
, iron spikes, and
beads have recently
private collection
ayou cemetery area
nal communication

I _ 0 I

d *-


panish artifacts, an
encountered in the
nound within Block

7, Unit 49. A large, dense deposit of
deer (Odocoileus virginianus) bone was
found at 15 to 22 cm below the surface
of the mound in Stratum III (see Mikell
1994:Figure 3). Although no pit was
discernable, the bone deposit was con-
fined to an area measuring 70 cm by 50
cm. The deposit includes partial elements
and fragments of 6 humeri, 1 ulna, 2
scapulae, 9 lumbar vertebrae, 11 femurs,
6 tibiae, and 16 flat bone fragments that
are probably pelvis and scapula frag-
ments. The skeletal elements, some of
which exhibit butcher and cut marks,
represent an estimated minimum of five
individual deer. No bones of the lower
extremities, head, or mid-section were

associated with the feature. The
represented suggest that the

bone is the refuse from hind quarters and
shoulders. A large Point Washington
Incised var. Point Washington sherd and
three large Lake Jackson Plain var. Chat-
tahoochee sherds (Figure 2e-f) were
directly associated with the bone deposit.
The Point Washington Incised sherd is

cazuela bowl.

Figure 2. Selected artifacts from 8WL38: a) battered iron stock and double-ended
iron spike; b) clay pipe stem; c) copper ornament; d) shell celts; e) Point Washington
Incised sherd; f) Lake Jackson Plain sherd. Ceramics were associated with a mass
of deer bone.

a body sherd from a

The Lake Jackson Plain sherds are the remains of

a large conical jar with an everted rim; in
cooking pot.
The deer bone deposit likely represents the
from the ritual consumption (feasting) of the d

other words, a

refuse left over
eer meat such as

feasts could have been a significant source of bone refuse such
as the feature at 8WL38, and as Jackson and Scott (1995:114)
have noted: "...whereas the dominance of meaty deer parts in
the mound points to chiefly orchestration of production [and
distribution], it does not necessarily indicate chiefly private
-.** I. .1 1 1 J- 1- 1----____-


^ ;
-e ^r


d ^i--'1.15' -
W -J^;-*' *^ _-.
:J ~ ^1 .




The features documented in Blocks
4 and 8 are clearly associated with
the lower midden layer. Several post
holes were faintly visible in the
lower midden, and the upper por-
tions of two refuse/fire pits initially
appeared as bone and charcoal con-
centrations within the lower midden.
No trace of the features was encoun-

tered i
with th

Figure 3. Post-hole and post-mold sectioning during initial excavation of Block

the mound. Following Blitz's argument, the remains of the large
Lake Jackson Plain vessel associated with the deer bone also

which contained
burned shell and

Sthe upper midden/midden
slope deposits. It is apparent,
e, that the post hole and pit
are not directly associated
e midden mound deposits. I

assume that they were covered over
when the midden mound was
Figure 4 depicts the remains of two
rectangular structures within Block
8, including one entire building
(Structure 1) and a smaller, partial
8. structure. Also illustrated are five
associated refuse pits and/or fire pits
(Features 3 and 17-20), each of
charcoal and other charred botanical remains,
animal bone. and Fort Walton and Pensacola

may be

considered potentially indicative of feasting given its

and the
: 8 recover
slope of t
7. were s

other supporting data recovered from the

ed a wealth of artifacts associated with the
the midden mound that, like the results of


lar to

those recovered during previous

excavations on the east side of the mound (Block 4). Over 2,600
Fort Walton (79%) and Pensacola (19%) pottery vessel frag-
ments, thousands of pieces of animal bone, botanical remains
(including maize), Olive-shell beads, and a shell celt were
recovered from the 34 m2 area. A small perforated piece of
copper (Figure 2c) also was recovered in Block 8. The piece of
copper is flat, measuring 44 by 30 mm. A small perforation is
present near one edge and another edge has been rolled and
flattened, forming a lip. The copper is cold-hammered native
metal and is the fragmentary remains of some type of ornament.
In addition to these artifacts, 49 sub-midden features, 45 post
holes and post molds, and 4 refuse pits were encountered,
excavated, and documented. The sub-midden features are the
focus of the discussion of the Block 8 excavations.

Located imm
associated with
(see Mikell 199

ediately below the sloping midden deposits
the east side of the midden mound in Block 4
14) and in Block 8 is a distinct midden deposit.


Structure 1 measures approximately 3.4 m (9 ft) by 4.8

m (16 ft). Structure 2 is an apparently
with smaller posts and could be a sto
corn crib, associated with Structure 1.
floors or hearths within the structures v
associated refuse-filled pits are located

the structures.
pieces of daub
mound. Aside

of St
the s

No daub was recovered
were recovered in upper
from artifacts recovered

smaller structure made
rage facility, such as a
No evidence of earthen
'ere encountered and all
outside, or away from,
in Block 8, but a few
portions of the midden
in the pits and a few of

ost holes, cultural remains were extremely scarce in the
beneath 30 to 35 cm and were nonexistent within the outline
ructure 1 below 30 cm. These characteristics suggest that
structure had a raised floor built up off the ground. Note
that with Structure 1 the corner posts appear to have been

larger than the others and that smaller posts were located along
the sides and in areas that could have served as supports for a
raised floor.
The plan view of Structure 1 and its architectural characteris-
tics are strikingly similar to those described by Adair (1973),
Bartram (1909, 1955), Speck (1909), and Swanton (1922, 1928,
1946) for Seminole chickees or Creek summer houses. The
presence of opposing central post holes, representing ridge poles
on each shorter side of Structure 1, indicates that a ridged or


1997 VoL. 50(1)



Block 4

Fea. 3




Structure 1


1 J A


0 iM




1997 VOL. 50(1)

feet from the ground and covered with a palmetto thatched roof,
the roof being no more than 12 feet above the ground and the
ridge pole, or 7 at the eves. Eight upright palmetto logs, unsplit
and undressed, support the roof. Many rafters sustain the palmetto
thatching. The platform is composed of split palmetto logs lying
transversely, flat sides up, upon beams which extend the length of
the building and are lashed to the uprights with palmetto ropes,
thongs, or trader's ropes. The platform is peculiar, in that it fills
the interior of the building like a floor and served to furnish the
family with a dry sitting or lying down place when, as often
happens, the whole region is under water.

Even though the structures MacCauley described were some
600 years and 300 km removed from Structure 1 at 8WL38, his
account can easily be applied here, with the exception of the
statement about "trader's ropes" and, perhaps, palmetto log
construction materials. Although palmetto or palm trees are
present in the Choctawhatchee Bay area today, and were likely
present during the Fort Walton Period, other types of wood also
were readily available. Also found in Swanton (1946:396) is
William Bartram's description of a Seminole house that included
a cooking house and a "skin or ware-house." Perhaps Structure
2 was a similar outbuilding associated with the domiciliary unit,
Structure 1.

The Significance of the 8WL38 Structures

Although the recovery of additional Spanish artifacts and
additional evidence of ritual feasting at 8WL38 is quite exciting,
the presence of rectangular, chickee-like structures may prove

to be of equal significance. Little evidence of structures has
been documented in northwest Florida west of the Apalachicola
River. A circular or oblong, dirt-floored structure has been
documented in nearby Okaloosa County at 80K5, but it is a
Weeden Island Period dwelling dating to the seventh century
(Mikell 1992b:202-203, 1992c:296). Fairbanks (1965:239-245)
found "some evidence of summit structures...in the western
half" of the Fort Walton Temple Mound which suggests that
straight-walled structures (square or rectangular) were present
on the summit of the mound. Aside from the structures at
8WL38, no domestic Fort Walton Period structures have been
documented in the Choctawhatchee Bay region.

Evidence of both large and
structures is common in the
prevailing assumption is that
small circular dwellings" (M
Walton Period. Structures 1
against such an assumption
structures known for Tallahas
square or rectangular dwellir
prehistoric people along th(

small circular Fort Walton Period
Tallahassee Hills region, and the
"ordinary people probably lived in
ilanich 1994:365) during the Fort
and 2 at 8WL38 provide evidence
. If, as opposed to the circular
isee Hills Fort Walton populations,
igs were the norm for similar late
e Gulf Coast, the differences in

dwelling types may have been a matter of environmental and
climatic variables.
The lack of evidence for an earthen floor or hearths within
Structure 1, the absence of daub around it, and the fact that all
associated refuse-filled pits are located outside the structure are,
in my opinion, indicative of a raised-floor structure. Even
without archaeological evidence conclusively indicating that
Structure 1 was open sided, a raised-floor dwelling simply

- n t~.- r; - 'err w z. I



makes sense in a low-lying coastal area.

Open sides would

allow for cooling with the afternoon sea breeze during the
summer months. Bartram (1909) noted that Creek summer
dwellings that were open on three sides provided "...a cool and
airy situation, and here the master or chief of the family retires
to repose in the hot seasons, and receives his guests or visi-
tors." While Structure 1 may be a summer house, proximity to
the coast and bay waters would have resulted in fewer nights
with below-freezing temperatures during the winter, making a
chickee-like structure an acceptable year-round dwelling. The
most important characteristic of such a structure during periods
of heavy rainfall or during coastal flooding is, of course, the
raised floor. The site is in an area that occasionally floods and
may remain wet for days after heavy rains.
Structures 1 and 2 do not appear to be associated with the

midden mound deposits and are
public or "special structures.
structures are clearly associated
nial or ritual-associated data
mound. I would argue that the
dwelling that predates constru
midden mound. Radiocarbon
midden mound support this arg
a refuse-filled pit associated wit
ed date that ranges between

, therefore, not considered to be
SThe midden with which the
does not share implicit ceremo-
and artifacts with the midden

structures represent
action and accumulat
dates from Feature
ument (Mikell 1994).
h Structure 1, yielded
A.D. 1225 and A.D

a domestic
ion of the
3 and the
Feature 3,
a calibrat-
. 1295 (1

sigma, Beta 64276). The structures may have had something to
do with where people chose to locate the midden mound. For
example, the structures may have been the residence of some
important person or represent an important place.
Perhaps 8WL38 was the village of a chief or cacique and was
the scene of ceremonies and ritual feasting during the time it

took for the midden mo
statement is speculation, o
idea. Ceremonial objects
potential ceremonial potter
status such as broken sto]
ceramic discs, shell beads

und to
f course,
such a
y, and a
ne and
and oth

accumulate. The preceding
, but there is support for the
is a possible ritual cache,
shell cup; items of wealth or
shell celts, a chunky stone,
er items of personal adorn-

ment; the Spanish artifacts; the evidence of ritual feasting (also
see Mikell 1994); and the location of the village near the
Hogtown Bayou cemetery where Moore (1901, 1918) found
considerable European (Spanish) materials certainly support
such speculations. Once again, 8WL38 has provided us with a
wealth of information about the people who left it behind.


Many thanks go out to the Fort Walton Beach Temple Mound Museum staff,
especially Gail Myer, for their assistance. To the members of the field school,
especially Bill and Jean Lucus, Bob Nagel, John Jansen, Andy Reynolds, and
Star Smith: it could not have happened without you. To my wife and six-month-

1955 Travels of William Bartram. Edited by Mark Van Doren. Dover, New
Blitz, John H.
1993 Big Pots for Big Shots: Feasting and Storage in a Mississippian
Community. American Antiquity 58:80-95.
Campbell, T. N.
1959 Choctaw Subsistence: Ethnographic Notes from the Lincecum Manu-
script. The Florida Anthropologist 12:9-24.
Fairbanks, Charles H.
1965 Excavations at the Fort Walton Temple Mound, 1960. The Florida
Anthropologist 18:239-264.
Jackson, Edwin H., and Susan L. Scott


1995 The Faunal Record of the Southeastern Elite: The Implicatiol
Economy, Social Relations, and Ideology. Southeastern Archaet
4ikell, Gregory A.
1992a The Fort Walton Variant on the Northwest Florida Gulf
Coast. Southeastern Archaeology 11:51-65.
1992b 80K5, A Coastal Weeden Island Village in Northwest Florida.
Florida Anthropologist 45:195-220.
1992c 80K5 Revisited: 1992 Excavations. The FloridaAnthropologist45:
1994 8WL38, A Protohistoric Village Site on Choctawhatchee Bay.
Florida Anthropologist 47:233-268

ns of



. . .. . .. .. --- v l W
Milanich, Jerald T.
1994 Archaeology of Precolumbian Florida. University Press of Florida,
Milanich, Jerald T., Ann S. Cordell, Vernon J. Knight Jr., Timothy A. Kohler,
and Brenda J. Sigler-Lavelle
1984 McKeithen Weeden Island: The Culture of Northern Florida, A.D. 200-
900. Academic Press, Orlando.
Moore, Clarence B.
1901 Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Northwest Florida Coast, Part 1.
Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia 11:421-
1918 The Northwest Florida Coast Revisited. Journal of the Academy of
Natural Sciences of Philadelphia 16:514-580.
Rolingson, Martha A.
1991 A Low Platform Mound Associated with Feast Activities at Toltec
Mounds. Paper presented at the 48th Annual Meeting of the Southeast-
ern Archaeological Conference, Jackson, Mississippi.
Smith, Marvin T., and Mark Williams
1994 Mississippian Mound Refuse Disposal Patterns and Implications for
Archaeological Research. Southeastern Archaeology 13:27-35.
Speck, Frank G.
1909 Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians. Anthropological Publications of the
University of Pennsylvania Museum 1, Philadelphia.
Swanton, John R.
1911 Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley andAdjacent Coastofthe
Gulf of Mexico. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 43, Washing-
ton, D.C.
1922 Early History of the Creeks and Their Neighbors. Bureau of American
Ethnology Bulletin 73, Washington, D.C.
1928 Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek Indians. Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology 42, Washington, D.C.
1946 The Indians of the Southeastern United States. Bureau of American
Ethnology Bulletin 137, Washington, D.C.


of the




Winston W. Ehrmann
(the first and only Chair)
John W. Griffin
Hale G. Smith

Albert C.

John M.

W. Sleight
W. Sleight
. Neill
. Neill
. Fairbanks
[. Sears



Marvin Brooks
William C. Lazarus
Cliff E. Mattox
Charlton W. Tebeau
William C. Lazarus
Charles W. Arnade
Roger T. Grange
J. Floyd Monk
Ripley P. Bullen
Ripley P. Bullen
James W. Covington
Carl A. Benson

William M. Goza
George Magruder
John W. Griffin
Benjamin I. Waller
Wilma B. Williams
J. Raymoxnd Williams
George W. Percy
Jerry Hyde
Thomas Watson
Irving R. Eyster
Marion M. Almy
John G. Beriault
Claudine Payne
Joan Deming
Karen Malesky
Harold D. Cardwell
Harold D. Cardwell
Jerry Hyde
George M. Luer
George M. Luer
Arthur R. Lee
Betty Riggan
Betty Riggan
Jacquelyn G. Piper
Loren Blakeley







Southwest Florida Archaeological Society, P. O. Box 9965, Naples, FL 34101.
E-mail: l arlee@naples.net

Collier County is in the throes of intense development with
concomitant bulldozing and destruction of archaeological sites.
By fortunate happenstance, imminent construction on the plot
containing the site which is the subject of this report was called
to the attention of the Collier County Historic Preservation
Board. The Board obtained the consent of the developers, D. B.
A. Development Corporation, to have the development site,
called Vintage Bay, surveyed and subsequently excavated. So
close was the timing that bulldozers had cleared all of the site
except the immediate area containing the test pits by the time

the diggers finished their work.
Thanks to that good fortune,

volunteers of the Southwest

Florida Archaeological Society (SWFAS) were able to add to
knowledge of the southern end of Marco Island, an area with a
rich archaeological past. This paper provides a report on the
excavation of the Satin Leaf site (8CR766) and analysis of
recovered materials. Fiber-tempered pottery and radiocarbon
dating place the site at the beginning of Bullen's Orange Period
(Bullen 1972). The site also yielded evidence of shell tool
Following excavation, the site was destroyed by construction
of a parking garage. The developer insisted on the return of
everything removed from the site, even before the completion
of this report, precluding future examination of artifacts, which
could be desirable since the site's deposits posed questions not
completely answered by our examination and analysis.

Background and Previous Investigations

The Satin Leaf site is on the eastern arc of a Pleistocene sand
dune formed around what once apparently had been a lagoon
and now is Barfield Bay at the southern extremity of Marco
Island (Figure 1). The dune's height, up to some 16 m at
Caxambas Point, decreases as it circles to the east and south to
between 7 and 4 m. Its irregularities form islands, the most
notable of which is Horr's Island, which rises to 14 m and
nearly encloses the bay at the south. Attracted by the advantages
that go with elevation in a marshy, mosquito-inhabited, hurri-
cane-prone area, humans have made the dune their home since

The settlement pattern for the period that followed that pioneer
establishment is marked by middens on the adjacent Marco
Island dune ridges. These contain the admixtures of shell and
bone that Wilbumrn A. Cockrell (cited in Widmer 1974:16-18)
regards as typical of Archaic remains, along with sherds of
fiber-tempered pottery. These sites range from small, temporary
or special-purpose areas to stratified deposits evidencing longer
occupations and containing more varied pottery. This pattern
gives way with the passage of time to larger, Glades-type sites
closer to the water. These later sites reveal the development of
the sophisticated fishing industry and its variety of shell tools
and sand-tempered pottery that lasted to contact-period times,
ending with the Calusa chiefdom.
This sequence was elaborated by surveying done during the

late 1960s under the

Archives, History
Division of Hist
impending reside
remarks Widmer
early occupation
recorded in the C

, and
on I

auspices of the Florida Division of
Records Management (now the Florida
Resources), which was triggered by
development of the island. Its finds,
8:50), "confirmed the existence of an
Marco Island similar in date to that

harlotte Harbor region (Griffin 1949; Bullen

and Bullen 1956)."
The state-sponsored excavations in the dune area revealed a
pre-ceramic component termed "Pre-Glades I Early" by Widmer
(1988:69) and documented the appearance of fiber-tempered
pottery (Orange Plain) during a subsequent "Pre-Glades I Late"
period. Widmer's (1988) chronology starts the Pre-Glades I
Late-Orange Plain Period at 4500 B.P. with the appearance of
fiber-tempered ceramics. The addition of St. Johns Plain and
Perico (crushed limestone-tempered) Plain wares to the Orange
Plain ceramic inventory marks the beginning of the next period,
Pre-Glades II, at 3800 B. P.
The sequence of preceramic and early (fiber-tempered)
ceramic components in the late Archaic that was established on

the Marco dunes was not duplicated at Hc
though Horr's Island is separated from Marc
narrow, shallow stretch of water. At Horr's
exploration by Russo (1991) produced only o
sherd and that was of a semi-fiber-tempered

rr's Island, even
o Island by only a

ne fib

d, extensive
y associated


1997 VOL. 50(1)

- .







Figure 1.


Location of the Satin Leaf site (8CR766) in relation to other sites discussed in the text.

Salvage Design and History

all exploratory

are referred

Excavated soil was sifted through 3.

as "post-hole


mm (1/8 in) screens. A

A preliminary walk-over inspection of the construction site
was made in September, 1994 by John Beriault, Field Activities
Chair of SWFAS, and Arthur Lee, that organization's Laborato-

Director and then Chair of the Collier County


Preservation Board. A shovel test produced a sherd of fiber-
tempered pottery and fragments of shell.
With that evidence of very early occupation, further investiga-
tion was decided on, especially since it was known that other
pre-Glades sites had been found in the area and that much
4 I 4 i *1---------- --- '--._ ^.1-_ ^ .---- ' ^.r-- .--

full-fledged excavation was set for the weekend of October 15
and 16, which resulted in the digging of five test pits and one
column sample.
The post-hole tests followed a 2 m grid pattern centered on the
original find and adjusted to avoid trees (Figure 2). The test pits
were located in areas where the post-hole tests had produced the
greatest numbers of artifacts, which resulted in their following
quite closely the central north-south line of the post-hole grid,
with one test pit located on a transverse eastern arm (Figure 3).
TT^n ,an, n ,n n.arna nAontarl tn mnonnptr nnrth TeI niltc 1 A and




Contour in meters
above sea level

o Test,cultural



x Test,



Figure 2.

Contour map of the Satin Leaf site showing the locations of post-hole tests.

mm (1/8 in) screen was used
were dug to sterile soil, which
cm below ground surface.
Artifacts were taken to SWFi
Collier County Museum in Naj

in cultural zones. The test pits
was reached at approximately 60

AS's Craighead Laboratory at the
pies where they were washed and

parabolic Pleistocene sand dune forming the northern and
eastern boundaries of Barfield Bay on the south end of Marco
Island (Figure 1). An extension becomes Horr's Island, to
which it would have been attached during times of lower sea
level. In areas of the site that did not reveal signs of human

dried, sorted, and then bagged for analysis. The column-sample
material was floated using a SMAP-type flotation device
(Watson 1976). After analysis which was delayed by an
emergency salvage dig at Key Marco (Lee 1996; Widmer
1996) all material, including food shell, was returned to the
4, ....- I a...

occupation the soils
Paola fine sand, to
ascribed the region's
pedologist Sylvia Scu
tion in all samples

generally conformed to the description of
which the Collier County soil survey
soils (Yamataki 1990). Of Horr's Island,
idder (1991) wrote: "Particle-size distribu-
was dominated by the fine sand fraction,
k a ^ a C* *L-a- ; r ..I- ;-1 H -



Contour in meters
above sea level


Figure 3.

Map showing the locations of test pits at the Satin Leaf site.

The modern level extends to about 29 cm below the surface.
The prehistoric cultural level is between 30 and 50 cm below
the surface, and is well compacted and dense. The middle of the
cultural level is about 45 cm below the surface. Below that is
the original ground surface, prior to aboriginal occupation, and
the yellow sand subsoil.
Deviations from the colors and textures of the soils described
in the Collier County soil survey were caused by cultural or
floral intervention. Gray and various shades of tan and brown
fl ^ 1 _-1 *_ -- A --* A.** ^--- A*jAj ^4-

midden sites. This, together with the relative spars
faunal remains, bespeaks something other than i
domestic use.
To assess the site's conditions for the preservation
artifacts, pH tests were run on a sample of soils from
2A. All test results indicated acidic neutrality.

eness of

of shell
Test Pit


flnr- n4' t1a hA.In. ,i4Ana t4a TnirQllh that nf a matlire trnniral

1997 VOL. 50(1)




S A Surface; forest floor little
B. Grey sand with roots;
lower portion has some
-f cultural material.
C. Main cultural level; very
Sdark greyish brown, Munsel
S10YR 3/2. Most artifacts
,were found here.
D. Aeolian sand; light yellowish brown, 10YR 6/4, typical of
dune formation.
E. Light grey intrusion.
F. Lens of dark brown 10YR 4/3.
G. Brown 10YR 5/3, apparently a discrete formation.

Figure 4.

Stratigraphic profile of Test Pit 2A, west and north walls. The strata are broadly typical of aH five test pits.

extension of the sand dune formation, had a sizeable pineapple
plantation and processing plant (Tebeau 1957). Beriault (1980:3)
notes that the dune's xeric scrub vegetation "is similar to that of
the sandhills north of Lake Okeechobee, but with the inclusion
of several tropical components." Flora present on the site are
listed in Table 1.
There was no opportunity to recover for analysis an adequate
sample of charred archaeological wood remains from the site.
However, botanical investigation of the adjacent Horr's Island
archaeological site by Lee Newsom (1991) probably provides a
close approximation of the floral environment at the time the
Satin Leaf deposits were created. Notable in her analysis is the
ubiquitous presence of pine, which now is rare in the area but
in archaeological times was commonly used as fuel, along with
black, red, and white mangroves, live oak, buttonwood and
seagrape, the stoppers, mastic and rapanea, coco-plum, fig,
nicker, wild lime, bustic, hackberry, velvet, and bay.
Ten plants on Horr's Island were identified as food sources:
live oak, mastic, Setaria/Panicum, chenopod, saw palmetto,
acorn, coco-plum, prickly-pear, pokeweed, wild grape, and wild
lime, and probably cabbage palm, gourd/squash, sea-
grape/pigeon plum, trianthema, hackberry, and red mangrove.
Those of medical or artisanal value included gumbo-limbo,
hlnnir manornve huittnnuwnw nind fnlt rl" mfnl2r1 1MrAmn um

Table 1.

List of floral species present at the site.

Satin Leaf
Wild coffee
Resurrection fern
Needle leafed wild pine
Stiff leafed wild pine
White stopper
Spanish stopper
Gumbo Limbo
Live oak
Strangler fig
Butterfly orchid
Tough bumelia
Wild lime
Beauty berry
Camphor wood
Saw palmetto
Clitoria pea

Chrysophyllum oliviforme
Psychotria nervosa
Polypodium polypodioides
Tillandsia setacea
Tillandsia fasciculata
Eugenia axillaris
Eugenia foetida
Bursera simaruba
Quercus virginiana
Ficus aurea
Mastichodendron foetidissimum
Chiococca alba

Encyclia tampensis
Bumelia tenax
Zanthoxylum fagara
Callicarpa americana
Myrcianthes fragrans
Serenoa repens
Clitoria fragrans

evidence of occupation was most numerous. A total of 52
sherds weighing 65.5 gm was recovered from the site (Table 2).
All sherds. both to the eve and under the miernqenne chnw the

- ,


Table 2.

1997 VOL. 50(1)

Vertical distribution of prehistoric pottery. All weights are in grams.



TP 1A1
N Wt.

[ Wt.

I Wt.

[ Wt.



B = body sherd; R = rim sherd

thinned by erosion, measure 3-7
and poorly compacted. Rim and
Only one pit, 1A1, contained
together. They are incurving wi
indicated pot diameter at orifice

mm. All are extremely friable
body sherds are of comparable

rim sherds, two of which fit
th a rounded-beveled lip. The
is 22 cm.


A single white chert flake was recovered from Test Pit 2A. Its
maximum dimension is 16 mm. Of this artifact Rich Estabrook
(1995) commented: "The overall flake morphology indicates that
it was struck off the edge of a patterned tool (read biface) or
possibly a larger flake tool during modification or rejuvenation
of the implement." He described it as being an unaltered,
silicified limestone, medial/distal flake fragment, likely having
come from a Tampa Limestone outcrop, like those found in the
Hillsborough River Quarry Cluster.

Shell Tools

Several sets of shell artifacts characterized the Satin Leaf site
(Table 3). One consisted of sizeable robust lightning whelk
(Busycon contrarium) shells planted in the soil anterior points
down, their spires battered and columellae removed. Another
was made up of scores of bivalve scrapers, mostly of quahog
(Mercenaria sp.) clam shell. Yet another was a series of

was a total of 116 showing various degrees of wear. They
were of various sizes, mostly convex-concave in shape,
following the natural contour of the quahog shell, but 12 had
concave notches as though they had been designed to shape
cylindrical objects. Most appeared well worn and some were
quite thin. Many displayed pronounced horizontal striations as
if from use.
In an attempt to determine whether thinning of the scrapers
may have been caused by chemical erosion, rather than physical
wear, soil samples were tested for acidity, as noted in the
earlier discussion of soils. Although the samples were essential-
ly neutral, the possible effects of transient conditions, such as
the passage of acidic rain water through the soil matrix, could
not be ignored, nor could the possibility that carbonates in the
shells might have neutralized more acidic soils. However,
sampled soils were not in direct contact with the scrapers.
Other notable recoveries were a small fragment of the outer
whorl of a lightning whelk with an imbedded streak of what is
believed to be red ochre, and a single quahog clam-shell anvil

bearing percussion marks. The ochre-marked fragment of
lightning whelk whorl, from a post-hole test near the center of
the site where Test Pit 1A was later located, was 41.8 x 51.4
mm in size and irregularly pentagonal in shape. The mark was
jagged, 16.6 mm long and 2.3 mm at its widest. It was recov-
ered from a depth of 80 cm. This is deeper than most of the
cultural material, but it is not unheard of for post-hole diggers
to bring up material brushed down from higher walls. However,
1- 11 t < r fl' T..j fl! A .t ..L&_1- JA. 1 -> -

LE rrI AL.


Table 3.

Vertical distribution of shell tools, all test pits combined.


Tool Types


(QC) Bivalve knife/scraper
(LW) Gastropod scraper/knife
(LW) Columella perforator
(LW) Gastropod pick
(LW) Columella pointed tool
(QC) Anvil/Chopper
(LW) Gastropod hammer "F"
(CC) Columella perforator
(LW) Gastropod dipper/vessel
(LW) Gastropod hammer "G"
(LW) Gastropod hammer unhafted
(LW) Anvila


QC = Quahog clam; LW = Lightning whelk; CC = Crown conch
U These artifacts were buried, point down. Levels are those in which recognizable pieces of battered outer whorls were found. Spire
fragments were at higher levels.

pod (lightning whelk) cutting-edged tool was found in Test Pit
1A, Level 4. The apex of the spire was absent, but the columel-
la was in place.

Table 4.

List of vertebrate species present at the site.


Vertebrate Remains

Table 4 presents a list of the vertebrate species represented at
the site. Table 5 shows the distribution of vertebrate faunal
remains by unit and level. The vertebrate remains confirm other
indications that the site had been put to specialized, non-
domestic uses with analyses showing that for most species only
single individuals had been consumed. Since four of the five test
pits were very close to one another, they were considered as
one in calculating the minimum number of individuals con-
Test Pit 3A, somewhat removed from the tests, had a verte-
brate content slightly different from the others and, judging by
the shallower stratigraphic position of its faunal remains, was
apparently the scene of a limited-occupation episode more recent
than the rest of the site. A few deer, catfish, snake, and raccoon
bones were recovered from its topmost 10 cm, while that level
in the other test pits had only a few, widely scattered bones or
Deer bone was found only in Test Pit 3A. The only rabbit

White-tailed deer



Coluber constrictor

Bony Fish

Gafftopsail catfish
Hardhead catfish
Red drum
Crevalle Jack

Bagre marinus
Arius felis
Sciaenops ocellata
Centropomis undecnimalis
Chilomycterus sp.
Caranx hippos

Cartilaginous Fish



Odocoileus virginianus
Didelphis virginiana
Procyon lotor
Sylvilagus sp.


Table 5.


Distribution of bone by weight in grams.




Test Pit 1A


Test Pit 1A1




single individual.
Fish species included both gafftopsail and hardhead catfish,
jack, drum, burrfish, snook, and shark. With the exception of
the catfish, each species was represented by only a single
individual. All of these test pits contained fragments of turtle
shell, but there was no evidence that they came from more than
one individual.
The quantities of vertebrate remains were uniformly small,
with the greatest amounts coming from the center of the site.
Test Pit 1A1 produced 49 gm and the adjacent column sample
yielded 31.25 gmin. Other test pits contained less than 16 gm of
bone each (Table 5). Also remarkable was the diffuse nature of
the bone deposit, with bones or fragments of what appeared to
be single individuals scattered spatially over the site as well as

Invertebrate Remains

Test P

Test P

Test P


Although not so exaggerated as in the case of bone, food shell
left by those who occupied the site provides evidence that the
preparation and consumption of food was not the main activity
there. The five test pits yielded a total MNI of 1494 for all 18
molluscan species identified (Table 6). Four species oyster,
crown conch, quahog clam, and lightning whelk made up the
vast bulk, with MNIs of 329, 1050, 42, and 51, respectively.
Interestingly, the column sample itself did not bear out this
relationship with MNIs of 28 for oyster, 26 for crown conch,
2 for quahog, and 6 for lightning whelk (Table 7). The contri-
bution of shellfish to the total caloric needs of those living or
working at the site can be appreciated by noting that the site
total of 357 oysters, at an average of 10 calories each (Adams
1975) would have provided just over the 3,000 calories needed
daily by a person living a vigorous life.
Certain aspects of the molluscan content are intriguing. While



Column Sample
3 13.60
4 7.50
5 4.05
6 2.40
7 .30
Totals 27.85

Pnct-Hnlp Tpctc

3.20 1


at the Mu
crown cot
of the loc;
conch she
20-30 mn
found in
these tips
All test
Levels 3,

berry Midden site (8CR697) (Lee et al. 1993), the
xch shells were intact enough to permit measurement
action of the meat extraction holes, Satin Leafs crown
lls were so damaged that very few whorl pieces were
. Most of the columellae were broken, leaving only
Sof the anterior tips. There were few spires or spire-
combinations. With the exception of a perforator
Level 3 of Test Pit 2A. there was no evidence that

represented b'
columellae (5t
anterior tips
uinr1?c ipTvrp n

been modified for use as tools.
contained much crown conch shell, mostly in
and 5 (20-50 cm). A total MNI of 1076 was
of these only 33 were intact. The rest were
y separated spires (95) and joined spires and
i, whorls missing), plus 987 columellae, mostly
(Table 8). The missing unattached spires and

int fninin


1997 VOL. 50(1)




Table 6.

Invertebrate species present at the site, all test pits combined.



Weight (gm)


Eastern Oyster (Crassostrea virginica)
Crown Conch (Melongena corona)
Quahog Clam (Mercenaria campechiensis)
Lightning Whelk (Busycon contrarium)
Oyster drill (Urosalpinx sp.)
Transverse Ark (Anadara transversa)
Florida Cerith (Cerithium floridanum)
Pear Whelk (Busycon spiratum)
Common Nassa (Nassarius vibex)
Gray Pygmy Venus (Chione grus)
Atlantic Rupellaria (Rupellaria typical)
Common Atlantic Marginella (Prunum apicinum)
True Tulip (Fasciolaria tulipa)
Florida Fighting Conch (Strombus alatus)
Atlantic Bay Scallop (Aequipecten irradians)
Sunray Venus (Macrocallista nimbosa)
Banded Tulip (Fasciolaria hunteria)
Zebra Periwinkle (Littorina ziczac)
Miscellaneous Fragments





a Less than .01 percent.

Table 7.

Invertebrate species present in column sample.



Weight (ginm)


Eastern Oyster (Crassostrea virginica)
Crown Conch (Melongena corona)
Quahog Clam (Mercenaria campechiensis)
Lightning Whelk (Busycon contrarium)
Miscellaneous Fragments








Land Snail (Polygyra sp.)

86.55 gmin. Most came from Levels 4 and 5 (Table 9). Circum-

Radiocarbon Date


1997 VOL. 50(1)

Table 8.

Crown conch shell fragments.



sherds, was noted by McMichael (1982:73) in reporting what he
considered to be an Archaic Period surface deposit on Horr's
Island. He believed that the sand content probably had been
present naturally in the clay from which the pottery had been

Spires and columellae
Unattached spires
Unattached columellae



formed and added,



"Attempts to place the site in a transitional

position on the basis of sand admixture would be ill-advised."
The Satin Leaf sherds were found with shell dated at 4000 +/-
60 B.P. (cal. 2200-1880 B.C.), a date quite close to the 4500
B.P. start of Widmer's (1988:69) Pre-Glades I Late-Orange
Plain Period, the threshold of the Late Archaic era. The period
is bracketed by a series of four radiocarbon dates from the
Palmer site in Sarasota which range from 4000 to 3000 B.P.,


= intact + spires and columellae + unattached columellae =

Table 9.

Charcoal quantities recovered, all

test units combined.

including a date of 4050

+/- 125 B.P. associated with its

earliest Orange (fiber-tempered) ceramics (Bullen and Bullen
1976:13, Table 2).
Satin Leaf fits neatly as the southernmost of a string of sites
containing fiber-tempered pottery located on the eastern arc of
the Marco Island sand dune encircling Barfield Bay. Although,
as noted elsewhere, the site bears the earmarks of a special-


Weight (gm)

purpose establishment,

in general

terms it conforms to the

pattern of small shell middens on the high dune ridge noted by
Cockrell (1970) for Pre-Glades sites on Marco Island. Widmer
(1974:16) notes that "The distinctive artifactual feature of this
(late Archaic) stage on Marco Island is a fiber-tempered plain
pottery which is classified as Orange Plain...."

Just over

.8 km (.5 mi) from Satin Leaf is another site,

8CR112, that was radiocarbon dated at 3015

+/- 100 B.C.


was made for reasons of economy; however, it is worth noting
that the result is consistent with the time periods of similar sites
excavated at Useppa Island (Marquardt 1992a:5; Milanich et
al.1984:270). Further, the soil in which the shell and sherds
were found was quite homogenous, suggesting that the artifacts
were the remains of a single cultural event.





site contained



tempered Orange Plain ceramics, limestone-tempered Perico
Plain, and untempered, chalky St. John's Plain, and Widmer
(1988) considered it to have the area's most representative
ceramic sequence. Its stratigraphic interpretation has been
questioned by Griffin (1988:132) and Russo (1991:248), but
Widmer (1988:71) holds that the stratigraphy is sound, although
the strata were compressed due to a lack of shell in quantity. He
does point out that the carbon from which the date came was
from the bottom of the midden-stained zone, 80 cm below the
A dramatic demonstration of the introduction of pottery in the
south Marco region was offered by a site (8CR111) explored by

Joseph Hutto (Widmer 1974),

which had five fiber-tempered

sherds overlaying a non-ceramic shell midden. At nearby Horr's
Island, site 8CR696 produced two semi-fiber-tempered plain or
Norwood Plain sherds from the top 20 cm of the excavation
(Cordell 1991). Although the contexts of those sherds were
considered to be disturbed, they were believed to be associated

with a radiocarbon date of 2800


+/- 70 B.P.

considerably more recent than the Satin Leaf

deposit. In connection with that date, it is noted that the Horr's




personal communication 1996), which
would have been consistent with Wid-
mer's mixed-temper "Transitional" Peri-

Shell Tools

In 1989, on Useppa Island, large light-
ning whelk shells were found buried in
the soil with their tapered ends down and
their tops heavily fractured, like those at
Satin Leaf, some 80 km to the southeast
(Figure 5). The investigators concluded
that they had been used as anvils in the
manufacture of shell tools, and also that
their columellae had been extracted for
use as hammers which were found there
in considerable numbers (Marquardt
1992b:211). Earlier, in 1980, excavation
by Jefferson Chapman and Jerald Mil-
anich at Useppa Island (Milanich et al.
1984:272-273) uncovered evidence of a
similar large-scale tool-manufacturing
operation, including lightning whelks in
various stages of the columella-reduction
process. Of the columella tools found in
the workshop areas of Useppa Island,
dated between 2880 and 1550 B.C.,
Marquardt (1992a:5) noted that they were
hammers "... not of the familiar large,
whelk-shell variety, with holes cut into
the shells for handles. Instead, only the
center column ('columella') was used."
The process of extracting columellae for
tools, as deduced from artifacts found at
Useppa Island in 1980, was described by
Milanich et al. (1984:271): "The ends
were 'pecked' to separate the central
columella from the outer portions...The
method of removing the columellas
makes it clear that the columellas them-
selves were the final product, not cups
made from the outer portion...." Accom-
panying photographs showed large whorl
fragments, battered spires, and columel-
lae in various stages of reduction to the
desired cylindrical shape (Milanich et al.
1984:Figure 11.3).
The presence of columella tools on oth

Figure 5. Only the outer whorls and spire fragments remained of the lightning
whelks buried in the soils of every test pit.

er Marco Island sites
.. .. ... -^.^ HOI-9-11

shoreline canoe routes, speaks to a certain amount of travel by
*- L t I. .. -. .0it---------------- - A -J ^- -^. ^.. -- ^. -^ c^ -^ ^- ---


(1984:271-273) speculate that pieces of sandstone and siltstone
recovered on that island earlier might have been used in the
columella manufacturing process.
The Satin Leaf test pits did not contain quantities of whorl
debitage other than the amount attributable to reduction of the
implanted Busycon shells. However, there was a large number
of Mercenaria scrapers. On Useppa Island, Milanich et al.
(1984:273) also noted quantities of quahog shells with abrasion
along their edges. Some were "heavily rubbed on one or both
sides and edges...All of the stone [sandstone and siltstone pieces
found at the site] and clam 'tools' were most likely used in the
columella manufacturing process as saws or smoothing imple-
The presence of the many shell knives/scrapers near the
battered lightning whelk at Satin Leaf invites conjecture of use
similar to that ascribed by Milanich et al. The site offered no
other clues as to their function, although shaping wood or
scraping hides or vegetable matter would appear possible. Shell
scrapers have proven very efficient in removing scales from fish
(Patton 1994), but the site contained the bones of only a few
individual fish. Several of the shell tools had been sharpened to
a point, presumably for use as awls or perforators. Numbers of

similar scrapers were processed by two
man and Lee, in material recovery
excavations at nearby Horr's Island in
In an attempt to explain the radical

of the authors, Buschel-
ed from archaeological
smashing that the many

crown conch shells had undergone, a theory was advanced that
the tip-down Busycon may have been used as anvils prior to
extraction of their columellae. An attempt at replication
demonstrated that conch shells did not rest particularly neatly on
the whelk spires and that the technique exposed experimenters'
thumbs and fingers to damage from hammer blows. However,
such dual use of the lightning whelk was not ruled out.

Vertebrate Remains

Vertebrate remains represented a limited number of spe
and, with the exception of catfish, only single individu
adding weight to other indications that Satin Leaf was a
used lightly and probably for a single specialized purpose.
noteworthy that the site's species list closely resembles
inventory Cockrell (1970:85) recorded for another Marco Isl
Archaic Period site, 8CR107. Both sites lacked mullet, a

anvil in forming the knives/scrapers or for opening the many
crown conch found on the site, whose smashed condition has
been referred to earlier. It also has been conjectured that the
buried lightning whelk, before being relieved of their columel-
lae, could have been used as anvils in opening the conchs.


The Satin Leaf site provided another radiocarbon date -
2200-1880 B.C. to help fill in the occupational sequence of
a part of southwest Florida which played a major role in the
development of what was to become, three thousand years later,
a unique fisheries-based chiefdom, the Calusa. That date, from
oyster shell associated with fiber-tempered pottery, has addition-
al significance in two areas.
At nearby Horr's Island there are numerous radiocarbon dates
in the same time range as the Satin Leaf date, but none in direct
association with fiber-tempered ceramics. The sole sherd of that

type turned up there

by Russo'

extensive exploration was of a

semi-fiber-tempered ware of a more recent time period. A
surface find of eight fiber-tempered sherds on Horr's Island by
McMichael (1982) was not radiocarbon dated, although he
considered the site to be late Archaic. The question as to why
no other ceramics of this type have been found on Horr's Island
in dated deposits that are comparable to those at Satin Leaf is
unresolved. Furthermore, as one of a series of sites on the
Barfield dune ridge that contain fiber-tempered ceramics (now
nearly all destroyed), Satin Leaf may help to elucidate time
problems associated with them.
Satin Leaf's artifacts yielded additional information about a
technique for extracting columellae from lightning whelk
(Busycon contrarium) for use as tools. It contained several such
shells, buried with their anterior ends down in the soil, their
spires battered and columellae absent, leaving the outer whorls
and some spire and whorl fragments. At Useppa Island it had
been concluded that shells found in a similar condition had been
used as anvils (Marquardt 1992b:211). Also, excavations there
in late 1989 turned up numbers of columella hammers (Mar-
quardt 1992a:5). Earlier work at Useppa Island by Milanich et
al. (1984) uncovered evidence of a major columella-extraction
industry involving the use of various types of stone and
Mercenaria scrapers.
If a similar technique was used in the extraction of columellae
at Satin Leaf, that could explain the scores of worn quahog
knives/scrapers found there. There is no evidence of employ-
ment of the tools for other uses such as wood-working or the
preparation of vegetable material. They were of diverse sizes
and shapes, a few had notches, and they showed varying
degrees of wear, some having been thinned appreciably.

It is

not uncommon in southwest Florida midden deposits, and
Cockrell 1970:85) cites a suggestion by Wing (1965:24) that the
netting technology to catch them may have been lacking.

Invertebrate Remains

1997 VOL. 50(1)



the indications of common tool-

manufacturing practices at Marco and Useppa Islands, and the
presence of chert far from its source near Tampa Bay bear


a degree

of communication



The scenario postulated above would give weight to other
evidence indicating that this was a special-purpose site. Cook-
ing, on other than a casual scale, can be ruled out with a fair
degree of certainty, given the absence of the dense organic soils
of heavily used midden areas, the small amount of charcoal
recovered, the few potsherds, all of which could have come
from the same vessel, and the paucity of bone.
Not answered is a question raised by the condition of the

crown conch (Melongena corona)

found on the site.

Board; Corey Cabral, engineer for the Vintage Bay organization, who eased the
way for the exploration; Brent R. Weisman and Christine L. Newman, who
helped with profile interpretation; and Richard Estabrook, who analyzed a chert
flake. Randolph J. Widmer and Michael Russo have been generous in sharing
their knowledge of the Marco/Horr's Island area's prehistory and its pottery.
Ron Jamro, Director of the Collier County Museum which provides basic
facilities for the Craighead Laboratory, was of continuing assistance.

References Cited

Adams, Catherine F.
1975a Nutritive Value of American Foods. Agriculture Handbook No. 456,
U.S.D.A., Washington, D.C.
Berienault, John G.
1980 The Natural Features and Prehistory of Marco Island, Florida. In

Although at other sites in the area they have been discovered
intact or with neat meat-extraction holes, the hundreds at the
Satin Leaf site were represented mostly by the tips of columel-
lae; there were few spires or spires attached to the columellae,

and little whorl shell.

The use of buried lightning whelks

anvils at Useppa Island lends a degree of support to a theory
that those found at the Satin Leaf site may have been similarly
employed in smashing open the crown conch shells prior to
removal of the whelks' columellae and while they were more or
less intact. Such a practice could account for the fragmentary
condition of the conch shells.
Although a plausible use for the many quahog scrapers m

the extraction

of lightning



- has been

advanced both at Satin Leaf and Useppa Island, similar scrapers
have been found in other sites in the general area such as Bear

Lake (Griffin

1988:210) and Mulberry

Midden (Lee et al.

1993:43). Neither of these sites contained evidence of such an
industry. It is to be hoped that someone will be inspired to
make a serious study of this type of tool, looking at shapes,
wear signs, and artifactual context, fleshing out classifications
presented by Marquardt (1992b:211).
And there is the enigmatic streak, believed to be of ochre,
lodged in an indentation of a lightning whelk whorl fragment.
Until a similar site is explored, these question marks must
remain in place. At the Satin Leaf site, where people once
worked their shell tools, bulldozing has left only the air two
meters above an automobile parking place.


The September, 1994


was done by John Berienault, Scott Brannon,

Valerie Flanigan, Jo Ann Grey, Art and Lynn Lee, Jim and Sue Long, P.W.
Quails, Charlie and Gail Strader, Don Taggart, and Jackie Turner. Participants
in the October 15-16, 1994 excavation were Jean Belknap, Beriault, Sheila M.

DeSanto, Barbara B. Dobbs, Flanigan,

Mitchell Hope, the Lees, the

Longs, Rudy Magyari, Kim Marhoffer, Maureen Murray, Quails, Linda

Water, Oil and the


of Collier, Lee and Hendry Counties,

edited by Patrick J. Gleason, pp. 10-14. Miami Geological Society,
Beriault, John G., Robert Carr, Jerry Stipp, Richard Johnson, and Jack Meeder
1981 The Archaeological Salvage of the Bay West Site, Collier County,
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 34:48-49.
Bullen, Ripley P. and Adelaide. K. Bullen
1956 Excavations on Cape Haze Peninsula, Florida. Contributions of the
Florida State Museum, Social Sciences, No. 1. Gainesville.
1976 The Palmer Site. The Florida Anthropological Society Publication No.
8, Gainesville.
Cockrell, W. A.
1970 Glades I and Pre-Glades Settlement and Subsistence Patterns on Marco
Island. M.A. thesis, Department of Anthropology, Florida State
University, Tallahassee.
Cordell, Ann S.
1991 Paste Variability in Horr's Island Pottery. In Final Report on Horr's
Island: The Archaeology of Archaic and Glades Settlement and
Subsistence Patterns, edited by Michael Russo, pp. 556-590. Florida
Museum of Natural History, Department of Anthropology, Gainesville.
Estabrook, Richard W.
1995 Letter to Annette L. Snapp dated 19 April 1995. Copy on file,
Craighead Laboratory, Naples.
Griffin, John W.
1949 Notes on the Archaeology of Useppa Island, Florida. The Florida
Anthropologist 2:92-93.
1988 The Archaeology of Everglades National Park: a Synthesis. National

Park Service,

Southeast Archaeological Center, Tallahassee, FL.

Lee, Arthur R.
1996 Key Marco Revisited. The Florida Anthropologist 49:3.
Lee, Arthur R. and John G. Beriault, Walter Buschelman, and Jean Belknap
1993 A Small Site Mulberry Midden, 8CR697 Contributes to Knowl-
edge of Transitional Period. The Florida Anthropologist 46:43-52.
Leighty, R.G
1954 Soil Survey, Detailed Reconnaissance, Collier County, Florida. United
States Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service, Washing-
ton, D.C.
Marquardt, William H.
1992a A Shell Tool Workshop on Useppa Island. Calusa News 6:5.
1992b Shell Artifacts from the Caloosahatchee Area. In Culture and Environ-
ment in the Domain of the Calusa, edited by William H. Marquardt,
pp. 191-228. Institute of Archaeology and Paleoenvironmental Studies,
Mnnomranh Nn 1 ITniversitv nf Flnrisa ainecvillr

of columella tools.


1W VaM..

Munsell Color
1975 Munsell Soil Color Charts. Munsell Color, Baltimore.
Newsom, Lee
1991 Horr's Island Archaeobotanical Research. In Final Report on Horr's
Island: The Archaeology of Archaic and Glades Settlement and
Subsistence Patterns, edited by Michael Russo, pp. 591-644. Florida
Museum of Natural History, Departmentof Anthropology, Gainesville.
Patton, Robert B.
1994 Remarks prepared for presentation to the June 1994 meeting of the
Southwest Florida Archaeological Society, Naples.
Punlrdy, Barbara A.
1981 Florida's Prehistoric Stone Technology. University Presses of Florida,
Russo, Michael
1991 Final Report on Horr's Island: The Archaeology ofArchaic and Glades
Settlement and Subsistence Patterns. Florida Museum of Natural
History, Department of Anthropology, Gainesville.
1994 Why We Don't Believe in Archaic Ceremonial Mounds and Why We
Should: The Case from Florida. Southeastern Archaeology 13:93-108.
Scudder, Sylvia
1991 Soil Analysis from Horr's Island. In Final Report on Horr's Island: The
Archaeology of Archaic and Glades Settlement and Subsistence
Patterns, edited by Michael Russo, pp. 646-690. Florida Museum of
Natural History, Department of Anthropology, Gainesville.
Tebeau, Charlton W.
1957 Florida's Last Frontier, a History of Collier County. University of
Miami Press, Miami.
Watson, Patty Jo
1976 In Pursuit of Prehistoric Subsistence: A Comparative Account of Some
Contemporary Flotation Techniques. Midcontinental Journal of
Archaeology 1:77-100.
Widmer, Randolph J.
1974 A Survey and Assessment of Archaeological Resources on Marco Island,
Collier County Florida. Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties,
Division of Archives, History, and Records Management, Miscel-
laneous Project Report Series Number 19, Tallahassee.
1988 The Evolution of the Calusa: A Nonagricultural Chiefdom on the
Southwest Florida Coast. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.
1996 Recent Excavations at the Key Marco Site, 8CR48, Collier County,
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 10-25.
Wing, Elizabeth
1965 Animal Bones Associated With Two Indian Sites on Marco Island,
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 17:21.
Yamataki, H.
1990 Collier County Interim Soil Survey and Narrative Description. Collier
Soil and Water Conservation District, Naples.






Department of History, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, Louisiana 70803-3601
E-mail: hoffmnan@whflemming. hist. lsu.edu

The paramount chiefdom of Coosa has been exhibit "B" for
scholars who argue that Hernando de Soto's passage through the
Southeast set off a wave of demographic decline and social,
cultural, and political disruption. Exhibit "A" is Cofitachequi,
whose neighborhood was supposedly devastated by an epidemic
two years before de Soto's arrival (Elvas 1993:83; cf. DePratter
1994:215-17). But the value of both cases as evidence for that
thesis is, like the report of Mark Twain's death in 1897,
With respect to Coosa, this interpretation rests on the Domini-
can chronicler Agustin DAvila Padilla's statement in the Historia
de la fundaci6n y discurso de la Provincia de Santiago de
Mdxico de la Orden de Predicadores published in 1596, portions
of which are translated in Swanton (1922). Davilla Padilla
(1922:231-32) reports that the de Soto survivors who accompa-
nied some of Tristan de Luna's men to Coosa in 1560 said that
"they must have been bewitched when this country seemed to
them so rich and populated as they had stated." Davila Padilla's
other comments that Coosa's main town had about 30
houses, that seven "little hamlets" were in its district, that
scouting parties found the area "all deserted," that the land was
"poor and the villages few and small," and that the population
of Coosa had declined relative to the Napochies, who took the
opportunity to rebel seem to confirm a precipitous decline
from the populous, prosperous paramount chiefdom of a scant
twenty years earlier described in the de Soto chronicles (Davila
Padilla 1922:231-32; cf. Biedma 1993:232; Elvas 1993:92-95;
Rangel 1993:284-85; Vega 1993:321).' But is this the truth?
Did de Soto's passage through Coosa set off the sort of
demographic and ultimately social-cultural-political disaster that
Milner (1980), Dobyns (1983), Smith (1987), Hudson et al.
(1989), Hally (1994), and some others have suggested on the
basis of DAvila Padilla's comments and the admittedly equivocal
archaeological evidence? Galloway (1995:159) has recently
rejected this interpretation, noting that the documentary evi-
dence does not support "an argument for truly massive disease

expressed as the disappointment of exaggerated expectations
based on faulty remembrances, is what Daivila Padilla records.
Examined by itself, the documentation does not support the
claim of demographic and socio-political decline, nor does it
support any conclusion about the state of the chiefdom of Coosa
in 1560 relative to what it had been in 1541.

The Documentation and What It Says

The extant documentation consists of four blocks of material.
First are four letters written from within the chiefdom of Coosa:
Mateo de Sauz to Luna, Apica, July 6, 1560 (Sauz 1928);
Father Domingo de la Anunciaci6n and the officers to Luna

(Officials 1928a) and the same group to V
Luis de Velasco (Officials 1928b), both b
concluded at Coosa and dated August 1,
Domingo Salazar to Francisco Navarro, Coo

(Salazar 1928).

between Luna and
Nanipacana and S
letters and other
depositions by Alo
Ochao, Hispaniola,
quez 1928). Finall
lished in 1596 (D4i

Second chronologically is

egun at
sa, Auj
a legal

1 his officers and the treasury
anta Maria de Ochuse that inco
materials (Luna et al. 1928).
nso de Montalvan and Cristobal
, August 11, 1560 (Montalvan 1
y, there is Daivila Padilla's texi
uila Padilla 1922). The Coosa po

of Mexico,
t Apica and
and Father
gust 1, 1560
officials at
rporates the
Third are
928; Velaz-
t, first pub-
rtion of this

text is almost certainly the work of Father Domingo de la
Anunciaci6n, who accompanied Ensign Mateo del Sauz and 140

other Spaniards to Coosa in
compilers of the Historia. Fra
hardly an impartial observer.

1560 and who was
y Domingo, as will be
As for Daivila Padilla,

one of the
noted, was
he was the

fifth and final compiler and editor of the Historia, not the
author of its entire text. He had not even been born when Sauz
and company visited Coosa (Esteve Barba 1964:201).
The four letters tell the following story. Ensign Mateo del
Sauz, 100 foot soldiers, 40 mounted soldiers, the Dominican
friars, Father Domingo de La Anunciaci6n and Domingo

mortality and population depletion by 1560.

" However, she did

not examine why the Spanish sources might give tha
The argument of this paper is that the documentary
tells us that the Spaniards on the expedition to Coosa,
mnrn tha inn thn r-rnnma at Manin e.n and then 2lanta

it impres-

and even
Marina de

Salazar, and
(Figure 1) or
for the rest o
settle on the
2day nunnlv o

an undisclosed number of servants left Nanipacana
SApril 15, 1560 with two objectives: to find food
f the expedition and to see if there were places to
; way to and at Coosa (see also Hudson et al.
Galloway 1995:151-60). They carried only a four-
f fnnd thinking that in that time they would fnaQ


Figure 1. Map of the Luna entradas showing the extent of the chiefdom of Coosa. Modified from Galloway
(1995:Figure 4.1). Reproduced by permission of The University of Nebraska Press.

two leagues a day along a trail that followed the Alabama River
and one of its tributaries, probably the Coosa, they traversed
some 100 leagues of "generally flat" land (with hills nearby),
covered with dense forests of pines, oaks, walnuts, chestnuts,
and, along river banks, other species, except in the small areas
that the Indians had cleared around their villages. This journey
-4 - i.*a-- i- ^ ^ - ^^

On the 40th day, about May 25, at Caxiti in the territory of
the chiefdom of Tascalusa (Montalvan 1928:290; cf. Galloway
1995:152, 154; Hudson et al. 1989:39-40), they found enough
maize so that they could feed it to the horses as well as
themselves. They may not have done so, however, because they
received word via Indian messengers that the camp at Nani-

197 VoL. )



the fall line and the southern edge of Coosa's

trade network

we think it would be difficult to maintain ourselves in it."

(Sauz 1928:218).2 A dozen or so leagues beyond Caxiti, on the
fifty-seventh day of its march (June 11), the army came to
Onachiqui, the first village of the chiefdom of Coosa (Officials
1928a:224; Officials 1928b:234, 236).
In commenting on this 90-100 league stretch, Sauz, Anun-
ciaci6n, and the officers agreed that the best soils and largest
cleared areas were at the towns of Talpa and Atache. The forest
around the Talpa was not as dense as elsewhere along the route
(Officials 1928a:226; Sauz 1928:220). Atache had "some
savannas for cattle and good bottomlands [vegas] for sowing"
(Officials 1928a:226). The towns they had seen generally con-
tained fewer than 40 houses, although a few had as many as 50.
In a letter to Velasco, the officials said they had not seen any
place suitable for a Spanish settlement "even if we wished to
throw them [the Indians] out of their houses," because so little
land had been cleared and (contradicting their letter to Luna)
there were no savannas where cattle could be raised (Officials
1928b:240). Clearing the land themselves was evidently not
something the Spaniards intended to do! Sauz, on the other
hand, wrote to Luna that Talpa, Ynicula (locus unknown), and
Atache were "the best soil [suelo] for settlement" in that stretch,
although he does not say a settlement could or should be made
at any of them. He, the friars, and the officers left that decision
to Luna, whom they urged to come to Coosa so that he could
see the land for himself. Sauz (1928:221) went on to note that
"the country does not please the friars...they are the most
discontented" of his men, whom he admitted were discontented
with the country.
Coosa was much better. From Onachiqui onwards for the 25-
30 leagues to Coosa's main town, the land was "heavily settled"
(Sauz 1928:218). The officials wrote to Luna that in Coosa
province the "towns are near to each other" although none was
large (i.e., more than 50 houses); that there were many fields
and paths indicating a large population; that for six leagues
approaching Apica there were savannas (sabanas, corn fields);
and that it was evident that women, children, and clothing were
not in the houses except in the main town. The town of Coosa

is not described except to
implication, however, it,
with a ball pole and one o

say that there was plenty to eat. By
like many other towns, had a plaza
r more poorly built temples "as little

frequented as is uncouth the religion which they practice in
them" (Officials 1928b:240). The Spaniards feared that once the
harvest was in, the men would go into hiding (Officials
1928a:222, 224, 228). In writing to Velasco, the officials added
a description of the physical setting of Coosa town. They
admitted it had some good fields and a vega, or bottomland,
where the Indians planted all their food crops. However, beyond
these fields were heavy woods and a mountain ridge to the north
/TT... ..1 1 lnOf.Afl An 1 ns,1 in :iO.'IA \ uAr n ln+n, o:,a tn

The Sources of the Negative Image of Coosa

What about the supposed decline of Coosa implied in Anun-
ciaci6n/Dhvila Padilla's statement? The letters show that these
eyewitnesses could not judge the population because so many of
the Coosans were in hiding. Still, the Spaniards camped in a
field a short distance outside of the town of Coosa were aware
that at 130 strong they were few in number in a populous land.
They also knew that the peace between them and the Coosans
was based, as much as anything, on the latter's perception that
the Spaniards were merely passing through (Sauz 1928:218,
222). Their fears, expressed in a variety of ways, seem to show
that the de Soto veterans with the party, who had assured their
fellows at Apica that the rest of the chiefdom of Coosa was like
the populous area around Apica, recognized that little had
changed since 1541. In all likelihood, Coosa was just as
populous and powerful as it had been then, but the letters do not
allow the drawing of any conclusions except by interpretative
So where did the Anunciaci6n/Divila Padilla statements come
from? Fray Anunciaci6n's discontent and that of the other men
have been noted. The friar appears to have been the author of
the officials' letters, about whose content Sauz warned Luna.3
To this general discontent with a land that seemed to contain so
few immediately available opportunities for Spanish profit, the
officers at the base camp added their determination to get away
from La Florida. When Luna ordered them to prepare the able-
bodied men to go inland to follow Sauz to Coosa, they objected
on several grounds but most notably because they claimed that
the land was unsuitable for settlement (Luna 1928:1:156, 160,
202, 206). The treasury officials stated bluntly, "and as to what
has been said about Coosa being the best part of the country,
we now see from what they write and say that it is not fit to be
settled by Spaniards because of the many forests and the few
lands and people that it contains" (Luna 1928:1:207). The
Campmaster, Jorge Cer6n de Saavedra, came even closer to the
Anunciaci6n/Dhvila Padilla text when he declared:

the [former] accounts of this land and these provinces were false
and not true, judging by what has been seen in the province of
Coosa, which was [declared to be] the most fertile, best disposed,
and provisioned part for Spaniards to live and settle in, whereas it
seems to be quite the opposite, being of such an undesirable nature
that everyone asserts that there is no place where one may remain
or erect a town [Luna 1928:2:51].

The "former accounts" of Coosa, ah there's the rub! If
Garnilan dte nla Vean in tn he believed enthnsiasnm fnr Cnnsa


1997 VOL. 50(1)

other discussions that led to the Luna expedition, is clearly one
of the reasons for Cervantes de Salazar's assertion (Hoffman
1990:144, 147, 150-52).

What all of these Mexican statements and to
Soto chronicles recall is a folkloric version o:
reflect a sort of enchantment, but one that v
among the Spaniards (Lankford 1993:173-91).
uncommon for explorers (e.g., de Soto) to
virtues of places and for later settlers (e.g.

a degree the de

f Coosa
vas self
Too, it

officials) to do the same with their defects (Franklin 197
imagined bounteous Coosa inspired restless young men

at did
as not
:e the
d the
. This

prospects in Mexico to spend hundreds of pesos equipping
themselves with fine clothing, musical instruments, and many
other things of no particular value for the hard work of coloniz-
ing (Royal Officials 1559; Villapando 1561). It inspired families
to move in the expectation of encomiendas. It inspired the
optimistic report that Fathers Anunciaci6n and Salazar sent to
Viceroy Velasco in May 1560 when they noted that the camp

vas moving to Nanipacana, a "good country
nd that "they expected everyday to find
Velasco 1928:167). But this imagined Coosa:
;oto chronicles really describe and it certainly
;auz expedition found.
The Coosa of wishful thinking, of folkloric

near to Coosa,"
better country"
is not what the de
was not what the

legend developed

in Mexico, was not the Coosa of the river valleys of northern
Alabama and northwestern Georgia either in 1541 or in 1560.
But neither was the Coosa of 1560, apparently, a devastated
shell of its former self. Rather it was a place whose ruler
evidenced great confidence in the face of the Spaniards (as in
1541); it was a place of many small towns spread over 25-30
leagues as one approached the paramount's town from the
southwest; it was a place where towns still had stores of maize
in late July and would shortly harvest the summer's crop; and
it was a place that five years later, in 1565, organized massive
opposition to Juan Pardo's exploration beyond Chiaha (Hudson
1990:107-109, 270-71). All of this does not fit with the deus ex-

machine thesis that epidemic
de Soto's wake (rather than
the Atlantic coast) had devas
other paramount chiefdoms
This lack of fit is not surprise
1560, describing and arguing

disease, following
later, after Spanis
tated Coosa, and,
in the interior of
ng once the Spanis
about Coosa, are

immediately in
h settlement on
by implication,
the Southeast.4
;h documents of
read in light of

their authors' intentions. That reading reveals the deliberate
construction of an image of Coosa that was the opposite of what
the de Soto survivors remembered and that the Sauz expedition
apparently found.


Cer6n de Saavedra, Jorge
1928 Jorge Cer6n Saavedra to Luna. Nanipacana, June 19, 1560. In The
L.una Papers: Documents Relating to the Expedition of Don Tristan de
Luna y Arellano for the Conquest of La Florida in 1559-1561, Vol. 1,
edited by Herbert I. Priestley, pp. 152-159. Florida State Historical
Society, Deland.
Cervantes de Salazar, Francisco.
1953 Life in the Imperial and Loyal City of Mexico in New Spain. Translated
by Mimia Lee Barrett Shepard. University of Texas Press, Austin.
/-t * * *~ *5----- ^ '----^ c


justify such action.


SThe de Soto accounts' descriptions of Coosa's abunance are: Elvas
(1993:92-95): "In the barbacoas and fields there was a great quantity of maize
and beans. The land was very populous and had many large towns and planted
fields which reached from one town to the other. It was a charming and fertile
land..."; Hernindez de Viedma (1993:232): "one of the best lands that we came
upon in Florida"; Rangel (1993:284-85): "one of the best and most abulndant
[provinces] that they found in Florida..."; and Garcilaso de la Vega (1993:321):
"all fertile country and very populated...."
2 See Hudson et al. (1989:37-38) for its location at the falls (the bead of
navigation) on the Coosa and/or Tallapoosa Rivers. Hudson et al.'s (1989:35
[map], 39) account of the journey places Caxiti up river from Atache, an error
based on Montalvan's deposition, their identification of Caxiti with the de Soto
"Casiste," and their argument that the "Athahachi" ("a new town") of the de
Soto chronicles (e.g., Rangel 1993:290) is another form of the name "Atace."
This argument should be compared to the following. The officials wrote to Lumna
that Caxiti was the place from which the food was sent (Officials 1928a:224)
and identified Atache as the head of navigation, that is, at the fall line (Officials
1928a:226). In writing to Velasco, the officials reported that they had received
a message 40 days into the trip at a place where a little hidden maize was found
(Caxiti?) and that three days later they reached a place where there was enough
maize for the men and the horses (Atache?) (Officials 1928b:234). I infer that
Atache was the place where they found enough maize for men and horses from
the descriptions of it as having good ground, savannas, amnd vegas, or bottom
lands, for sowing (Officials 1928a:226). The chronology of this sequence on the
trip is not as clear as I would wish. I am not persuaded by Hudson et al.'s
attempt to force fit the Luna materials to the de Soto ones. Galloway (1995:154,
159) is also skeptical. There are many unnamed towns between Coosa and
Mabilia in the de Soto chronicles, any of which could be Caxiti and Atache.
3 At one point he slips and uses "yo" ("I") (Officials 1928a:230). The friar's
reasons for unhappiness are stated in Divila Padilla (1922:232): "Those small
hamlets had until then neither seen friars nor did they have any commodities to
allow monks to live and preach among them...." This is the same reason that
Sauz alleged except that he said that the root of their discontentment was not for
lack of natives (implying there were plenty) but because of their economic
interests (Sauz 1928:220).
4 As for the implications of the Napochie "rebellion" for Coosa's power in
1560, it is notable that Garcilaso de la Vega (1993:325) (never reliable) says
that Talise, Coosa's frontier town with Tascalusa min 1541, was "not wholly
obedient to its Lord Coa, because of its double-dealing with another lord,
named Tascaluca." For additional discussion see Hudson et al. (1989:4142) and
Galloway (1995:155-56).

References Cited


Hudson and Carmen Chaves Tesser, pp. 197-226. University of
Georgia Press, Athens.
Dobyns, Henry
1983 Their Number Became Thinned. University of Tennessee Press,
Elvas, Gentleman of
1993 The Account of the Gentleman from Elvas. Translated and edited by
James A. Robertson. In The De Soto Chronicles: The Expedition of
Hernando de Soto to North America in 1539-1543, Vol. 1, edited by
Lawrence A. Clayton, Vernon James Knight, Jr., and Edward C.
Moore, pp. 19-220. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.
Originally published, 1933, Florida State Historical Society, Deland.
Esteve Barba, Francisco.
1964 Historiografia Indiana. Madrid.
Franklin, Wayne.
1979 Discoverers, Explorers, and Settlers: The Diligent Writers of Early
America. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Galloway, Patricia.
1995 Choctaw Genesis, 1500-1700. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.
Hally, David J.
1994 The Chiefdom of Coosa. In The Forgotten Centuries; Indians and
Europeans in the American South, 1521-1704, edited by Charles
Hudson and Carmen Chaves Tesser, pp. 227-253. University of
Georgia Press, Athens.
Hoffman, Paul E.
1990 A New Andalucia and a Way to the Orient: The American Southeast
During the Sixteenth Century. Louisiana State University Press, Baton
Hudson, Charles
1990 The Juan Pardo Expeditions. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washing-
ton, D.C.
Hudson, Charles, Marvin Smith, Chester B. DePratter, and Emilia Kelley
1989 The Tristande LunaExpedition, 1559-1561. Southeastern Archaeology
Lankford, George E.
1993 Legends of the Adelantado. In The Expedition of Hernando de Soto
West of the Mississippi, 1541-1543, edited by Gloria A. Young and
Michael P. Hoffman, pp. 173-191. University of Arkansas Press,
Fayetteville. *
Luna, Tristan de
1928 Proceedings between Tristan de Luna and others, Nanipacana and
Santa Maria de Ochuse. August 27 to September 9, 1560. In The Luna
Papers: Documents Relating to the Expedition of Don Tristan de Luna
y Arellano for the Conquest of La Florida in 1559-1561, Vol. 1, pp.
198-253 and Vol. 2, pp. 1-135, edited by Herbert I. Priestley. Florida
State Historical Society, Deland.
Milner, George R.
1980 Epidemic Disease in the Postcontact Southeast: a Reappraisal. Mid-
continental Journal of Archaeology 5:39-56.
Montalvan, Alonso de
1928 Deposition of Alonso de Montalvan. Ochao, Hispaniola, August 11,
1560. In The Luna Papers: Documents Relating to the Expedition of
Don Tristan de Lana y Arellano for the Conquest of La Florida in
1559-1561, Vol. 2, edited by Herbert I. Priestley, pp. 282-301.
Florida State Historical Society, Deland.


Rangel, Rodrigo
1993 Account of the Northern Conquest and Discovery of Hemrnando de
Soto. Translated and edited by John E. Worth. In The De Soto
Chronicles: The Expedition of Hernando de Soto to North America in
1539-1543, Vol. 1, edited by Lawrence A. Clayton, Vernon James
Knight, Jr., and Edward C. Moore, pp. 247-306. University of
Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. First published in Gonzalo Fernandez de
Oviedo, Historia general de las Indias, Madrid, 1853.
Royal Officials
1559 Royal Officials to the King. Mexico City, May 10, 1559. Archivo
General de Indias, Mexico 323, larger book of letters.
Salazar, Fr. Domingo
1928 Fr. Domingo de Salazar to Francisco Navarro. Coosa, August 1, 1560.
In The Luna Papers: Documents Relating to the Expedition of Don
Tristan de Luna y Arellano for the Conquest of La Florida in 1559-
1561, Vol. 1, edited by Herbert I. Priestley, pp. 244-247. Florida
State Historical Society, Deland.
Sauz, Mateo de
1928 Mateo de Sauz to Tristan de Luna, Apica, July 6, 1560. In The Lana
Papers: Documents Relating to the Expedition of Don Tristan de Luna
y Arellanoforthe Conquest of La Florida in 1559-1561, Vol. 1, edited
by Herbert I. Priestley, pp. 218-223. Florida State Historical Society,
Smith, Marvin T.
1987 Archaeology of Aboriginal Culture Change in the Interior Southeast:
Depopulation During the Early Historic Period. University Presses of
Florida, Gainesville.
Swanton, John R.
1922 Early History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbors. Washington.
Vega, Garcilaso de la
1993 La Florida. Translated by Charmion Shelby. In The De Soto Chroni-
cles: The Expedition of Hernando de Soto to North America in 1539-
1543, Vol. 2, edited by Lawrence A. Clayton, Vernon James Knight,
Jr., and Edward C. Moore, pp. 25-559. University of Alabama Press,
Tuscaloosa. Originally published, Lisbon, 1605.
Viedma, Luis Hernmandez de
1993 Relation of the Island of Florida. Translated and edited by John E.
Worth. In The De Soto Chronicles: The Expedition of Hemrnando de
Soto to North America in 1539-1543, Vol. 1, edited by Lawrence A.
Clayton, Vernon James Knight, Jr., and Edward C. Moore, pp. 221-
246. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.
Velasco, Luis de
1928 Viceroy Luis de Velasco to Tristan de Luna. Mexico, September 25,
1560. In The Luna Papers: Documents Relating to the Expedition of
Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano for the Conquest of La Florida in
1559-1561, Vol. 2, edited by Herbert I. Priestley, pp. 164-169.
Florida State Historical Society, Deland.
Velazquez, Cristobal
1928 Deposition of Cristobal Velazquez. Ochao, Hispaniola, August 11,
1560. In The Luna Papers: Documents Relating to the Expedition of
Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano for the Conquest of La Florida in
1559-1561, Vol. 2, edited by Herbert I. Priestley, pp. 301-311.
Florida State Historical Society, Deland.
Villapando, Bishop Bemrnaldino
1561 Bishop Dr. Bemrnaldino Villapando to the King. Mexico, August 2,
1561. Archivo General de Indias, Santo Domingo 115, fol. 98.

Officers and friars to Tristan de Luna. Coosa, August 1, 1560. In The
Luna Papers: Documents Relating to the Expedition of Don Tristan de
Luna y Arellano for the Conquest of La Florida in 1559-1561, Vol. 1,









Thousand Years of fishing



Apalachicola National Estuarine
Research Reserve
Apalachicola, FL
September 1 0-October 3, 1996

Cedar Kev State Museum

Cedar Ke

.- "


.r 9 ~- -s *
-S '4 a -
'St. Petersburg Museum C.
of History / 7 "--
St lPetersburg, FL,,. -
November 19-December1 2, 1996

Florida Adventure Museum
Punta Gorda. FL

Museum of the I
Pine Island, FL
March 11-April 3,

1996-Fe 28, 1997


Smallwood Store Museum
Chokoloskee, FL
April 15-May 9, 1997

The story begins where land meets sea.


the Calusa Indians to modern fisherfolk, explore
our Gulf Coast fishing heritage.
A traveling exhibit from The Florida Museum of Natural History

For more


please contact the

\AI/4-L. 4-L.. /C.. .

Traveling Exhibits Office at


Illustrations by Merald Clark



Professional/Amateur Cooperation In Florida:
The Isolated Finds Program Is A Good Start

3011 S.W. Williston Road, Gainesville, Florida 32608-3928
E-Mail: bknight@ch2m.com

Our knowledge of the prehistoric colonization and habitation
of Florida and the southeastern United States is increasing
yearly through the efforts of professional and amateur archaeol-
ogists, yet this understanding is far from complete. This
imperfect knowledge results from the fragmentary clues that are
available for interpretation after over 12,000 years of prehisto-
ry. A high level of public interest and financial support is
essential to continue to collect and analyze the evidence that will
advance this science.
There are currently three great reservoirs of information
concerning Florida's prehistory. The first and best documented
source of information is the public record of archaeological
research. The second is the storehouse of information in private
collections and information about sites known to private
collectors. The third source of information remains hidden in
the unsifted unlands and lowlands of the state. These three

sources of information are somewhat
while it can balance precariously on
fully using all three legs will provide

like the legs of a stool:
one or two of the legs,
e the best foundation for

understanding Florida's past.
Under ideal circumstances, the information gathered, main-
tained, and interpreted by professional archaeologists is
available to anyone who takes the time to search the libraries
and museums. Because of imperfect communication and a
certain level of distrust, created inadvertently by statutes
regulating archaeological resources, only a percentage of the
second source of information, private collections and informa-
tion from privately owned sites, has been available to the public

of Florida.

The third source of information, the undisturbed

develop sufficient financial and public support for a thorough
understanding of Florida's prehistory. If the hundreds (or
thousands) of amateur archaeologists in Florida, from self-
trained near-professionals to recreational artifact collectors, can
be recruited to share their knowledge and enthusiasm effectively
with the professional archaeologists, our knowledge of Florida
archaeology is bound to benefit.
This article describes events that have occurred over the past
several years that will increase our knowledge of Florida's
prehistory and provide greater public support for archaeological
investigations. These events have led to the creation of an
innovative program that allows collection and ownership of
artifacts from Florida's state-owned river bottoms, as long as
the finder takes the responsibility to report the finds to the state.
The Isolated Finds Program is an experiment by the State of
Florida to increase beneficial communication and may create an
example for other states and the federal government to follow.

South Carolina Collectors Survey

To anticipate the size of the potential reservoir of unavailable
but important archaeological information in the hands of
Florida's hobbyists, one may look at the preliminary findings
of South Carolina's collectors survey. In five summers of
research by a single individual (Tommy Charles) from the South
Carolina Institute of Archaeology, a total of 323 collections
containing about 1,200,000 artifacts were inventoried and

1983, 1984,
of 805 new
collections tc

points i.
One of

Associated information concerning artifact
also was recovered in many cases (Charles 1981,
1986). This survey has resulted in the identification
archaeological sites, donations of 20 private
Sthe South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and

ology, and the cataloging of 204 Paleoindian projectile
ni the state. It appears likely that these numbers will
increase with more funding and continuing efforts
Charles, personal communication, 1993).
f the important first steps that South Carolina took to
the spirit of cooperation between professional and

artifacts and sites on public and private lands, are our promise
for confirming existing knowledge and generating and testing
new theories about archaeology in the future.
Those interested in archaeology must nurture old and new
.',-*r.r1-.i;.i +n *fln 1 '.l11 .nIArn +onro ,n lj *1, a n *;,.lr.r *rti rQofn



archaeologists was the development of a Hobby Divers
that allowed permitted amateurs to collect and keep
found in submerged waters of the state. To receive a

the applicant must pay a nominal fee,
nniat hn< rpn/rnotf /nnol nnlantn < nuiv fict+ hc

the collecting
* AnnaM-^ inr ho


1997 VOL. 5S1)

of this cooperation while attending the Allendale Paleoindian
field project in May 1996, where a sport diver exhibited a
unique steatite pipe to the state archaeologists on the dig.
Knowledge of this unusual find may be of benefit to any
individual studying the range of stone pipes in South Carolina
and the southern Coastal Plain.

The Florida Problem

Florida and the coastal plain of South Carolina share many
natural features and have a similar prehistory, so it is possible
that a similar amount of information presently exists in the
hands of Florida's amateurs. A talk with any of the well-known
collectors in the state of Florida and the articles by and about
collectors such as the late Ben Waller (Waller 1969, 1970;
Waller and Dunbar 1983) and Hub Chason (Chason 1987)
provides confirmation that there are a number of very large

(greater than 20,000 items) private collections
artifacts. Based on direct conversations with owners

of Florida
. as well as

anecdotal reports, it appears that at least some of these collec-
tions have been carefully recorded to document provenience and
artifact descriptions.
Based on South Carolina's success with their collectors survey
and with the Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research's past

record of wo
matter for F]
teurs. While
have called
1993), and
closely with
continued to
gists in Flori

rking with collectors, it would appear to be an easy
lorida archaeologists to tap into a similar wealth of
al information in the hands of cooperating ama-
editorials by Florida's professional archaeologists
for better cooperation (Dunbar 1993; Weisman
many of the state's archaeologists have worked
amateurs, a lack of communication and trust has
exist between professional and amateur archaeolo-
ida. There are likely to be multiple reasons for this

- .-

imperfect cooperation. One possible reason concerns privacy of
site information. A second reason concerns the potential
monetary value of artifacts. On a national scale a third reason
has been a general fear engendered in artifact collectors by the
federal Archaeological Resources Protection Act of 1979, and
by the criticism of avocational archaeologists by a few vocal
professional archaeologists and American Indian activists.
However, there has been one dominant reason for the im-
perfect cooperation between professionals and amateurs in
Florida in recent years, and that is the issue concerning the
public ownership of artifacts located on Florida's sovereign
submerged lands. This issue finds its roots in the original
passage of the Florida Historical Resources Act (Chapter 267,
Florida Statutes) in 1967 which states that any person who
recovers any archaeological specimen from state land (including
sovereign submerged lands) without permission from the
T\ nCA UtPTJn+nrtwnnl DaA,,rnne? io mutn,4t ^\ 2 m~olAornroonnr

can be required to forfeit all artifacts, along with records
pertaining to those artifacts, including photographs. This law
also made sale or trade of any artifacts collected from sub-
merged lands a misdemeanor. While the intent of this law was
to preserve archaeological resources and make them more
available for study by public archaeologists, it apparently had
the opposite result by gradually reducing the traditionally open
communication between some professional and avocational
archaeologists in Florida.
The misdemeanor provision of the Act was not enforced in
Florida's submerged lands, and was largely ignored by river
divers for more than two decades; however, changes to the law
in 1993 increased penalties for removing, defacing, destroying,
or otherwise altering any archaeological site or specimen on
state lands. Penalties were changed from a misdemeanor to
either a first-degree misdemeanor for activities not involving
digging, or a third-degree felony for activities involving
excavation. This change was intended to provide greater clout
for prosecution of looting of surface sites on state-owned lands,
and the increase in severity of the penalty was not intended to
reflect a change in policy toward the collection of artifacts
found in uncertain association in state river bottoms (Jim Miller,
personal communication, 1995). However, the potential of
committing a felony by excavating an arrowhead from a river
bottom, or by reporting it to a state archaeologist, created an
undercurrent of suspicion and distrust.
Since this regulatory change occurred, a relatively small
number of artifacts and archaeological site locations have been
brought to the attention of public archaeologists in Florida. The
fear of capture and prosecution reduced or stopped the activities
of some river divers, while the majority took care not to discuss
their activities with state officials. Distrust has characterized
Florida's avocational archaeologists since this legal change was
instituted, generally reducing communication of important
information at every level, including the reporting of artifacts
and locations of upland sites as well as submerged finds.

Florida Artifact Collectors

Who are

the avocational archaeologists

and collectors in

Florida? The answer to this question is not well known. When
this question was asked and answered in South Carolina, it was
found that this group includes thousands of individuals, from the
few hundred amateurs who have a strong interest in the field of
archaeology and in the information embodied in the artifacts that
they find, to the thousands of recreational and incidental
collectors who have picked up or sought out artifacts since their
childhood. An underestimate of the size of this group in Florida
might be obtained by examining a list of the subscribers to The
Cln^rS4An A nti rnnltdt^J\f rtitn Qam nnt nmntf^


100 Florida subscribers to this magazine in 1996. Based on his
experience in other states, Fogelman suggested that there likely
are at least 10 times this number of serious collectors in
No doubt both of these numbers are underestimates of the total
Florida population of amateurs interested in artifact collecting.
In addition to the hundreds of individuals who spend their
money and time on self-motivated study of archaeology and
artifacts, there also are the individuals who have collected more
than just a few artifacts in Florida. This group includes a
significant percentage of the farming community in some parts
of the state, as well as many urban and suburban dwellers who
escape their hectic environment after work and on weekends to
walk the fields and dive the rivers.
Because of the potential size of this combined group of
occasional collectors and serious amateurs, and the amount of
time that they can devote to the study and collection of artifacts,
it is reasonable to assume that the number of recovered artifacts
and site information in the hands of hobbyists may be equal to
or greater than the quantity of information that is gathered by
the professional archaeologists. Note that I do not say that the
quality of this information is likely to be greater, but it appears
reasonable to conclude that there is a significant amount of
information in the hands of avocational archaeologists and
hobbyists in Florida.
The public uses the waters of the State of Florida for many
things, including boating, fishing, swimming, wading, and
diving. In the pursuit of this recreation, observant individuals
sometimes find artifacts. If these artifacts are recognizable as
such, and are known to be "arrowheads" or "spear points," they
are invariably kept by the finder. Not many people leave
artifacts in the water. While some public-minded citizens hand
these artifacts over to a museum or to some other public
official, this probably accounts for a small fraction of the

artifacts found by
only have a small

this incidental group of collectors who may
number of artifacts in their personal "col-

elections Unlike the situation in state parks and recreational
areas, there is no serious attempt to inform the users of the
state's water bodies and coastlines that it is illegal to collect
artifacts. And it seems reasonable to conclude that, even if there
were signs posted along every beach and waterway, that the
average individual would still pick up and keep an artifact when
A second group rationalizes that collecting artifacts in these
waters is acceptable since the state has historically been unable
to document fully the archaeological resources of Florida's
submerged lands. The logic follows that since the state has
shown little interest in these artifacts, and since the public
continues to stumble upon and remove them from serious study,

of attention for aquatic sites before the 1980s was due to the
generally held paradigm among professional archaeologists that
most of these submerged sites could not possess a stratified
(horizontal or vertical) record and that artifacts from unstratified
sites are not very useful. Until quite recently, much of the
published documentation of artifact distributions in the state's
rivers was provided by amateur archaeologists and collectors.
Developments in modem archaeology have made this old
paradigm obsolete. It is now known that useful information can
be gained from the metric and distributional properties of many
artifacts that have been lost in or have eroded into rivers,
streams, and lakes. Moreover, a few of these sites are relatively
undisturbed, and maintain useful stratification (Dunbar 1993).
Serious archaeological hobbyists have recognized this value for
some time and these individuals have been eager to share their
knowledge and loan their collections for study. The lack of a
program recognizing the value of the collectors' finds has
prevented an open exchange of information with most archaeol-
Artifacts in rivers and streams are now relatively scarce.
While 20 to 40 years ago hobby divers might find dozens of
artifacts during a day of effort, after many thousands of
cumulative diving hours, these artifacts are less abundant and
require considerable effort to locate. Public-funded archaeolo-
gists just do not have the luxury of spending many hours diving
to find only a few artifacts. Thus it appears unlikely that the
state's professional archaeologists will be able to devote
considerable research efforts to investigate any but the richest
remaining submerged sites in Florida, and that the majority of
the artifacts remaining in the state's submerged lands will
continue to be slowly extracted by the general public and hobby
Several decades of relative neglect for submerged archaeologi-
cal resources by the professionals, and the original bounty of
artifacts in these waters, led to the accumulation of large
personal collections by hobby divers in Florida and adjoining
states. It has been estimated that as many as 95% of the artifacts
have already been removed from rivers such as the Chipola
(Chason 1987). A similar conclusion could be made for the
other popular diving rivers such as the Hillsborough, Withla-
coochee, Santa Fe, and Suwannee. The remaining artifacts
continue to be removed from these rivers with no public record
made of them and, especially in the case of out-of-state divers
recreating in Florida, may be removed from Florida for good.
A policy of strict enforcement of Florida's Historical Resourc-
es Act would have forever locked the door that appears to stand
between the public and amateur archaeologists in Florida.
Luckily the state did not choose to arrest river divers or enforce
the prohibition against sale of artifacts clearly collected from


1997 VOL. 50(1)

Florida, I know that many have recovered artifacts from
submerged lands, and that the submerged land portion of the
Florida Historical Resources Act fostered mistrust and poor
cooperation between them and professional archaeologists. It is
not just mistrust about sharing information gathered by amateurs
from submerged lands, but even more damaging, it is mistrust
about sharing useful information about any and all site locations
and artifacts, including upland (non-submerged) sites in private
ownership. A majority of the discovered and undiscovered
artifacts in Florida occur on these privately owned uplands, and
the prohibition of collecting from submerged lands may have
had the result of alienating collectors from sharing any informa-
tion with the state archaeologists, leading to undocumented
collections. The net result of this well-intentioned law to
preserve Florida's archaeological resources was the unanticipat-
ed loss of available information about archaeological resources
and the lost energies of hundreds of amateurs and volunteers.

Florida's Isolated Finds Program

A thorough understanding of the problems described above has
been the point of discussions between the State of Florida's
Bureau of Archaeological Research and a number of amateur
archaeologists and river divers for the past three years. The
state archaeologists confirmed their intention to foster coopera-
tion rather than to alienate serious amateurs, and conducted a
review of amateur underwater archaeology programs in other
states. This review led to a proposal to develop Florida's
Isolated Finds Program that would allow collection, reporting,
and ownership of isolated archaeological objects in Florida's
inland rivers. With this privilege would come certain responsi-
bilities that would not be an excessive burden to serious ama-
The general scope of the Isolated Finds Program is as follows:
1) Isolated finds are defined as artifacts that have become
displaced from their original archaeological association through
erosion or water currents. These artifacts include prehistoric
stone tools and points, coins, bottles, bullets, and other small
objects, that are not of primary archaeological significance in
and of themselves. Isolated finds do not include artifacts

associated with sunken watercraft and other hui
structures, or artifacts contained in stratified prehisto
2) Under specified conditions, divers who recover a
the locations of isolated finds can obtain ownership
Division of Historical Resources. Divers are permitted
exposed or disassociated artifacts in Florida's rivei
those that are part of state and federal parks,
management areas, or reserves where cultural reso
specifically protected. Artifacts can only be recovered
__ -** C

ric sites.
mnd report
from the
Ito collect
rs, except
iurces are
I by hand,

including a photograph or photocopy of the artifact.
4) Once an isolated find is reported, the Division has 90 days
to determine the disposition of the artifact. The Division may
transfer ownership to the finder; request the artifact for study
before return to the finder; and in the case of truly unique finds,
may retain possession of the original artifact and may provide
the finder with a replica.
Collectors also can report artifacts recovered before June 1,
1996 anytime in the future using the same form and procedure
as described above. This provision allows the reporting of
literally thousands of artifacts collected prior to implementation
of this new program. Details about the Isolated Finds Program
can be obtained from the Bureau of Archaeological Research by
calling (904) 487-2299 or by contacting the Bureau at its
Internet World Wide Web location: http://www. dos.state.fl.us/

A Model For the Future

The Isolated Finds Program has a significant chance of
increasing cooperation between collectors and public archae-
ologists in Florida. Private ownership of recovered artifacts is
an essential ingredient of this plan because of the time and
energy invested by these hobbyists. Few collectors will be
pleased to turn over artifacts they find, and a legal system that
requires state ownership of artifacts would continue to promote
dishonesty and poor information exchange because of the strong
temptation to withhold artifacts and information about sites.
This temptation would be greatest for significant artifacts, so
some reward or recognition system for the collector who allows
state ownership of these antiquities is essential. Although the
Isolated Finds Program calls for state ownership of only the
most unique artifacts, the collectors will be watching very
closely to see which, if any, artifacts the state decides to retain.
A legal system to allow collecting of artifacts and information
from Florida's submerged lands may radically change the
relationship between amateur and professional archaeologists in
Florida. This new partnership will likely increase the number of
cataloged submerged sites and result in the availability of
hundreds or thousands of additional artifacts for study by
archaeologists each year. Distributional studies of artifact types
depend on large sample sizes such as occur in river collections.
Many avocational archaeologists in Florida will take advantage

of the opportunity to share their
with archaeologists, if they can
interests and efforts, and of i
valued finds. A relatively small
are interested in artifacts for
avocational archaeologists do n
.-L n A^ 4-tk A f l*j n~thnA r n'n t'nal1

knowledge of sites and artifacts
be assured of respect for their
maintaining ownership of their
1l percentage of these collectors
their monetary value. Most
ot typically buy or sell artifacts
I0,-tnr n-*tolflG thsir frtlfatc 21W!



tion derived from their hobby with archaeologists. The addition-
al information obtained from the reporting of isolated finds will
be well worth any additional investment by archaeologists.
Finally, the state will gain the trust of hundreds of collectors
who will be more willing to share their information about
upland sites and artifacts from private lands. This information
source may be expected to be much greater than the information
that can be gained from submerged sites alone.
The Florida Isolated Finds Program will be viewed as an
experiment by professional and amateur archaeologists nation-
wide. If it is successful, similar programs could be enacted
wherever the public collects from state-sovereign submerged
lands, including the shorelines of lakes. The burden to dem-
onstrate the value of the Isolated Finds Program is on Florida's
river divers and professional archaeologists. If this program is
successful, it may have broad application elsewhere.
Other states should take care to design artifact collecting
programs that accomplish the primary goal of cooperation and
trust. A half-way proposal demanding state or federal ownership
of artifacts will fail, as discussed above. An onerous program
with limits, guidelines, burdensome record-keeping, or exces-
sive permit fees will fail due to the fact that amateurs search for
artifacts primarily as a hobby, and have chosen not to be
professionals at this work. Unprofessional or careless treatment,
theft, or loss of loaned artifacts by state or federal employees
,nculd eirnde the neessarv foundation of trust. An excessive

permit fee will discourage some individuals from obtaining a
permit. Private ownership of previously collected artifacts will
need to be grandfathered based on disclosure of existing
information to the state within a reasonable time period.
On the other hand, Florida's relatively simple Isolated Finds
Program may reap rewards for the public and will be self-
policing. In addition to the cooperation fostered by sharing
archaeological information, permitted collectors will be much
more willing, and will feel responsible to report, the few
individuals who collect artifacts from submerged lands primarily
for profit. Activities such as mechanized dredging or destruction
of intact stratified sites should be regulated or stopped, and the
best group to detect and report these activities are interested
hobbyists. Also, if any individuals attempt to sell artifacts
collected from submerged lands that have not been reported
through the Isolated Finds Program, it is permitted collectors
who will be most likely to encounter this activity and to report
it to state officials.

The next step following introduction of the Isolated Finds
Program in Florida should be a collectors survey by profes-
sional and amateur archaeologists. Leadership for this collectors
survey may come from interested organizations such as the
Florida Anthropological Society. With the assurance of private
ownership of artifacts, Florida's collectors can follow the lead
of their South Carolina colleagues. A successful Isolated Finds
Program and a collectors survey could build a bond of trust and
cooperation between many of Florida's avocational and profes-
sional archaeologists and result in increased knowledge about
Florida's prehistory.

References Cited

Charles, Tommy
1981 Dwindling Resources: An Overture to the Future of South Carolina's
Archaeological Resources. South Carolina Institute ofArchaeology and
Anthropology Notebook, Volume 13, The University of South Carolina,
1983 Thoughts and Records From the Survey of Private Collections of
Prehistoric Artifacts Throughout South Carolina: A Second Report.
South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology Notebook,
Volume 15, The University of South Carolina, Columbia.
1984 The Collectors Survey: Third Phase: Recording and Indexing Collected
Data. Research Manuscript Series 194. South Carolina Institute of
Archaeology and Anthropology Notebook, The University of South
Carolina, Columbia.
1986 The Fifth Phase of the Collectors Survey. South Carolina Institute of
Archaeology and Anthropology Notebook, Volume 18, The University


of South Carolina, Columbia.
Treasures of the Chipola. Father & Son Publishers, Inc., Tallahassee.
Plunge Into Florida's Past: The View From Down Under. Paper
presented at the 45th annual meeting of the Florida Anthropological
Society, Clearwater.

Waller, Ben I.
1969 Paleo-Indian and Other Artifacts From a Florida Stream Bed. The
Florida Anthropologist 22:37-39.
1970 Some Occurrences of Paleo-Indian Projectile Points in Florida Waters.
The Florida Anthropologist 23:129-134.
Waller, Ben I., and James Dunbar
1983 Florida Anthropologist Interview With Ben Waller. The Florida
Anthropologist 36:31-39.
Weisman, Brent R.
1993 Editor's Page. The Florida Anthropologist 46:2.

Time For Action

Florida has listened to its avocational archaeologists' request
-- ~ 4 n^i -A -.t nat*&1 nn.-+naA. J Dneln fl nrnr\ v rot-^fla in ntnfri




REMEMBER TO ATTACH: 1) The location map or photocopy the section of the map showing the site location
2) Photographs or photocopies of each item recovered.


Date Of Recovery:
Finder's Full Name:
Finder's Address:

Telephone Numbers:



Check when
best to call



River Name:

General Location:

Map Name (Name of USGS topographic or equivalent map(s) used to plot location)_____________

General Artifact Categories (indicate number of each category recovered):

Stone tool

Ceramic, prehistoric
Ceramic, historic
Brick/building material


Precious metal/coin
Metal, non precious
Bone tool

Bone, worked or cut
Shell tool
Shell, worked or cut


ARTIFACT DESCRIPTION: Use the spaces provided and extra sheets if necessary to describe the artifactss.
provide additional information about the site such as noticeable features or environmental conditions.
Description of Items

Optionally, you may



DATE OF RECOVERY: When item was found by the diver.
FINDER'S NAME, ADDRESS, AND PHONE NUMBER: The finder's full name, address and a phone number.
COUNTY: Since many rivers in Florida are used for county boundaries, please indicate in which county or counties the find was made.
If, for example, a find was made on the east side of the Suwannrmee River between Gilchrist and Dixie Counties, the location is on the eastern,
Gilchrist County side and county should be Gilchrist. If the location is in mid-river, indicate it is in Gilchrist-Dixie Counties. If on the west
side, indicate Dixie County.
RIVER NAME: e.g., Suwannee, Chipola, Peace, etc.

GENERAL LOCATION: A description of how to get to the site.

For example, From the public boat ramp next to the State Road 49

bridge on the Santa Fe River, travel upstream to the third river bend. The finds were made on the outside bend of the river 100 yards up
and down stream from that river bend.
MAP NAME: The name of the USGS topographic or equivalent map on which the site appears. Mark the location on the map or
photocopied section of the map, preferably in red. The map name is to be indicated on the Isolated Find Form.

USGS topographic maps (1:24,000 scale) are the best (most detailed) and are available at some bookstores, engineering supply stores, map
specialty shops, or directly from the U. S. Geological Survey, Map Distribution, Federal Center, Box 25286, Denver, CO 80225, phone

(303) 236-7477. The Florida Atlas & Gazetteer by DeLorrme Mapping Company contains fairly det

ailed maps for the state in a single

volume, paperback book which can be acquired at most bookstores.
GENERAL ARTIFACT CATEGORIES: Indicate the number of items in each artifact category that were found.
DESCRIPTION: This portion of the form is for giving a general description or type of each artifact recovered and its identification
number. Indicate the artifact type only if you know the established type name, otherwise use a general description. For example, Bolen
Beveled, brown in color, specimen # SF-5-96. If you have not already assigned each artifact a number, develop a system you like and keep
track of your information in this way. The unique artifact number should be on the artifact, on the photo or photocopy, on the map, and
in your artifact log.
Optionally, you may describe observations about your find or the find location. For example: The river's flow was considerable and the
bottom sediment consisted of large grained sand and rubble. Some blow-outs exposed limestone bottom with clay-filled crevices, one of the
crevices contained the Bolen Beveled point and the Hendrix scraper along with numerous flint flakes. Stone items from the crevice were gray,
tan, and sometimes orange, while the other stone items, up in the sand, were stained darker brown. Feel free to attach extra sheets as




. **'




Original Oil



For more information
on the sale of this
and other original
works of art

"Taking Up The Rattles"

Ais Indians

an original oil painting by THEODORE MORRIS
From the Journal of Jonathan Dickinson, 1696.


Directions In A/ Marketing
6157 Midnight Pass Rd., F-12
Siesta Key, Florida 34242


941-349-5345 or 941-351


Fine Art Limited Edition Prints and Greeting Cards available.
"We specialize in corporate art publishing profiling Art & Arche g"



A New Deal for Southeastern Archaeology. Edwin A. Lyon,
University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa, 1996. xiv + 282 pp.,
figures, references, index, $24.95 softboundd).

Department of Anthropology, University of Georgia
Athens, Georgia 30602-1619

This book should be required reading for all would-be
Southeastern archaeologists, and on the bookshelf of all existing
Southeastern archaeologists. Edwin Lyon has published here a
version of his 1982 Ph.D. dissertation about the famous 1930s
archaeological era in the Southeast the period in which
archaeology in our region became a science. Most of the
archaeologists from that founding age are now gone, and a great
many of us middle-aged archaeologists learned much of this
information by reading the Green Bible (Archaeology of Eastern
United States, edited by James B. Griffin, 1952) and by
listening carefully (through beer-fogged brains) to delightful
reminiscences by the giants at evening parties at Southeastern
Archaeological Conferences in the 1960s. The subject of Lyon's
delightful book is literally the stuff of legends and it holds a
gold mine of minutia about Southeastern archaeology in its
formative years.
The volume is divided into a preface, prologue, seven
chapters, and an epilogue. Because of the apparent long time in
production, the volume seems to flow poorly from section to
section, and several sections could have been combined and
resequenced. Chapter 1 presents a nice summary of archaeology
in the Southeast before the 1930s and is a useful foundation for
the rest of the book. Chapter 2 outlines the origins of govern-
ment archaeology in the 1930s, while Chapter 3, which should
have been combined with Chapter 1, provides some background
on American archaeological method and theory in the early
1930s. Chapter 4 is one of the most important chapters,
detailing archaeology done under the Works Progress Adminis-
tration program, while Chapter 5 outlines archaeology conduct-
ed under the Tennessee Valley Authority. Chapter 6 discusses
Southeastern archaeology conducted by the National Park
Service, and the final chapter, 7, presents a useful summary of
all the 1930s era archaeology. The epilogue should have been

perverted by his Harvard training" (page 31). The book also has
a number of wonderful period photographs, but I wished there
had been many more.
I saw a few minor errors that would only be recognized by
specialists in their regions (an error about the Macon Plateau
site in my case), but given the scope of the book and the
vastness of the data derived in the 1930s, Lyon's accomplish-
ment here is truly admirable. I did find an instance where
essentially the same paragraph was used twice (pages 32 and
181), again about Macon Plateau. I again suspect this represents
an oversight caused by the long period of gestation and reorga-
nization in the production of the book. To his credit, Lyon
wittily displays his humility by stating in the preface that, as an
historian, "I never intended to become an archaeologist, and the
archaeologists in my office would tell you that I was successful"
(page xii).
The volume also has a useful bibliography of 1930s work, and
an excellent set of footnotes in the style of historians. The book
has been attractively published by University of Alabama Press
in their wonderful and never-ending series of archaeological
books. A New Deal for Southeastern Archaeology has something
for everyone amateurs seeking to understand more of why
Southeastern archaeology is organized as it is, beginning
students looking for a coherent entry into their chosen field,
working CRM archaeologists who wish to understand the origin
and context of the endless Culture History sections in their
reports, and the venerated elder generation of archaeologists
who are grateful that some sherds of that truly great story are
now properly recorded for others to study and admire.

Stone Tools: Theoretical Insights into Human Prehistory. George
H, Odell (editor), Plenum Press, New York, 1996. xiv + 401
pp., illustrations, references, index, $59.50 (cloth).

Janus Research
P.O. Box 919, St. Petersburg, Florida


In the introduction to Part I of this book, George Odell (p. 7)
states, "All archaeology begins with a curiosity," or in other
_ -i ^^ 11- ^4.-- -A .^-a 1^ -L -^i - TA v. n/ J .1-.l ^- ^-

TH1LRDAAn 1G~r19 VL 01

applicable to Florida where, with a few exceptions, lithic studies
have tended to focus on lower-level problems such as determin-
ing the chronological placement of various tool types, recon-
structing lithic technologies, and identifying tool functions with
little concern for integrating the substantive results of these
studies into a larger framework for understanding prehistoric
cultural behavior and adaptive processes. The answers to
questions such as what a particular tool was used for, while
interesting, are ultimately trivial if they cannot be marshaled to
address more meaningful questions of general relevance to
archaeology and anthropology. This requires that lithic research
be firmly grounded in theory. The papers in this volume, which
are the result of a conference sponsored by the University of
Tulsa, demonstrate by example how the formidable array of
techniques available to the lithic analyst can be incorporated
profitably into theoretically informed, problem-oriented re-
The book is divided into an introduction and six sections, and
the range of topics that are included illustrates the variety of
theoretical issues that can be addressed through lithic analysis.
Part I, on research design, consists of a single article by Brian
Hayden, Nora Franco, and Jim Spafford that shows how the
principles of design theory can be used to understand the
rationale behind the choices people make in their selection of
different problem-solving strategies. Design theory focuses on
the constraints encountered when people attempt to solve
specific problems and the design considerations that must be
evaluated in light of these constraints. Using the concepts of
maintainability, reliability, flexibility, versatility, and longevity,
the authors formulate a series of expectations regarding the
technological strategies that might be utilized to solve specific
problems and then compare these to lithic data from the Keatley
Creek site, a late prehistoric winter pithouse village in British
Columbia. While the chapter serves to demonstrate the utility of
structuring lithic research to address questions that have wide
applicability, the authors also discuss the problems associated
with the use of design theory in lithic analysis. They are
especially concerned with the vague and imprecise definitions
of many of the concepts. Despite these criticisms, the authors
conclude that design theory offers lithic analysts a potentially
profitable avenue of inquiry for understanding the decision-
making processes of prehistoric people, and they consider
further research to be warranted.
Conceptual issues also are a major theme in Part 2, which
focuses on tool curation. Papers by Odell and Stephen Nash
critically examine the concept as it has been applied in lithic
studies. Curated technologies typically consist of tools that are
multifunctional, are transported between different use locations,
and can be easily maintained and repaired. An expedient

technology is that there is a great deal of overlap in the criteria

used to identify them archaeologically.

For example, a highly

mobile lifestyle or limited access to lithic raw materials can both
result in a reliance on multifunctional implements. Nash's paper
focuses on these difficulties as well as the simplistic assumptions
that often are associated with the use of the curation concept.
Since, according to Nash, the concept is ill-defined, he express-
es doubt as to its utility and recommends that its use be
discontinued. Odell also expresses some doubt about the utility
of the concept, but after discussing its ambiguities, he takes a

more positive approach
distinguishing archaeol
cited factors affecting
strategies and access to
tion ultimately more us
and expediency are u

and presents a well-reasoned model for
ogically between two of the most oft-
technological organization: mobility
raw materials. This makes his contribu-
eful for analysts who feel that curation
useful concepts for understanding why

prehistoric peoples organized their technologies in the ways that
they did.
The third paper in this section is by Paul Thacker who
attempts to understand temporal variability in lithic assemblage
content in relation to settlement strategies and raw material
availability during the Upper Paleolithic of Portugal. His
analysis shows that both curated and expedient technologies
were utilized during the Magdalenian and Gravettian periods.
His conclusions do not fit neatly into conventional models of
technological organization that posit curation and expediency as
two opposing strategies. Instead, his data indicate that the two
represent planning options that may be implemented by the
same social group under varying conditions of resource avail-
Part 3 deals with lithics and complex societies. Steven Rosen's
paper addresses the apparent decline in the use of flint among
Near Eastern societies. This decline has traditionally been seen
as a response to the introduction of metallurgy. Rosen's analysis
of lithic assemblages from a variety of temporal components
confirms that a decline in both the total quantity of lithics and
in stone tool variability occurred through time. However, the
data also indicate that this decline occurred before the introduc-
tion of metal tools. Rosen argues that the decline in the use of
flint was due less to the technological efficiency of bronze and
copper, which he feels was minimal, and more to a reduction
in the importance of hunting, an expansion of trade routes, and
an increase in specialized tool production.
Jay Johnson's article addresses the role of craft specialization
and centralized control of obsidian at the Classic Maya site of
Nohmul. His spatial analysis of obsidian flakes, cores, and tools
indicates that production of blades that were used in ritual
activities were probably under the control of elites. But while
most tools used in everyday tasks tended to be made of chert,
.. 1....I:A,, ..,.,n ..aV,.14 k .-. itk nA,.,4I ,, i,-in nnr nrJ"nmmlinitu 1nA thp

1997 VOL. 50(1)



examines the question of elite control of lithic materials, but this
time the context is the Plum Bayou culture of central Arkansas.
Nassaney's theoretical orientation is that of historical material-
ism which focuses on the production and distribution of wealth
and power within social groups. He attempts to study how
individuals exercised power to accumulate surplus and how
these strategies were resisted by others. His analysis of the
spatial distributions of raw materials within the region occupied
by the Plum Bayou culture indicates that while attempts to
control lithic acquisition and production may have occurred,
they were generally unsuccessful. Quartz crystal appears to have
been an important exception. The success of counter strategies
that effectively maintained regional autonomy has interesting
implications for understanding the emergence of an elite class
during the succeeding Mississippian Period.
Part IV addresses innovation and style in projectile points.
Michael Rondeau examines the damage patterns on Elko
Corner-Notched points from sites in the central Sierra Nevada

mountains. His goal is to determine to
rejuvenation of damaged hafted bifaces
change. This study was stimulated by the
Flenniken and David Thomas regarding
rejuvenation of broken projectile points
gists to create "types" that are simply
repair and maintenance of a single type.
the basal stem widths of broken and
points indicates that while there is a redi
the rejuvenated specimens, this reduction
a change in type assignment. His goa

what extent repair and
contribute to stylistic
debate between Jeffrey
g the degree to which
has caused archaeolo-
different stages in the
Rondeau's analysis of
rejuvenated projectile
action in stem width on
i is not enough to cause
1 was not to prove or

disprove one or the other side of the debate, but to demonstrate
that: 1) uncertainties regarding typological assignments are an
inevitable outcome of variation in form resulting from long-term
curation, and 2) that these uncertainties can sometimes be

resolved by attempting to identify
John Rick uses a large sample
stratified sites in Peru to examine
to changing social relations. Rick
stylistic variability may occur
reality, e.g., the individual, the f

the sources) of the variation.
of projectile points from two
stylistic variability in relation
begins by acknowledging that
at different scales of social
family, the local group, or the

fauna from the subsistence mix. With fewer potential targets,
the search costs for hunters would have increased making a
weapons delivery system that increased range and accuracy
highly adaptive. While Shott's explanation is highly speculative,
it is thought provoking and will certainly stimulate new research
designed to refute or validate his hypothesis.
If theory provides the principles for explaining archaeological
problems, methods provide the technical means for solving

them. Part

includes two papers that focus on this relationship.

Marvin Kay compared the use-wear on Paleoindian tools from
the Colby site in Wyoming with experimentally produced tools
used to kill and butcher mortally wounded elephants in Africa.
His analysis utilized a high magnification (100x-400x) micro-
scope outfitted with reflected-light optical capabilities that enable
three-dimensional views of a tool's surface. His analysis was
able to identify patterns of use, hafting technique, and tool
maintenance on Paleoindian projectiles and butchering tools.
Toby Morrow uses lithic refitting, a time-consuming but
ultimately very rewarding technique, to reconstruct site forma-
tion processes and tool curation practices at the Twin Ditch site
in Illinois. A surprisingly large number of flakes were able to

be refitted enabling Morrow to

1) determine that site distur-

bance activities were minimal, 2) distinguish between intra-site
activity areas, 3) identify two different occupational episodes,
and 4) identify patterns of curation and off-site abandonment of
tools made at Twin Ditch.
The final section, Part 6, presents a summary of discussions
by participants which took place at various times and places
throughout the conference.
I found this book to be highly informative and full of stimu-
lating ideas. Perhaps the most important observation is that

many of t
simple tech
school. Th4
not provide
interested i
consider t

he analyses reported here are based on relatively
niques that most archaeologists learn in graduate
e message is that technical sophistication alone does
us with the answers we seek. More important is the
of the techniques that are available to questions of
I recommend this book to anyone who is seriously
n the study of stone tools. And for those who do not
themselves lithic analysts, the book serves as an

regional population. He then creates a hierarchy of stylistic
levels beginning with the most inclusive, the type group, and
proceeding through ever increasing degrees of specificity to the

excellent example of how method and theory can be integrated
to achieve a greater understanding of prehistoric human

type, the variant, and the affinity group. His analysis, which is
perhaps the most methodologically complex of any presented in
this volume, utilizes measures of richness, unevenness, instabili-
ty, and continuity along with a statistical technique known as
multidimensional scaling. The results suggest that stylistic
change at these sites is correlated with variation in site occupa-
tion intensity and increased social interaction through time.
.- -* t* t1 At -- __-_ a a-a------1 j ..... A^I- IAbjj1 ,..i *..nn. A ,.





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The Florida Anthropological Society is a non-profit organization
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a minimum



Florida Anthropologist Endowment and

receive a



mited edition










n Quigley'

ot me following
Lost Florida series.



HOLOPAW depicts

Florida. Hunters

a middle

are returning

Archaic campsite in north
Pia ccessful bear hunt; a

woman grinds tubers to

a small child

a giant


an converses

with traders from

distant place. Q


a flintknapper works on

finishing h

finely made projectile point.

THE HUNTERS illustrates

combat with

a Paleoindian hunting party in

a juvenile mastodon.

THE KILL depicts two Archaic period hunters preparing

a large alligator in the depths of

a southern cypress


The Kill


IN depicts

a group of Paleoindian hunters closing

in on

a mastodon and her calf.

CALUSA depicts the


site at Pineland, Florida ca.

A.D. 900-1100. Featured on the


of Florida's


TATAMAHO depicts an Indian gigging a garfish while his son
playfully loads the catch in a basket. Nearby, a panther waits

a free meal and

a raccoon eagerly awaits leftovers.

THE RETURN depicts two tattooed Indians returning from a
day of fishing. Their canoe is loaded with fish and shellfish.

In the distance, smoke

rises from

a campsite hidden amidst

the mangroves and shaded by cedar trees.

BOSKITA depicts the Green Comrn Ceremony, one of the most

important rituals of many southeastern

Indian cultures.








0 p

Florida's history is long: it goes back 10,000
years to people who hunted mammoth with
stone-tipped spears.
It is colorful: 7,000 years ago, Florida's Native
Americans wove cloth as fine as a T-shirt.
It is unique in the world: around 800 years
ago, some Floridians had a civilization so
complex that they built long canoe-canals and
huge pyramid-shaped mounds of shells and
You can be part of it! New pages of this story
are being written every week. Teams of
amateur and professional archaeologists
together are making fascinating discoveries in
the field and in the lab.
You can help save it! Florida's rapid develop-
ment puts many valuable sites in jeopardy.
Amateur and professional archaeologists,
elected officials and planners, and just plain
concerned citizens are working together to
save this history in the soil.
How do you put yourself into this picture? By
joining the Florida Anthropological Society
(FAS) or one of its chapters, or both, as many
interested citizens do!

Each spring, an FAS chapter hosts a state-
wide meeting attended by members of FAS
and its chapters, and the public. Both pro-
fessionals and amateurs deliver papers about
their activities and investigations. A banquet
features a guest speaker who is usually
nationally-known in the field of archaeology
or anthropology. FAS elected officers are
instated at a business session.
During the year, the FAS Executive Board
holds several meetings. FAS chapters have
monthly meetings, field trips, and other


1. FAS publishes a scientific journal, THE
year. Both professionals and amateurs con-
tribute articles about investigations in Florida
and nearby areas. These articles keep FAS
members up-to-date on many aspects of
Florida archaeology, history, folklore, and pre-
servation. Many libraries around the nation
and world subscribe to the journal.

2. FAS publishes a newsletter four times a
year which keeps FAS members abreast of
FAS chapter activities and of pertinent events
and news around the state and wider region.

* ~ *60**
*................... .
... .
.* .

F AS has chapter
which are open to th
joining FAS and one
can take an active pa
preserve Florida's he
meetings, field trips,
supervised by profess

FAS Chaptei
Write your area's chap1
tion today!

Archaeological Society
2495 NW 35th Ave.,
Broward County Arch
481 S. Federal Highw
Central Florida Anthr
P.O. Box 261, Orlanc
Central Gulf Coast Ai
P.O. Box 82255, Tan
Indian River Anthrop
3705 S. Tropical Terrn
Kissimmee Valley Ar
13300 U.S. 98, Sebri
Northeast Florida Ant
10274 Bear Valley Rc
Pensacola Archaeologi
P.O. Box 13251, Pen
St. Augustine Archaeo
P.O. Box 1987, St. A
Southwest Florida Arc
P.O. Box 9965, Naplk
Time Sifters Archaeoli
P.O. Box 25642, Sara
Treasure Coast Archa
P.O. Box 2875, Stuar
Volusia Anthropologic
P.O. Box 1881, Orm








(FAS) !

A non-profit organization founded in 1947, with chapters throughout Florida

Florida Indian
This Bird-man
Dancer is the
main illustration
of an attractive
and informative
poster depicting
the major tribes
that once in-
habited Florida.
Available for a
$6.50 donation
to FAS, this 18 b;
36-inch poster is
printed maroon
and purple on a
heavy paper.

Anthropology is the study of people and their cultures. Join FAS and help
save and enjoy Florida's heritage! FAS holds an annual meeting and banquet
featuring renowned speakers. FAS members receive a newsletter and informa-
tive journal four times a year. The journal features interesting articles on
Florida archaeology, history, folklore, and preservation.
r" ---------- ---------- --- -j-
* YES! I want to join FAS!
I Membership is only $25 per year (individual) and is tax-deductible.


rates: $25

institutional, $35


or mo

re, sustaining,

patron $100, and life $500.
E YES, I would like to donate an additional $6.50, also tax-deductible,


a poster by mail (allow

3-5 weeks).





FAS Membership,

c/o Terry Simpson,


Box 82255,

Tampa, FL








A non-profit organization founded in 1947, with chapters throughout Florida

Anthropology is the study of people and their cultures. Join FAS and help
save and enjoy Florida's heritage! FAS holds an annual meeting and banquet
featuring renowned speakers. FAS members receive a newsletter and informa-
tive journal four times a year. The journal features interesting articles on
Florida archaeology, history, folklore, and preservation.

Florida Indian (
This Bird-man
Dancer is the
main illustration
of an attractive
and informative
poster depicting
the major tribes
that once in-
habited Florida.
Available for a

[ EYES! I want to join FAS!
SMembership is only $25 per year (individual) and is tax-deduc



institutional, $35


or mo


re, sustaining,

patron $100, and life $500.

C YES, I would like to donate an additional $6.50

and receive a poster by mail (allow

also tax-deductible,

3-5 weeks).


a w





Indian River Anthro. Soc. *

Volusia Anthro. Soc. P.O. I

St. Augustine Arch. Assoc

Northeast FL Anthro. Soc.



3705 S. Tropical Tennac, Mert Island, FL

ox 1881, Ormond Bea, FL 32175

- P.O. Box 197, St Auglsine., FL 32085

* 10274 Bear Vabey Rd, Jacksonvb, FL

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Pensacola Arch. Soc. P.O. Box 13251, Pensacola, FL 32591

Central FL Anthro. Soc. P.O. Box 261, Orlando, FL 32801-0261

Central Gulf Coast Arch. Soc. P.O. Box 82255, Tampa, FL 33682

Kissimmee Valley Arch. & Hist. Cons. 13300 U.S. 98, Sebring, FL 33870

Time Sifters Arch. SOC. P.O. Box 2542, Sarasota, FL 34277 ----

Treasure Coast Arch. Soc. P.O.

Southwest FL Arch. Soc. P.O. Box 9965,

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Stuart, FL 34995

A|*L *tACM

,Naples,FL 33941



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yes, but what was



The exact, full wording of that reference is as close
as your phone:

Back issues of The Flonida Anth vpologist

back close to a half century

-- going

- are available at the

Grave s


of Archaeology

and Natural History

481 South Federal Highway
Dania, FL 33004

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About the Authors:

Gregory A. Mikell is a professional archaeologist from Pensacola. He is a graduate of Florida State
University (B.A. 1983) and Wake Forest University (M.A. 1986) and continues his work in northwest

Arthur R. Lee, an avocational archaeologist, is Director of the Southwest Florida Archaeological Society's
(SWFAS) Craighead Laboratory and Editor of the SWFAS newsletter. Art is a past president of the Florida
Anthropological Society.

John G. Beriault, an avocational archaeologist, is a director of the Southwest Florida Archaeological
Society, of which he was the founding president, and chair of its field activities committee. He is a past
president of the Florida Anthropological Society.

Jean Belknap, an avocational archaeologist and paleontologist, has been a member of the staff of SWFAS's
Craighead laboratory for several years. She is a former member of the Time Sifters Archaeological Society.

Walter M. Buschelman, an avocational archaeologist, has served many years on the Board of Directors of
the Southwest Florida Archaeological Society and on the staff of the Craighead Laboratory. He is a member
of the Florida Anthropological Society.

Annette L. Snapp, who has a Master of Arts degree in Public Archaeology from the University of South
Florida, is continuing her studies at Oxford University in England. She has recently completed assignments
as a planner for the Lee County government and is past Secretary of the Florida Anthropological Society
and past President of the Southwest Florida Archaeological Society.

John W. Thompson is Treasurer of the Florida Anthropological Society and SWFAS. He has been an
avocational archaeologist since the early 1970s, having served as trustee of the Missouri Archaeological
Society and president of its St. Louis chapter, and Trustee of the Cahokia Mounds Museum Society.

Paul E. Hoffman is Professor of History at Louisiana State University. He received his Ph.D. from the
University of Florida in 1969. He is a prize-winning author of five books and numerous articles, many of
them on the Spanish presence in the Southeast. He is currently writing a history of Florida's frontiers, ca.

Mark Williams is President of the Lamar Institute, a nonprofit research organization, and is on the staff of
the University of Georgia. His research interests include the growth and decline of Mississippian and
Woodland societies in Georgia, remote sensing, and GIS techniques.

Robert J. Austin is Executive Vice President of Janus Research. He received his M.A. in Anthropology
from the University of South Florida in 1983. His research interests include the economics of lithic
industries, exchange systems, and the emergence of sedentary life.

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