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 Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 An example of the association of...
 Preliminary excavation of the Henriquez...
 The Alachua tradition - Extension...
 A study of bilateral variation...
 A note on the Tigua Indians (Ysleta...
 Brief notes
 Reviews
 Information for authors






Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
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Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
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Place of Publication: Gainesville
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Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
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Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
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Table of Contents
    Copyright
        Copyright
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    An example of the association of archaeological complexes with tribal and linguistic grouping - The Fort Walton complex
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
    Preliminary excavation of the Henriquez I site, Tankia Flip, Aruba, Netherlands Antilles - Lorraine Heidecker and Michael I. Siegel
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
    The Alachua tradition - Extension of Wilmington-Savannah peoples into central Florida - Jerald T. Milanich
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
    A study of bilateral variation - Handedness, hand clasping and arm folding among the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh - Deepak Tyagi
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
    A note on the Tigua Indians (Ysleta del Sur) of Ysleta, El Paso, Texas - George L. Trager and M. Estellie Smith
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
    Brief notes
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
    Reviews
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
    Information for authors
        Unnumbered ( 47 )
Full Text





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THE

FLORIDA

ANTHROPOLOGIST



Volume 22, Nos. 1-4 "WHOLE VOLUME"
March-December, 1969



FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is pub-
lished quarterly in March, June, September, and
December by the Florida Anthropological Society
at the Department of Anthropology, Florida State
University, Tallahassee, Florida 32306. Sub-
scription is by membership in the society for in-
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Annual dues are $4.00; student memberships,


$2.00. Requests for membership and general in-
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the treasurer; newsletter items to the president;
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hassee, Florida.


OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY


President
Ripley P. Bullen
Florida State Museum
Seagle Building
Gainesville, Florida

2nd Vice President
Carl A. Benson
2310 Resthaven Drive
Orlando, Florida 32806

1st, Vice President
James W. Covington
University of Tampa
Tampa, Florida 33620

Secretary
Howard A Chamberlen
Florida State Museum
Seagle Building 1
Gainesville, Florida 32601* *'
Treasurer
L. Ross Morrell
Florida Board of Archives and History
401 East Gaines Street
Tallahassee, Florida 32301
Editor
David S. Phelps
Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
Tallahassee, Florida 32306
EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
Editor
David S. Phelps
Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
Tallahassee, Florida 32306


Robert C. Dailey
Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
Tallahassee, Florida 32306


L. Ross Morrell
Florida Board of Archives and History
401 East Gaines Street
Tallahassee, Florida 32301


Executive Committee
Dan D. Laxson
231 West 41st Street
Hialeah, Florida 33012


William D. Goza
P. O. Box 246
Clearwater, Florida 33517


Cliff E. Mattox
P. O. Box 521
Cocoa Beach, Florida 32931


William H. Sears
Department of Anthropology
Florida Atlantic University
Boca Raton, Florida 33432


Yulee W. Lazarus
Temple Mound Museum
P. O. Box 294
Fort Walton Beach, Florida 32548


Resident Agent
Ripley P. Bullen
Florida State Museum
Seagle Building
Gainesville, Florida 32601


Stanley J Olsen
Department of Anthropology
Florida State University
Tallahassee, Florida 32306

Wilfred T. Neill
122 Homecrest Road
New Port Richey, Florida 33552










CONTENTS


WILLIAM M. GARDNER
An Example of the Association of Archaeological Complexes with Tribal
and Linguistic Grouping: The Fort Walton Complex of Northwest Florida..................... I

LORRAINE HEIDECKER AND MICHAEL I. SIEGEL
Preliminary Excavation of the Henriquez I Site, Tanki Flip, Aruba,
Netherlands A ntilles ................................................... .................................... 12

JERALD T. MILANICH
The Alachua Tradition: Extension of Wilmington-Savannah Peoples into
C entra l F lorida ......................................................... .............. ...................... 17

DEEPAK TYAGI
A Study of Bilateral Variation: Handedness, Hand Clasping and Arm
Folding among the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh ...........................................................24

GEORGE L. TRAGER AND M. ESTELLIE SMITH
A note on the Tigua Indians (Ysleta del Sur) of Ysleta, El Paso, Texas....................... 30


BRIEF NOTES

ALBERT C. GOODYEAR
A Deptford Vessel from Pinellas County, Florida ..................................................... 34

CARL J. CLAUSEN
Utilization of Bear Grass in Rural North Florida...................................................... 35

RIPLEY P. BULLEN
A Clovis Fluted Point from the Sante Fe River, Florida..................................... ....... 36

BEN I.WALLER
Paleo-lndian and Other Artifacts from a Florida Stream Bed.................................... .. 37


REVIEWS

M. ESTELLIE SMITH
Klein and Icolari: Reference Encyclopedia of the American Indian ............................... 40

WILFRED T. NEILL
Sibley: Louisiana's Ancients of Man ..................................................................... 41

INVITATION FROM THE SOCIETY FOR AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY............................ 42






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


AN EXAMPLE OF THE ASSOCIATION OF ARCHEOLOGICAL COMPLEXES
WITH TRIBAL AND LINGUISTIC GROUPING:
THE FORT WALTON COMPLEX OF NORTHWEST FLORIDA
William M. Gardner


ABSTRACT

This paper attempts to demonstrate the asso-
ciation of regional variations of an archeologi-
cal cultural complex with historically known
tribal groups. It is suggested that if our arche-
ological constructs are not such that they ob-
scure area differences it is possible to corre-
late these with ethnic or tribal groupings.

INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate
the association of regional variants of an arch-
eological cultural complex with ethnic groups
resident in these areas at contact times. In
doing so it is felt that the cultural validity of
some of our earlier, broad, archeological con-
structs are open to serious question. Such con-
siderations should be of manifest importance to
the archeologist who is interested in the his-
torical relationships of the people in the area
in which he is working particularly when, as is
demonstrated in this paper, such classifications
cross linguistic and ethnic boundaries but need
not do so if closer attention is paid to areal
differences in the content of the material cul-
ture.
Trigger (1968:14-20) has recently commented
on the dangers of attempting to associate a
single social or political unit with a single
pattern of material culture. He even goes so far
as to say, "It is clear, then, that archeological
cultures cannot be correlated in any mechanical
fashion with societal groupings such as tribes,
bands or nations" (1968:19). Elsewhere he is
not as adamant, asserting only that there is no
one to one correlation between artifact patterns
and ethnic units.
Many of the examples he uses to support his
case are certainly legitimate but one cannot
help but wonder at what level of analysis he is
operating. Depending on the broadness of the
units of analyses it is possible to speak as he
does of the Anglo-Canadians and Americans
sharing a common culture. This seems to me to
be truly only at the gross level of technology
and even a close examination along this dimen-


sion would undoubtedly reveal considerable dif-
ferences. For instance it would appear likely a
goodly number of consumer goods are either
products of Canada or imported from England.
There must be a trade restriction on the free
flow of goods between the United States and its
northern neighbor.
Admittedly there is a sharing of consumer
goods but the percentages of imports in either
country should be considerably lower than the
percentage of domestic products. Depending on
the nature of the particular good, i.e., the ease
with which it can be placed into a typological
classification, it should be possible to identify
the item as a trade good.
Equally as important as differences in the
technological artifacts are divergences in the
socio-cultural artifacts, the social, political,
religious and economic institutions. At any
rate few people would say there are no real dis-
tinctions between French-Canadians and Anglo-
Canadians, or for that matter between Anglo-
Americans, Afro-Americans, Mexican-Americans,
Irish-Americans and so on.
A number of these groups are currently under
study by social scientists just because they
are different. The differences appear because
we are able to perceive finer cultural distinc-
tions between them. This level of classifica-
tion is entirely different from that which lumps
them together as Canadians or Americans. Fur-
ther refinement of analytical cultural attributes
can break these larger groupings into smaller
and smaller units, i.e. white southern Americans
vs. white eastern Americans, southern black
Americans vs. northern black Americans.
Some may argue that these are not cultures
but sub-cultures. It can also be argued that the
Creek and Choctaw Indians of the southeastern
United States were actually only sub-cultures
of a larger Muskhogean or southeastern culture,
and that in turn this is only part of a much larger
Eastern Woodlands culture. This latter approach
has been tried in Eastern Americanist archeo-
logy and is still being used today by workers
from the Gulf of Mexico to Canada as they try
to fit archeological complexes into an Early,
Late and Middle Woodland framework, an exer-
cise which is as fruitless as it is meaningless.

I


VOLUME 22, NOS. I 4


MARCH DECEMBER, 1969







This paper is not meant as a denial of the dif-
ficulties which are faced in correlating arti-
facts with ethnic units but is rather an attempt
to show that such a correlation is possible if
the units of analysis are not so broad as to
blur differences. One advantage this exercise
has is the presence of ethnohistorical descrip-
tions of certain tribes and their distribution in
space at a particular point in time. This set of
circumstances is not causative, it only serves
to support the idea that more refined analytical
techniques can come closer to approaching cul-
tural reality.




BACKGROUND
The Fort Walton period was initially defined
by Willey and Woodbury (1942:244-246) and later
elaborated by Willey (1949:452-70). It is the
late prehistoric, proto-historic and early historic
archeological time horizon in the Northwest
Florida area. The definition is based on a num-
ber of material traits which are more or less
uniform over the area where sites of this period
are represented. Most characteristic are several
pottery types with various incised and incised-
punctated decorations which, are almost always
zoned or laid out in bands and often contain
appendages such as lugs and zoomorphic and
anthropomorphic features; certain vessel shapes
; specific types of shell ear-pins and gorgets;
various types of bone artifacts; and in certain
areas, cemetery burial, temple mounds, stock-
aded villages and agriculture.
Some of these traits are unique to this period
in Northwest Florida prehistory. Other elements
of the material culture of Fort Walton period
sites have a long history in the Gulf Coast re-
gion. For instance the use of incision and punc-
tation in zones and band arrangements, a number
of vessel shapes, certain ceramic decorative
motifs, mound burial, ceremonial killing of ves-
sels buried with the dead, and perhaps even
agriculture (Fairbanks 1965:61).
This combination of old and new traits sug-
gests either the mixing of a new population
with indigenous groups or else the mass infu-
sion of new ideas (Smith 1956:123). The sources
of the new ideas appear to be out of the west
and northwest from among people participating
in a variation of the wide-spread Mississippian
pattern. There is no evidence to suggest a
wholesale population replacement.


The full geographical extent of Fort Walton
sites is still unknown. When Willey was con-
ducting his survey most of the known sites were
on the Gulf coast between Pensacola and Choc-
tawhatchee Bay in extreme west Florida. There
were very few inland sites recorded. The great-
est number of these were at the extreme end of
the eastern range of the distribution around
Tallahassee. Only a handful of sites were known
elsewhere and these were around Apalachicola
Bay and along the Apalachicola River.
It is now known that Fort Walton sites extend
westward in some numbers to the Mobile Bay
area (Trickey and Holmes 1967:26), and north-
ward around the Apalachicola River to just
across the Alabama-Florida border (Neuman
1964:75). The region west of the Apalachicola,
in the interior part of the Florida panhandle and
southern Alabama, is still largely unknown.
Sporadic work in Jackson County by the writer
has somewhat remedied this, and some 40 Fort
Walton period sites are known. Many of these
are quite large and include the important Wad-
dells Mill Pond site (Gardner 1966:43-64). It
would be surprising if a similar density of oc-
cupation does not exist further west into Holmes
and Washington Counties and in extreme south-
ern Alabama.
The distribution apparently does not extend
far into Alabama and Georgia, at least not along
the Apalachicola-Chattahoochee drainage. Ce-
ramics representative of Fort Walton complex
have been found as far north as Columbus,
Georgia (McMichael and Kellar 1960:214) but
this extension is felt to be a diffusion of ideas
and artifacts rather than a movement of people.
The southern limits appear to be Apalachicola
Bay.
REGIONAL VARIATIONS IN ECOLOGY,
SUBSISTENCE AND MATERIAL CULTURE.
Basically then the geographical range of the
Fort Walton period is from Apalachicola Bay
north to Tallahassee with perhaps some overlap
to the east, and west across inland and coastal
Florida to the Mobile Bay area. This corres-
ponds with Goggin's (1949:14) Northwest Gulf
Coast archeological region.
The ecology of this area is by no means homo-
genous. There are two broad sub-divisions, the
coast and the interior. Within each of these are
smaller ecological zones. On the coast import-
ant areas of occupation are areas sheltered
from the open coast such as bayous, bays,
coves and the mouths of rivers and streams.








Inland settlement was around streams, rivers,
lakes, ponds, swamps,and springs.
The difference in ecology reflects to some
degree differences in subsistence. On the coast
emphasis was on the dominant types of food
available, molluses and fish. This is attested
to by a wide variety of fish bones and the num-
erous oyster and clam shells found in the coast-
middens (Lazarus 1961). Land hunting appears
to have been less significant, Agriculture does
not seem to have been to important and this may
be a corollary of the sandy soils (Lazarus 1961).
This is not based completely on negative evi-
dence as Spanish and French documents cite
the difficulty of horticulture in this area (Fair-
banks 1965:61).
Economic activity in the interior indicates
increased emphasis on the hunting of land ani-
mals with very little dependence on fish. Fish-
ing may have been important in certain areas,
but at the large inland sites such as the Wad-
dells Mill Pond site, fish remains are barely
represented. Agriculture was undoubtedly very
important in the economy of these inland groups.
This is attested to by archeological evidence from
at least three sites (Waddells Mill Pond, a
mound site in Houston County, Alabama, and
Wakulla Springs, Florida). There is also con-
siderable documentary evidence to support this
(Swanton 1922:113-114).
The settlement pattern seems to vary some-
what along these same lines. For instance in
both the coastal and inland zones there are
temple mound centers. The largest and most
numerous of these centers are inland around
Tallahassee (Willey 1949:453) where there are
sites with multiple mound structures. There is
also one multiple mound center on the Apala-
chicola River (Bullen 1960). Elsewhere as in
as in Houston County, the Lower Apalachicola
River and at Fort Walton Beach and Bear Point,
Alabama, these are single mounds.
Smith (1956:122-123) sees these temple mound
sites as political-religious centers surrounded
by smaller satellite villages, and suggests this
pattern correlates with the situation known for
the historic Apalachee Indians of the Tallahas-
see area. The Apalachee were organized into a
confederacy of tribes with the principal village
at Iniahica (possibly the Lake Jackson site
(Griffin 1950:11).
Elsewhere this situation does not seem to
prevail. Temple mounds are not present in Jack-
son County, although Fort Walton period sites
are quite numerous and include some rather ex-


tenxive villages. It is possible to view the
Waddells Mill Pond site as a central village for
surrounding satellite villages. It, like Iniahica
and presumable the Lake Jackson site, was sur-
rounded by a stockade and served as a center
of some sort. However this site was more like-
ly a refuge in times of conflict rather than a
political-religious center (Gardner 1966:58).

There are only two temple mounds along the
coast between Mobile Bay and Choctawhatchee
Bay (Lazarus 1961). One of these is at Bear
Point on Perdido Bay and the other at Fort Wal-
ton Beach. In this same area extensive survey
work by the late William C. Lazarus has result-
ed in the discovery of dense and long-lived
Fort Walton Period occupations. The number of
sites and the general lack of temple mounds
indicate lesser socio-political centralization.
That these two mounds were political-religious
centers for a certain population is no doubt
true but this do cd not seem comparable to the
situation extant in the Tallahassee area.

Little can be said about the mounds on Apa-
lachicola River. Undoubtedly these, too were
political-religious centers but since there is no
information on the density or size of surround-
ing sites no further inferences can be made.
Another area of diversity in the material cul-
ture is the ceramics. It was early noted by Wil-
ley (1949:458) that there was a distinction be-
tween the shell tempered pottery of the western
end of the distribution and the grit tempered
pottery of the eastern end. This led him to pro-
pose the Pensacola series. Lazarus has carried
this even further noting, "Around Perdido and
Pensacola Bays the shell temper percentage
ranges from 100 percent downward to about 68
per cent. The Choctawhatchee Bay area has no
known site which exceeds 72 per cent and aver-
age is slightly less than 50 per cent. On the
eastern end of the region -- under discussion
(St. Andrews Bay and the west side of the Apa-
lachicola River) the highest recorded percent-
age is 33 percent with an average of less than
20 percent." (Lazarus 1961).

Inland this decreases even more. Percentages
of shell tempered pottery at inland sites include
less than one percent at the Lake Jackson site,
less than four percent at Waddells Mill Pond,
less than seven percent at the Smith site, also
in Jackson County, and less than two percent
at J-5 on the Apalachicola River.





SUMMARY OF AREAL DIFFERENCES


TABLE 1


COASTAL (WEST)

Small scattered
settlements.
Few Temple mounds
suggesting loose
political-religious
organization.

Economy oriented
to marine ecology -
shellfish collecting
and fishing agri-
culture at best
minimal.

Shell tempered
ceramics.


Ware compact.



Heavy emphasis
on incision alone
as ceramic decora-
tive technique.


INLAND
(WEST OF APALACHICOLA)

Numerous large villages
and smaller scattered
settlements. No Temple
mounds suggesting loose
political-religious
organization.

Economy oriented to
land hunting and
agriculture.




Fine sand and small
grit particles in
temper.

Ware compact.



Heavy emphasis on
incision and punctation
as ceramic decorative
technique.


INLAND
(EAST OF APALACHICOLA)

Several large Temple
mound centers and
smaller settlements
suggesting strong
political-religious
organization.

Economy oriented to
land hunting and
agriculture.




Coarse sand and
grit tempered ceramics.


Ware coarse with
tempering particles
extruding from surface.

Heavy emphasis on
incision and punctation
as ceramic decorative
technique.


SOUTH CENTRAL COAST
(SAFETY HARBOR)

Small scattered settle-
ments. Few Temple
mounds suggesting loose
political-religious
organization.


Economy oriented to
marine ecology; some
agriculture.




Sand and grit tempered
ceramics.


Ware contorted and
laminated.


Heavy emphasis on
incision and punctation
as ceramic decorative
technique.








This is a range from 100 percent on the west-
ern end to almost zero percent on the eastern
end. Another way of saying this is that most of
the pottery from the eastern sites is grit-tem-
pered. Lazarus feels this difference is of little
importance but is merely a matter of preference.
For my part I feel that it is culturally signi-
ficant particularly when coupled with the dif-
ferences previously discussed.
A second demonstrable areal distinction in
the ceramics is the paste. There are at least
three different pastes present in the Fort Walton
ceramics (actually there are four but one of
these belongs in the Safety Harbor series, a
variant of the Fort Walton Period which will be
discussed later). The first of these is the shell
tempered paste. The other two occur in the grit-
sand tempered Fort Walton series.
These latter variants include the Lake Jackson
ware which has been characterized by Bullen
(1958:345) in the following manner, "Typical-
ly, Lake Jackson sherds contain more tempering
material and have pebbly exterior surfaces.."
This is in contrast to the Fort Walton series
which typically contains less temper and smal-
ler tempering particles, and is smooth and com-
pact with the tempering particles rarely extrud-
ing from the surface. For comparison we can
note that almost 90 percent of the ware at the
Waddells Mill Pond site is Fort Walton ware
and this situation pervails in the Jackson Coun-
ty sites collected by the writer. On the other
hand at the Lake Jackson site, "The vast ma-
jority of the sherds are tempered with rather
coarse grit..." (Griffin :1950:104).
A third difference which is based more on
intuition and feel than actual fact is that the
inland sites tend to produce ceramics with more
incision and punctation in the decoration than
sherds with incision alone. The reverse seems
to hold true for the western coastal sites. This
is partly confirmed by Willey (1949:464) who
notes a similar pattern. The ceramics from the
coastal sites also seem to be more elaborately
decorated but this may be a reflection of the
fact that many of the collections from that area
are from cemeteries. Close analysis of collect-
ions may also indicate differences in motif
and vessel shapes. An examination of Clarence
B. Moore's publications tends to leave one with
this feeling.
From the previous paragraphs it can be seen
that in the area encompassed by the spatial ex-
tent of known Fort Walton Period sites there is
considerable diversity. Table 1 summarizes


these differences which center around ecology
and subsistence, settlement pattern and, as far
as inferences can be made from this facet of
material culture, degree of centralization of
political and religious activity, and certain at-
tributes of the ceramics.
Table 1 also includes a fourth areal variant,
the south central Gulf coast or the Safety Harbor
area. Willey (1949:475-488) felt the differences
manifested in the Safety Harbor complex were
important enough to warrant designating it as a
separate period. These differences cannot and
should not be overlooked but the connections
with the more northerly Fort Walton sites are
equally important (Willey, 1949:479).
The Safety Harbor ceramic complex apparent-
ly developed out of the same sources as the
Fort Walton complex, new ideas infusing in from
the north and northwest and mixing with the in-
digenous Weeden Island traits (Griffin and Bul-
len 1950:34; Smith 1956:127). There are several
differences between the ceramics of the two
complexes, principally the absence of certain
types, especially those related to the Biscayne
and Glades series. This relationship with south
and central Florida ceramic complexes should
be expected because of the proximity of Safety
Harbor sites to these areas. These however are
minority types and the Pinellas series domi-
nates (Bullen 1950:27; Tables 3, 5).
One significant difference is in the paste of
the Pinellas series which is described as crumb-
ly and laminated and quite distinct from the
Lake Jackson ware to which it was compared
(Griffin and Bullen 1950:34). This may stem
from the types of clays locally available (Griffin
and Bullen 1950:30) although sherds similar to
Lake Jackson ware were found at the site. This
difference in paste parallels variations outlined
for other regional variants.
In terms of ecology, Safety Harbor sites are
located along the coast and their subsistence
reflects this fact with food waste consisting
largely of oyster shells and fish bones. Agri-
culture is infered by Bullen (1950:29) from his-
torical sources.
The type site, Safety Harbor, was dominated
by a large temple mound. Just how common tem-
ple mounds are in this area is apparently un-
known but the situation seems to compare favor-
ably with what was outlined for the northwest
Gulf coast, that is scattered villages with few
temple mounds. Ethnographically it can be in-
ferred that the people apparently responsible
for the Safety Harbor site, the Timucuan Toco-








baga (Griffin and Bullen 1950:31) were some-
what structured politically and religiously
(Swanton 1922:320).
In any comparison among archeological com-
plexes spread over a wide geographic area it
is necessary to consider possible differences
in time depth. Unfortunately little work has been
done in Florida along these lines. The best
that can be said about the Fort Walton Period
is that it has its beginnings around 1400A.D.
and continues until at least 1675A.D. The be-
ginning date can possibly be pushed back an-
other one to two hundred years (Gardner 1966:
58). A similar time range is suggested for the
Safety Harbor period.
This gives a spread of something on the order
of 300 to 500 years. The question then becomes
"do the suggested differences reflect this time
depth?" The answer is almost certainly no.
Most of the sites 'considered in arriving at the
data presented in Table 1 are sites which were
occupied just before, at and after historic times.
This gives a time range of from A.D. 1539 when
DeSoto wintered at Iniahica near Tallahassee,
A.D. 1567 when Menendez visited Tocobaga,
ca. A.D. 1550 for the Mound at Bear Point(Smith
1956:23), to a minimum date based on historical
mention of the Chatot of A.D. 1639.
This is still a range of 100 years but it almost
certainly has to be pushed back in the case of
the Chatot contact at 1639. The records indicate
the area was abandoned by them in 1677 and the
depth of the occupation at Waddells Mill Pond
and the size and number of sites in Jackson
County strongly argue for considerable time
depth.



REGIONAL VARIATION IN ETHNIC
AND LINGUISTIC AFFILIATION


In the preceding paragraphs four archeological
subareas embraced by the Fort Walton period
were delineated. This delineation was based on
demonstrable differences in the material culture.
It is also possible to relate these four areas to
four distinct tribal groupings extant at historic
times.
This is not difficult to do in the case of some
of the sites we have been discussing. Many
Fort Walton Period sites have historic material
(Smith 1956). A number of specific sites have
been linked either directly or inferentially to


documented villages. Among these are the Lake
Jackson site, Iniahica (Griffin 1950:111) which
correlates with Inland Florida-east of the Apa-
lachicola and the Apalachee; the Waddells Mill
Pond site, San Carlos de los Chacatos (Gardner
1966:57), which correlates with Inland Florida-
west of the Apalachicola and the Chatot; the
Safety Harbor site, (Griffin and Bullen 1950:
31) Utcita or some other village of the Toco-
bago, which correlates with the central Gulf
Coast and a branch of the Timucua.
There is no way to directly link any of the
sites along West Florida Gulf Coast with any
specifically mentioned historic villages. It is
almost certain because of the presence of num-
erous historic artifacts covering the period be-
tween A.D. 1550 and 1650 that the people in
and around Pensacola and Choctawhatchee Bay
were the Pensacola. Further west around Mobile
Bay were the Mobile and Tohome (Swanton 1922:
150).


THE MOBILE, PENSACOLA AND SAWOKLI:
WEST FLORIDA GULF COAST
Mobile Bay was first visited in 1519 by Pineda
(Swanton 1922:150), who noted some forty vil-
lages in the area. The bay was again visited
in 1528 by Narvaez but Swanton (1946:151)
questions whether or not the Indians contacted
at this time were the same people. The arche-
ology shows no major differences during this
period (Trickey and Holmes 1967:26) and these
groups must have been part of the Pensacola,
or at least tribes related to the Mobile (Swanton
1946:150). By 1700 the area was almost com-
pletely abandoned.
Very little documentary description of these
coastal Indians is available. Most of the early
data concerning the Mobile comes from DeSoto's
encounter in 1540 at the village of the principal
Mobile chief, Tascaluca, presumably on the
Alabama River. Extracting from Swanton (1922:
151-158) the Mobile consisted of several groups
under the domination of a powerful chief. At
Tascaluca's village there was a platform mound
with a structure at the top and many of the vil-
lages throughout the Mobile territory were stock-
aded.
There is even less information on the Pensa-
cola. The one lengthy description given by
Swanton (1922:144-146) dates from 1528 and
this is concerned mostly with their physical
appearance and clothing. No information is given
on their villages.








A similar situation exists for the historic oc-
cupants of Choctawhatchee Bay, the Sawokli
(Swanton 1922:141-143). The Sawokli were ap-
parently in this location at least as late as
1681.
Linguistically Swanton (1946:Table 1) places
the Mobile and Pensacola in the Choctaw group
of the Muskhogean division of the Muskhogean
stock. Elsewhere he notes certain other resem-
blances with the Choctaw.
The Sawokli are included under the Hitchiti
group of the Muskhogean division of the Musk-
hogean stock. However, because of their pre-
sumed geographical location on Choctawhatchee
Bay, the name of the bay itself, their associa-
tion with the Fort Walton complex and their
position between the Pensacola on the west
and the Chatot on the east, it seems more likely
they belong to the same linguistic grouping as
the Mobile and Pensacola.






THE CHATOT:
INLAND FLORIDA

WEST OF THE APALACHICOLA


In 1674 the Chatot, or at least a part of the
group, were living on and west of the mid-course
of the Chipola. Previous to this there is some
reason to believe they had been along the Apa-
lachicola and had extended as far west as Choc-
tawhatchee (Swanton 1922:148).
For reasons which have been alluded to pre-
viously, I do not believe the Chatot lived around
the Choctawhatchee Bay area until extremely
late in their history. This certainly seems valid
since it is possible to connect both the Chatot
and Apalachee with the grit and sand tempered
series of the Fort Walton ceramics and the Pen-
sacola and Mobile with shell tempered series.
The Waddells Mill Pond site and the Lake Jack-
son site make these associations something
more than fortuitous. The size and number of
sites with Fort Walton series ceramics attests
to some time depth for Fort Walton period oc-
cupants in this region.
It may be there was a western branch of the
Chatot who lived around Choctawhatchee Bay.
Much of Swanton's (1946:107) case for this idea


stems from his feeling the name for the Choc-
tawhatchee Bay and River is derived from the
word Chatot. On the other hand I am inclined to
attribute the derivation of these place names to
people like the Pensacola who were closely
kin to the Choctaws and spoke a closely related
language.
Swanton (1946:Table 1) places the Chatot in
a linguistic group by themselves under the Musk-
hogean division of the Muskhogean stock. This
seems reasonable although it is quite possible
the Chatot were Choctaw speakers. Aside from
the possibility of their linkage with the Choc-
tawhatchee Bay and River there is the continual
confusion in the Spanish documents between the
terms Chatot and Choctaw. This confusion may
be accidental but it could also reflect the fact
that the Spanish very honestly linked them lin--
guistically with the more westerly Choctaw
speaking groups. Far more significant is that
when they moved to Mobile Bay in the 1700's,
it was said that the Chatot along with other
groups living in.that area spoke the same lan-
guage, a language which was closely related to
Chickasaw (Swanton 1922:137). The Chickasaw
are included by Swanton (1946:Table 1) under
the Choctaw group.
Their relationships with neighbors to the north
and east indicate anything but compatibility
and while multiple causative factors are un-
doubtedly involved, this enmity may well reflect
both linguistic and cultural differences. For
instance Swanton notes, "The only one of all
the Apalachicola River tribes which maintained
an existence apart from the Creek Confederacy
was the Chatot.." (Swanton 1922:134). They
also seem to have maintained an existence apart
from their other neighbors for in 1639 the gover-
nor of Florida announced he had made peace
between the "Chacatos, Apalachocolos and
Amacanos", adding, "It is an extraordinary
thing, because the aforesaid Chacatos never
had peace with anybody" (Swanton 1922:135).

There is very little in the ethnohistorical
literature concerning other aspects of Chatot
life. The absence of temple mounds in Jackson
County suggests a general lack of importance
of this aspect of life which seems to have been
so important elsewhere. On the other hand (Bul-
len 1950:113) did find a group of five platforms
mounds on the east bank of the Apalachicola
River not far from J-5. This could suggest that
the type of political-religious activity associ-
ated with these structures may have been more
important at one time in their history.








TABLE 2


ARCHEOLOGICAL
COMPLEX


Fort Walton


Fort Walton


Fort Walton


Fort Walton


Safety Harbor-
Fort Walton


ARCHEOLOGICAL
SUB-AREA


Coastal-West of
Apalachicola R.

Coastal-West of
Apalachicola R.

Inland-West of
Apalachicola R.

Inland-East of
Apalachicola R.

Coastal-Central
Gulf


WARE
TYPE


Pensacola Series


Pensacola Series


Fort Walton Series


Lake Jackson Series


Pinellas Series


LINGUISTIC
RELATIONSHIP


Choctaw


Choctaw probably


If Choctaw distant


Apalachee Non-
Choctaw

Timucua
non-Choctaw


CERAMIC
DESCRIPTION


Mostly Incised


Mostly Incised


Incised & punctated


Incised & punctated


Incised & punctated


TRIBE


Pensacola
Mobile

Sawokli


Chatot


Apalachee


Tocobaga








THE APALACHEE:
INLAND FLORIDA
EAST OF THE APALACHICOLA RIVER

The homeland of the Apalachee at earliest
historic times was from Apalachicola Bay north
to just across the present border of Georgia and
Florida. Their territory extended from the Au-
cilla River on the east to the Ocklocknee on
the west (Swanton 1922:110-111).
In Swanton's linguistic classification the
Apalachee, like the Chatot, are placed in a
separate group under the Muskhogean division
of the Muskhogean stock. There is very little
early ethnographic information relating to them.
The accounts of DeSoto's chroniclers tell us
some of the towns were surrounded by stock-
ades. Since Swanton feels the Lake Jackson
sites could be Iniahica, the principal Apalachee
town, they probably built temple mounds. Smith
(1956:123) notes the various Apalachee groups
were organized under a confederacy of sorts.

THE CENTRAL FLORIDA GULF COAST

The association of the Tocobago with the
Safety Harbor complex seems fairly valid (Grif-
fin and Bullen 1950:31). Their territory in the
early 1500's wars around Tampa Bay.
Linguistically the Tocobaga are the most di-
vergent of the historic groups with the Fort
Walton type cultural complex. Swanton places
them under the Timucua division of the Musk-
hogean stock, unlike the others which all fall
into the Muskhogean division. Politically they
seem to have been aligned with the Timucua
(Swanton 1922:321). In Ucita, the principal
town, the chief's house was located on top of
a mound (Swanton 1922:353).


CONCLUSIONS
The distribution from extreme southern Ala-
bama across the northwestern part of Florida
shows groups who are closely related linguis-
tically to the Choctaw with the degree of this
relationship becoming less as one moves east
(Table 2). This connection seems clear-cut
with the Mobile and Pensacola but is less so
by the time Choctawhatchee Bay and the Sawokli
are reached.
Parallel with this linguistic distribution is
the distribution of shell tempering which rea-
ches the highest percentages around Pensacola
and Mobile Bays diminishing somewhat around
Choctawhatchee Bay. Even in this latter area


shell tempered ceramic comprise upward of
seventy percent of the pottery.
Further east the percentage of shell tempered
pottery dwindles and is almost exclusively re-
placed by grit -or sand tempered pottery. There
is also an increase in the east of incised and
punctated decoration as opposed to incision
alone.
This latter area is the historic homeland of
the Chatot. It is possible the Chatot spoke a
language closely akin to Choctaw but even so,
based on historical as well as archeological
evidence, they seem to have been somewhat
more divergent than either the Mobile or Pensa-
cola.
East of the Chatot were the Apalachee who
were quite different from the Mobile and Pensa-
cola. Swanton (1922:134) notes that an early
Spanish name for Pensacola Bay, Achuse, prob-
ably relates to a Hitchiti word for people of a
different speech. The term was apparently taken
from the Apalachee. The fact that they were at
odds with the Chatot and the Chatot may have
spoken a language similar to Chicksaw suggests
there was considerable divergence between
these two. This is partially supported by the
archeology. In Apalachee territory the more
heavily grit tempered Lake Jackson series oc-
curs while the finer grained tempering of the
Fort Walton series is found in Chatot territory.
This difference is considerably less pronounced
than the difference existing between either of
these two and the Pensacola series.
At the other end of the distribution on the
Central Gulf Coast were the Timucua speaking
Tocobaga. The archeological complex extant
in this area in historic times, Safety Harbor,
while closely related to the Fort Walton com-
plex, is quite different. The Timcucuan langu-
age group is also considerably divergent from
either Apalachee or Chatot.
This strongly suggests a correlation of shell
tempering from Mobile Bay to Pensacola Bay
with Choctaw speaking peoples. Whether or not
these people spread into this area from more
northerly and westerly areas and replaced earl-
ier peoples with a Weeded Island complex, or
were indigenous people who adopted a shell
tempered Fort Walton complex cannot be answer-
ed at present.
The evidence would seem to suggest the form-
er is the case because no connection between
the shell tempered Pensacola series and the
grit and sand tempered Weeden Island pottery
can be demonstrated. Similarly at present no
relationship can be demonstrated between the








grit and sand tempered Fort Walton series and
and the Weeden Island ceramics. It is my feel-
ing a better case could be presented for the
latter particularly when the continuation of
zoned incision and punctation is considered.
If such a situation occurred then it is possible
the Chatot earlier had a distribution from the
Apalachicola all the way to Choctawhatchee
Bay and were long resident in the area, perhaps
part of an earlier movement of Choctaw speak-
ers. As they were pressured out they could have
adopted elements of the intruding groups cul-
ture while maintaining a part of their own, in
particular the propensity for sand and grit tem-
pering and zoned punctation and incision. This
complex would have spread east into the resi-
dent group east of the Apalachicola, the Apa-
lachee. These influences would have then mov-
ed to the south becoming considerably diluted
in what is now known as the Safety Harbor com-
plex and the Pinellas series.
There were undoubtedly influences coming in
from other directions, particularly from the Cre-
eks to the north. These connections do not seem
as strong although there are similarities be-
tween the Lamar and Fort Walton series. None
of the groups possessing the Fort Walton cult-
ural complex were closely related to the Creeks.
If anything ceramic influences until well into
historic times seem to have been moving from
Florida into southern Georgia and Alabama
(McMichael and Kellar 1960:214-215).
East of the Apalachicola the Apalachee began
to change from the Fort Walton ceramic complex
which while exhibiting some continuities is
quite different. This change is well underway
by 1650 and is associated with Spanish Mission
activity among the Apalachee. Leon-Jefferson
ceramics are quite common in these historic
Apalachee sites throughout their entire terri-
tory. Such ceramic material is rare west of the
Apalachicola. At sites which date from this
period in Chatot territory, the Waddells Mill
Pond site for example, the Fort Walton ceramic
series continues. Similarly in the Choctawhat-
chee Bay area, the Pensacola variant of the
Fort Walton series continues, perhaps as late
as 1710 (Fairbanks 1965a:25).
It is felt that this paper has succeeded in
demonstrating the connection of historically
documented groups with various archeological
complexes. The differences which are apparent
in various elements of the groups material cul-
ture are also evident in their linguistic and
ethnic diversity. At present all of these groups


are lumped under one archeological complex,
the Fort Walton period. This I think reflects an
earlier tendency in archeological classification
to lump many broadly similar complexes toget-
her. It also reflects a danger in such lumping
procedure, i.e., archeological classificatory
procedures may not reflect cultural reality. On
the other hand a more detailed analysis of ce-
ramic or other material traits may come quite
close to reflecting significant differences, dif-
ferences that even the people responsible for
the material culture would recognize. Admit-
tedly this is not always the case but in this
example it seems that a detailed attributal a-
nalysis of regional expressions of the Fort Wal-
ton complex would allow the establishment of
complexes which can be closely connected with
historical groupings. Further investigation may
well demonstrate the transition from late Weeden
Island into Fort Walton and show that such peo-
ple as the Chatot, Apalachee and Tocobaga,
were at one stage in their history responsible
for a part of the Weeden Island complex.



REFERENCES


Bullen, Ripley P.

1958 Six Sites Near the Chattahoochee River
in the Jim Woodruff Reservoir Area, Florida.
Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin
169, pp. 315-357. Washington.
Fairbanks, Charles H.
1965a Excavations at the Fort Walton Temple
Mound, 1960. The Florida Anthropologist,
Vol. 18, No. 4. pp. 239-264. Gainesville.
1965b Gulf Complex Subsistence Economy.
Southeastern Archeological Conference,
Bulletin 3, pp. 57-62. Cambridge.
Gardner, William M.
1966 The Waddells Mill Pond Site,-The Flori-
da Anthropologist, Vol. 19, No. 2, pp. 43-
64. Gainesville.
Goggin, John M.
1949 Cultural Traditions in Florida Prehis-
tory, in The Florida Indian and His Neigh-
bors, pp. 13-44. Rollins College, Winter
Park.
Griffin, John M.
1950 Test Excavations at the Lake Jackson
Site. American Antiquity, Vol. 16, No. 2,
99-112. Menasha.








Griffin, John W. and Ripley P. Bullen
1950 The Safety Harbor Site, Pinellas County,
Florida. Florida Anthropological Society
Publications, Number Two. Gainesville.
Lazarus, William C.
1961 The Fort Walton Culture West of the
Apalachicola River. Paper presented to the
Southeastern Archaeological Conference,
1960.
McMichael, Edward V. and James H. Kellar
1960 Archaeological Salvage in the Oliver
Basin. University of Georgia, Laboratory
of Archaeology Series, Report No. 2. Athens
Neuman, Robert W.
1961 Domesticated Corn from a Fort Walton
Mound Site in Houston County, Alabama.
The Florida Anthropologist, Vol. 14, pp.
75-80. Gainesville.
Smith, Hale G.
1956 The European and the Indian. Florida
Anthropological Society Publications, Num-
ber 4. Tallahassee.
Trickey, E. Bruce and H. H. Holmes
1967 The Mobile Bay Chronology. Southeast-
ern Archaeological Conference, Bulletin
No. 6, pp. 23-26. Morgantown
Trigger, Bruce G.
1968 Beyond History: The Methods of Pre-
history. Holt, Rhinehart and Winston. New
York.
Swanton, John R.
1922 Early History of the Creek Indians and
Their Neighbors. Bureau of American Eth-
nology, Bulletin 73. Washington.
1946 The Indians of the Southeastern United
States. Bureau of American Ethnology. Bul-
letin 137. Washington
Wiley, Gordon R.
1949 Archaeology of the Florida Gulf Coast.
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections,
Vol. 113. Washington.
Willey, Gordon R. and R. B. Woodbury
1942 A Chronological Outline for the North-
west Florida Coast. American Antiquity,
Vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 232-254. Menasha.

Department of Anthropology
The Catholic University of America
Washington, D.C.






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


PRELIMINARY EXCAVATION OF THE HENRIQUEZ 1 SITE,
TANKI FLIP, ARUBA, NETHERLANDS ANTILLES*

Lorraine Heidecker and Michael I. Siegel


ABSTRACT
The Henriquez 1 site is a stratified shell mid-
den situated on the northwest coast of the island
of Aruba, which is located some fifteen miles
off the coast of Venezuela in the Netherlands
Antilles. The site is located one quarter of a
mile from one of the few natural sources of pot-
able water on the island and is less than two
miles from the sea to the south and west. Two
radio-carbon dates of A.D. 1210 105 (I14025)
and A.D. 1185 105(1-4026) place the site in the
beginning of period IV of the Neo-Indian Epoch.
Preliminary analysis of the ceramic material
shows a close relationship to the Dabajuroid
complexes of the Eastern Venezuelan Coast.
Our present work, which suggested cultural af-
finities between Aruba, and the Caribbean and
South American culture spheres, should pave the
way for further work in this area whose geo-
graphic location makes the island another possi-
ble jumping off point for the diffusion of South
American culture elements into the Caribbean.

The island of Aruba is located at 12 degrees
30 minutes N. latitude; 69 degrees 58 minutes W.
longitude, laying approximately 15 miles off the
coast of Venezuela in the Trade Wind Belt. It
is one of the three islands of the Netherlands
Antilles, Aruba, Curacao, and Bonaire, all lo-
cated at or near the mouth of the Maracaibo
River. The geological history of the island is
quite complex. Aruba, unlike Curacao and Bon-
aire, is an.outcropping of the continental shelf
of South America. It is formed of a fairly thick
limestone cap resting on an igneous base, with
a large deposit of quartz in the center of the
island. There have been three successive peri-
ods of uplift, resulting in three levels of sea
cut caves along the north coast.
At the present time the island is very dry.
Most of the precipitation occurs between Dec-
ember and February in daily showers of brief
duration. Vegetation is sparse consisting main-
ly of cactus and several species of low grasses
and bushes growing in poor soil. After a shower


* Presented at the annual meeting of the North-
eastern Anthropological Association, April, 1969.


it is possible to see water pouring off the island
into the sea. The water that is retained in the
limestone emerges in springs and ponds. Most
of these ponds are dry for most of the year.
However several have been artificially deepen-
ed to provide year round water. These are called
Tankis. This water, which is brackish but drink-
able, is presently used for irrigation, with most
of the island's drinking water being supplied by
a large distillery on the south coast.
Most of the data published on Arubian pre-
history is based on surface finds of shell, pot-
tery, stone tools; and on rock paintings. These
paintings are found in surprising abundance near
the mouths of rock shelters and on sheltered
portions of large igneous boulders that occur in
the center of the island. Little excavation has
been done, and a search of the literature reveals
that, except for eight one meter square pits dug
near San Nicolas by De Josselyn de Jong in
1919, and a test trench dug by Du Ry and Van
Heekeren near Santa Cruz, in 1960, no excav-
ated material has been published.
The Henriquez I site is a shell midden located
in the north half of the island approximately one
and one half miles from the west coast. The
west coast of Aruba is a sheltered beach and
the only coast that is continually to the lee-
ward. It is an excellent beach for conch gather-
ing and is still used for this purpose by local
Arubians. The site is located in what is now the
outskirts of Oranjestad, the capital city. The
area has been subdivided into fields and house
plots bordered by dirt roads, and fenced with
living cactus. The paved roads are lined .with
houses but in the Cunucu houses are few and
the fields are used as sheep pasture or allowed
to lie fallow.
According to the owner, Mr. Vicente Henriquez,
the field in which we dug had never been under
cultivation, although it had been cleared of
ground cover sometime between September,
1967, and January, 1968. The clearing revealed
two semicircular areas of pottery and shell, one
along the south fence and one in the eastern
quarter of the field. The field is bounded by a
cactus fence on all four sides. Since clearing it
has not been cultivated resulting in the growth
of a light cover of a low spreading plant. Two


VOLUME 22, NOS. I 4


MARCH DECEMBER, 1969









Divi-Divi trees grow in the field and a few fruit
trees have been planted in the northwest corner
of the field. At the time of our excavation a
flock of some 15-20 sheep were pastured in the
field. When the heavy growth of cactus was
cleared away the result was a surface of loose,
fine soil which could quickly dry and blow away,
leaving the heavier items behind.
The field is located approximately 1/10 mile
from Tanki Flip. The presence of this supply of
potable water is no doubt one reason for this
site's location so far from the shore. There is
considerable evidence of aboriginal activity in
the region of the Tanki. Many fields in the vicin-
ity are covered with deposits of shell and pot-
tery.
The Henriquez I site was chosen for excava-
tion for a number of reasons. First, its proxim-
ity to the Tanki and the abundance of surface
shell and pottery made it obvious that there
was indeed something to be found. The dirt road
running south of the field cut through the center
of the site and doubtless a great deal of material
had been bulldozed away when the road was
cleared. In a gully between the road and the
field it was possible to see some shell and pot-
tery in the northern wall, although the exact lay-
ers were obscured by the roots of the recently
planted cactus fence. Second, the field had been
recently cleared and was easily accessible,
being located only a short distance from a main
road, while still being in a region where tourists
were not likely and passersby few. Third, a
nearby field had been potted out and the material
from it was intriguing and we felt a similar site
should be properly dug. Finally, it was fairly
easy for us to obtain permission from the owner
to dig the site.
Excavation was begun on July 25, 1968. Our
crew consisted of the authors, and graduate and
undergraduate students enrolled in a course in
Archaeological Field Methods given at the Aruba
Research Center, C.U.N.Y. The size of our
crew fluctuated daily, but averaged about six
people three days a week over a four week sea-
son. Summer is not the best time for field work
on Aruba and we found it best to work from day-
break, about 7:00 A.M., until the sun became too
strong, about 11:30 A.M. Afternoons and even-
ings were reserved for lab work.
We laid a datum line running East-West down
the center of the field outside the main shell
concentration to the south and bisecting the con-
centration to the east. This line was tied to an
iron pipe set in a stone wall across the road to


the south. The datum point was designated
W4NO and the datum line was divided into two
meter intervals. At E2NO, E4NO and E6NO lines
were extended to the south at right angles to
the datum line and also marked in two meter
intervals. The result was a series of two meter
squares running in parallel lines due south from
the datum line into the shell concentration. Each
square was named by the coordinates of its
southwest stake. These coordinates indicated
the position of the stake, in meters, north and
south of the datum line and east and west of the
zero point on the datum line.
There was some question as to whether the
pattern of the 'shell concentrations on the sur-
face was a true picture of the deposits which lay
beneath. It was thought that the existing pattern
may have been a result of the bulldozer that
cleared the field. To test this, those squares
that were excavated stretched from outside the
surface deposit into the area of heaviest con-
centration. Excavation outside the deposit re-
vealed a paucity of material below the surface
which increased as the squares entered the
areas more heavily covered with surface materi-
al. The authors subsequently observed a field
much like that in which Henriquez I was located
being cleared by bulldozing. The blade of the
machine was set to cut beneath the very shal-
low roots of the cacti, a depth of 2 to 3 inches,
and the material so removed raised and carried
to one end of the field where it was burned. The
disturbance of the underlying soil was negligi-
ble. This confirmed earlier speculation that the
pattern of surface material reflected the extent
of the site and had been exposed by wind ero-
sion.
A total of six squares were excavated. Each
square was dug separately in order to give the
maximum number of profiles. The surface of each
square was cleared of shell and cultural materi-
al bagged separately. The surface was then
broken with shovels and the squares trowled
down in 10 cm layers. All loose soil was sifted
through a '/4 inch mesh screen. When any sign-
ificant artifacts were uncovered, work on the
square halted and the item was photographed
in situ and located horizontally and vertically
before removal. Significant artifacts included
potsherds large enough to indicate the origin-
al size and shape of the pot, elaborately decor-
ated sherds, ground and flaked stone tools and
worked shell. All cultural material was kept for
analysis but shell was discarded after a sample
for each layer was taken.








At approximately 15 to 20 cm from the surface
a soil change from a fine reddish-brown to a
grey brown was noted. All catalogue numbers
were closed at the level of this change, which
proved to be a regular one, varying no more than
5 cm in any square, and new numbers started
for the grey brown soil. This grey brown level
continued to a depth of approximately 20 cm
in tie i northern squares but grew thicker to the
south extending down to 35 cm in the southern
most square. This grey brown layer overlay ster-
ile yellow sand in all but one square.
The exception was E4S2, our northern most
square, lying well outside of the surface de-
posit just south of the datum line. In this square
there was no grey brown layer. The red brown,
containing little in the way of cultural material,
extended down to approximately 20 cm from the
surface. At this point the 'soil changed to a deep
red color and became sterile. At 20 cm below
the surface we struck a layer of hard red clay
mixed with fine pebbles. This clay was excav-
ated to a depth of 42 cm. As it came from the
ground the clay very closely resembled the paste
of much of the coarse pottery found at the site.
One of the students found the material quite
easy to work without washing or adding temper
and at the lab managed to produce a pot which
when fired in a kitchen oven for one hour was
almost indistinguishable from coarse sherds found
coarse sherds found at the site. Time did not
permit further excavation in this section of the
site. There is, so far, no evidence that this is
anything but a natural clay deposit whose pres-
ence would supply an additional reason for the
presence of aboriginal activity in the area.
Only two features were defined at the site,
both associated with the grey brown layer. Fea-
ture I was a fairly large pit which showed up in
E4S26 at about 15 cm from the surface as a
heavy concentration of bone, shell and pottery
in the north half of the square. Troweling reveal-
ed a circular outline at approximately 30 cm that
reached into the north wall. There was no vari-
ation of soil color between the pit fill and the
grey brown soil of layer II. At this point the pit
was sectioned and profiled. The feature proved
to be a shallow, irregularly shaped pit that ex-
tended from the grey brown layer down to 59 cm
into the yellow sand. The pit was roughly bi-
sected by the north wall. A small corner of the
pit was visable in the east wall of E2S24, ex-
tending 64 cm into that square in the southeast
corner. The top of the pit contained a heavy
concentration of shell, bone and pottery which
grew lighter toward the bottom. One perforated


shell disc or bead was found in the upper portion
of the pit, but the bottom 25 cm was relatively
free from artifacts except for a few sherds. The
pit was rich in charcoal and a large sample was
obtained. The sand under the pit was mottled
and looked scorched. In profile, the bottom of
the pit appeared divided by a hill of yellow
sand. The eastern section contained a small
heap of shell lying over several friable, mica-
ceous stones.
Feature II was found in E4S36. It consisted
of the fragments of the most complete pot found
on the site, in association with an owl head lug,
fish bones, and a fair amount of charcoal. The
top of the pot was uncovered 20 cm from the
surface in the southeast quadrant of the square.
In the two southern most squares only, it was
noted that the bottom of the grey layer was mark-
ed by a very thin layer of charcoal. No artifacts
were found beneath this charcoal layer and it
has been suggested that this layer may represent
an initial burning off of the underbrush by the
earliest inhabitants to clear the land.
For purposes of analysis the excavated ma-
terial was divided into four main groups: Bone,
Shell, Worked Stone and Pottery. While no ex-
tensive work has been done on the bone remains
almost all have been identified as fish bone
with a representative sample of the Caribbean
parrot fish (Halichoeres radiatus). Only one
piece of modified bone was found. This was the
carved and polished proximal portion of a goat
canon bone found on the surface of E4S26. It is
felt this post-dates most of the material in the
layers as goats were not introduced to the island
until after European contact. The distribution of
bone remains was. relatively constant through
all the squares excavated. In every case more
bone came from Layer II than from Layer I, with
92% of the total bone weight coming from Layer
II.

The presence and condition of shell remains
indicate that they provided both food and raw
material for ornaments and utensils. Shell re-
mains were heavy throughout the site, including
limpet, murex, periwinkle, and conch. Over 90%
of the sample was queen conch (Strombus gigas)
with a high proportion of immature specimens.
There is no change in shell concentration from
Layer I to Layer II, and this is also reflected by
the distribution of shell artifacts. Except for a
columella awl and a shell gouge found in Layer I
and a spatula and drilled pendant found in Layer
II, all the worked shell consisted of shell discs
less than 1 inch in diameter in various stages








of manufacture. 71 of these were found in Layer
I and 85 in Layer II. The end products appeared
to be a bead with a central hole drilled through
from opposite sides. Two of the discs had 2
holes on one side angling into a single hole on
the other giving it a button-like appearance.
Two rectangular pieces of shell pierced with
two holes were also found. In both layers ap-
proximately 14% of the discs were drilled.
The worked stone was divided into two sub-
groups, chipped and ground stone. No flake tool
industry could be defined as only two recog-
nizable tools were found, one chopper or large
knife and one knife base. Both were made of a
brownish cryptocrystalline quartz which does
not seem to be native to the island. The remain-
der of the chipped stone consisted of some 700
chert flakes. Except for one square (E4S26),
all squares yielded over 70% of the flakes in
Layer I.
The ground stone tools were divided into two
categories, coarse and fine depending on the
texture of the raw material. The coarse tools
consisted of 15 milling stones, one hammer-
stone, and two mano fragments, all made from a
light granular stone. The fine stone tools con-
sisted of one hammerstone and a parallel sided
celt, both made from a fine grained black diorite
which in both cases was highly polished. The
distribution of this material was uniform through
the two layers.
The majority of the material excavated was
pottery. The excavation yielded some 9000
sherds, most of which were of a coarse, undecor-
ated, grit tempered ware ranging in color from
red to black that may have been manufactured
at the site. Less than 4% of the total sherds
were decorated in a variety of ways. Fifty per
cent of the decorated sherds were painted with
geometric designs in black or red on a white
painted or buff surface. Twenty per cent were
decorated with a combination of geometric de-
sign and the application of clay fillets to form
faces or the bodies of small animals clinging
to the sides of the bowls. The hands and faces
of these animals appear as small rim adornos.
Frequently, these bowls are further embellished
with zoomorphic lugs or handles, most frequent-
ly in the shape of frogs or owls. Thirty per cent
of the decorated ware is trimmed only with the
applique motif and does not bear any traces of
painting.
The forms taken by both the decorated and
plain ware are varied. Pedestal supported bowls,
annular bases and wide mouth bowls all appear


in plain ware, while the decorated ware often
sports elaborate "wings" arising from zoo-
morphic lugs, rim extensions and various types
of handles.
If the decorated pottery is analyzed by larer,
it is found that layer II contains twice as much
decorated ware as layer I (5.1% vs 2.5%). The
the apparent difference is misleading, however,
as the application of two different techniques
indicates a good deal of uniformity. When the
decorated ware is divided into three subclasses
based on type of decoration, painted only, ap-
plique only and both, we find layers I and II
containing similar proportions of all three types.
If the decorated ware is divided into types using
attribute clusters, two types can be defined.
Type I is a fine, light grey interior, light red to
buff exterior, with shell tempering, decorated by
painting alone or painting plus applique. Type
II is a coarse dark red to black ware with grit
temper decorated only with applique. In both
layer I and II 80% of the decorated ware is of
Type I and 20% of Type II.
Two charcoal samples from this site were
dated by the C-14 method at Isotopes Inc., West-
wood, N.J. The first sample, taken from near
the bottom of Feature I yielded a date of A.D.
1210 105. The second sample taken from be-
neath the pot in Feature II yielded a date of
A.D. 1185 105. Both dates predate by at least
200 years the first European landings on the
island. These dates place the site just after the
division between period III (300-1000 A.D.) and
period IV (1000-1500A.D.) of the Neo-Indian
Epoch as defined by Rouse and Cruxent for
Venezuela. In the Maracaibo region of Vene-
zuela, that part of the mainland which is closest
to Aruba, this period is characterized by the
Dabajuro complex, and it is with this mainland
style that Henriquez I shows its closest affini-
ties.
Stylistically the ceramic material recovered
from Henriquez I can be related to the Dabajuro
complex of the Maracaibo region or the various
Dabajuroid complexes of the Eastern Venezue-
lan Coast. According to Rouse and Cruxent, the
Dabajuroid complex arose in the Meso-Indian
Epoch (third millennium B.C.). At about 1000
A.D. the complex spread rapidly and widely,
south into the Andes and east along the coast
where it was to continue into the Post-Contact
Periods. Many stylistic elements considered
characteristic of Dabajuro pottery appear in the
pottery found at Henriquez I. The black on white
geometric painting, the coffee bean eye, the








appliqued monkey or lizard figure on the ex-
terior of the bowl, the zoomorphic rim adornos
and lugs, and the corrugated rim, are character-
istic.
This rather general statement about the rela-
tionship between some pottery at Henriquez I
and that of the Dabajuroid Phase of Venezuela
is all that can be made.
Not all of the ceramic material is easily con-
nected with the Dabajuroid Phase. Much of the
decorated ware does not fit easily into this
sequence and we have so far been unable to
find similarities with any other ceramic complex
either in Venezuela or the Carribbean. There
are some slight resemblances between some of
the painted ware and Calviny Polychrome de-
fined by Bullen in 1964 on Grenada. He dates
the Calviny Series at from 700 to 1000 A.D.
and traces it down the Antillean Chain to the
Cubrantica Style of Venezuela. This style, how-
ever, is one that Rouse and Cruxent state as
influenced by the Dabajuro Complex. Therefore,
any similarities between Aruba and Grenada
are more easily attributable to their separate
contacts with Venezuela than to inter island
contact.
One sherd carried a frog head adorno that re-
sembles those from El Pallito, and two basket
marked sherds exhibited the impression of a
type of willing similar to that found on a sherd
from Comaruca. Both of the above sites are in
lowland Venezuela and are of comparable date.
The remainder of the material found at the site
is no more easily traced. The worked shell,
except for the beads, was too scanty to enable
any parallels to be drawn. The beads are similar
to some found in Venezuela. No trace of the
shell adze, so common in the Caribbean, was
found.
A complete analysis of the cultural material
found at this site has not yet been completed.
The ceramic material is expected to yield a
great deal more information. Any statements
regarding the extent of local manufacture and
the possibility of importing material from the
other islands in the Caribbean will have to
await the results of that analysis.
What we seem to have at Henriquez I is a site
inhabited by a people whose main cultural af-
filiations lay with the Venezuelan mainland.
A people who, at least during their stay at Tanki
Flip, relied heavily, though not exclusively,
upon the sea for food, manufactured pottery of
local clay, made flaked tools of imported chert
and polished tools of local diorite, and manu-


factured tools and ornaments from the shell of
the queen conch.
Further work will be necessary before a more
positive statement can be made regarding the
relation of this site to the rest of Aruba, the
Venezuelan mainland and the Caribbean culture
area.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors wish to express their appreciation
to the following individuals and organizations.
The island government of Aruba, for permitting
us to remove our excavated material from the
island and for their frequently expressed in-
erest in our work. The Aruba Research Center
for providing us with facilities and equipment.
Mr. Ronald J. Wyatt and the Nassau County
Museum, Garvey's Point Preserve, Glen Cove,
N.Y. for providing laboratory facilities for the
analysis of our material, to Rikki for laboratory
photographs, and to volunteer members of the
museum staff for their assistance. To Mr. Jerry
Lester for guiding us to the site. To Mr. Vicente
Henriquez for giving us permission to work on
his property. Finally to Prof. Francis P. Conant
for his continued help and support.
REFERENCES
Bullen, Ripley P., and A.K. Bullen
1968 Salvage Excavations at Calviny Island,
Grenada: A Problem in Typology. Proceed-
ings of the Second International Congress
for the Study of Pre-Columbian Cultures in
the Lesser Antilles, July 24-28, 1967. Bar-
bados.
Josselin de Jong, J.P.B. de
1919 The Significance of Archaeological Re-
search on Aruba, Curacao and Bonaire.
de West-Indische Gids, Vol.1, No. 2, pp.
317-334. 'S-Gravenhage.
Rouse, I. and J. M. Cruxent
1958 An Archaeological Chronology of Vene-
zula. Social Science Monograph No. 6, Vol.
I and II, Pan American Union. Washington.
Van Heekeren, H.R. and C.J. DuRhy
1960 Studies in the Archaeology of the Nether-
lands Antilles: I Notes on the Pottery of
Aruba, Curacao, and Bonaire. II A Survey
of the Non-Ceramic Artifacts of Aruba,
Curacao, and Bonaire. Natuurwetenschap-
pelijke Werkgroep Nederlandse Antillen,
No. 10. Willemstad.

Department of Anthropology
City University of New York
New York, New York







THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


THE ALACHUA TRADITION: EXTENSION OF WILMINGTON-SAVANNAH

PEOPLES INTO CENTRAL FLORIDA*
Jerald T. Milanich


ABSTRACT
Data from the excavation of four sites in
Alachua County suggests that the Alachua cul-
ture is derived from the first millennium A.D.,
cord-marked-pottery making peoples of the
Georgia coast. Parallels in ceramic inventories,
related here, show that close contact between
Central Florida and Coastal Georgia continued
throughout the Hickory Pond Period. Horticul-
ture, present in Central Florida during this
period, is postulated to also have come from the
Wilmington -Savannah Tradition.

The source of the Alachua Tradition and its
place in the context of Southeastern prehistory
are problems which in the past have received
little attention. Goggin (1948b) suggested that
the tradition was an endemic cultural develop-
ment, formed out of a coalescence of St. Johns
and Gulf influences in Central Florida. Surface
collections and excavations which remain un-
published led to the defining of three Alachua
Series ceramic types: Alachua Plain, Alachua
Cob Marked, and Prairie Cord Marked (Goggin
1948a). Based on the differences in sherd fre-
quencies between cob marked and cord marked
pottery Goggin (1948b:57) divided the Alachua
Tradition into two time periods. The earlier, the
Hickory Pond Period, shows a preponderance
of cord marked pottery over cob marked; while
the later, the Alachua Period, contains a higher
percentage of cob marked than cord marked.
In order to answer questions concerning the
origins, form, and context of the Alachua Tradi-
tion the University of Florida during the summer
of 1968 excavated two Hickory Pond Period
sites. One, the Rocky Point site A-27, is locat-
ed on the north edge of Payne's Prairie just
south of Gainesville. Funds for excavation of
the site, which lies in the way of proposed road
construction, were made available by the State
Road Department. The second site, the Wood-
ward Village site A-48, is located just south of


* This paper is a revision of one presented at
the 1969 annual meeting of the Florida Anthro-
pological Society, Crystal River, February,1969.


the prairie on Levy Lake. A burial mound ad-
joining the village, the only Alachua mound
known, was excavated by Bullen in 1949. Data
from these two sites was combined with informa-
tion from the previously excavated Fox Pond
site, dating from the Potano Period, and from
site A-273, a late Alachua Period site also
excavated previously, to provide a definition of
the Alachua Tradition (Milanich 1968).
Similarities of artifact types and other culture
traits have led to the hypothesis that the Ala-
chua Tradition represents a movement of Wil-
mington-Savannah peoples into Central Florida
peoples into Central Florida during the first
millennium of the present era. Cultural contact
between the two areas seems to have been con-
tinuous during the Hickory Pond Period.
The closest affinities between the Alachua
Tradition and coastal Georgia are the ceramic
inventories, and these are strongest during the
Hickory Pond Period. By the end of that period
the two traditions seem to have become cultural-
ly divergent, the Alachua Period giving rise to
the Timucuan culture, and the Savannah culture
developing into that of the Irene Period.
Excavations have shown that at the beginning
of the Hickory Pond Period, now placed at A.D.
600, the *Alachua ceramic series was comprised
of seven pottery types, the three types defined
by Goggin (1948a) and four newly defined types
(Milanich 1968). These seven types and their
development within the tradition are as follows:
(1) Alachua Plain This type comprises about
twenty five per cent of the pottery at the begin-
ning of the Hickory Pond Period and steadily
increases through that period. During the follow-
ing Alachua Period, dated from A.D. 1250 to
1633, undecorated pottery remains nearly con-
stant in frequency at forty per cent, increasing
again during the Potano Period when it assumes
new vessel shapes under the nomenclature of
Miller Plain. Fifteen per cent of all Alachua
pottery during the Hickory Pond Period is sherd-
tempered. By the Alachua Period sherd temper-
ing gives way to grit and sand tempering ex-
clusively.

(2) Prairie Cord Marked The type descriptions
for Wilmington Heavy Cord Marked (Caldwell and


MARCH DECEMBER, 1969


VOLUME 22, NOS, 1-4







I -T-'*W^MPARW- I -


b


Si





C d


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Fig. 1 (opposite page; each square in back-
ground grid is 2 cm.) a; upper row, Alachua
Plain rim sherds; lower row, check stamped on
Alachua paste (first two), St. Johns Check
Stamped from A-27 (third). b; upper row, Prairie
Cord Marked rims; lower row, Prairie Cord Mark-
ed body sherds. c; Alachua Cob Marked sherds.
d; upper row, Lochloosa Punctated malleated
with edge of paddle; lower row, Lochloosa
Punctated with stick punctations. e; Prairie
Fabric Marked (plain-twined openwork); upper
row middle is plasticene impression of sherd in
upper row left. f; upper row, Prairie Punctated
over Cord Marked; lower row, Prairie Fabric
Marked (plain plaited).


Waring 1939a) and Savannah Fine Cord Marked
(Caldwell and Waring 1939b) on the one hand,
and Prairie Cord Marked on the other are identi-
cal. Both heavy and fine cord marking decline
in popularity late in that period. At the begin-
ning of the Hickory Pond Period cord marked
pottery constitutes forty five per cent of the
pottery. The frequency of the type increases
significantly during that period, but is ultimate-
ly replaced by Alachua Cob Marked as the domi-
nant form. Thus, at the onset of the Alachua
Period both cob and cord marking account re-
spectively for twenty five per cent of the pottery.
By the Potano Period cord marking all but disap-
pears as a decorative motif.
(3) Alachua Cob Marked Cob marking increases
steadily throughout the Hickory Pond and Ala-
chua Periods, from a low of three percent to a
high of sixty per cent. It too declines rapidly
in popularity during the Potano Period.
(4) Lochloosa Punctated Formerly a catch-all
type, Lochloosa Punctated was found to be
present throughout the millennium of the Alachua
Tradition, wavering in frequency from seven to
less than one per cent. The type persists into
the Potano Period. Two types of punctated de-
sign are placed together in this category. One
is made by poking the wet clay with the dulled
end of a stick or similar object. The second
variation appears to be the result of malleating
the pot with the edge of a paddle. This tech-
nique produces a characteristic roughened sur-
face quite like stick punctations. Such a mall-
eating technique is common on the bottoms of
Wilmington and Savannah cord marked vessels.
Additional research may lead to a redefining of
this type within the Alachua Tradition.
(3) Prairie Punctated Over Cord Marked This


decorative technique, which results from the
application of stick punctations over cord mark-
ings, is closely related to the Lochloosa Punc-
tated variety of stick punctations, the two types
probably occurring on the same vessel. The type
declines in frequency from seven per cent early
in the Hickory Pond Period and dies out when
cord marking also disappears.
(6) Prairie Fabric Marked Both a plain plaited
fabric and a plain twined openwork fabric were
wrapped around paddles and used to malleate
vessels. This type comprises only six per cent
of the Alachua ceramic series at the onset of
the Hickory Pond Period and dies out by the end
of that period. The type is often extremely dif-
ficult to distinguish from criss-crossed cord
marking. In the analysis of the type it was found
that usually the only way to make a positive
identification was to take plasticene impressions
of suspicious sherds.
(7) Alachua Net Impressed Both knotless and
knotted netting were applied to pots in the same
manner as fabric marking. This type, also pre-
viously unknown in Central Florida, parallels
fabric marked pottery in frequency and disap-
pears with the latter in the same stratigraphic
levels. This type is often difficult to distinguish
from cross-cob marking, and again the use of
plasticene impressions yields the best results
in making identification.
A few complicated stamped sherds, simple
stamped sherds, and check stamped sherds, all
of Alachua paste, are also present in the Hickory
Pond Period. Their low frequency of occurence
did not warren formal definitions being made at
this time.
It remains then to examine the Wilmington-
Savannah ceramic complex and to show the paral-
lels between the two traditions. Wilmington I
is characterized by heavy cord marked pottery,
net impressed pottery, and a plain ware (Waring
1968:221). Sherd tempering in varying amounts
is found in'Wilmington I and II as well as Savan-
nah I and II (Caldwell and Waring 1939a; 1939b).
In Wilmington II these three pottery types are
still present in addition to simple stamping,
and, rarely complicated stamping. Caldwell and
McCann (1941:50) also include a brushed type
in the Wilmington ceramic series.
In the Savannah Period finer cord marking ap-
pears along with increased criss-cross marking.
Sherd tempering becomes finer, pot bottoms are
more rounded, and burnishing of surfaces in-
creases. By Savannah II check stamping reap-
pears and sherd tempering is replaced by grit









I


I I I I


c
Fig. 2 a; upper row, Alachua Net Impressed
(third from left is plasticene cast of sherd fourth
from left); lower row, cross-simple stamped on
Alachua paste. b; upper row, Alachua sherd
discs; lower row, Alachua sherd hones. c; upper
and middle rows, Alachua triangular projectile

tempering. Temple mounds appear at this time;
burial mounds were present throughout Wilming-
ton and in Savannah I. Some brushing is found on
vessel interiors in the Savannah Period, and in
the succeeding Irene Period brushing is present
on exterior surfaces of pottery, though rarely
(Caldwell and McCann 1941:42). This develop-
mental sequence of ceramic types, from Wilming-
ton I and II into Savannah I, seems to correspond
to the changes apparent in the Alachua Tradi-
tion.
During the Hickory Pond Period of the Alachua
Tradition the pottery inventory is identical to
that of Wilmington II, except for the presence of
cob marked and fabric impressed pottery in the
former. Thorough analysis of the Wilmington type-


points; lower row, left to right, Unbeveled Bolen
point, 2 Tampa points, Beveled Bolen point
(all from site A-27). d; upper, Alachua hand-
axe; lower, broken tips from Alachua hand-axes
(all from site A-27).


site collections stored at the Ocmulgee Monu-
ment in Macon, Georgia, may reveal-the presence
of fabric impressed sherds, the type being diffi-
cult to distinguish from cord marked types.
Brushing and cob marking are related in the
Southeast, and brushed pottery at Wilmington
sites may be closely related to cob marking or
a form of it. Formal descriptions of the Wilming-
ton pottery series need to be made to facilitate
more intensive comparisons.
Of the Wilmington pottery types only Wilming-
ton Heavy Cord Marked is described in the litera-
ture. Four types are defined for the Savannah
ceramic complex: Savannah Check Stamped,
Savannah .Fine Cord Marked, Savannah Burnished
Plain, and Savannah Complicated Stamped" (Cald-


t(








well and Waring 1941:43-46). Praire Cord Marked
resembles in several ways both of the cord mark-
ed types from the Wilmington-Savannah Tradition.
These similarities are a change to sand and grit-
tempering only in the Savannah II period; poor
smoothing of pot interiors and exteriors; cord-
wrapped paddle malleating; possible malleating
of the pot bottoms with the paddle edge; cross-
stamping with finer cord in Savannah; vertical,
parallel, and some oblique arrangements of cord
impressions in relation to the rim; straight,
vertical rims; rounded, flattened, or stamped
beveled lips with some extrusions due to the
scraping of excess clay; and, similar vessel
shapes. When complete vessels are known for
the Alachua Tradition more ceramic relations
may become apparent.
Sherd discs and sherd hones are found in the
Wilmington-Savannah and Alachua ceramic com-
plexes (Caldwell and McCann 1941:53). Small,
stemless, triangular projectile points are also
present in all three cultures. In the Alachua
Tradition these points closely resemble Pinellas
Points, but are often waisted, eared, or serrated.
Small triangular projectile points can be traced
back through the Wilmington culture ultimately to
its parental Northern Tradition (Milanich 1968:
72-76). Such points occur in the pre-Wilmington
Check Stamped Pottery Horizon (Fairbanks
1954) in the Southeast, and, thus provide a pro-
venience for the presence of the points in the
Wilmington culture. Bullen's work at Sunday
Bluff shows these points are present in Florida
during the Deptford Period (Bullen, personal
communication). Little has been published con-
cerning the Wilmington and Savannah lithic com-
plexes and again, research is needed.
Alachua burial practices seem to be more like
those of the Wilmington culture than other cul-
tures in Florida, though these similarities are
admittingly weak. In Wilmington, mounds often
contain cremations or burials in a central pit.
Sitting, flexed, skull, bundle, and extended
burials are common traits, as are the use of red
ochre and the infrequent use of grave goods
(Caldwell 1958:34). Bullen's work at the Wood-
ward Mound produced the following list of Ala-
chua burial practices (1949): prepared mound
base; flexed, skull, and bundle burials; infre-
quent use of grave goods; and lack of a pottery
cache. The Woodward Mound is contemporary
with the adjoining village site, and thus dates
from early in the Hickory Pond Period. Wilming-
ton traits not found at either of the Hickory Pond
Period sites excavated include two-hole bar


21
gorgets of stone and platform pipes with the
bowl located at one end (Caldwell 1958:34).
Seemingly, the greatest difference between the
Alachua and Wilmington cultures is subsistence
type. Wilmington sites are located mainly along
the coast and are associated with shellfish
middens. Investigations have not shown agri-
culture to be present at these sites. Horticulture,
though, is present early in the (Alachua Tradition
and must have entered Central Florida as a part
of that tradition. This implies that horticulture
is present in the Wilmington Period and probably
extends through the Savannah and Irene Periods
to historic levels. The Deptford peoples in
Georgia were horticultural shellfish collectors
(Bullen 1965:308) and could be the source of
horticulture for the Wilmington culture, as could
the Northern Tradition Hopewellian cultures
which extended throughout the East. Nothing
is known about the subsistence patterns of the
Wilmington peoples located in the interior of
Georgia who range as far west as Abbeville on
the Lower Ocmulgee River. These people may
have been either shellfish collectors or forest
hunters and collectors with horticulture as were
the Alachua peoples

The Wilmington Period ranges from A.D. 1 to
A.D. 1000 (Waring 1968: 318), followed by Savan-
nah I and II. The Alachua Tradition's entrance
into Central Florida has been tentatively set at

A.D. 600 and may have appeared even earlier,
although the Hickory Pond ceramic inventory,
seems to indicate such a movement took place
during the Wilmington II period, sometime after
A.D. 500. The change from Wilmington II into
Savannah I at A.D. 1000, is reflected in changes
in the latter portion of the Hickory Pond Period.
The chronologies of the two traditions, then,
seem to correlate quite well with one another.

On the basis of these similarities between the
Alachua Tradition and the Wilmington-Savannah
Tradition the following conclusions are offered:
(1) that the Alachua Tradition originated as a
southerly expansion of Wilmington peoples and
culture into Central Florida; (2) that the ceramic
development of the Alachua Tradition through-
out the Hickory Pond Period closely parallels
that of the Wilmington II-Savannah I sequence,
suggesting continual culture contact during this
time; and (3) that horticulture was present in
the Wilmington-Savannah cultures. More research,
in the form of processual studies, is needed to
further validate these hypotheses.






TABLE 1. ALACHUA CERAMIC FREQUENCY CHANGES THROUGH TIME.


A-272 II
III


I
A-273
II



No sites
available


I


A-27 II


III


I
A-48


1650
1600


1500


1400

1300
12

1200


.0
0
U


U
o



"1













/
1 /


1100


1000


900


800


II A.D. 700


Dates are approximate.
Frequencies from Milanich
(1968:62).


Q 1) 20 30 4A 50 6.0 7.0 0
Percentage


I

1 \


I \
I
I


04

0
0
0
0






1a





it
II

iI
I
IS


U
U 4


- >
a0 0


(I
I
I
I
I
I
I
II
I
I
I


I








REFERENCES


Bullen, Ripley P.
1949 The Woodward Site. The Florida Anthro-
pologist, Vol.2, Nos. 3-4, pp. 49-64. Gaines-
ville.
1965 Florida 's Prehistory. Reprinted from
Florida from Indian Trails to Space Age,
Vol. I, Chapter XXIII, by Tebeau, Carson;
Chauvin, Bullen, and Bullen. Southern
Publishing Company. Delray Beach.
Caldwell, Joseph R.
1958 Trend and Tradition in the Prehistory of
the Eastern United States. American An-
thropological Association, Memoir 88.
Caldwell, Joseph R. and Catherine McCann
1941 Irene Mound Site, Chatham County,
Georgia. University of Georgia Press.
Athens.
Caldwell, Joseph R. and Antonio J. Waring
1939a Newsletter, Southeastern Archeological
Conference, Vol. 1, No. 5 Lexington.
1939b Newsletter, Southeastern Archeological
Conference, Vol. 1, No. 6. Lexington.
Fairbanks, Charles H.
1954 1953 Excavations at Site 9HL64, Buford
Reservoir, Georgia. Florida State University
Studies, No. 16, Anthropology. Tallahassee.
Goggin, John M.
1948a Some Pottery Types from Central Flori-
da. The Gainesville Anthropological Asso-
ciation, Bulletin No. 1. Gainesville.
1948b A Revised Temporal Chart of Florida
Archeology. The Florida Anthropologist,
Vol. 1 Nos. 3-4 pp. 57-60. Gainesville.
1949 Cultural Traditions in Florida Prehistory.
In The Florida Indian and His Neighbors,
edited by John W. Griffin. Inter-American
Center, Rollins College. Winter Park.
Milanich, Jerald T.
1968 A Definition of the Alachua Archeologi-
cal Tradition. Unpublished masters thesis,
University of Florida Library. Gainesville.
Symes, M.I. and M.E. Stephens
1965 A-272: The Fox Pond Site. The Florida
Anthropologist, Vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 65-72.
Gainesville.
Waring, Antonio J., Jr.
1968 The Waring Papers. Edited by Stephen
Williams. Papers of the Peabody Museum of
Archeology and Ethnology, Harvard Univ-
ersity, Vol. LVIII. Cambridge.






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


A STUDY OF BILATERAL VARIATION: HANDEDNESS,
HAND CLASPING AND ARM FOLDING AMONG
THE MUSLIMS OF UTTAR PRADESH
Deepak Tyagi


ABSTRACT
Bilateral variation in human populations may
be controlled by genetics, environment, or a com-
bination of these factors. A study of three traits
of this type, handedness, hand clasping, and
arm folding, as observed in a sample of 182
Muslims of Gonda, Uttar Pradesh, India, indicate
that the traits occur independently of each other
and exhibit no statistically significant sex dif-
ferences. There was a higher frequency of right
hand clasping and arm folding among females,
while males displayed a higher frequency of right
handedness. For each of the traits, "right type"
,individuals were more frequent than "left type."

Variation is an universally occurring phenome-
non. But despite this variation human beings
resemble one another in many more ways than
those in which they differ. Thus we may talk of
species exhibiting resemblences and conse-
quently sharing a common gene pool. On the other
hand within a single species, some variation
must be present and perpetuated in order that en-
vironmental adaptability may be maintained. Bi-
lateral variation is one such pattern and may
arise in different ways. It may arise and depend
only on genetic factors or may be determined
partly by genetical and partly by environmental
factors, and finally there may exist traits the bi-
lateral variation of which is exclusively depen-
dent on the environment. Genetic traits with high
but variable frequencies in different populations
are especially usefulin evaluating and analyzing
evolutionary forces. Such genetic traits may also
be useful in classifying the individuals and
groups of individuals and thus have anthropo-
logical interests.
It has also been suggested that bilateral varia-
tions of function are caused by neuro-physio-
logical factors, hence they are of more special
interest (Beckman and Elston 1962: 99). An ex-
ample of this functional asymmetry is handed-
ness. Trankell (1950), on the basis of his study
of handedness, has concluded that this func-
tional asymmetry is partially genetically deter-
mined. On the other hand human beings are
known to exhibit variation in clasping their
hands. When an individual clasps his hands
either the right (R) or the left (L) thumb emerges


uppermost. Lutz (1908) was the first to study
this trait, and pointed out the presence of a
genetic component. He also concluded that his
data did not indicate any sexual bimodality, re-
productive selection, assortative mating, or re-
lationship to handedness (Freire-Maie et al.
1958: 281). After this work of Lutz a number of
investigators, including Downey (1926) Dalh-
berg (1926), Wiener (1932), Yamaura (1940),
Kawabe (1949), Freire-Maie et al. (1958; 1960;
1966), Pons (1961), Beckman and Elston (1962),
and Lai and Walsh (1965), have conducted their
detailed investigation on hand clasping and have
put forth contrasting theories. However, the
majority of the studies seem to support the con-
clusions arrived at by Lutz (1908). Arm folding
is another bilateral variation of function of a
similar nature. When an individual folds his
arms at the chest, he may either exhibit the
right (R) or the left (L) arm occupying the upper-
most position. Freire-Maia et al. (1960), on the
basis of their study, have suggested a partial
genetic control for this trait. However, Pons
(1961), on the basis of his study of the genetics
of hand clasping and arm folding, could not find
any simple Mendelian mechanism. He also could
not demonstrate any inheritance of this trait
statistically. His findings failed to reveal any
association between hand clasping and arm fold-
ing; however, this seems to be open for further
investigation.
In view of the studies referred to above and
the importance of the three traits under consid-
eration, an attempt has been made here to study
the variation of these three traits (handedness,
hand-clasping, and arm folding) among the Mus-
lims inhabiting the town of Gonda in eastern
Uttar Pradesh. Furthermore, an attempt has been
made to find correlations between these traits.
MATERIAL AND METHOD
The investigations for the present paper were
made during November, 1967, in the town of
Gonda (Fig. 1). Only one hundred and eighty
two Muslims (one hundred and nineteen males
and sixty three females)between the age of 15
years and 55 years were observed. For all three
traits, every care was taken to avoid the in-


VOLUME 22, NOS. I 4


MARCH DECEMBER, 1969








clusion of related persons. The classification
of the subject as to handedness presents a major
difficulty since handedness expresses varia-
bility in its degree of fixation. For classifying
the subject in regard to handedness, the subject
was asked which hand he employes more while
eating and manipulating various objects; if he
uses the right hand, then classified as right
handed, and if left hand then as left handed. For
classifying the hand clasping, the individuals
were asked to clasp their hands so that the fin-
gers interlock and one thumb takes superior
position to the other. According to superior posi-
tion of thumb during interlocking of the fingers,
individuals were classified as right hand clas-
pers and left hand claspers. In order to know
whether the subject is a right or left arm folder,
he was ask to fold his arm over his chest. This
may be done in two alternative ways, with the
right orleft arm occupying the uppermost position
and according to the superior arm position, sub-
jects were recorded as right or left arm folder.

RESULTS
Table 1 shows the distribution or right and
left handedness in Gonda Muslims. The fre-
quency of left handed individuals in the present
sample is low (6.01%). Males show a higher fre-
quency of right handedness (95.55%) than the
females (90.47%). Statistically no sexual varia-
tion was found in the present sample(X2 =2.0648).
The present observation is in conformity with
the observation made by Beckman and Elston
(1962) on Swedes.
The frequency distribution of right and left
hand clasping is presented in Table 2. The right
hand clasping (63.18%) shows a higher frequency
than the left hand clasping (36.81%). The present
result that right individuals are more in number
is in agreement with the previous findings for
British (Lutz 1908), American white (Downey
1926; Wiener 1926; Freire-Maia et al. 1958),
Germans (Kamm 1930; Ludwig 1932), Japanese
(Yamaura 1940; Kawabu 1949; Freire-Maie et al.
1958), Spanish (Pons 1961), Brazilians (Aquir
and Freire-Maia 1953), Mullatos and South Amer-
ican Indians (Freire-Maia et al. 1958), Swedes
(Beckman and Elston 1962), New Guinea Natives
(Lai and Walsh 1965), Indians (Lai and Walsh
1965), and African Negroes (Freire-Maia 1966).
However, for Swedes (Dahlberg 1926), Germans
(Rothschild 1930), White Australians and Chinese
(Lai and Walsh 1965), a high incidence of left
hand clasping has been reported. The present
data also shows a slight bisexual variation.


Females (66.66%) show a high frequency of right
hand clasping than the males (61.34%), while
males (38.65%) show a higher frequency of left
hand claspers than the females (33.33%). In the
present sample only a very small and insign-
ificant difference in the sex ratio is observed
(X2= 0.5025), which has also been found for
Japanese whites, Swedes, white Australian and
New Guinea Natives and African Negroes by
Kawabe (1949), Freire-Maia et al. (1958), Beck-
man and Elston (1962), Lai and Walsh (1965)
and Freire-Maia et al. (1966).
The right arm folding (69.23%) shows a higher
frequency than the left arm folding (30.76%) in
the present sample (Table 3). Freire -Maia, et
al. (1960; 1966) also observed the same situation
for Russian immigrants and African Negroes
respectively. Females show a higher frequency
of right arm folding (69.84%) than the males
(68.90%), which is also reported by Beckman
and Elston (1962) and Pons (1961) for their sam-
ples. The sexual variation in the present sample
as well as in Beckman and Elston's (1962),
Quelce-Salgado's (1961), and Freire-Maia et
al.'s (1966), samples are not significant. Pons
(1961) also found the absence of sexual differ-
ence in his study of arm folding.
The relative study of hand clasping and arm
folding in Muslims shows that the high frequency
of right hand clasping goes with high frequency
of right arm folding among females. The same
observation was made by Pons (1961) and Beck-
man and Elston (1962). The latter observed that
the association of right hand clasping with right
arm folding was stronger in females than in
males, and the same situation is seen in the
present sample.
Here an attempt is also made to see the corre-
lation between the three traits under investiga-
tion; handedness, hand clasping and arm folding.
The expected and observed frequencies of eight
possible combinations of right and left handed-
ness, hand clasping, and arm folding are pre-
sented in Table 4, which reveals that the observ-
ed and expected frequencies do not show any
statistically significant differences. In Table 5
the relation between handedness, hand clasping,
and arm folding is given and it seems that the
three traits are independent of each other.
SUMMARY
Handedness, hand clasping and arm folding
have been studied in a sample of 182 Muslims,
which includes 119 males and 63 females, of
Gonda town. "Right type" individuals are more









Table 1

HANDEDNESS

R Type L Type '
No. % No. % Total X

Male 114 95.55 5 4.20 119
2.0648
Female 57 90.47 6 9.52 63
Total 171 93.95 11 6.01 182


Table 2

HAND CLASPING

R Type L Type '
No. % No. % Total '

Male 73 61.34 46 38.65 119
0.5025
Female 42 66.66 21 33.33 63
Total 115 63.18 67 36.81 182


Table 3

ARM FOLDING


R Type L Type 2
No. No. % Total '

Male 82 68.90 37 31.09 119
0.0409
Female 44 69.84 19 30.15 63
Total 126 69.23 56 30.76 182









Table 4

OBS. AND EXP. FREQUENCY OF
COMBINATION OF H.N., H.C.,


DIFFERENT
AND A.F.


H.N. H.C. A.F. Obs. Freq. Exp. Freq. X2 id.F.


R R R 72 75.46 .1586

R R L 37 33.53 .3588

R L R 46 42.92 .2210

R L L 16 19.07 .4942

L R R 4 3.46 .0842

L L R 4 4.15 .0054

L R L 1 1.53 .1835

L L L 2 1.84 .0139

NB.: H.N. = Handedness.
H.C. = Hand clasping.
A.F. = Arm folding.









Table 5

RELATION BETWEEN HANDEDNESS, HAND CLASPING AND ARM FOLDING


X2 at 1 d.F. P


Handedness Arm Folding 0.0666 .8 .7

Handedness Hand Clasping 1.4883 .3 .2

Arm Folding Hand Clasping 1.1082 .3 .2













C


Tyagi: Study of Bilaterial Variation .....

frequent in all the traits. Females show a higher
frequency of right hand clasping and right arm
folding than males, whereas in handedness males
show a higher frequency than females. No statis-
tically significant sex differences were found in
any character. The three traits under investiga-
tion seem to be independent of each other.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author is highly indebted to Dr. K. S.
Mathur, Head of the Anthropology Department,
University of Lucknow, Lucknow, for his en-
couragement and inspiration and is very grateful
to Dr. R. P. Srivastava, Head of the Anthropo-
logy Department of Dibrugarh University, Dibru-
garh, who rendered his valuable guidance in
preparation of this paper. I am also thankful to
Mr. B. R. K. Shukla, Lecturer, Department of
Anthropology, Lucknow University, for his help
in preparation of this paper.




REFERENCES

Aguiar, W. C. and Freire-Maia, N.
1953; Nota sobre algumas characteristics
hereditarias na especie humane. Ciene e
Cult, Vol. 5, p. 203.
Beckman, L. and Elston, R.
1962: Data on Bilateral Variation in Man:
Handedness, Hand clasping and Arm folding
in Swedes. Human Biology, Vol. 34, pp.
99-103.


Collin, E. M.
1961: The concept of relative limb dominance.
Human Biology, Vol. 33, pp. 293-318.
Dalhberg, G.
1926: Twin birth and twins from a hereditary
point of view. Bokforlags A. B. Tidens
Tryckeri, Stockholm.
Downey, J. E.
1926: Further observation on the manner of
clasping the hands. American Naturalist,
Vol. 60, pp. 387-390.
Freire-Maia, N., Quelce-Salgado, A and Freire-
Maia, A.
1958: Hand clasping in different ethnic groups.
Human Biology, Vol. 30, pp. 281-291
Freire-Maia, A, Freire-Maia, N and Quelce-
Salgado, A.
1960: Genetic analysis in Russian Immigrants;
P.T.C. sensitivity, Finger prints, color
vision, hand clasping and Arm folding:
American Journal of Physical Anthropology,
Vol. 18, pp. 235-240.
Freire-Maia, A., and Jorgede Almeida,
1966: Hand clasping and arm folding among
African Negroes. Human Biology, Vol. 38,
pp. 175-179.
Kamm, B.
1930: Handigkeit und Variations Statistik.
Klinische Woch, Vol. 9, pp. 435-440.
Kawabe, M.
1949: A study on the mode of clasping the
hands. Trans. Sapporo. Nat. Hist. Soc.,
Vol. 18, pp. 49-52.
Lai, L. R. C. and Walsh, R. J.
1965: The Pattern of Hand clasping in differ-
ent Ethnic groups. Human Biology, Vol. 37,
pp. 312-319.
Ludwig, W.
1932: Das Rechts-Links Problem in Tierreich
und bein menschen, (Quoted by Kawabe,
1949).
Lutz, F. F.
1908: The inheretance of the manner of clasp-
ing the hands. American Naturalist, Vol. 42,
pp. 195-196.
Pons, J.
1961: A contribution to the Genetics of Hand
clasping and arm folding. Second Interna-
tional Conference of Human Genetics. Rome.
Rothschild, F. S.
1930: Uber Links und Rechts. Eine erschain-
ungswissen schaftliche Untersuchung. Zeit-
schrift fur die gesamte Neur. U. Psych,
Vol. 124, pp. 451-511.







29

Trankell, A.
1955: Aspects of Genetics in Psychology.
Am. J. Hum. Gen., 3: 264-276.
Wiener, A. S.
1932: Observations on the manner of clasping
the hands and Folding the arms. American
Naturalist, Vol. 66, pp. .365-370.
Yamaura, A.
1940: On some hereditary characters in the
Japanese race including the Tyosenese
(Koreans). Japanese Journal of Genetics.
Vol. 1.6, pp. 1-9.

Department of Anthropology
University of Lucknow
Lucknow, India






THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


A NOTE OF THE TIGUA INDIANS (YSLETA DEL SUR)

OF YSLETA, EL PASO, TEXAS
George L. Trager and M. Estellie Smith


ABSTRACT
The 1680 mirgation of a group of Indians from
Isleta Pueblo, New Mexico, to El Paso, Texas
isolated them as "a lost colony" for over 250
years. Recently, poverty created sympathy and
during the last year they have been the focal
point of an intensive rehabilitation program. The
paper outlines a field trip to their village in
1967, and briefly describes some of the socio-
cultural conditions existent at that time. Such
data are important because they record a situa-
tion which will shortly vanish due to creation
of various economic aid programs designed not
only to improve the economic conditions of the
Tiguas, but also to help them "recover" their
Indian identity, thus wiping out the many years
of Hispanized acculturation.

In accounts of the distribution of the various
pueblos of the Southwest, and especially in
treatments of the linguistic affiliations of the
pueblo groups, there is always mention of the
people of "Isleta del Sur" (Trager 1967). This
group is characterized as speaking a dialect of
what the senior author calls the Southern Tiwa
language, the other dialects of which are Sandia
and Isleta (north and south of Albuquerque, re-
spectively); he was told in 1937 by Isleta speak-
ers that Isleta del Sur was "the same language,"
and that there were then possibly two or three
old persons who still spoke the language. The
settlement, always spelled Ysleta in historical
documents and on maps, was founded by refugees
from the northern Isleta after the Pueblo revolt
of 1680. As far as we know, Ysleta developed
as a Spanish town of the kind found elsewhere
in the Rio Grande area; the fact of differing
political control--Spain, Mexico, Texas Rebublic,
United States--seems to have affected it little.
The Indians, apparently referred to as Tigua or
Tihua (i.e., Tiwa) as far back as 1683, seem to
have just stayed put, and to have gradually
diminished in numbers and to have become less
and less distinguishable from their Spanish-
speaking neighbors.
The senior author had hoped to contact these
people ever since the report referred to above,
but in all his periods of work since then with


the Taos (1937, 1947, 1948, 1959-60, 1962-3,
1965-6) he never managed to get to El Paso for
the purpose. In the summer of 1967 the senior
author was again in Taos, and the junior author
was doing field work at Isleta, N.M.; we were
able to make a trip to El Paso to find the Indians
of Ysleta. We were spurred on by the most re-
cent happenings in the life of this small group.
In the 1967 winter session of the Texas Legis-
lature a bill was introduced and passed to rec-
ognize these people as the Tigua Indians, and
to establish the area of their residence--said to
be about two city blocks--as a reservation. The
governor of Texas signed the bill at a ceremony
in Austin at which he had red ochre smeared on
his face, was taken into the "tribe" and made
a "cacique" (defined as 'chief') and was enter-
tained by Indian dances put on by the Isletas
from New Mexico; the governor and assembled
on lookers were also informed, by an Isleta
Indian, that the Tiguas were real Indians and
were just like the Isletas from whom they had
separated in 1680. The Isletas and the Tiguas
claim to have recognized their kinship to each
other because they spoke the same language;
they were reported as conversing in "their"
language. But our investigations indicate (see
below) that the conversation must have been in
Spanish and only certain ritual elements of Tigua
culture had preserved a limited corpus for them.
It should be noted that the motivation for the
creation of the Indian reservation was to save
the Indians from being deprived of their land
and houses for non-payment of taxes. The com-
munity of Ysleta was recently incorporated into
the city of El Paso, and it appears that when
this happened, some official decided that taxes
ought to be paid, though nobody seems to have
thought of taxes in all of the preceding century
and a quarter of American rule. In July, 1967, a
bill was introduced in Congress to give Federal
recognition to the Tigua tribe, a move designed
to make it possible for Texas to give them aid
and tax relief constitutionally, when the Federal
government relinquishes jurisdiction to the
state. The bill passed the House on August 21,
1967 (Albuquerque Journal).
The accounts of the creation of this new Indian
tribe were published in the newspapers of Texas,


VOLUME 22, NOS. I 4


MARCH DECEMBER, 1969








and the senior author bases the above version
of events on what he read in the Dallas Morning
News in April and May of 1967.
We left the center of El Paso on the morning of
August 11, 1967, and drove southeast on Ala-
meda Avenue (U.S. highway 80), a well-paved
divided-roadway city street, for most of the way-
until we began to see business establishments
with the name of Ysleta, about 10 miles from
our starting point. Another mile or so, and we
arrived at a church with a historical marker
which identified it as the old Ysleta Mission.
We drove down the next street, Old Pueblo Road,
where some Spanish children were asked if they
knew of any Indians in the area. They told us
that there were Indians, and we would find them
on the next more or less parallel street, Can-
delaria Road. We followed the street across a
canal or ditch, over some railroad tracts and
ended at a cement works. We turned back, and
stopped at a U.S. Department of Interior Recla-
mation Project office. One of the persons in the
office told us that there were indeed Indians in
the area, that they were scattered among the
"Mexicans," and that we could find them around
the corner from the office. We then followed the
direction he had pointed out, and again question-
ed some children. One told us that, "Some In-
dians live right over there," pointing to a com-
paratively well-kept house and yard. The name
on the mailbox may be recorded here as A.B.
Our knock was answered by a woman who said
she was Mrs. B. She spoke relatively good Eng-
lish, apologized for the mid-morning still un-
made-up appearance of the house, and invited
us in. She said she was Spanish, but that her
husband was an Indian. We explained that we
were interested in learning about the Tiguas
and she regretfully told us he was working that
morning ("...but of course we need the money").
We chatted a little, were told that the Indians
of the area were very few in number, that they
were recognized explicitly as Indians, that they
spoke only Spanish (though she had taught her
husband a little English), and that we would
find "the chief," (a relative of her husband) in
a house that we could see some distance away
across a field, and that he would talk to us if
he wasn't drunk.
We went over to "the chief's" house, and he
came out, with two other old men, both of whom
had rather heavy growths of grey beard. C.D.
himself was clean-shaven (or beardless). None
of the three could speak English, and the senior
author had to talk with them in Spanish (some-


thing he had not done for many years, and in
which he has lost what little fluency he may
have had). It was established that D. was the
chief (the term was Mayordomo), that the Indians
were now recognized by the state government,
that D. and others had been to Austin on May
23, 1967, for the signing of the bill establishing
the pueblo, and that he had also been to Wash-
ington recently to plead their cause. D. told us
that in "two months" the tribe would be electing
a government. The chief said he had been elect-
ed by "all" the people including women; and he
didn't understand what could be meant by a
"council." The junior author had met at Isleta,
N.M., a woman who had a sister-in-law from
Ysleta del Sur. The sister-in-law's father had
been "sheriff" at Ysleta before moving to Cali-
fornia. The chief responded to the inquiry whet-
her he knew the girl, with the statement that he
did, and that her father had been the "cacique."
After a few more words, we learned that an
Indian named E.F., living "over there" (por
alla--a direction that we got repeatedly) had a
wife who could speak some English. We went
off to find the F.s, but didn't succeed. The
persons we spoke to knew a little English, but
were Spanish-speakers. We were beginning to
conclude that in this area those persons who
couldn't speak English at all were known as
Indians, while those who spoke English and
Spanish were Spanish-Americans.
We now decided to go to the church and make
inquiries there. The church is now known as
Our Lady of Mt. Carmel parish, and was built
in 1908. There is a tablet in front of it indicating
that this is a rebuilding of the church of Ysleta
built in 1744, and that the latter was a replace-
ment of the church built in 1691. A leaflet avail-
able in the church, entitled Short history of
Ysleta mission, founded in 1680, by Gerardo
Decorme, S.J., gives the following chronology
of events:
October 10, 1680--Governor Otermm and Fray
Francisco de Ayeta founded Sacramento camp,
later Ysleta, for refugees from New Mexico; and
a "few Tihua Indians" tried to found Ysleta del
Sur "in a nearby place."
February, 1682--"The 305 Tihua Indians, coming
from Ysleta, N.M. failed to stay in Ysleta del
Sur." Does this mean they left the area?
1683--"The Tihua Indians join the camp... now
called Sacramento de los Tihuas" (patron, Saint
Anthony).
1684--Sacramento de los Tihuas de Ysleta or-
ganized as a "pueblo."








Doesthismean an Indian town, or simply a town?
1691--Mission renamed Mision de Corpus Christi
de los Tihuas de Ysleta, or Ysleta for short;
new church.
1760-;"(425 Tihuas, 135 Spanish."
We were able to talk with the rector of the
church, Father J. Martinez, who was very help-
ful in giving us more data about the Indians. He
told us that the D.s were the "most Indian"
family, and that the father of D had been the
last speaker of "the Indian language," and had
tried without success to teach the language
"and the old Indian ways" to others. No one
has seemed much concerned about these matters
since the old man's death about 1964. Fr. Marti-
nez described the kind of ceremonial activities
the Indians formerly engaged in on Saint Anth-
ony's day, June 13. A summary of the account
follows:
The Indians gathered on the day before the
saint's day, and elected three officers, a "may-
ordomo" or chief, a "cacique" or sheriff, and
a third, unnamed. On the feast day they gathered
at the church, insisted on the presence of a
priest, and each Indian (men only?) approached
the officers, was questioned by the mayordomo
about his sins and transgressions, confessed
them was scourged or whipped with leafy bran-
ches, promised to reform, and went off to feast.
Children (and women?) stood around watching
these actions. By afternoon or early evening,
all the officers and then any male (?) who wanted
to be free of sin or had made a vow to "con-
fess," had been subjected to the purging treat-
ment, and feasted, and were usually in no state
to do much of anything else. Nonetheless, they
danced (no description was given, and we as-
sumed we were to conclude that it was the more
usual sort of pueblo dancing; we were not told
whether drums were used or whether there was
any singing). After the dance the Indians went
off, presumably to more feasting and drinking,
if they could manage it. The increasing degener-
ation of the day's activities into over-eating and
drunkenness caused the ceremony to be less and
less consistently carried out. A few years ago,
however, a woman of forceful personality and
with some degree of formal education (we thought
she was identified in passing as paternal aunt
to D.), began exhorting the Indians to come to
church more than just one day a year, and to
carry out the ceremony soberly and with some
solemnity.
We were also told that the Indians of Ysleta
had always looked upon the priest as a "patri-


arch" and had sought advice and counsel from
him. He had been consulted by the Indians in the
matter of the recent legal moves in their behalf,
and had discussed the matter with the Bishop.
There is also amicable collaboration with the
Indians' attorney, who has had access to the
historical records at the chancery of the El Paso
Roman Catholic diocese.
Finally, Fr. Martinez expressed continued
interest in his Indian parishioners, hoped he had
not been negligent in his dealings with them, and
offered us the opportunity to examine the his-
torical documents available, and his cooperation
in making contacts, if we decided to study the
group further.
In concluding this note, we should like to make
the following comments:
The official name of the group, according to
the recent legislation in Texas, is given as
Tigua, and we propose that they be known hence-
forth in the anthropological literature as the
"Tigua Pueblo (of Ysleta, Texas)," or the Tig-
uas for short. We know that the proper Anglicized
pronunciation of the Spanish spelling of Tigua
should be /tiywa/, but since this is the accepted
pronunciation of Tiwa, to which larger group the
Tiguas are a "new" addition, we venture to sug-
gest that non-speakers ,of Spanish are going to
say /tigwa/ or even /tigyuwa/, and we propose
that /tigwa/ be adopted as the conventional pro-
nunciation of the name of this group.
It is regrettable that our data indicate that no
speakers of the original Isleta-derived language
survive, but it will perhaps be possible to exam-
ine the Spanish speech of the Tiguas in suffi-
cient depth to see the extent of occasional
Isleta terms. We were recently informed however,
that part of the bootstrap program now in pro-
gress for the tribe includes learning Isleta with
it being taught by a volunteer from Isleta, New
Mexico.
REFERENCES

Decorme, Gerardo, S.J. n.d.
Short history of Ysleta Mission. El Paso.
Trager, George L.
1967 The Tanoan settlement of the Rio Grande
Area: A Possible Chronology. In Studies in
Southwestern Ethnolinguistics, pp. 335-50.
Mouton and Co. The Hague.
Newspapers
Albuquerque Journal,
August 22, 1967, p. B-6: "House passes meas-
ure recognizing Tiguas".






33

Dallas Morning News,
May 24, 1967, p. 5A: "Tiguas give Connally
honorary chief title."

Department of Anthropology
Southern Methodist University
Dallas, Texas

Department of Anthropology
Eastern New Mexico University
Portales, New Mexico





THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


BRIEF NOTES


A DEPTFORD VESSEL
FROM PINELLAS COUNTY, FLORIDA

Albert C. Goodyear

In April of 1968, a nearly whole Deptford
Linear Check Stamped vessel was found by this
author through a surface inspection of a freshly
bulldozed Indian site. The site, located one mile
southeast of the intersection of Highway 19 and
Gulf to Bay Boulevard, is presently undergoing
land clearing operations for the development of
the Japanese Gardens Trailer Park which is
located on the site. The size of the site seems
to be about one quarter of a mile square and is
terminated on its eastern edges by Tampa Bay
and on its western side by U.S. Highway 19.
Dense pine woods obscure the Japanese Gardens
Trailer Park site's northern and southern bound-
aries. The site is comprised mostly of low rol-
ling sandy hills with a small creek running
diagonally through the area which ends in Tampa
Bay.
Several surface collections have been made by
interested amateurs from this area and many
cultural periods seem to be represented. Among
the discernable projectile point types noted are
Suwannee, Nuckolls-Dalton, Putnam. Newnan,
Culbreath, Hernando, Citrus, and Pinellas. Pot-
tery -sherds are also frequently found, the major-


ity of which are a plain, reddish colored, sand
tempered ware which suggests a Weeden Island
occupancy.
No suitable concentration of projectile points,
flint chips or pottery has yet been located that
would make stratigraphic testing feasible.
This particular pot was found approximately
two feet below the 'surface, where a bulldozer's
blade- had skimmed over the bottom part of the
bowl. The vessel was still imbedded in the soil
when first discovered and it was lying inverted
with the tetrapods pointing up. When the sur-
rounding soil was removed, the pot was seen to
be in a reasonably whole condition though several
cracks were present on its surfaces. The bull-
dozer presumably broke off two of the tetrapods
and the other two were also damaged down to
vestigial nubs. One large sherd from the bottom
and the four tetrapods have been restored with
plaster of paris to give a better representation
of what the vessel originally looked like.
The possibility that the pot was whole when
first interred and that it was lying upside down,
suggests that this artifact was intentionally
placed in this position. No other artifacts were
found accompanying it and a careful search was
made in the surrounding sand by sifting through
hardware cloth. A few bits of charcoal were
found beneath and around the bowl and have
been saved.


Fig. 1 (Goodyear) Two views of partially reconstructed vessel with check stamped decoration.


VOLUME 22, NOS. I 4


MARCH DECEMBER, 1969








This Deptford vessel is significant for two
reasons. First, it is in a fairly complete condi-
tion which is somewhat unusual for Deptford
period ceramics, and secondly, it has been
found farther south than Deptford material is
usually encountered. Till this date, the extent
of Deptford ware from Pinellas county has been
limited to an occasional sherd from pumped up
submerged fills from the bottom of Tampa Bay.
Appreciation is extended to Francis Bushnell
who did the reconstruction and photography and
to Dr. Lyman O. Warren who originally showed
me the site.
St. Petersburg, Florida


UTILIZATION OF BEAR GRASS IN
RURAL NORTH FLORIDA
Carl J. Clausen

During the 19th and early 20th centuries, set-
tlers and later rural inhabitants of northern
Florida frequently made use of bear grass in
place of cord for hanging meat to be smoke pre-
served. Yucca filamentosa L., a member of the
Liliaceae family, ranges over much of the south-
eastern coastal plain. The plant (Fig.l), which
is quite common in northern Florida, generally
prefers an open or thinly wooded dry habitat
but may often be found growing in other areas
V._& ,llll L -i a MW


Fig. 1 (Clausen) Specimen of Bear Grass from Leon County, Florida. Inset shows plant
in bloom.







(Radford et al 1964: 299). The blade-like leaves
of this plant, which is closely related to the
Spanish Bayonet, contain a fiber similar to that
of tire Agave or Century plant which elsewhere
in the hemisphere is used in the manufacture
of rope and cordage.
Bear grass was utilized in the following man-
ner: A quantity of the grass was gathered short-
ly before hogs were to be butchered. Generally
the longest basal blades would be selected and
cut off adjacent to the stem. The blades were
then boiled, often in a cast iron wash pot, until
dark green and pliable, and tied in bundles.
After an animal was butchered the tough blades
were used to hang the various cuts in the smoke-
house. In practice, a blade would be drawn
through a small hole pierced or cut in each of
the two upper corners of a section of side meat
or, in the case of the shoulder or ham, through
a hole between the tendon and bone. The ends
of the piece of grass were then brought together
and tied in a simple overhand knot producing a
loop through which the end of one of the peeled
oak or hickory smokehouse poles could be pass-
ed. The poles with the meat to be preserved
were then hung on the joists of the smokehouse
over a bed of hickory or oak coals on which
green hickory, water oak, or pecan wood smould-
ered.
The writer's informant in this case, a former
State Senator from Graceville, Florida, states
that his great grandfather used bear grass to
hang meat for smoking in the 1830's. How early
bear grass may have been utilized by settlers
for this purpose or whether the trait was learned
from Indians in Florida or the Southeast is un-
known, although it seems probable that its use
predates the 19th century.



REFERENCE


Radford, A. E., H. E. Ahles, and C. R. Bell
1964 Manual of the Vascular Flora of the
Carolinas. University of North Carolina
Press. Chapel Hill.



Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties
Department of State
Tallahassee, Florida


A CLOVIS FLUTED POINT FROM THE
SANTA FE RIVER, FLORIDA
Ripley P. Bullen
Three fluted Clovis points have recently been
found in the Gainesville region of Florida. The
first came from the Lowell borrow pit of 1-75,
the second from the bed of the Santa Fe River,
and the third from the side of the Santa Fe, a
little up stream from the find point of the second.
The nicest of these, found by Jack Dowdy of
Ocala in the bed of the Santa Fe, is illustrated
in Figure 1.
This point (no. 1163 in Mr. Dowdy's catalog)
is perfect except for abrasion of the tip, which
occurred before its discovery, and the replace-
ment of one of the basal corners which, un-
fortunately, broke off after discovery. The light
colored "line" cutting diagonally across the
point in the lower picture (Fig. 1) is caused by
a vein of quartz (?) in the original stone. The
black color of the point is the result of long
emergence in the water of the Santa Fe river.
Stone tools and fossil bones from the Santa Fe
and from its main contributary, the Ichetucknee,
are typically black. Even recent bones such as
those of pigs or cows are noticeably darkened
when found in these streams. The inside of the
basal corner, was not lighter than its surface,
suggesting extremely long emergence in the
river.


Fig. 1 (Bullen) Clovis Fluted Point, Santa Fe
River, Florida.








This point is 113 mm. long, 31 mm. in maximum
width (opposite the top of the basal concavity),
280 mm. in mid-width, and 8 mm. in maximum
thickness. The long, wellmade, flute is 84 mm.
in length. The concavity of the base measures
10 mm.
One of the interesting features of this point
is the fact that it has been smoothed on the
sides (faces) as well as on the lower lateral
edges and base.
This smoothing extends from the base down
approximately one-third of the blade (Fig. 1).
Lateral edge smoothing extends to the same
point.
The length of the flute scar on the obverse
side (Fig. 1, right) is 84 mm. Apparently the
base was properly prepared and this long flute
successfully removed by one blow. On the re-
verse side, the maker was not so successful.
There at least two flutes were removed, both of
which ended in hinge fractures.

On this specimen it is difficult to determine
whether the lateral chipping occurred before or
after fluting. The ends of some of the lateral
scars suggest the latter sequence. In the case
of the third point, the one found by Edward John-
son of Gainesville, on the side of the Santa Fe
River, it is evident that lateral chipping--at
least the last part of it--was done after the re-
moval of the flutes. In this instance lateral chip
scars go over the edge of the flute and terminate
in hinge fractures within the concave fluted area.
The bed of the Santa Fe River, at least in the
area where Mr. Dowdy found No. 1163, is com-
posed of sand resting on bedrock. Many Suwan-
nee points and bones of fossil animals have
been found in this sand. In places the surface of
the limestone bed rock is channeled. It was
while sluicing out one of these channels that
the point (Fig. 1) was found. The point was,
apparently, in the bottom of the channel while
the sand filling the channel contained fragments
of mastodon and mammoth bones. Some shark
teeth were in the upstream end of the channel.
This association--mastodon bones, mammoth
bones, and a Clovis point in the same small
chanell--is not, of course, proof of contempor-
aneity as the bones and the points might have
washed into the channel from two different
places. It is, however, extremely suggestive.
While a few Clovis points have been known for
Florida for some time they have not been noted
for their fluting. Similarly, only a very few of the
many Suwannee points found in Florida exhibit
suggestions of fluting. The result is that those


who consider fluting a necessary criterion of
Paleo-Indian points tend to exclude Florida from
the rest of the country during early Paleo-Indian
times. With the recent discovery of well-fluted
Clovis points, Florida joins the rest of eastern
United States in Paleo-Indian times.


Department of Social Sciences
Florida State Museum
Gainesville, Florida





PALEO-INDIAN AND OTHER ARTIFACTS
FROM A FLORIDA STREAM BED
Ben I. Waller


On a recent diving trip to the Santa Fe River
in Florida, Alvin Hendrix and I came upon a
river bend with a high bluff on its south side.
The bluff, about 12 feet high, appears to have
been formed from a limestone ridge. A small
ledge, about 10 feet wide, connects the bluff
with the river's edge. Immediately upstream of
the bluff is a shallow (41/2 feet deep), swiftly
moving flow of water. This extends for about
40 yards upstream of the bluff, after which the
depth increases abruptly to 13 feet. The entire
river bed appears to have been eroded from lime-
stone. The locality is in Columbia County, about
20 miles northwest of High Springs.
A large amount of cultural debris has been de-
posited on the river bottom. For the most part,
the debris has been washed clean of sand in the
deeper parts of the river. However, in the shal-
lows, the debris has sand over it. Enough arti-
facts were evident on the bottom to justify a
search of the area. All of the material described
herein was collected from a crevice which lies
downstream of the shallow area and in front of
the bluff.
The first artifact found was a Paleo-Indian
projectile point. A search of the crevice yielded
two more complete Paleo-Indian points and two
broken ones. None of these points showed flut-
ing, but each showed basal and lateral grinding.
From the crevice came 11 other projectile points.
One of them, a beveled Bolen, is an Early Pre-
ceramic type; the others are Archaic types.
Bone points also came from the crevice, along
with flint knives and scrapers. Artifacts from the










Fig. 1 (Waller) Chipped stone projectile points and blades.


O






locality are shown in accompanying photographs
(Figs. 1-2). An implement of polished stone
(Fig. 2, lower right) was found at the locality
by Don Serbousek.
Faunal remains from the stream bed included a
Pleistocene assemblage: mastodon, camel,
horse, and extinct giant armadillo. Contempora-
neity of these animals with the Paleo-Indian
points cannot be demonstrated. Fragmentary


turtle remains were collected, but they throw
little light on archeological problems here. The
same may be said of a shark tooth which had
eroded from the limestone of the stream bottom.
Late occupation of the area is revealed by four
plain, sand-tempered sherds and one check
stamped sherd.
Ocala, Florida


Fig. 2 (Waller) Chipped and polished stone tools, and bone tools.


rlls116






VOLUME 22, NOS. I 4


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


REVIEWS


MARCH DECEMBER, 1969


Reference Encyclopedia of the American Indian.
B. Klein and Company, New York, 1967.
Introduction by R. L. Bennett (nonpaginated)
536 pp. $15.00.

This book was first mentioned to me by a libra-
rian who had just received it and felt that such
a book filled a real need. I agree that there is
need for such a book but this is not it. The
editorial staff is obviously untrained in even the
rudiments of the subject matter (see 1 below);
the categories--Government Agencies, Museums,
Libraries, Associations, Monuments and Parks,
Reservations, Tribal Councils, Schools, College
Courses, Arts and Crafts Shops, Visual Aids,
Government Publications, Magazines and Period-
icals, Bibliography-Alphabetical, Bibliography--
Subject, Bibliography-Publisher Index, Who's
Who-- are incomplete and naive, as well as
having an internal arrangement which most chari-
tably can be described as peculiar (see 2 below);
there are numerous errors (see 3 below); and
much of the information is of newspaper filler
importance (see 4 below). The general impress-
ion is that Messrs. Klein and Icolari have "put
together some stuff," given it a protective
"collective" title, and are now waiting for
money to come in from the usual vanity press
sources as well as unsuspecting buyers. Let
only a few of the myriad examples illustrate my
case.
1. Klein is the president of the publishing
firm as well as the head of a direct mail ad-
vertising company. Icolari has edited "several
business and educational reference books,"
and is a member of the American Montessori
Society and the Summerhill Society. One assist-
ant Editor, Bernadette Mayer, and one writer,
Ina Taylor, are not identified.
2. College Courses (sub-titled "Indian-Related
Course Offerings" and described as listing
"departments and personnel of various institu-
tions of higher learning which offer courses on
the American Indian--arranged geographically")
take three pages (pp. 151-3), are listed alpha-
betically (at least I assume they are, since
Alaska follows Alabama!), exclude such states
as Illinois, Louisiana, and New York from the
list completely, and, as in the case of Cali-
fornia, lists Chico State College as the only
"institute of higher learning" in the state which
offers courses on the American Indian. Now,


clearly, what happened was that a form was sent
various people and places; some responded--
many did not. Those who responded were listed.
That is the difference between a genuine refer-
ence book, years in preparation, and a vanity
press, "one year in preparation."
The alphabetizing of items is, as I've said,
peculiar. The list of New Mexican reservations
(pp. 112-14) begins with the Navajo reservation
at Window Rock, moves next to Acoma, follows
Zia Pueblo with two Apache reservations, and
ends by listing the Alamo, Canoncita and Ramah
Navajo "communities."
3. Sundry typographical errors include, for
example, the listing of Edmund Carpenter as
"Edward Carpenter," (p. 220) and the exclusion
of Taos from the list of New Mexican pueblos.
In this latter case the point of error is clear:
Santo Domingo, located in Sandoval County,
primarily on the west bank of the Rio Grande
River, and with a population of 1500 (BIA, 1966
census), is listed as follows: "In residence:
1,210...Located in Taos County, ten miles east
of the Rio Grande River"; the description how-
ever fits Taos Pueblo (p. 114).
4. The section entitled Who's Who (pp. 339-
536) ignores people such as Edward Dozier,
a distinguished anthropologist and a native of
of Santa Clara Pueblo, but includes such figures
as Nathaniel Benchley and Buffy Sainte-Maire.
A typical entry in the Who's Who biographical
tells of a free lance writer who:
"taught elementary (school) in Wisconsin for
three years....and did secretarial work....
until retirement in 1960. Reading, oil painting,
homemaking and travel are my avocations.
In. 1951 I started to write. I have toured the
United States and Canada extensively--in
1963 I went to Hawaii and toured the Islands;
in 1964 I cruised six weeks to Hawaii, Japan,
Okinawa, Taiwan, the Phillippines and Guam.
I have driven into Mexico, but briefly. I have
studied the natives of the countries I have
visited to compare (them) with Indian cultures.
In Wisconsin....I lived near the Chippewa
Indians; in Miami, Florida, near the Seminoles;
(now) in Arizona I live within twenty-five
of the Navajo Reservation and less than one
hundred miles from the Hopi Reservation. I
have become fast friends with members of
both tribes. Have been "surrounded" by








Indians all my life, and thus the intense inter-
est." (p. 454).
M. Estellie Smith
Eastern New Mexico University
Portales, New Mexico



Louisiana's Ancients of Man.
J. Ashley Sibley, Jr., Claitor's Publishing Divi-
sion, Baton Rouge, La., 1967. Frontis, xiii and
257 pp. 61 figs., bibliography, index. $6.00

The author of this book is neither a profes-
sional archeologist nor an adept writer, but'his
interest in Louisiana Indian cultures has led
him to attempt a state archeology. Indeed, the
book goes beyond archeolgy; it briefly sum-
marizes certain aspects of Louisiana geology
and ecology, and the life of historic Louisiana
Indians as exemplified by the Caddo. The writ-
ing stlye is typified by the title. Illustrations
range from rude sketches to photographs of
dioramas and paintings. Of special pertinence
are illustrations taken from literature articles by
Gagliano, Haag, Swanton, Webb, and others.
The book's intended emphasis is on culture
change. Sibley suggests that the past could be
the key to the future; that even international
relations might be improved through a wider
understanding of culture contact, diffusion, and
change. Archeologists are aware that investi-
gation of prehistoric cultures may reveal some
general or widely applicable principles of cul-
ture dynamics, but it is well to have this point
made for the benefit of the general public.
Pottery types receive from Sibley a good deal
less attention than they would receive from a
professional student of American Indian culture
dynamics, but this is not an objectionable fea-
ture in a book that is intended for non-profess-
ionals. The main Louisiana pottery types are
mentioned, and sometimes illustrated, in con-
nection with the appropriate periods; the term-
inology of pottery description is briefly explain-
ed; and attention is drawn to the archeological
significance of ceramic change with time. Prob-
ably the average reader would not have profited
from a more detailed treatment of ceramics.
About 65 pages of the book offer definitions of
anthropological terms. These are taken from
such works as Wimick's Dictionary of Anthro-
pology, Schusky's Manual for Kinship Analysis,
Jacobs and Stems' General Anthropology, and
various archeological handbooks. Some terms


could have been omitted (e., g., "heiroglyph"
in its Egyptological sense); others could have
been added (e., g., Formative). The remainder
of the text was also compiled directly from the
literature. Almost every page includes footnote
references to several authors, whose sentences
were paraphrased and strung together. This ap-
proach makes it difficult, at times, to follow
the train of thought, especially since the para-
phrased authors were themselves far from homo-
geneous in competence, lucidity of presentation,
outlook, and immediacy. The book being deriva-
tive, a critique of its factuality would involve
an analysis of roughly 200 papers, some of them
quite old papers, from which comments were
taken. In lieu of such a critique, the reviewer
mentions a few topics that might well be con-
sidered in a summary of Louisiana archeology.
With precedent, Sibley uses the term "Archaic"
to cover, on the one hand, such projectile point
types as San Patrice and Kirk Serrated; and on
the other hand, Poverty Point artifacts. But it
seems well to emphasize the distinction be-
tween an Early Archaic (or Early Preceramic)
and a Late Archaic. The former is known chief-
ly from projectile points, thinly scattered in
much the same way as are Paleo-Indian points.
Considering the evidence and ignoring surmise,
the Early Preceramic people were roving hunt-
ers; not until Late Archaic times is there proof
(shell middens) of a somewhat sedentary exist-
ence, and a strong reliance on gathering as a
means of subsistence.
Probably Louisiana's larger settlements of the
Late Archaic were coastal or riparian at the
time they were occupied. Interest therefore at-
taches to the fluctuating relationship of sea to
land in Archaic times. Sibley states (again with
precedent) that sea level reached its present
stand about 3,500 to 4,000 years ago, and has
since remained at the approximate levle. This
conclusion--unless taken as no more than a
very rough approximation of the situation--is
not substantiated by geological or archeological
findings outside Louisiana. For example, along
the Gulf Coast of peninsular Florida, south of
Cedar Keys, most Deptford pottery is dredged
up, and one midden with Deptford ware is now
-submerged to a depth of 8 feet at high tide.
South of Cedar Keys, even some coastal sites
of Weeden Island age have been cut partly away
by the encroaching sea.
In Louisiana, five environmental factors have
affected Late Archaic sites: (1) deposition at
the delta of the Mississippi; (2) deltaic sub-








sidence beneath the weight of deposited materi-
al; (3) elevation of northern Louisiana, a "see-
saw" effect as southern Louisiana was depress-
ed; (4) post-Wisconsin rise of sea level; and
(5) rise of water table as a result of sea level
Each of these processes has continued not
smoothly but at varying rates. Louisiana archeo-
logists, welcoming any clue to local chronology,
might profit from a review of geological findings
in area where processes (1), (2), and (3) do not
severely complicate the picture; and might pro-
fit even more through examination of Louisiana
artifacts in the light of the archeological chro-
nologies that have been established for other
parts of the Gulf region.
The Late Archaic Indians of Louisiana prob-
ably utilized a sizeable percentage of the plant
and animal resources that were available local-
ly. Thus it is useful to have Sibley's summary
of potential resources in that state. However,
it is wrong to assume that each potential re-
source was of necessity used. There is little
merit to the flat assertion that elderberry served
the Archaic Indians as a dye, sassafras as a
drink, swamp bay as a seasoning, or yaupon as
an emetic. Such uses can be demonstrated only
for historic times. Several aspects of the "black
drink" ceremony, in which yaupon was used as
an emetic, suggest the ceremonialism of Miss-
issippian times. Some historic folk uses of
plants may well have passed from European set-
tlers to Indians, rather than the reverse.
Sibley recognizes a Formative Stage in Louis-
iana, extending in time from about 400 B. C. to
1600 iA. D., and represented by five local peri-
ods which he terms Tchefuncte, Marksville,
Troyville-Coles Creek, Plaquemine, and Miss-
issippi. There probably be considerable argu-
merit about the limits of the Formative, especial-
ly when the latter is viewed as a cultural stage
attained regionally. In a popular presentation,
an alternative approach might be less concerned
with formal terminology, and more with the con-
tinued arrival and accumulation of Formative
culture elements. Formative influences began to
reach Louisiana before Tchefuncte times; and
one might consider that after Troyville time,
Neolithic-level culture was not formative but
had become formed.
Sibley emphasizes the importance of conserv-
ing what Indian sites remain. His efforts on be-
half of archeology have not been limited to
writing. He has operated a Junior Archeological
Society, a non-profit corporation with a museum
and library. The society is open to students in


6 through 12. Membership requirements are high:
a scholastic average above "C", a keen interest
in a social or earth science, and the completion
of an eight-weeks' training program. It has been
asked whether a comparable junior society is
feasible for Florida. The reviewer feels that a
successful junior society will not develop mere-
ly because its desirability is widely agreed
upon, or urged in'print; it will develop, in Flori-
da or elsewhere, when there emerges (usually
from the business world) a dedicated individual
who will work unflaggingly to keep such a group
in existence. A person of this bent would do
well to operate outside the framework of state or
local archeological societies, for even the
stated scientific aims of a regional society are
likely to be hindered by problems of personnel
or personality.
Wilfred T. Neill
New Port Richey, Fla.


INVITATION FROM THE
SOCIETY FOR AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY
The Society for American Archaeology is
attempting to broaden its membership base
among members of state and local archaeologi-
cal societies. Since the Society has the archae-
ology of all the Americas as its focus and the
purpose (stated in its Constitution) "to serve
as a bond among those interested in American
Archaeology", it is hoped that the Society and
its publications will be of interest to members
of the Florida Anthropological Society. The
invitation to membership is extended to all those
interested in fostering the science of archae6lo-
gy and disseminating its results.
The $10.00 annual dues include subscriptions
to American Antiquity and Memoirs of the Society
for American Archaeology. Those interested in
applying for membership should request applica-
tions from T. Patrick Culbreath, Secretary, The
Society for American Archaeology, Department of
Anthropology, University of Arizona, Tucson,
Arizona 85721.
Professional archaeologists, graduate and
undergraduate students, and amateurs are all
urged to join the Society.








INFORMATION FOR AUTHORS


The Florida Anthropologist publishes original papers in all subfields of anthropology, with an
emphasis on archaeology. Contributions from allied disciplines are accepted when they concern
anthropological problems. The geographic scope of the journal, in order of importance, includes
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more than this number will be charged for the cost of printing involved.
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