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INTRODUCED MONKEY POPULATIONS AT SILVER SPRINGS, FLORIDA
W.. R. Maples, A. B. Brown, and P. M. Hutchens
On several occasions free-ranging populations of primates have been in-
troduced, intentionally or accidentally, into the United States. This report con-
cerns the free-ranging populations of Macaca mulatta (rhesus monkeys) and
Saimiri sp. ( squirrel monkeys) which were first introduced to the banks of the
Silver Run, Silver Springs, Florida.
The colony was founded in 1933 with the release of two pairs on the right
bank of the Silver Run going downstream from the headsprings. Severe conflicts
occurred and at some later date one part of the group crossed over to the left
bank, presumably without human assistance. The monkeys were released during
the filming of Tarzan movies filmed on the Silver Run starring Johnny Weiss-
muller as Tarzan, and includes the classic Tarzan Finds Boy. The tour guide
can still point out the site of their tree house.
The land on either side of the Silver Run is owned by the Silver Springs
Corporation, a subsidiary of ABC. The run has served as the scene of many
additional movies including a scene from The African Queen and the TV series
Sea Hunt. The land is now a tourist attraction featuring not only the springs and
the run but also stores and a collection of reptiles. The area is maintained as
a wildlife refuge and hunting or fishing is prohibited as is trespassing on the
banks. Access to the monkeys can be gained only by the river.
No reliable census has been published recently but the 1968 census indi-
cated a total of 78 rhesus on both sides of the run and the guides report similar-
ly that each of the two troops consists of about forty individuals. The macaques
have been observed in other areas away from the springs and an effort is being
made to chart their distribution. The troop on the right bank generally occupies
territory closer to the spring while the troop on the left bank is further down-
stream. Most of the activities observed and reported are centered around the
water, part of which may be an artifact of the viewing situation.
The young are observed climbing trees to splash into the water and also
chasing each other through the water, soaking themselves. This usually takes
place in sheltered areas, such as small coves, and not directly in the river.
The adults were not observed swimming in the water but boat drivers have re-
ported that during the hotter months of summer it is not uncommon. Certainly,
they have been observed reaching into the water for food thrown by tourists,
walking out chest deep on submerged logs to intercept food carried by the swift
current, and drinking directly from the run. Reports by the Silver Springs boat
manager and photographs of underwater swimming and diving for food in depths
of two-to-four feet have also been made.
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 29, no. 4, December 1976
No reports or observations have been made which indicate the macaques
have gone inland for any distance from the water. The particular trees found by
the run are white ash, maple, and cypress, and these serve as a source of food,
as resting places, and as play areas. Wild foods consumed include the new buds
of the white ash, maple buds, poison ivy leaves, wild plums, holly berries, and
elderberry blossums and berries in spring and summer, as well as insects.
The main source of food is supplied by the Jungle Cruise drivers, although
boaters on the run also feed the monkeys. Around 1969-1970 provisioning of
the monkeys was at a low since the feeding budget was cut. Just enough food was
was provided to attract the monkeys but not enough for maintenance. The feed-
ing budget is now generous and the monkeys are fed about twenty times a day.
It is assumed that for some time after their original release the macaques were
on their own and received no regular provisions before the introduction of the
Jungle Cruise rides.
The cruise boats operate on, roughly, an hourly schedule starting from
the springs every half-hour and heading north just past the northerly boundary
of the left bank troop. Generally, the monkeys are not fed on the northerly di-
rection. On the return trip the northermost troop, the left bank troop, is fed
first and then the right bank troop. The monkeys are arranged along the bank
with males at either end of the troop, usually, and females and young in the cen-
ter. The first animals encountered of the right bank troop are four males said
by the tour guide to include one monkey which was previously a pet, who was
released and never accepted by the troop, and three males who were expelled
from the troop. The two troops are reported to be antagonistic to each other
and when opposite each other on the banks will threaten each other with loud
Foods fed from the boats include large amounts of white bread and ba-
nanas, with lesser quantities of cucumbers, raw sweet potatoes, peaches, car-
rots, pineapples, grapes, apples, watermelon, raw peanuts, oranges, and raw
field corn. It is also reported that the monkeys rob three feeders designed pri-
marily for birds, ducks, raccoons, and squirrels. The macaques generally
pick out the sunflower seeds and spill the remainder of the food. Raccoons and
rhesus coexist at the feeders provided the number of rhesus is small and both
do not try to use the same side of the feeder simultaneously. Raccoons and
rhesus are also observed together along the banks at feeding time, the raccoons
generally in the roots of the cypress, competing less successfully with the quick-
er primates for thrown food. Reports of monkeys riding on the backs of wild
pigs have not yet been confirmed.
Rhesus are kept in the desired area by continuous feeding during the day.
For the tourists' benefit an attempt is made to keep them responsive and at the
water's edge. Observations do not indicate complete responsiveness to the boats.
MAPLES, BROWN, AND HUTCHENS
Not all monkeys come to the bank to be fed. Many remain dispersed in the woods
or in the trees. There is little antagonism between animals and little direct com-
petition for the abundant food. Some animals will pass up food within reach which
is then picked up by the scrambling juveniles.
It is noted that the sound of the boat does not necessarily elicit approach
behavior. This is, however, generally elicited by the drivers' whistling and
shouting, "monkey, monkey," which does not seem to be merely superfluous vo-
calizing for the tourists' benefit. The general behavior can be elicited to a less-
er extent by small boats. An observer with food will lack neither company nor
animals to observe.
The animals appear in good health with thick, shiny coats. There are large
numbers of infants. Infant mortality rate is not known. Boat drivers have seen
two or three infants floating downstream in the last few years. There are a few
animals with scars, especially in the facial area. The females exhibit the char-
acteristic redness of the face during estrus. It is possible that a couple of the
macaques have beri-beri, since two independent observations have been made of
symptoms including scaliness and reddening of the facial area.
The squirrel monkeys were released at the springs for observation by tour-
ists. These animals strayed from the area where they are no longer seen. Ap-
parently, like some of the rhesus monkeys have done over the years, they fol-
lowed the river away from Silver Springs.
In the last few years, there have been numerous reports of monkeys along
the Oklawaha River. The Silver Springs River that flows from the springs meets
the Oklawaha River about four miles from the springs. People who have report-
ed the monkey sightings are varied--hunters, fishermen, retirees, game and
fish wardens, and employees in the Ocala National Forest, which is on the east-
ern side of the Oklawaha River. The sightings range from 11 miles north of the
junction of the two rivers, to 18 1/2 miles south. Most of the reports come from
within a few hundred yards of the Oklawaha River, but one was as distant as five
miles. That report, from an officer in the Florida Game and Fish Commission,
describes an incident that occurred in his backyard in Ft. McCoy in November,
1973. According to the warden, a lone adult male rhesus monkey attacked the
warden's dog. The warden shot the monkey to prevent the death of his dog.
From the descriptions offered by people who have seen the monkeys, it is
clear that both rhesus and squirrel monkeys are to be found along the Oklawaha
SRiver. They seem to avoid human contact, which is not surprising since they
are shot by hunters. Many of the sightings have taken place in garbage dumps
as the monkeys search for food.
The monkeys seem to be surviving despite the human threat. Group sizes
indicate that the monkeys that have left the tourist area are a relatively small
and scattered population. Many of the sightings involve lone rhesus males.
Because of the slow rate of reproduction in higher primates, it is doubt-
ful if the number of these wild monkeys of Florida will increase significantly
during the next decade. They should not represent any environmental hazard
to the people of Florida or agricultural crops. On the other hand, the pres-
ence of wild monkeys in Florida should add to the tropical image of this state
as well as offer anthropologists and other investigators an opportunity to ob-
serve the adaptation of these primates to a new habitat. We (WRM and ABB)
are continuing our efforts to locate some of the Oklawaha River monkeys for
Fig. 1. Carol, over 25 years old, the oldest monkey on the river.
DANIA RESERVATION: 1911-1927
James W. Covington
If the reader were to visit the 360 acre Seminole Reservation in Holly-
wood, Florida, and see the seemingly prosperous area with exhibition village,
agency and tribal headquarters, and service stations bunched along Stirling Road
and U.S. Highway 441 and the extensive trailer village lying away from the prin-
cipal thorough fare; he would feel that certainly the Federal administrators must
have made a wise decision in selecting that site as agency headquarters. He
would also assume that the Seminoles must be happy to live and work in such a
prosperous community. Yet, during its early history both the agents and the fed-
eral administrators in Washington were not satisfied with the site and transferred
agency headquarters to another place for five years; and, for nearly the first fif-
teen years of its existence, no Indian would live on the reservation. Despite its
location in a rapidly developing area along the "Gold Coast," the reservation had
in the past and still does have some problems for it is located too far from the
bulk of the Seminole population. The small reservation is similar to an island
in a sea of real estate developments and is exposed on all sides to both the good
and bad elements of modern society.
The first step by the Federal Government to acquire the land which was to
be known as the Dania Reservation came as a result of the 1898 visit of Andrew
J. Duncan, brother-in-law of President William McKinley and Inspector in the
Indian Service. He was directed by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to visit
the Florida Seminoles and make a recommendation concerning their land needs.
After making a thorough investigation he recommended that 300,000 acres be
purchased and set aside as a reservation (Coe 1898:256). In addition, the in-
specter recommended that certain lands frequented by these Indians be withdrawn
from inclusion within the Swamp and Overflowed Land Act and remain under Fed-
eral instead of State control. The only portion of Duncan's recommendations
that became Federal policy was the exclusion from white settlement of thirteen
40 acre tracts situated near Dania.
On November 22, 1907 the Interior Department approved a recommendation
from the Office of Indian Affairs that 520 acres lying in townships 50 and 51 south,
range 40 and 41 east, be withdrawn from settlement and reserved for the use of
the Seminole Indians in Florida (Commissioner of Indian Affairs R. G. Valentine
to Mrs. John Gifford, March 30, 1911 20817-1911). Although Federal land reg-
ulations prohibited the use or fencing of the land, J. M. Bryan, Jr. had moved
on the best 40 acre tract, erected a home and other buildings, and planted toma-
toes, oranges and grapefruit. Since he claimed to have planted truck crops on
the tract for the past 13 years and had some political influence to support his
claim, Congress by a special act passed on March 4, 1909 awarded the 40 acres
to Bryan (35 United States Statutes at Large: 1632).
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 29, no. 4, December 1976
The remaining 12 tracts or 360 acres intact plus 120 isolated acres did
not have agricultural possibilities but the heavy growth of pine trees had some
value for use as fence posts. In addition, the land had definite possibilities of
being the center of an expanding population for drainage projects and utilization
of the nearby Florida East Coast Railroad would create favorable economic op-
In the Spring of 1909 Frank C. Churchill, Indian Inspector, visited the re-
served area and noted some details concerning the site. He found only 25 Indians
remaining in the neighborhood of Fort Lauderdale and none at Hollywood. As
noted in the preceding paragraph Congress had already taken away one of the
thirteen tracts -- the best one which had been the site of the Seminoles "Old City"
but drainage projects would improve the value of the other tracts. No Indian
lived on the land for whites had driven them from the neighborhood and they were
afraid to return (Frank Churchill to Secretary of the Interior, June 30, 1909,
no file number).
In an executive order dated June 28, 1911 President William H. Taft at the
recommendation of the Commissioner of Indians Affairs set aside the twelve 40-
acre tracts near Dania and other parcels in Collier and Martin counties for the
use of the Seminoles (Presidential Executive Orders I, 1944:122). More land
in the neighborhood should have been set aside but the area had already been des-
ignated public lands and subject to homestead entry (Second Assistant Commis-
sioner C. F. Hauke to Commissioner of the General Land Office, April 6, 1911,
25915-1911). When during the spring of 1911 Special Agent Lorenzo Creel vis-
ited the nearest Indians, who were encamped 3 miles from the north fork of New
River, he drew a map on the sand and told the assembled older men that the land
was reserved for their use. Creel asked the Indians if they wanted the reser-
vation for use as homes or farming and hunting areas but they said that they did
not know. Only one, Old Charley, had a small garden and the others showed no
interest in farming on the reserve. Perhaps they had homes and truck gardens
elsewhere. Creel found this bank to be the poorest that he had found in Florida
and noted after eating a meal with them that the cooking was "indifferent and
fare meagre" (Special Agent Lorenzo Creel to Commissioner of Indian affairs,
March 18, 1911, 24175-1911).
On April 4, 1910 Congress approved the allocation of $15,000 for aid to
the Seminoles and on March 3, 1911 added an additional $10,000. As a result
funding for the employment of a permanent agent was provided (35 United States
Statutes at Large: 274). Lucien Spencer, who had been a missionary among the
Chippewas and had served as Dean of St. Luke's Cathedral in Orlando, was ap-
pointed to the post of Special Commissioner to the Seminole Indians. When
Spencer was placed in charge of the agency he was told by Acting Commissioner
of Indian Affairs Abbot to do his best to get the Indians on the reservation so
that they could be instructed in modern agricultural methods and be educated
(Lucien Spencer to Commissioner of Indians Affairs, September 18, 1915,
101916-1915). At this time the Federal Government had set aside for the In-
dians an estimated total of 26,667.72 acres which included 23,061.72 acres in
Hendry County, 960 acres in Collier County, and 2,166 acres in Martin (Palm
Beach) County. Supervising such a reserved area which was scattered over
an expanse one hundred miles or more in length and in eighteen separate tracts
was nearly an impossible jobfor one agent. Very few Seminoles lived on any
of the eighteen tracts but preferred to live in twenty-nine separate camps sited
on land which was either privately or State and Federally owned and on which
the Seminoles were squatters. There they could be evicted with their homes
destroyed and crops taken at the slightest desire of the owner.
After surveying the needs of the Seminoles, Spencer decided to base his
operations in Miami but make periodic trips to all parts of the 9,000 square
mile area inhabited by the Indians. Spencer selected Miami as an agency site
for there were many Indian visitors to the Dade County city--in fact Spencer
seemed to think there were more Seminoles to be found in Miami than in the
camps. He planned to establish a hospital, latrine facilities and camp ground
on the Miami River but no funds were available. The Dania tract at this time
showed little promise for selection as an agency site. The agent preferred the
Martin County (Palm Beach) tract as a good place where the Indians could be
taught modern agricultural methods and introduced to the educational system.
Since one band had adopted white dress and wanted to learn the more modern
farming techniques, Spencer proposed the establishment of an experimental
farm on the Martin County land but Congress would not provide the $10,000
needed for the project (Annual Narrative Report, 1911).
In 1916 when Spencer was absent on military duty, Indian Inspector W.. S.
Coleman took his place and within a short time recommended the utilization of
the largest of the five tracts of land in Hendry as a model reservation. Cole-
man proposed the following points in his plan: establishment of an agency head-
quarters and store, employment of a farmer, erection of a school and hospital;
hiring of teacher, nurse and doctor, fencing the best part of the land, ditching
in low areas, and construction of roads. Due to the brief absence of Spencer
and insufficient funding, Coleman was not able to put his plan into operation
but it remained as a model for a successor to initiate. During the interval when
Spencer resigned for a short time to enter military service in World War I,
Frank Brandon, his temporary successor, modified Coleman's plan to include
the moving of agency headquarters to Fort Myers, the fencing of the reserva-
tion and the stocking of cattle. Congress accepted the approval of the Commis-
sioner of Indian Affairs by voting $20,000 to fund the start of the project. When
Federal funding did not continue past the first year, the Industrial Station pro-
ject suffered a lingering death for the next few years with Spencer enduring
cramped office space in Fort Myers, panthers killing all the pigs, and few In-
dians visiting the reservation.
Twice the Federal Government had attempted to establish reservations
in southwestern Florida and both ventures failed. The 1892-1900 failure under
Dr. Jacob Brecht had been due to the refusal of the Indians to accept any Federal
aid or education while the failure of the 1919-1928 venture was due to inadequate
funding. Southwestern Florida deserved a different fate for it seemed to be a
better location in terms of population and need for schools. With such a record
attained in southwestern Florida, the next time the Federal Government took de-
cisive action it would be in the other side of the state.
Several leading Seminoles held a meeting in January, 1926, and recom-
mended to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs that the Industrial Station be aban-
doned and the funds saved be expended for the care of sick and indigent Indians.
If such a measure were taken, those engaged at present in the care of the sick
Indians could be employed by farmers and cattlemen. The Seminoles at the con-
ference claimed that the older Indians would not change but that the younger ones,
by living and working among the whites, would adopt white habits more readily
(Annual Narrative Report, 1926). Several weeks later the Commissioner of In-
dian Affairs and his staff held a meeting and endorsed the closing of the Big Cy-
press Industrial Station and the opening of Dania camp. From available evidence
it is difficult to ascertain why Dania was selected as agency site instead of the
Martin County reserve. The latter tract had better soil, was larger, and also
closer to Indians who wanted training in modern ranching techniques but, how-
ever, were opposed to education for their children. Nevertheless, Dania was
On June 30, 1926 the Big Cypress Reservation was ordered closed and in
its place a camp for the sick and indigent Indians was planned on the 360 acre
reservation near Dania at Hollywood. Ten one-room frame cottages with no run-
ning water or electricity and a small administration building were to be erected
and plans were made to move the agency from Ft. Myers as soon as the Holly-
wood reservation was made ready.
At the time the decision was made to establish the camp for sick and in-
digent Indians in Hollywood, there were no Indians living on the reservation and
it took much effort on the part of several persons to get some Seminoles to re-
locate there. Agent Lucien Spencer asked Mrs. Frank Stranahan, long-time
friend of the Indians, to render some assistance. On a Monday morning she took
Willy Jumper, Annie Tommie, Frank Huff and his sister, Pocahontas, in her
car to the reservation and explained how the Federal Government planned to as-
sist the Indians (Burghard 1968:18). She told the four Seminoles that they would
be paid $1.50 a day for preparing the land for erection of the cottages. After
accepting the offer, the small group began to move within the border of the res-
ervation and to clear away the palmettoes so that the cabins could be erected.
Leaving, Mrs. Stranahan called out that she would return at five. Each day dur-
ing the remainder of the week, she returned with the Indians to work in clearing
the land, and on Friday she wired the agent at Fort Myers that the Seminoles
were willing to live on the reservation. The first families to move into the cot-
tage complex included the Tommies, Osceolas, and Jumpers--all families which
lived in the densely populated lower east coast and needed a sanctuary. The
Jumper family had come from Miami and the Osceola and Tommie families from
hammocks near Fort Lauderdale. The movement of these volunteer families
to the reservation was a landmark decision on the road of the Seminoles to ac-
ceptance of the white man's life. Prior to this time, Seminoles had accepted
some medical aid offered by the Federal Government but refused all other as-
istance such as life on a reservation with agricultural or livestock raising, in-
struction, education for the children, and acceptance of white housing, clothing
and economic pattern.
On September 18, 1926 one of the worse hurricanes struck southeastern
Florida killing many people, destroying many homes, and completely wrecking
the Indian cottages. Louis Capron, who helped carry supplies to the Indians
from the American Legion in West Palm Beach, recalled how grateful they were
to receive the clothes (Interview Louis Capron, June 28, 1971, Duke American
Indian Oral History Project, University of Florida). So far as can be ascer-
tained no Indians lost their lives in the hurricane. Tony Tommie the only ed-
ucated Seminole at that time served as liaison man between the relief workers
and the Seminoles. Nearly $2000.00 in aid to the Seminoles were contributed
by local civic groups.
After the storm, Assistant Commissioner of Indian Affairs Merritt check-
ed the damage done by the storm and was able to secure sufficient funds to re-
build the complex. Erected during the immediate post hurricane period were
an administration building, electric pumping plant, garage, ten two-room cot-
ages, school, infirmary, and laundry. Since there was a demand for twice the
number of cottages available, the houses of two evicted squatters were occupied
Although the reservation had been occupied for only a brief time by the
Indians, the agent claimed "conditions were the worse that could be imagined','
(Annual Narrative Report, 1927). Liquor could be obtained from many places
immediately adjacent to the reservation and drunkedness was common. There
was no attempt to enforce the national prohibition law by local officers and even
the sheriff of Broward County had been arrested on bootlegging charges.
Life in the cottages seemed acceptable by the Seminoles. Each three
months the agent visited the cabins making sure that they were thoroughly
cleaned. The visitations were made necessary by the fact that a citizen's com-
mittee had inspected the camp and found some disorderly and unsanitary con-
ditions (Annual Narrative Report, 1929). Prefering to cook and eat in palmet-
to thatched chickees which they constructed near the cottages, the Seminoles
used the cabins only for sleeping purposes.
Another problem remained in the transition from chickee to cottage life.
The Indians preferred to keep clean by bathing in lakes and streams but none
were available and they were unable to grasp the idea of using a tub or shower.
Some waited until it was dark and then undressed and washed themselves with
a garden hose. In order to correct this problem Spencer recommended that a
swimming pool be built near the cottages so the Indians could keep clean in a
manner as close to their former ways as possible.
As a result of a tough policy enforced by the agent and the popularity of
Annie Tommie, gradually more and more Indians moved on the reservation. By
refusing to supply rations, Spencer forced Jim Gopher and Ada Tiger living on
the Martin County Reservation and residents of the Indian town camp to move to
good diplomacy and an excellent relationship exerted by Annie Tommie other
families followed her advice and moved to Hollywood. Those living on the res-
ervation at this time were mostly Mikasukis but the people coming from Indian-
town may have been Creek speaking Seminoles.
Next in Spencer's plans for the reservation was the establishment of a
school. Guidelines had been established in Washington in a December 16, 1926,
conference where it was decided to erect a temporary building and employ a
full blood Seminole from Oklahoma, Mrs. Lena King, as instructor. Mrs.
King had come to Florida as the wife of a baptist minister in the missionary
field but the Baptist efforts were not too productive at this time. Mrs. Frank
Stranahan had helped prepare the way to education by conducting small classes
using pictorial Sunday School Lesson cards issued by the Presbyterian Church.
In these informal classes the woman, who was greatly loved by the Indians,
taught English to students who sat on logs in the woods or on the running board
of her car (Burghard 1918:18).
Although there was one serious attempt to close the school, it was able
to open on time in the fall of 1926 and enrollment slowly climbed. Tony Tom -
mie, an educated Seminole, and some white persons tried to discourage enroll-
ment on the night prior to the opening by claiming that all students would be vac-
cinated on the first day. As a result all but one family left the reservation and
only three students appeared. Spencer moved quickly to reassure the parents
and enrollment increased. After the initial attempt to close the school, another
try came in February, 1927, when Willie Billie, a respected leader, appeared
on the reservation and speaking in sombre tones forbade anyone to attend class-
es. Spencer told him to either leave the camp by the next day or face arrest.
He departed (Annual Narrative Report, 1927).
It was with such efforts by Lucien Spencer and Mrs. Stranahan that Dania
Reservation was able to have some Indian occupants. It was mostly due to the
efforts of Lucien Spencer that progress was made in the fields of education,
public health, and economic progress. Still, progress was difficult during the
late 1920's and all of the 1930's as the reservation was in such an exposed posi-
tion, had such poor soil, and goals were so confused. Judging from views
held during the 1970's Spencer had been unduly harsh in forcing the Indians on
the reservation and he had done little in helping the Indians preserve or re-
spect their language, history, or previous way of life.
35 United States Statutes at Large, p. 1632. Government Print-
ing Office, Washington.
1911 36 United States Statutes at Large, p. 274. Government Printing
1944 Presidential Executive Orders I, Complied by Works Progress
Administration. Historical Records Survey, New York.
Mrs. Frank Stranahan: Pioneer. Ft. Lauderdale Historical So-
ciety, Ft. Lauderdale.
1898 Red Patriots: The Story of the Seminoles. The Editor Publishing
Federal and State Relations with the Florida Seminoles 1875-1901.
Tequesta Vol. XXXII, pp. 17-27. Coral Gables.
1974 Florida Seminoles: 1900-1920. Florida Historical Quarterly Vol.
LIII, No. 2, pp. 181-197.
Commissioner of Indian Affairs R. G. Valentine to Mrs. John Gifford, March
30, 1911 20817-1911. Record Group 75, Records of the Bureau of In-
dian Affairs, National Archives.
Frank Churchill to Secretary of the Interior, June 30, 1909 no file number.
Bureau of Indian Affairs .
Second Assistant Commissioner C. F. Hauke to Commissioner General Land
Office, April 6, 1911 25915-1911. Bureau of Indian Affairs. Special
Agent Lorenzo Creel to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, September 18,
1915 24175-1911. Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Lucien Spencer to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, September 18, 1915
101916-1915. Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Lucien Spencer, Annual Narrative Report, 1915, Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Lucien Spencer, Annual Narrative Report, 1926, Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Lucien Spencer, Annual Narrative Report, 1927, Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Louis Capron Interview, June 28, 1971. Doris Duke American Indian Oral
History Project, University of Florida.
June 2, 1975
PRELIMINARY REPORT ON A MIDDEN MOUND AND
BURIAL MOUND OF THE BOYNTON MOUND COMPLEX ( 8/PB56)
These two mounds, presently being excavated by the Palm Beach Archae-
ological Society, are situated about 10 miles west of Boynton Beach and are on-
ly two of a complex of at least 8 mounds and associated ridges or walkways.
The last could have been used for cermonial purposes or perhaps for agricul-
ture. The midden mound (named for the large amount of trash and rubbish found
on and in it) is a Lat. 260 32' 13" N and 800 13' 21" W, Township 45 S, Range
41 E. It is west of Route 441 near where it meets Boynton Road. The burial
mound is southeast of the midden mound about 150 yards. Before the area was
drained and trees sprang up, these mounds stood out on the skyline and were
visible for miles. We believe some mounds were bull-dozed flat when the ac-
cess road and the highline were put in. The land is now included in the Central
and South Florida Flood Control District and over the years thick underbrush
and some good-sized trees have grown up.
Both mounds are composed of a white sand not noted in the immediate
area. The midden mound is quite large, shaped like a kidney bean 455 feet
from northeast to southwest. The width varies from 150 feet to 225 feet the
height from 6 feet 8 inches to 1 foot 6 inches (average height is about four feet).
Growing on it are oak trees (Quercus laurifolia), banyan or strangler
trees, sabal palmetto, red maple, Carolina willow, wild citrus, and persim-
mon. Many ferns, including Boston, giant leatherleaf, resurrection fern, and
others. Also Virginia creeper, wild grape, beauty berry (Cali carpa Ameri-
cal), dogfennel, and poison oak. Growing on the trees are many bromeliads,
tilandsia, and the epidendron, tampensii, a common Florida orchid. On the
muck floor of what is now almost forest are a good number of deciduous cypress
(bald cypress) and the paths to the mounds are studded with cypress "knees".
The burial mound is much smaller, an oval 100 feet by 90 feet and in the
center about 6 feet high. When the Society first came to the burial mound it
was completely covered with saw palmetto (Serena repens), an extremely dif-
ficult plant to handle.
Underlying everything is the water table and a sandy limestone, the An-
astasia formation, which, in the area of the mounds, are approximately at an
equal depth. It has been suggested that Indians lived here when the water table
was lower, before the mounds had been built. As the waters rose the mounds
were raised to keep the inhabitants out of the wet. The upper crust of the lime-
stone is pocked and eroded and has shells and other organic matter buried in
it, although we have found no bones or artifacts there. While the surface is
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 29, no. 4, December 1976
BOYNTON MOUND COMPLEX
very crumbly the body of it is exceedingly difficult to chop through.
The Midden Mound
Work began on the midden mound in April, 1973. A datum point was es-
tablished and 5-foot squares marked off. The first square was opened where
surface finds of pottery had been made. Immediately below the surface were
a mass of sherds (182 in the first 12 inches), plus turtle shell, charcoal, a
small piece of flint, and some animal bones. All the finds of the nine 5-foot
squares opened through December 1974 have been compiled in Table 1.
The amount of charcoal found in the midden mound is remarkable. In
some squares we have found 7 separate strata of light and dark, that is 5 sep-
arate layers where the accumulation of burnt material has stained or darkened
the sand to a depth of several inches (Fig. 1). In some areas we found hearths
and in those places, sometimes, we would find clay or stone lumps. The most
productive levels for artifacts are from 6 to 18 inches. The strata from 20
inches to 40 inches were the least productive. Below 40 inches while artifacts
are not abundant it is possible to find something other than charcoal. The pot-
tery pieces are smaller, thicker and apt to crumble (they are very damp).
Clay lumps are also found along with small pieces of pumice and as yet unidenti-
fied pieces of a brown crystalline substance.
Could this scarcity of pottery from 20-40 inches have been due to a ris-
ing water level? It has been suggested (Fairbridge 1974) that 2000 B.P. (just
about the date of our lowest sample) the weather had been cool, the glaciers
had built up and the sea-level was low, some 2 meters lower than in 1974.
From 1600-1000 B.P. during a warm period the sea level was 0.5 meter high-
er than today. It seems possible that habitation on the mound was uncomfort-
able and wet unless it was raised. Apparently for about 400 years sand was
brought to the mound and it wasn't quite habitable until 1000 B.P. when the
world's mean temperature became cooler and the water level stabilized except
for much smaller oscillations.
Pottery sherds (Table 1) are abundant but other artifacts are rare. We
have found 3 small, thin, triangular arrowheads. Without stems or notches
and acute distal ends, they are Pinellas points (Bullen 1975). In the same
square at about the same depth (10 inches) there was the rear sight of a rifle
made of a non-ferrous metal, probably copper. Still in the same square, just
below 12 inches was found a silver bead with a hole pierced through it. It looks
like coin silver but its weight, 5.521 gr., doesn't correspond with any coin.
Analysis discloses it has less than lo/o copper. By coincidence a similar bead
was found in the burial mound the same morning. That one, somewhat smaller
Fig. 1. Profile of the midden mound.
Fig. 2. Burnt clay and stone objects.
BOYNTON MOUND COMPLEX
Table 1. Sherds from midden mound.
depth to: 12" 24" 36" 42" 60" 72" 85" TOTAL
St. Johns Check Stamped 260 171 7 2 440
St. Johns Plain 341 244 15 28 1 629
Belle Glade Plain 258 140 61 5 6 470
Glades Plain 545 572 56 45 9 11 10 1248
Glades Red 36 10 7 53
Goodland Plain 132 78 27 7 7 242
Broward Plain 2 1 3
unclassified 303 277 34 37 5 5 1 662
TOTAL 1875 1493 207 124 15 22 11 3747
^TM~~~~ 'N ,,| '
and almost rectangular weighs 4. 130 gr. has 1% lead and traces of calcium.
The calcium is understandable considering the provenance.
In May of 1974 The Broward County Archaeological Society visited us (they
were between sites) and dug several squares. The following is a quotation from
Mr. Mower's report:
"Level 3 (12-18") Pottery yield fell off to 207 sherds: St. Johns Check
Stamped, 20; Unclassified Wares, 12; St. Johns Plain, 14; Belle Glade Plain, 12
Goodland Plain, 13; Glades Plain, 136. Other materials: 1 shell scraper, and
1 copper cartridge case, 410 HV Peters, made in U.S.A.
"This is again a Glades III and Glades II assemblage, and now we have
definite proof of disturbance since the 20th century shell case has no business so
deep in the midden. Something has mixed up the soil, to some extent. Accord-
ing to the pottery, all 3 levels are the same age, although the relative amounts
in each level are almost normal for Glades sites.
"Since this is obviously a sand mound, raised by human effort above the
surrounding country, the lack of early Glades II and Glades I incised patterns
would seem to imply that the top 18 inches of the mound was built no earlier
than Glades II and probably late in Glades II at that."
From one square of the midden mound we took two samples of charcoal and
sand for C-14 dating, a depth of 36 inches, the other at 56 inches. Nova Uni-
versity dated the samples at 400 A.D. and 150 B.C. + 60 years respectively.
These dates agree well with the vertical distributionof pottery in Table I
allowing for the fact that Table I is a composite of 9 non-contiguous squares. How-
ever, some historical materials were found below a depth of 11 inches and some
St. Johns Check Stamped sherds below 24 inches. The later is supposed not to
have been made before about A.D. 800 (Bullen and.Sleight 1960:19). The ex-
planation of this apparent abnormality may lie in the next two paragraphs. Ob-
viously, from Table 1, it is evident the number of such "out of place" items is
extremely small. If only a part of one or two of our 9 squares had been previ-
ously disturbed, it could easily account for all such offending specimens. It
seems quite possible that the radiocarbon dates are approximately correct and
that the lowest levels represent the local equivalent of Glades I.
We know that Boy Scout troops camped on the mound and there are tales of
of a gang of bank robbers (the John Ashley Gang) using the mound. Our soci-
ety is not the first to dig here; people thought the Ashleys had buried some of
their loot. We had heard of U. S. Army buttons found here but we only found
BOYNTON MOUND COMPLEX
Digging in sand creates special problems. Things fall into the square
more easily from the sides. A sharp rain shower will bury or uncover an arti-
fact. Wet sand is very difficult to sieve; nothing is visible in damp sand unless
sieved. Anything will filter down to a lower level more easily in sand. Walls
cave in if diggers step heavily or if passers-by are too close. Hereafter we ex-
periment covering the squares with agricultural plastic to keep out the rains.
In our first square we found what appeared to be a post hole with adjoin-
ing smaller post holes. It was approximately round and was visible because of
its darker color. We brushed sand away from around it to a depth of about 4
inches. As it was growing late we photographed it, covered it with a supported
piece of plastic and a pail over all. By the next week it had disappeared leaving
no trace. We will excavate the square to the south and at the proper depth seek
to discern traces of the smaller associated posts.
In many squares we have found pieces of clay or stones roughly rounded in
the shape of a fist, 4-5 inches in diameter (Fig. 2). Two of the stones seem to
have flint embedded in them and most are blackened as if having been in a fire.
They usually appear at the deeper levels from 20 inches down.
Digging has brought up many animal bones some of which have been identi-
fied. These people ate alligator: there are many scutes, phalanges, vertebrae,
skull bones, dermal plates and jaws. There have been identified at least three
kinds of fresh-water turtles, softshell, pond turtle and musk turtle and indica-
tion of salt water turtles. There are deer bones (Virginianus) antler cores,
long bones, astragalus bones. There are skull fragments, vertebrae, bones
and scales of catfish, bowfin, Florida gar, bass and others. Raccoon teeth and
humeri were found as well as medium sized unidentified animal bones. Verte-
brae from two species of snakes are identified, Crotalus, rattlesnake and Natrix
a watersnake. Very few bird bones have been found and these from the 12-24
inch level. The two are both large, a king rail (Rallus elegans) and a turkey
vulture (Cathartes aura). We don't know with certainly what else they ate with
the possible exception of palmetto berries, two of which were found in a recently
opened square (S1E10) at a depth of 62 inches.
The Burial Mound
The burial mound is smaller and higher than the midden.. The longer
axis running east-west 100 feet and 90 feet from north to south. Its highest
pint is almost 10 feet above ground level and its sand is purer, whiter, con-
taining much less charcoal. Yet there are also some darker strata visible.
After much of the saw palmetto which covered the mound was removed,
depressions became visible; there has been digging before us. Pieces of skulls
and long bones were on the surface and fragments become exposed after a heavy
rain. There were supposed to have been a ring of smaller mounds before the
area was drained; they are not discernible today.
It was decided to begin at the easterly end of the mound and move west
down the middle portion. Near the center at about 4 inches depth we found a
skull and other bones. Apparently bones were thrown down in jumbled piles
and only two extended burials have been found. One, from the pelvis down,
minus patellae and feet, was excavated by Dr. Audry Sublett of Florida Atlantic
University Boca Raton, on 19 December 1973. Dr. Sublett noted the burial was
of a female and had been'l .Put down in the flesh." The woman had been fairly
tall, measuring 36 inches from the top of the pelvis to the ankle bone. The oth-
er extended burial was composed of skull, arms, some vertebrae and leg bones,
but no ribs, hands or feet. The two were too far apart and lay in differing dir-
ections to belong to the same individual. In that area we intend to go down to
the water table or limestone base. However, for the last 24 inches the trench
has been sterile.
Found in great quantity in the burial mound are beads. Identical to the 9
found in the midden mound, there were over seven hundred (Fig. 3). They
have been identified by Robert Carr as 16th century Spanish manufacture. In the
area of the burials where we have dug, they have been found at every level
from 4 to 20 inches. They are glass and are colored white, brown, green,
black, light and dark blue and an amber tan. Most are tiny, less than an 1/8
inch in diameter, all are pierced with small holes. Some holes are so tiny the
best "string" to hold them is 6 lb. test monofilament fishing line On May 1974
a small, thin, rolled, sheet of gold 3/4 inch long and 1/4 inch diameter, weigh-
ing .874 gram. It is practically pure gold with a trace ( .05) of nickel. It was
found practically at the center of the mound. It could have been worn as an or-
nament and can be seen in Photo 3 in the lower left corner of the central black
Two other silver beads were found in the burial mound but they also do
not fit any coin weight from which they could have been beaten. Both are small-
er than the two beads mentioned, one weighs 2.56 grams with traces of zinc
and iron, the other weighs 2.1 gram with traces of zinc. From the same area
came some other beads: some larger, dark blue beads, most of them round,
two are many-sided. There are also two clear crystal faceted beads which look
as if they could have belonged to a candelabra or lustre.
All excavations are team efforts and perhaps 60 members of the Palm
Beach County Archaeological Society gave of their time and efforts to bring us
BOYNTON MOUND COMPLEX
as far as we have come. Frank and Clivia Morrison have been untiring, know-
ledgeable and indefatigable.
We would like to thank Bert Mowers and Wilma Williams of the Broward
County Archaeological Society. Both have helped us with suggestions and en-
couragement and Bert, in addition, with inspection and classification of thou-
sands of sherds.
Finally, sincere thanks to Bill Weinrich of Gainesville who identified
much of the flora, and from their tracks, many of the fauna which frequent
Bullen, Ripley P.
1975 A Guide to the Identification of Florida Projectile Points. Kendall
Bullen, Ripley P., and Fredrick W. Slei ght
1960 Archaeological Investigations of Green Mound, Florida. Wm. L.
Bryant Foundation, American Studies, Report No. 2.
Fairbridge, Rhodes W.
1974 The Holocene Sea Level Record in South Florida in Environments
of South Florida: Present and Past, Patrick J. Gleason, Editor.
Memoirs 2, Miami Geological Society. Miami.
Palm Beach, Florida
July 12, 1975
ECOLOGICAL DATA BEARING ON THE AGE OF KIRK SERRATED POINTS
Wilfred T. Neill
The Kirk Serrated point, discovered by Coe (1959), was first published
on by Bell (1960:63). The original material came from sites of the North
Carolina Piedmont, but the type is widely distributed in the Southeast. Coe
thought it might date from between 5000 and 6000 B.C. However, stratigraph-
ic evidence to support this view is scanty, being limited principally to the
Stanfield-Worley bluff shelter in Alabama (De Jarnette et al. 1962).
Gagliano (1967) used an ecological approach to determine the age of the
Kirk Serrated point in southern Louisiana and nearby parts of Mississippi.
In that area, the distribution of the type is correlated with Early Recent stream
terraces, in other words with a drainage system that preceded the present one.
Gagliano concluded that the type is of Early Archaic age, or Early Preceramic
Archaic in Florida terminology. Interestingly, quite a different ecological
approach may be used to date Kirk Serrated in Florida. This approach is out-
lined below. Projectile point terminology follows Bullen (1958).
In many parts of Florida, the surface of the ground is underlain at no
great depth by a so-called hardpan. This is a stratum impermeable to water.
As a result of its presence, during the rainier part of the year the rainwater
cannot soak deeply into the ground. Neither can it drain off laterally with any
speed, for most hardpan areas are quite level, at least in those parts of the
state that concern us here. Accordingly, during the rainy season, rainwater
accumulates in these areas, forming ponds, lakes, and revulets. Above the
hardpan, the soil becomes wet if not saturated.
On the other hand, during the drier part of the year, groundwater is
prevented by the hardpan from percolating to the surface. Ponds and rivulets,
even some fair-sized lakes, may go completely dry. Above the hardpan, the
soil dries out. In times of actual drought, fires may sweep across the hard-
pan areas, consuming not only the vegetation but also the dried muck on the
bottom of the vanished ponds. In short, hardpan areas alternate between very
wet and very dry. Partly as a result of this alternation, these areas support
a specialized kind of vegetation, the plant association called flatwoods. Near
the Florida Gulf coast and in parts of extreme southern Florida, the hardpan
is limestone of great thickness. In the present pager, however, I am not con-
cerned with limestone flatwoods.
Florida Anthropologist, vol. 29, no. 4, December 1976
KIRK SERRATED POINTS
In the interior of northern and central Florida, the hardpan is a thin
stratum of clay-like, partly organic material lying a few feet below the surface
of the ground (Fig. 1). In areas of organic hardpan, the local plant association
usually is the so-called slash pine and wiregrass flatwoods (Fig. 2). This
is characterized by the presence of slash pine, pond pine, saw-palmetto, gall-
berry, wax-myrtle, three species of blackberries, wiregrass, bamboo-brier,
tar-flower, and others. It is the slash pine and wiregrass flatwoods that are
under consideration here--the "pine barrens", in the vernacular.
These flatwoods were unsuitable for late prehistoric Indians who carried
on agriculture. Indeed, slash pine and wiregrass flatwoods are not often farm-
ed by modern man, for the soil, highly acid, is alternately flooded and parched.
Nor were these flatwoods suitable for those Indians who occupied Florida from
the start of the Late Preceramic Period down to the advent of well-developed
agriculture. Such peoples relied exclusively or primarily on hunting and gath-
ering as a means of subsistence, and edible wild game is scarce in flatwoods
as compared with several other plant associations in Florida.
True, the wild turkey is common enough in flatwoods, as is the raccoon,
black bear, fox squirrel, box turtle, and a few other edible species. But not
so the white-tailed deer, the most important game animal of the aforesaid
Indians. Nor are the flatwoods a promising habitat in which to hunt opossum,
cottontail, rabbit, marsh rabbit, gray squirrel, wood rat, gray fox, otter,
bobcat, puma, eight species of ducks, nine species of other water birds, pur-
ple gallinule, American coot, softshelled turtle, red-bellied terrapin, Florida
terrapin, gopher tortoise, snapping turtle, eastern diamondback rattlesnake,
bullfrog, or pig frog. (I mention these species because they have been reported
from Late Preceramic shell middens of central Florida; see Neill et al. 1956.)
And even the wild turkey, raccoon, black bear, fox squirrel, and box turtle
are as common outside the flatwoods as in them.
In other words, ever since the beginning of the Late Preceramic, Indians
must have found the flatwoods a poor habitat in which to hunt mammals, birds,
reptiles, and amphibians of the more edible kinds. Furthermore, the local
ponds, lakes, and streams, being highly acid of water, shallow, and often in-
termittent, do not support many edible mollusks, or many fishes above finger-
Nor do flatwoods provide any great number of edible wild plants. Plum,
persimmon, various grapes, red mulberry, wild strawberry, walnut, hickory
nut, chinquapin, wild onion, wild peas, beach orache, groundunt, wild sweet
potato, wild yam, coontie--these rarely or never grow in flatwoods. The same
is true of angelico, prickly pear, crabapple, red haw, southern sugar maple,
needle palm, and black locust, to say nothing of beech, marsh mallow, may-
pop, sassafras, wild rice, cockspur grass, cane, panic grass, sea grape, and
Fig. 1. Soil profile of Leon sand.
(0. C. Bryan and R. Stoutamire, 1952,
Soils of Florida and their Utilization.
Fig. 3. Kirk Serrated points from flatwoods of
Marion (a-b) and Taylor (c-d) counties, Florida.
Horizontal line equals one inch.
Fig. 2. Flatwoods vegetation on Leon sand. (R. F. Harlow,
1959, An Evaluation of White-Tailed Deer Habitat in Florida.)
KIRK SERRATED POINTS
sparkleberry. (I mention these species because they were gathered and eaten
by Southeastern Indians; see Swanton 1946:293.) Only a few edible plants,
such as bamboo-brier, some blackberries, a morning-glory, American lotus,
and arrowhead, grow in flatwoods situations, and most of these are not confined
to such places. It may be supposed that Late Preceramic Archaic and later
prehistoric Indians, like the historic ones whose diet was recorded, found the
flatwoods an exceptionally poor place in which to gather edible wild plants.
From the beginning of Late Preceramic Archaic times, say 5000 B.C.,
down to the coming of the Europeans, flatwoods were avoided by Florida In-
dians, at least as a place in which to live. Perhaps they made brief excurs-
ions into the flatwoods, but they did not build camps or villages there. Unlike
most other major plant associations of the state, the slash pine and wiregrass
flatwoods are not dotted with concentrations of flint spalls and artifacts of
Late Preceramic Archaic or later times.
Sites of the Flatwoods
In Florida, sites in slash pine and wiregrass flatwoods almost always
are of Paleo-Indian or of Early Preceramic Archaic age. As a rule, they
yield either the Suwannee point, a characteristic Paleo-Indian type; or else
such Early Preceramic Archaic types as Arredondo, Wacissa, Greenbriar,
and Bolen Plain, subtypes 3 and 4.
The aforesaid projectile point types are not restricted to flatwoods. They
also occur in a few other situations, especially but not exclusively the vicinity
of calcareous spring runs and sinkholes. This circumstance is not important
in the present connection. The significant fact is that the makers of Paleo-
Indian and Early Preceramic Archaic points were able to live in Florida areas
now covered with flatwoods. This was something the later Indians could not
do. The earlier peoples could inhabit such areas because in their day these
areas were ecologically quite different from what they later became. Elsewhere
(Neill, in press) I have discussed this situation at length, and shall but brief-
ly summarize it here.
Early in Paleo-Indian times, sea level was about 210 feet below its pres-
ent stand (Lazarus 1965:51), and so the water table in the ground was about tha
that much lower, also. Rainfall was heavier than at present, the climate
much cooler (Neill 1957) The vertebrate fauna of Florida included a number
of species that have since become extinct, and others that have fallen back
to the north. The end of the Pleistocene, and concomitantly of the Paleo-Indian
Period, was marked by a shift toward a warmer and drier climate; but in east-
ern North America, not until around 5000 B.C.--in other words, the end of
the Early Preceramic Archaic--was there established a climatic regimen close-
ly similar to the present-day one in both temperature and rainfall. And at
that time, sea level was still approximately 60 feet below its present stand.
In short, during the Paleo-Indian and most of the Early Preceramic,
Archaic Period the Florida environment differed from the later one in climate
and edaphic (soil-related) factors. Such factors are of prime importance in
governing the distribution of plant associations in the state, and there is no
strong reason to postulate that the present areas of flatwoods supported this
type of vegetation in Paleo-Indian or Early Preceramic Archaic times. What,
then, did they support? No one knows. However, it can be shown rather
convincingly that they were not covered with flatwoods.
For example, in Marion County, Florida, Paleo-Indian and Early Pre-
ceramic Archaic sites occupy a predictable position with reference to soil
stratigraphy: beneath the so-called Recent sands, and directly atop some old-
er formation. In the flatwoods, which cover nearly half the county, the early
artifhctual material, lying beneath the Recent sands, rests immediately atop
the organic hardpan. Spalls from these flatwoods sites commonly are stained
brownish on one side only, as a result of contact with the hardpan on which
they lie. The Marion County flatwoods sites have yielded Suwannee and Arre-
dondo points, as well as one each of Clovis and Greenbriar. North of the
county, the flatwoods stretch northward, with minor interruptions, into south-
ern Georgia and the Florida Panhandle. In them are numerous sites with Suwan-
nee or Arredondo points, as well as a few with Nuckolls Dalton, Wacissa, or
Bolen Plain, sub-types 3 and 4.
In south-central Georgia the flatwoods sites yield Clovis points. Such
artifacts, lying beneath the Recent sands and upon the organic hardpan, have
been found as far north as Midville, Burke County. (Clovis points occur far-
ther north in Georgia, but Midville marks the approximate northern limit of
flatwoods in the state.) Toward the Florida Panhandle, extraordinary numbers
of Early Preceramic Archaic points, mostly Arredondo and Bolen Plain, sub-
types 3 and 4, were revealed atop the hardpan when a road was cut through the
flatwoods of Taylor County. I have not investigated the situation farther west
in the Panhandle.
In other words, over a wide area of Florida and Georgia, the Paleo-Indian
and Early Preceramic Archaic projectile points (and other characteristically
early artifacts such as spurred flakes) lie immediately atop the hardpan. The
makers of these artifacts were living on what is now the hardpan, but it could
not have been a hardpan in their day, for by definition a hardpan lies beneath
sand. Indeed, geologists commonly hold organic hardpan formation to result
from downward filtering of certain materials through the sand. And if the afore-
said wide area had no hardpan in Paleo-Indian and Early Preceramic Archaic
times, then it had no slash pine and wiregrass flatwoods; for as noted, this
vegetation type develops only in response to the presence of a hardpan beneath
KIRK SERRATED POINTS
a few feet of sand.
The Kirk Serrated Point
Several Florida variants of the Kirk Serrated point have been found by
me. In the flatwoods of Marion County and vicinity, there occurs the Kirk
Serrated, subtype 1 (Fig. 3, a). The same area yields a larger, longer vari-
ant (Fig. 3, b). A short, stubby variant (Fig. 3, c) is exceptionally commom
in the flatwoods of Taylor County, along the same stretch of road that produced
so many Early Preceramic points of the types Arredondo and Bolen Plain, sub-
types 3 and 4. In this variant the serrations are comparatively coarse. Some
specimens are noteworthy for a blade that is not flat but instead is strongly
twisted. Many other specimens of the short variant are highly asymmetric
(Fig. 3, d). Since they accompany symmetric examples at most localities, I
take them to be knives, made by the same people who made the short variant
of Kirk Serrated projectile points. I have not found the Kirk Serrated, sub-
type 2, in Florida.
The Kirk Serrated point is not confined to flatwoods. I have found it,
albeit rarely, on high ground bordering Florida spring runs, and more com-
monly on red clay hills overlooking larger rivers of the Georgia Piedmont.
But this circumstance is not important here. Once again, the significant fact
is that the makers of Kirk Serrated points could live in areas that are now cov-
ered with flatwoods vegetation, and this was something that could not be done
by Late Preceramic or later peoples.
Thus, the Kirk Serrated point has an ecological distribution like that of
Paleo-Indian and Early Preceramic Archaic Types. As stated, the present
flatwoods areas were suitable for Indian occupancy down through Early Pre-
ceramic Archaic times, unsuitable in later times. Or to put the matter in
another way, the Kirk Serrated type should date back to the Early Preceramic
Archaic period in Florida. Presumably it was in style around the end of that
period. In this connection, the Kirk Serrated is the first true stemmed type
of point in Florida (and in some other Southeastern areas) thus foreshadow-
ing the stemmed types that characterize the Late Preceramic Archaic; but it
is also the last serrated type of the state, thus carrying over a trait of such
earlier types as Tallahassee, some Bolen subtypes, Wacissa, and Marianna.
Bell, Robert E.
1960 Guide to the Identification of Certain American Indian Projectile
Points. Oklahoma Anthropological Society, Special Bulletin.
No. 2. Oklahoma City.
Bullen, Ripley P.
1968 Guide to the Identification of Florida Projectile Points. Florida
State Museum, Gainesville.
Coe, Joffre L.
1959 Prehistoric Cultural Change and Stability in the Carolina Piedmont
Area. Unpublished thesis, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
DeJarnette, David L., Edward Kurjact, and J. W. Cambron
1962 Stanfield-Worley Bluff Shelter Excavations. Journal of Alabama
Archaeology, Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2. University, Alabama.
Gagliano, Sherwood M.
1967 Kirk Serrated: an Early Archaic Index Point in Louisiana. Florida
Anthropologist, Vol. XX, Nos. 1-2, pp. 3-9. Gainesville.
Lazarus, William C.
1965 Effects of Land Subsidence and Sea Level Changes on Elevation of
Archaeological Sites on the Florida Gulf Coast. Florida Anthropo-
logist, Vol XVIII, No. 1, pp. 49-58. Tallahassee.
Neill, Wilfred T.
1957 Historical Biogeography of Present-Day Florida. Bulletin Florida
Florida State Museum, Biological Sciences, Vol. 2, No. 7.
In press: Archeology and a Science of Man. Columbia University
Press, New York and London.
Neill, Wilfred T., H. James Gut, and Pierce Brodkorb
1956 Animal Remains from Four Preceramic Sites in Florida. American
Antiquity, Vol. 21, No. 4, pp. 383-395. Salt Lake City.
Swanton, John R.
1946 The Indians of the Southeastern United States. Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology Bulletin 137. Washington.
New Port Richey, Florida
May 16, 1975
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