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 Copyright
 Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Editor's page
 The development of the naval stores...
 The development of thermal alteration...
 The manufacturing techniques of...
 The single light method (SLM) :...
 Chapter 872, Florida statutes ("offenses...
 Salvage excavations at the Gibsonton...
 Archaeological evidence of a second...
 A preliminary report on the Bay...
 Book reviews
 (Film commentary) The mission -...
 (Call for assistance) The 1539-40...
 An invitation to join the Florida...
 Find new members : Earn back issues...
 Join/rejoin the Florida anthropological...
 Information for authors
 Back Cover






Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
ALL VOLUMES CITATION PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00038
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
quarterly
regular
 Subjects
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00038
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: Department of Special Collections and Area Studies, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 01569447
lccn - 56028409
issn - 0015-3893

Table of Contents
    Copyright
        Copyright
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 185
    Editor's page
        Page 186
    The development of the naval stores industry in St. Johns County, Florida - Stanley C. Bond, Jr.
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
    The development of thermal alteration technologies in Florida : Implications for the study of prehistoric adaptation - Dana Ste. Claire
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
    The manufacturing techniques of an early hoe from colonial Georgia (ca. A.D. 1780) - William J. Webster
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
    The single light method (SLM) : A new technique in photographing artifacts - Wm Jack Hranicky
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
    Chapter 872, Florida statutes ("offenses concerning dead bodies and graves") amended : The law and its significance - Louis D. Tesar
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
    Salvage excavations at the Gibsonton site, Hillsborough County, Florida - Jeffrey M. Mitchem
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
    Archaeological evidence of a second Seminole war autopsy - Curtis W. Wienker
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
    A preliminary report on the Bay Cadillac site : A prehistoric cemetery in Tampa, Florida - Kenneth W. Hardin and Robert J. Austin
        Page 233
        Page 234
    Book reviews
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
    (Film commentary) The mission - Jeffrey M. Mitchem
        Page 244
    (Call for assistance) The 1539-40 de Soto Winter encampment project needs you!
        Page 245
    An invitation to join the Florida anthropological society
        Page 246
        Page 247
    Find new members : Earn back issues credit
        Page 248
    Join/rejoin the Florida anthropological society
        Page 248
    Information for authors
        Page 249
    Back Cover
        Page 250
Full Text





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THE FLORIDA


ANTHROPO.L.Q
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PUBLISHED BY THE


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FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.


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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published by the Florida Anthropological Society
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THE FLORIDA



ANTHROPOLOGIST



Volume 40 Number 3

September 1987
TABLE OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE NO.
Editor's Page .. .. .. . . . . 186

The Development of the Naval Stores Industry in St. Johns County,
Florida Stanley C. Bond, Jr. . . .. . . 187

The Development of Thermal Alteration Technologies in Florida:
Implications for the Study of Prehistoric Adaptation Dana Ste.Claire 203
The Manufacturing Techniques of an Early Hoe from Colonial Georgia
(ca. A.D. 1780) William J. Webster . . . . 209

The Single Light Method (SLM): A New Technique in Photographing
Artifacts Wm Jack Hranicky . . .. .. .. . 215

Chapter 872, Florida Statutes ("Offenses Concerning Dead Bodies and
Graves") Amended: The Law and Its Significance Louis D. Tesar . 221

Salvage Excavations at the Gibsonton Site, Hillsborough County,
Florida Jeffrey M. Mitchem . . . . . 224

Archaeological Evidence of a Second Seminole War Autopsy
Curtis W. Wienker . . . . . . 229

A Preliminary Report on the Bay Cadillac Site: A Prehistoric Cemetery
in Tampa, Florida Kenneth W. Hardin and Robert J. Austin ..... 233

BOOK REVIEWS . . . . . . . 235

300' x 35mi Corridor to the Past by Phillip M. Pollock.
Reviewed by Joan Deming . . ... .. . . 235
Harney Flats: A Florida Paleo-Indian Site by I. Randolph Daniel and
Michael Wisenbaker. Reviewed by Louis D. Tesar . .... 237
The Art of Flint Knapping (Third Edition) by D.C. Waldorf.
Reviewed by Louis D. Tesar . . .... . . 239
... In Search of De Soto's Trail (A Hypothesis of the Alabama Route)
by Caleb Curren. Reviewed by Louis D. Tesar . . .... 240

Cultures in Contact: The European Impact on Native Cultural Institutions
in Eastern North America, A.D. 1000-1800, William W. Fitzhugh, editor
and commentator. Reviewed by Jeffrey M. Mitchem . .... 241

(FILM COMMENTARY) The Mission. Commentary by Jeffrey M. Mitchem . 244
(CALL FOR ASSISTANCE) The 1539-40 de Soto Winter Encampment Project
Needs You! . . . . . . . 245
An Invitation to Join The Florida Anthropological Society . ... 246
Find New Members: Earn Back Issues Credit . . . ... 248

Join/Rejoin the Florida Anthropological Society (Membership Application). 248

COVER ILLUSTRATIONS: Front Herty Cup from article by Stanley C. Bond, Jr. on
the development of the Naval Stores Industry in St. Johns County, Florida.
Back De Soto T-shirt poster. Reproduced courtesy of the Florida Department of
State, Division of Historical Resources.

PUBLISHED BY THE


FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.






1.86


EDITOR'S PAGE

This issue contains a range of articles
from a historical-archaeological look at
the development of the Naval Stores Indus-
try in St. Johns County, Florida to the
manufacturing techniques of an early hoe
from colonial Georgia; from the develop-
ment of thermal alteration techniques in
Florida to a new technique of photograhp-
ing artifacts; from a presentation of
Florida's strengthened burial law to ar-
ticles on a Second Seminole War autopsie,
salvage activities at a prehistoric ceme-
tery near Gibsonston, Florida and a pre-
liminary report on work at a prehistoric
cemetery in Tampa, Florida; and, finally,
book reviews, film commentary and a call
for public assistance for the de Soto
wintering camp site. These are but a
sample of efforts to broaden the scope of
our journal to cover the Southeastern
United States and Caribbean area. Arti-
cles from these areas are solicited, as
are new members and your comments and
suggestions.

I wish to thank Stanley C. Bond and
his his assistant Joan (mostly Joan),
William Webster, Joan Deming and Jeff
Mitchem for assisting in the preparation
of the galleys for their articles. They
can take credit for any errors or omis-
sions or positive aspects in their
articles. I prepared the final galeys
for all other articles, and may be held
accountable for any mistakes or omissions
which occur in those articles. Pleasant
reading.


Louis D. Tesar, Editor
The Florida Anthropologist
August 31, 1987


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Sept., 1987


Vol. 40 No. 3





187


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NAVAL STORES INDUSTRY
IN ST. JOHNS COUNTY, FLORIDA

Stanley C. Bond, Jr.


INTRODUCTION

The naval stores industry had a
major impact on the economy and
settlement of St. Johns County,
Florida during two specific
periods. While naval stores
production is documented as early
as the seventeenth century, the
British were the first to make it
extensive and profitable. With
their departure the industry faded
until the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries. New
uses for naval stores created a
large market for these items. The
extensive pine flatwoods of St.
Johns County made it an ideal.
location for harvesting naval
stores resources. By the 1950s,
however, labor shortages and the
replacement of naval stores by
other products created a major
decline in the industry. The once
numerous and extensive operations
in St. Johns County have dwindled
until only one remains today.

Naval Stores Defined

Naval stores are produced from the
oleogum of live pines and from the
residual resins of dead pines,
pine knots, pine stumps, and pine
cones. The term "naval stores"
refers to the fact that these
products were used for caulking
and rigging on wooden ships. They
were especially important in warm
water areas where shipworms caused
extensive damage to ship planking.
There are four major naval stores
products. Tar and pitch are
manufactured by burning dead pine
wood, while turpentine and resin
are extracted from the gum of
living pines. The trees most
suited for naval stores in
northeast Florida are longleaf and
slash pines.


Naval Stores Technology:
The Colonial Period

In the colonial period the two
items most often made were tar and
pitch. There are a number of
reasons for this situation. First,
tar and pitch were used in ship
manufacture and maintenance.
Second, these items could be
produced during the winter season
when labor was not needed for other
activities. Naval stores thus
became a supplement to other, more
lucrative agricultural practices.

Tar and pitch were extracted from
dead pine wood and cones (Clowse
1971:172-173; Tanner 1963:140).
Coxe (1722:93) describes the
process as follows:

Pitch and tar are made
by cutting the dry trees
into scantlings, taking
the knots of old trees
fallen, and the rest of
the wood rotted, burning,
as you make here charcoal,
covering with turf, and
leaving orifices for as
much air as will keep the
fire from extinguishing.
The moisture partly aqueous,
partly bituminous, runs by
a gentle descent into a pit,
what forms is tar, which
inflamed to a certain
degree and extinguished is
pitch.

Clowse (1971:172) defines the kiln
in which tar was made as a circular
pit dug into the ground. In the
center or at one end was a low spot
with a pipe. The kiln pit was
graded to this point, and as the
wood smoldered, the tar was
extracted, ran into the pipe, and
passed out into a barrel placed in


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Sept., 1987


Vol. 40 No. 3





188
another pit lower than the kiln.
In North Carolina, Ostrom (1946:8)
describes kilns as circular clay
mounds rather than pits. In
portions of Europe beehive kilns
constructed of brick were used to
produce tar and pitch (Singer gi
al 1957:685-686).

In the colonial period, turpentine
referred to the gum extracted from
the pine tree and rosin as the
hardened gum. Coxe (1772:93)
describes the process as follows:

The tree (longleaf pine)
being pierced, and a vessel
conveniently fastened into
or under the apeture, and
turpentine distills plenti-
fully into it: If cut, and
a hole made under the tree
in the sand..the turpentine
by the influence of the air
and sun, without any further
trouble, becomes good rosin.

Most often, however, a notch
called a "box," was made at the
base of the tree to collect the
gum. The box was usually 3-1/2
inches wide, 6-1/2 inches deep,
and 12 inches long (Campbell
1933:29). The outer bark above
the box was "chipped" off with an
axe to expose the tree surface,
producing the "face." Gum ran
down the face and into the box
where it was collected by
"dipping" out the gum with a
spatula-like implement and placed
in a barrel. Once collected, the
gum was ready for shipping. In
the modern era turpentine and
rosin are not simply raw gum but
products distilled from the gum.

The problem with gum harvesting
was the labor-intensive nature of
collecting gum and the conflict
between gum collection and other
agricultural practices. Gum "runs"
during the late spring, summer,
and early fall, a time when the
demands of other agricultural
activities were at their greatest.


Because of the labor


problems


associated with the production of
turpentine and rosin, tar and pitch
were the most frequent items made.
While there were early problems
with production techniques, naval
stores became an important export
from the New World colonies during
the eighteenth century.

Naval Stores Productions The First
Spanish Period

As an industry, naval stores pro-
duction was undeveloped in the
First Spanish Period. Its possi-
bilities as an export crop were
recognized and several attempts
were made to stimulate production
in the St. Augustine area (Tepaske
1964:106-107; Boniface 1971:203-
205). An early reference to naval
stores comes from Governor Cabrera
(Boniface 1971:204, 219), who in
1685 mentions the production of
tar, pitch, and turpentine at San
Nicolas in northern St. Johns
County and Mqnte del Rey (the
King's Woods) on Moultrie Creek.
Production must have been sporadic,
because pitch is listed as an item
imported by Captain Juan de Ayala
in 1689 (Boniface 1971:195-196).
The earliest steps towards a major
naval stores industry were taken by
Governor Moral in 1735 (Tepaske
1964:106) when pitch, tar, spars,
and masts were produced for use by
Cuban shipbuilders. In 1744,
Governor Montiano proposed the
establishment of a large factory
for the production of tar and
pitch. His proposals were never
carried through (Tepaske 1964:106).
The naval stores industry was again
revived by Governor Fernandez de
Heredia in 1756, only to be cut
short by the British takeover of
Florida seven years later.

There are a number of reasons why
the naval stores industry was not
successful in Spanish Florida. St.
Augustine was viewed as a garrison
town without any real need for
self-sufficiency. No financial





189


backing, shipping, or tax breaks
were given to the fledgling indus-
try before the 1750s. Such lack
of commitment plagued the few
attempts at naval stores
production.

Perhaps the greatest problem with
the extraction of naval stores
dealt with their location. After
Moore's raid of 1702, it became
unsafe to venture past the City
Gate. Pueyo and Horruytiner
(1707) specifically stated that
people could no longer go into the
woods to make tar. This situation
continued up to the British
Period, preventing the Spanish
from settling the interior and
taking advantage of its resources.

The British Period

The change of St. Augustine from
Spanish to British rule also
brought about a change in the
local economy. Under Spain St.
Augustine was viewed as a garrison
town, subsidized by the Crown. In
contrast, England expected her
colonies to be economically
self-sufficient, as well as
profitable. One means to obtain
this goal in Florida was to
develop a naval stores industry
similar to the other Southern
colonies. With the outbreak of
the American Revolution, English
loyalists began to settle the
area, bringing with them the
expertise and manpower to set up
plantations and other industries
(Romans 1775:150). As a result,
naval stores production increased
rapidly from 190 barrels of tar
and 56 barrels of turpentine in
1776 to 2,241 barrels of tar and
417 barrels of turpentine in 1777,
and to 8,100 barrels of tar and
1,980 barrels of turpentine in
1778 (Siebert 1929:67-68). By
1783, the year England returned
control of Florida to Spain,
20,000 barrels of tar and
turpentine were waiting to be
shipped. (Siebert 1929:1501 Mowat
1943:79).


The Second Spanish Period


The new Spanish governor of
Florida, Vicente Manuel de
Zespedes, intended to keep the
naval stores industry alive as a
key part of his plans for Florida's
resettlement and development. His
plans were given a further boost by
the investigations of Lieutenant
Jose de Rio Cossa, commissioned by
Spain in 1786 to inspect Florida's
resources of wood, tar, and turpen-
tine (Tanner 1963:142). However,
his findings and recommendations
were not brought up for
consideration for three years, by
which time the production of naval
stores had dwindled. While some
illegal production continued
(Bushnell 1984: personal communica-
tion), the industry never reached
its potential until the late
nineteenth century.

Post-Colonial and Modern
Naval Stores Technoloav

By the Territorial and Early
Statehood Periods, there was
minimal naval stores production in
Florida. During this time North
Carolina dominated the market,
supplying 87.3% of all naval stores
in 1850 and continued to do so
through the remainder of the 1850s
and into 1860s (Perry 1968;
Campbell 1933:11). During the
decade of the 1850s the industry
began to spread throughout the
southeast, including the Florida
towns of Apalachicola and Palatka
(Perry 1968:522). With the
depletion of North Carolina's
resources the industry moved south.
In 1850 Florida produced 1.05% of
all naval stores products; by 1900
it produced 31.8%. In 1905 Florida
became the national leader and held
that lead until 1923 (Campbell
1933:10-13).

Technical Changes

The development of new techno-
logies between 1820 and the present
brought changes to the naval stores





190


industry. With the advent of
steam and iron ships the
traditional need for tar and pitch
in the shipbuilding industry faded
out. However, new uses for naval
stores were found, such as a
replacement for whale oil in lamps
(Perry 1968:525). By the
twentieth century turpentine and
rosin became major components for
paint and varnish, shoe polish and
leather dressing, soap, oil and
grease, printing ink, paper
manufacture, synthetic rubber, and
plastic (Campbell 1933:68-75). As
early as 1860 less expensive
petro-chemical products began to
replace naval stores and helped
create the decline in the naval
stores market. By the mid-
twentieth century naval stores had
been replaced in most of the
above-mentioned industries (Wright
1979:51, 94; Perry 1968:525).

In the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries the industry was also
spurred on by technological
changes which made it more
productive and efficient. In the
1830s Scotch liquor stills were
introduced to the industry (Thomas
1975:3). Producers could now
distill a final product (turpen-
tine and rosin) rather than ship
the raw gum. The stills could be
set up in the interior, making the
operation more profitable and more
efficient. Also, better transpor-
tation opened up vast new areas of
pine flatwoods for turpentine
operations. Roads, railroads,
rivers, and canals gave access to
untapped interior areas. The re-
sulting products were then shipped
throughout the world from ports
such as Wilmington, Savannah, and
Jacksonville (Perry 1968:514-515;
Campbell 1933:13-18).

A further innovation came at the
turn of the century with the cup
and gutter system developed by
Charles Herty (Thomas 1979:5-6;
Wright 1979:85). Using this
system, the bark was removed,
gutters placed below the cut, and


a cup hung beneath the gutters
(Figure 1). The gutters funneled
the gum into the cup where it
collected. This arrangement caused
less damage to the trees than the
previously used boxing method.
Herty also developed the red clay
cup that bears his name (Figure 2).
These clay cups were widely used in
Florida, costing between $200 and
$250 per 10,000 in the 1930s
(Campbell 1933:29).





.. .1





Face .










Cup
--- ww '"*wiv-





Figure 1 Cup and gutter system
(Clements 1960)

Even with new technology, the basic
harvesting of gum did not change
dramatically from the colonial
period. The preferred pine trees
for gum production were longleaf
and slash. Much of the pine belt
from North Carolina to Florida
changed from predominantly longleaf
to predominantly slash due to the
second growth nature of the area
(ibid:27). The general unit of
measure was the "crop" which con-































' S .

*:.. a;: *
* C..~ .. I

..%' .% .
*r ..iP ; ;


HEARTY CUP

SCALE 1:1


Figure 2 Herty Cup





192


sisted of 10,000 trees. Operations
could range from one to over 60
crops. Tree density had to be at
least 10 trees per acre to be
profitable. In Florida the average
density was between 20 and 50 trees
per acre (ibid:28). Each tree
would produce gum for six to eight
years (Thomas 1975:29). The need
for extremely large landholdings is
obvious. At an optimum a moderate
ten-crop operation would need 2,000
acres for eight years of
harvesting. Large operators, such
as Wade Leonard in Calhoun County,
controlled over 50,000 acres
(Paisley 1973).

The turpentine season started in
March and ended in November. The
first phase of the work included
removing the bark ("chipping") from
the "face" and cutting the first
"streak." This process was carried
out by a crew called chipperss"
using an instrument called a "bark
hack," a bladed instrument attached
to a weighted handle. The hack
removes a chevron-shaped section of
outer bark and streaks the tree so
the gum will run (Clements 1960:
4-7; Thomas 1975:28-29).

A second crew then "hung" the
trees. This process included
nailing gutters, called "tins,"
below the face and placing a "cup"
below the gutters to collect the
gum. Cups could be of the clay
Herty variety or metal. The first
year a tree is worked for
turpentine it is called "virgin,"
and placing cups and gutters is
called "hanging virgins." A second
year tree is "yearling," and a
third year tree is "buck." As the
tree is chipped and the face moves
higher, the cup and gutter are
also raised. This occurs every
year or two and is called "raising
the tins" (Clements 1960:4-7).

With preparations complete the
same crew who hung the trees
becomes the "dipping" crew. Prior
to the development of cups and
gutters, dipping referred to a
literal process where the gum was


dipped out of the box. With cups
and gutters, dipping referred to
the removal of gum from the cup.
Gum was placed in the dip can and
then was put in the 50 gallon dip
barrel. Usually these barrels
were drawn through the woods by a
mule and wagon train. Cups were
dipped every ten days to two
weeks. The chipping crew was also
active and chipped a new streak
every ten days to two weeks. At
the end of the season the gum
which hardened on the face, called
"scrape," was collected. This
final phase completed the turpen-
tine season. St. Johns County
informants noted the uncanny
ability of workers to move through
the woods and catch all of the
trees they were responsible for
(McFarland 1983:personal communi-
cation; Nease 1984:personal commu-
nication).

For their efforts workers were
paid "piece Vwages" (Clements
1960:6). For each 1,000 streaks
cut, gutters hung, or cups dipped
the worker received a specific
payment. Even up to the 1930s,
might be less than one dollar a day
(Campbell 1933:31; Paisley 1973:
387-390).

As noted earlier, the wood-burning
still used by the turpentine
industry was derived from liquor
distillation. Figure 3 illustrates
a typical turpentine still. At the
base of the still is the wood-
burning stove, used to heat and
distill the gum. The stove was
built of brick and enclosed the
copper kettle where the gum was
placed. The gum and water placed
into the kettle were called the
"charge" (Campbell 1933:33). It
was heated to a temperature of 290F
and held there for two hours. The
turpentine and water would vapor-
ize, rise into the condenser and
through to the copper coil or worm.
The coil was located in the still
tub and cooled by water flowing
through the tub. The condensed
liquid water and turpentine ran off
into another room (the spirit room)






Chimney


'Copper Kettle




)od Burning Stove


Figure 3 Moder Turpentine Still
(Thomas 1975:21)


Coil


Still






where it went through three
barrels, ready to be traded and
shipped. The product left in the
kettle after this process was
rosin. It was strained, filtered
and also packed in 50 gallon
barrels, ready to be traded and
shipped. Ten barrels of gum
produced two barrels of turpentine
and 6-1/2 barrels of rosin, a ratio
of 3-1/3 to one (Campbell 1933:33;
Thomas 1975:30-31).

Once the turpentine and rosin were
ready for market, they were sold to
the operator's factor. The factor,
or factorage house, provided most
of the goods and services necessary
for the turpentine producer. The
factor became the operator's
financial agent, providing loans
for land acquisition, equipment,
and payroll. He sold the tools and
equipment the operator would need
for his turpentine activity and
supplied the goods for the commis-
sary store. For these services the
owner was obligated to sell all of
his products to the factor. In
turn, the factor sold the turpen-
tine and rosin to a broker and
took a 2-1/2 % commission. The
money that was not owed to the
factor then was returned to the
operator. In 1933, eleven factor-
age houses operated in the
southeast. Through this system of
debts and marketing, the owner was
bound to his factor (Campbell
1933:25-26).

Along with the primary crop of
gum, there were secondary
industries in the pine woods.
Once trees were tapped out they
were cut and milled as lumber.
Areas which were harvested for
timber could then be utilized for
cattle pasture or other agri-
cultural purposes. Some 60,000
acres of pine flatwoods in St.
Johns County are now used for
cattle and crop production (USDA
1983:4).

The turpentine industry today has
undergone a drastic decline. In


attempts to maintain the industry
and produce higher quality
turpentine and rosin, large
central steam stills have replaced
the smaller, more numerous wood-
oven types. Today a centralized
still operation in Valdosta,
Georgia serves all of northeast
Florida (McFarland 1983:personal
communication). The number of
turpentine operations declined
from 8,863 employing 21,000
workers in 1950 to 1,222 opera-
tions employing 3,300 workers in
1969 (Wright 1979:94). There is
only one small operation left
today in St. Johns County. A
number of internal and external
factors have contributed to this
decline. "External causes include
the development of competing
materials, the market situation,
and problems related to government
and price support policy for gum.
Internal causes were all related
to production problems, essential-
ly the lack of innovation and
mechanization, and labor scarcity
and cost" (Wright 1979:94). Former
producers in St. Johns County tend
to blame labor and the social
welfare system (McFarland 1983;
McGuire 1983; Nease 1983).

Labor and Settlement Patterns:
The First Spanish Period

Due to the scarcity of records
concerning the naval stores
industry during the First Spanish
Period, it is difficult to fully
judge its impact. Tepaske (1964:
106) states that colonists were
induced to make tar and pitch;
labor was probably carried out by
garrison soldiers looking to
supplement their income. Blacks
who had escaped English plantations
to the north may also have affected
the industry, since they would have
had knowledge of manufacturing
techniques.

Since the Spaniards were kept out
of the interior by hostile Indians
and Englishmen, naval stores
production likely had little impact






on settlement patterns. The
industry as envisioned by the
Spanish governors was that of a
central factory in St. Augustine.
Workers would return to their urban
enclave every evening rather than
settle in the interior (Tepaske
1964:106-107). Overall, the impact
of Spanish naval stores production
in St. Johns County was relatively
minor.

The British Period
The British system differed greatly
from that proposed by the Spanish.
English settlers used slave labor
to harvest naval stores. In this
system all activity was carried out
on or near the site being harvested
and away from town, allowing them
to disperse across the landscape.
Plantations developed throughout
the County, opening up interior
regions.

The naval stores industry during
the British Period can best be
viewed as part of the overall
plantation system. The five major
agricultural products from these
plantations were rice, indigo,
cattle, timber, and naval stores
(Schafer 1983:99-100; DeVorsey
1971:209-229). A typical planta-
tion was probably like that of
John Imrie on Moultrie Creek. He
held 500 acres, 450 of which were
principally suited for naval
stores production. Imrie "...put
fourteen Negrobs upon the Planta-
tion first for the purpose of
making Tar and Turpentine and
afterwards used in Cutting
Lumber,...[his property contained]
...a framed wooden house 30 feet
by 20, two stories high, two rooms
on Each Floor, and a clapboard
room in which himself resided
during the Season for making Tar
and Turpentine, a log house for
his Overseer, a Barn, and six or
seven Negroe Houses" (Siebert
1929:163). His operation produced
300 to 400 barrels of tar yearly.
Denys Rolle states that, "...one
Negro tends 2,500 trees or more,
producing 60 barrels [of
turpentine]..." (Siebert 1929:


195
293). John Moultrie held 1,500
acres on Moultrie Creek on which
he turpentined 25,000 trees
(Siebert 1929:239). John Bartram
(1942) and William Bartram (1791)
both mention plantations in their
travels through northeast Florida
but offer few descriptions of
them.

Naval stores production fits
neatly into the overall scheme of
upland (as opposed to rice)
plantations in the area. Pines
which were tapped for turpentine
made excellent timber trees
(Siebert 1929:164). Once the
timber was cut, the cleared area
was then used as agricultural
fields or cattle pasture. Cattle
had been introduced to the area by
the Spanish in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries (Arnade
1965; Bushnell 1978) and continued
to be raised by the British.
Yearly burnings necessary to keep
the brush down in the pine
orchards encouraged the growth of
adequate forage for cattle. This
interrelated system of cattle
raising-turpentine production was
extensively practiced in the late
nineteenth and twentieth centuries
(Allen Nease 1984:personal communi-
cation).

There is very little data con-
cerning naval stores operations in
the Second Spanish Period.
Zespedes' concept of a naval
industry seems to be similar to
that of the First Spanish Period
(Tanner 1963:142). Since the
governor's plans were never carried
out, the naval stores industry had
little impact during this period.
Production lay relatively dormant
until the late nineteenth century.

The Modern Naval Stores Industry:
The Labor Camp

The following description of life
in the turpentine camp has been
given by several informants in St.
Johns County (McFarland 1983:per-
sonal communication; Meldrim 1983:
personal communication; McGuire






















1
I-- ---


Sampson






Elwood







akersvillle Glimpse of
Glory

rim



col

H *
Vermont

Heighte


Armstrong



e n




I


SYoivlngton
| *


0 a km




Figure '4. Turpentine Still Sites and Modern Place Names

St. Johns County
SB


SPresent
Communities
* Still
Sites




197


1983: personal communication; Nease
1984:personal communication). Vera
McFarland owns the last active
turpentine operation in St. Johns
County which she inherited from her
father. Jo Meldrim, her niece,
helps with the operations. Elliott
McGuire owns a large timber
operation. His father owned a
still and several thousand acres of
timber in the northwestern portion
of St. Johns County. Although Mr.
McGuire grew up around the
turpentine industry, he is no
longer active in it. Allen Nease
is a professional forester and
turpentine operation manager. He
worked in the turpentine industry
up to the 1960s and is currently
retired.

Sin6e the pine resource being
exploited was located in rural,
undeveloped areas, operators set up
labor camps in those sections being
harvested. The camps were often
located at the still site and
contained shacks for the laborers
and their families, a livestock
barn for the wagon mules, a
commissary where workers could buy
food and other essentials, a
cooper shed, and often a communal
building which served as a church,
school, and meeting house. Camps
were scattered throughout the pine
flatwoods of St, Johns County and
placed in advantageous areas,
accessible to large wooded tracts.
Camp size varied with the size of
the area being harvested. Mrs.
McFarland's camp contains nine
houses for workers. Dickenson
(1981:16) reports 14 houses at
Julington Creek. Mr. McGuire's
father had 40 workers and over 20
houses for them. A total of 16
different still and camp locations
have been reported by informants
(McFarland 1983; McGuire 1983;
Nease 1984) and by other re-
searchers (Dickinson 1981:16;
Deagan 1981:79). Figure 4 shows
the locations and names of these
sites.

The labor camp system was
hierarchical and stratified. The


factor occupied the top rung on an
absentee basis. The owner/
operator occupied the next level.
While indebted and tied to his
factor, in turpentine camp he was
king. His position was much like
that of the antebellum plantation
owners. Beneath the owner was the
woodsrider. He served in the same
capacity as a plantation overseer,
maintaining productivity levels
and internal order. At the base
of this system was the Black
worker and his family (Wright
1979:81-82).

Just as the camp owner was tied to
the factor through the debt
system, so was the worker tied to
the turpentine operator. Wright
(1979:80-82) describes this system
as similar to the debt peonage
system of the Latin American
hacienda, as well as that of the
Southern sharecroppers and
turn-of-the-century coal miners
and factory workers. The laborer
was paid low wages, much of it in
specie issued by the operator. To
obtain goods and services he had to
borrow from the owner, thereby
putting himself in debt. Further
debt was incurred at the camp
commissary, where workers bought
food and other goods on credit.
Payment of debts was taken from the
workers' wages, forcing him deeper
into debt.

This system did, however, force
certain obligations onto the owner.
He was "paternalistic" (McGuire
1983:personal communication), pro-
viding "womb to tomb" (Thomas
1975:34) services for the workers.
Although the operator owned the
camp, he provided housing, medical
treatment, transportation and food.
Often he went into debt to his
factor by providing these services.
The Civil Rights laws of the 1960s
and industrialization in the South
forced changes to the paternal-
istic owner-laborer relationship,
causing a decline in the industry
(Wright 1979:81).

Besides the pinewoods work crews,




198


the chippers and dippers, there
were two other positions filled by
Black labor. Probably the most
important worker for any turpentine
operation was the still operator.
He had to be skilled in controlling
the fire temperature. The fire had
to be hot enough to vaporize the
turpentine and water, while not too
hot to boil the gum. Boiling gum
ruined the turpentine and rosin and
could cause the still to explode.
Such accidents were not uncommon.
Most still operators controlled
their fires by sight, sound, and
various "rules of thumb." A good,
experienced still operator could
greatly increase profits by pro-
ducing a higher-grade turpentine or
rosin. Consequently, still opera-
tors were in great demand. They
held a higher position as a worker,
earned more money, and received
preferential treatment (McGuire
1983; Nease 1984).

The other important position at
the still was the cooper. He
assembled the barrels, generally
precut, in which the turpentine
and rosin were shipped. He also
carried out various carpentry or
maintenance tasks. He was also
given some special privileges by
the owner, but not as many as the
still operator (McGuire 1983;
Nease 1984).

Life within the turpentine camps
was similar to life in most
isolated regions. Workers and
owners alike had to deal with a
lack of services, such as elec-
tricity and running water, and
large distances between nearest
neighbors. All the men in the
camp worked in the pines or at the
still. During the turpentine
season they were up before sunrise
to take care of their mules. Mrs.
McFarland still uses mules for
collecting the gum. Generally,
they would return after dark. The
men did manage to do some
foraging, hunting, and fishing to
supplement their families' diet
(Wright 1979: 110-1121 McFarland
1983; McGuire 1983; Nease 1984).


While not allowed to work in the
pines, women and children played a
vital role in the turpentine camp.
Women generally had a garden plot
where they grew much of their
food. They also raised chickens
and, sometimes, pigs (McFarland
1983; McGuire 1983; Nease 1984).
Children helped around the house
with these chores. Women also
foraged in the woods for plant
foods and they fished. A very few
women were hired by the owner's
wife to cook, clean house, and do
laundry (Wright 1979:11; Thomas
1979).

There was some social activity in
the turpentine camp. In many
camps church services were held on
Sunday. However, the most popular
diversion was gambling on a card
game called "skin" (Wright 1979:
120-123). The game itself was
relatively simple, with bets being
placed by participants and
observers. Often the game ended in
violence over a lost bet or
accusations of cheating.

On payday, which occurred monthly
or bi-weekly, the entire turpentine
camp was transported to the nearest
town. In town they could purchase
goods not available in the
commissary and socialize with
workers from other camps. Most
authors and informants describe the
heavy drinking and fighting that
went on during these excursions
(Wright 1979:123; Nease 1984;
McGuire 1983). Workers in the
turpentine camps were un- skilled
except for their knowledge of the
woods; therefore, it was difficult
for them to leave a camp. If a
worker left a camp, it was to work
for another operator. There were
three ways a worker could leave.
He could run away, have another
operator pay his debts and take
him, or be stolen by another
operator. Since all turpentine
operations were looking for good,
trained labor, there was much
movement from camp to camp.
However, many workers remained in
the camps where they were born and






worked for the same families as
their parents and, often grand-
parents (Wright 1975:116-117). All
of the workers at Mrs. McFarland's
operation are over 50 and have been
with her or her family all their
lives. Her foreman's father also
worked with her family (McFarland
1983). Mr. Nease still supplies
one of his former workers with
housing, even though the worker has
been retired for several years
(Nease 1984).

Turpentine Camps:
Archaeological Evidence

Few turpentine sites have been
examined using archaeological
methods. Camps of the First
Spanish Period were relatively
small, short-term and impermanent.
It is unlikely that any diagnostic
remains of these sites can be
located. A closer look at the
documentary, cartographic, and
land grant records may, however,
help pinpoint the location of
First Spanish Period naval stores
activities. This type of documen-
tation will probably be necessary
before any such camps can be
identified.

The British Period brought about a
major increase in the harvesting
of naval stores products. In
turn, this factor means that more
sites from this period should be
located. 'Sites should also be
larger, permanent, and more
substantial. Typically, this
activity would be located away
from town but near an artery of
transport such as a river or
roadway. Often these sites would
serve other functions for
plantation activity such as
ranching, lumbering, or crop
production. Several potential
naval stores sites of the British
Period have been reported in
northeast Florida. Dickenson
(1980) reported two tar kilns in
the Julington Creek area. They
are described as similar to
aboriginal burial mounds but
contain a predominance of


199
charcoal.

William Jones (1973:141) has also
reported tar kilns in the St.
Johns bluff area of Duval County.
The example which he tested is
located on a ridge slope, probably
to facilitate tar collection. The
kiln itself measured four feet
high and forty feet in diameter.
A test excavation in the kiln
revealed combusted pine limbs.
Jones has also tested two sites in
the St. Johns Bluff area which may
relate to a turpentine work camp.
The first of these, 8CU106, is
described as a work camp (Jones
1973). Structural evidence on the
site included two tabby floors,
tabby fragments, and wrought iron
nails. Since no post holes were
detected, Jones speculated that
that the buildings were log or
frame (1973:139). European arti-
facts were of English manufacture
and included "box axes" used in
turpentine extraction.

A second site, 8DU107, was
discovered north of 8DU106 but may
relate to it. Jones describes the
site as a post-in-the-ground
structure with an intact tabby
floor measuring 7.9 meters by 7.9
meters (1986). Sixty-six wrought
nails and spikes were recovered in
the vicinity of this building.
Ceramics recovered during test
excavations were predominantly
English. This structure probably
relates to 8DU106 and is part of
the naval stores work camp.

In general, naval stores produc-
tion in the British Period was done
in conjunction with other
activities. Their sites were
relatively permanent. Evidence of
structures, including an overseers
house, slave quarters and out-
buildings, may be present. The
majority of these plantations would
be located near good trans-
portation. Direct evidence of
naval stores collection includes
identification of tar kilns or
collection pits and tools for
harvesting turpentine.





200


With the end of the British Period
naval stores production lay
relatively dormant until the
development of the modern naval
stores industry in the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth
centuries. With the use of
portable stills, entire communi-
ties devoted to turpentine
extraction were established in the
pine flatwoods. These sites left a
major impact on the surrounding
environment and should be readily
recognized.

Forney (1985) has established the
significance of naval stores
communities as an archaeological
resource. The sites themselves
can be recognized by a number of
features. There are several work
areas associated with any turpen-
tine community. First, the still
itself was located in its own
building. The fire box around the
copper kettle had to be construc-
ted of brick. Thus, the still
area may be expected to yield the
largest number of brick fragments.

A second recognizable work area
may be the cooper's shed. Here
barrel hoops and nails for barrel
construction could be found.
Often the cooper was also a
blacksmith. Evidence of black-
smithing such as slag, iron
fragments, horseshoes, and turpen-
tine tools could be expected.

Quarters for the workers and their
families were also located near
the still site. Most communities
were set in a regular grid pattern
along streets or paths. These
buildings could be expected to
yield refuse such as tableware,
patent medicine bottles, glass-
ware, alcohol bottles, food
refuse, and other items associated
with a rural economic pattern.
Specifically, items such as camp
specie, turpentine tools, and the
ubiquitous Herty cup may help
identify the turpentine camp.

The homes of the overseer and camp
owner were generally located at a


distance from the camp. These
individuals or families were
relatively more wealthy and their
sites would be expected to yield a
greater quantity of items as well
as artifacts of greater value.

In general, turpentine camps
should contain large quantities of
late eighteenth and early nine-
teenth century cultural material.
Most of the material, however,
will be relatively inexpensive due
to the rural nature of the camp
and status of the workers.
Artifact differentiation may allow
the archaeologist to identify the
various work and residential
portions of the camp.

CONCLUSION

The naval stores industry during
the colonial period (1565-1821)
reflected the different economic
approaches taken to St. Augustine
by the Spanish and British. Spain
viewed St. Augustine as a garrison
town with little need for economic
development. Activities conducted
beyond the town walls were mainly
for subsistence or ecclesiastical
needs. St. Augustine was the
center of development with lesser
agricultural, trade and missionary
functions radiating out from it.
Even plans for the naval stores
industry proposed a central kiln
located in St. Augustine.

The British view of Florida as a
colony called for its settlement
and economic development. Settlers
debarked in St. Augustine, resup-
plied here, and brought in goods
for export from outlying planta-
tions. As in the Southern and
Caribbean colonies, the plantation
system beyond the city was the
colony's economic mainstay.
Because of Florida's large forestry
resources, naval stores played a
major role in the plantation
economy. The change in economic
systems from a centralized, urban-
based system to a dispersed,
plantation-based system impacted
settlement patterns throughout the







northeast Florida area. New areas
were opened for exploitation along
the Intracoastal Waterway, St.
Johns River, and in the interior.

The Spanish could not sustain the
British plantation system when they
returned in 1784, although settle-
ment did persist outside of the
city at a much higher level than in
the First Spanish Period. With the
acquisition of Florida by the
United States, settlers hungry for
land again pushed into the
interior. This movement was
short-lived due to the Seminole
Wars.

The full economic potential of the
naval stores industry was not
again realized until the late
nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries. During this period
Florida became the leading
producer of naval stores products
and St. Johns County played an
important role in this develop-
ment. Numerous communities were
established around turpentine
stills in the interior of the
county. Many of these communities
still exist. While the naval
stores industry is no longer
viable in St. Johns County, the
opening of the interior through
naval stores operations and
resultant timbering left much of
the County accessible to other
agricultural practices. Today,
farming and ranching are the major
activities in pine flatwoods areas
formerly used for naval stores
production.


REFERENCES CITED


Arnade, Charles W.
1978 Cattle Raising in Spanish
Florida 1513-1763.
Publication No. 21,
St. Augustine Historical
Society, St. Augustine.
Bartram, John
1942 Diary of a Journey Through
the Carolinas. Georgia. and
Florida From July 1. 1765
to April 10. 1766. Trans-
actions of the American
Philosophical Society, New


Series, Volume 33, Part I.
The American Philosophical
Society, Philadelphia
Bartram, William
1791 Travels Through North and
South Carolina. Georgia.
East and West Florida. and
Cherokee Country. James
and Johnson, Philadelphia.
Boniface, Brian G.
1971 "A Historical Geography of
Spanish Florida, Circa
1700," M.A. thesis, Univer-
ity of Georgia, on file
HSAPB, St. Augustine.
Bushnell, Amy
1984 Personal communication,
Historian, HSAPB,
St. Augustine.
1978 "The Menendez Marquez
cattle barony at La Chua
and the determinants of
economic expansion in
seventeenth-century
Florida," Florida
Historical Ouarterly
56 (3):407-431.

Campbell, A. Stuart
1933 Studies in Forestry
Resources in Florida III:
The Naval Stores Industry.
Bureau of Economic and
Business Research, Economic
Series, 1, (5) University
of Florida, Gainesville.
Clements, Ralph w.
1960 Manual: Modern Gum Naval
Stores Methods. US Dept.
of Agriculture Forest Svc.,
Southeastern Forest Experi-
mental Station, Ashville, NC
Clowse, Converse D.
1971 Economic Beginnings in
Colonial South Carolina.
University of S. Carolina
Press, Columbia
Coxe, Daniel
1722 A Description of the Eng-
lish Province of Carolina.
University of S. Carolina
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Deagan, Kathleen
1981 "Phase I background research
and assessment of historic
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gical resources in St. Johns
County, Florida," M.S. on
file, HSAPB, St. Augustine.
De Vorsey, Louis (ed.)
1971 De Brahm's Report of the
General Survey in the
Southern District of North
America. University of
S. Carolina Press, Columbia.
Dickinson, Martin
1980 "Historical and archaeolo-
ical sites," in General
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Application for Development
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201








1281, on file HSAPB,
St. Augustine.

Forney, Sandra Jo
1985 "The Importance of Sites
Related to the Naval Stores
Industry in Florida,"
Florida Anthropologist
38 (4)s275:281

Jones, William M.
1973 "A Late Eighteenth Century
Work Camp, St. Johns Bluff,
Duval County, Florida,"
Florida Anthropologist
26 (4):129-142.

1986 "A Late Eighteenth Century
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Duval County, Florida,"
M.S. on file HSAPB,
St. Augustine

McFarland, Vera
1983 Personal communication.
Owner and operator of
modern St. Johns County
naval stores production
site.

McGuire, Elliot
1983 Personal communication.
Naval stores informant,
St. Johns County.

Meldrim, Jo
1983 Personal communication.
Naval stores informant,
St. Johns County.

Kowat, Charles L.
1943 East Florida as a British
Province 1763-1784.
University of Florida
Presses, Gainesville
(reprinted 1964).

Nease, Allen
1984 Personal communication.
Forester and turpentine
production manager,
St. Johns County.

Ostrum, Carl E.
1946 "History of Gum Naval
Stores Industry," Savannah
Weekly Naval Stores Review
and Journal of Trade
55 (2):4-12

Paisley, Clifton
1973 "Wade Leonard, Florida
Naval Stores Operator,"
Florida Historical
Quarterly, 34:509-526.

Perry, Percival
1968 "The Naval Stores Industry
in the Old South, 1790-
1860," Journal of Southern
History, 134:509-526.

Pueyo, Juan de and
Juan B. Horruytiner
1707 Letter to the Crown from
St. Augustine, ramo Santo
Domingo, legaio 847,
document 10. From the
Jeanette Thurber Connor
Collection, reel 6,
Library of Congress,
Washington, D.C.


Romans, Bernard
1775 A Concise HNaural Ult-inrv
of East and West Florida.
University of Florida
Presses, Gainesville
(reprinted 1962).

Schafer, Daniel L.
1983 "'...not so gay a Town in
America as this...' 1763-
1784", St. Augustine:
Saga of Survival (Jean
Parker Waterbury ed.),
St. Augustine Historical
Society, St. Augustine:
91:124.

Siebert, Wilbur H.
1929 Loyalists in East Florida.
Volumes I and II. Florida
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Deland.

Singer, Charles, E.J. Holmyard
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1957 A History of Technology.
Volumes I and III
Clarendon Press, Oxford.

Tanner, Helen H.
1963 Zespedes in East Florida.
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Coral Gables.

Tepaske, John J.
1964 The Governorship of Spanish
Florida 1700-1763. Duke
University Press, Durham

Thomas, Kenneth H.
1975 McCranie's Turpentine
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US Dept. of Agriculture
(USDA)
1983 Soil survey of St. Johns
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Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board
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St. Augustine, FL 32085


202





203


THE DEVELOPMENT OF THERMAL ALTERATION TECHNOLOGIES IN FLORIDA:
IMPLICATIONS FOR THE STUDY OF PREHISTORIC ADAPTATION

Dana Ste. Claire


Introduction

The practice of thermal alteration, or heat
treatment, of silicious materials by prehis-
toric lithic technicians has long been re-
cognized as an integral activity in the pro-
duction of certain stone tools. Investiga-
tors concerned with this practice in Florida
have provided us, through replicative and
other experiments, with an abundance of data
describing the changing physical properties
of stone when it is subjected to thermal al-
teration processes in an effort to under-
stand the technological benefits of heat
treatment to the prehistoric stone tool man-
ufacturer (Purdy and Brooks 1971; Purdy 1974).
However, the behavioral implications related
to the inception and development of this
technology are seldom discussed (the excep-
tion is Anderson 1979). Furthermore, al-
though the historic development of thermal
alteration in Florida has been surmised
(Purdy 1971, 1981:125), with one notable
exception (Daniel and Wisenbaker 1981),
these assumptions have rarely been tested.

In an effort to address these problems, re-
search was designed and performed in two
phases (Ste. Claire 1985): 1) a quantitative
analysis was conducted using a large sample
of projectile points and related debitage
to provide the data necessary for the devel-
opment of cultural/temporal indices for the
occurrence of thermal alteration technolo-
gies in Florida (this phase of research was
conducted mainly at the Florida State Museum,
University of Florida); and 2) the behavioral
implications of the resulting temporal dis-
tribution were examined in detail.

Temporal Distribution of
Thermally Altered Projectile Points

Projectile points diagnostic of defined
cultural periods in Florida (Bullen 1975;
Milanich and Fairbanks 1980) were examined
for the presence or absence of heat treat-
ment. It was hypothesized that if thermal
alteration technologies were practiced dur-
ing certain cultural periods through time,


then the development and optimum usage of
these technologies would be evidenced by a
patterned distribution of thermal altera-
tion percentages calculated for diagnostic
projectile point assemblages. Projectile
points were chosen for this study because
they are generally reliable temporal indi-
cators and because heat treatment techno-
logies are most often associated with this
artifact class.

Diagnostic projectile points representing
eight cultural/temporal periods in Florida
were analyzed and tabulated accordingly.
An inventory of these periods and their
representative diagnostic projectile points
follows:

Paleo-Indian (ca. 10,000-9,000 B.P.):
Suwannee, Simpson, Clovis

Early Archaic (ca. 9,000-8,000 B.P.):
Bolen Plain, Bolen Beveled, Greenbriar

Transitional Early Archaic (ca. 8,000-
7,000 B.P.): Kirk Serrated, Hardee
Beveled, Thonotosassa

Middle Archaic (ca. 7,000-4,500 B.P.):
Newnan, Hillsborough, Alachua, Levy,
Marion, Putnam

Late Archaic (ca. 4,500-3,000 B.P.):
Culbreath, Clay, Lafayette

Florida Transitional (ca.3,000-2,500 B.P.):
Hernando, Citrus

Post-Transitional (ca. 2,500-1,200 B.P.):
Bradford, Broward, Columbia, Gadsden,
Sarasota, Taylor, Jackson

Late Periods (ca. 1,200-500 B.P.):
Pinellas, Ichetucknee, Tampa

Although the Florida State Museum collec-
tions contain artifacts representing most
culture areas of Florida, some geographi-
cal bias exists in the artifact sample.
For example, the greater peninsula area is


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Vol. 40 No. 3


Sept., 1987




204


best represented, while examples from the
northeastern and extreme northern portions
of the state are more limited. However,
since most projectile points are well re-
presented, information can be extrapolated
to under-represented areas.

Over 1000 projectile points were analyzed
to calculate thermal alteration indices or
percentile values for each of the defined
cultural/temporal periods. This was accom-
plished by dividing the number of thermally
altered implements in a group by the total
number of projectile points for that group.
A higher frequency of heat-treated points
was indicated by a greater index. These
percentile values were plotted by cultural/
temporal period so that each period was
characterized by a specific termal altera-
tion index.

Research Considerations: For use as a time-
space indicator, heat-altered and unaltered
stone must be accurately distinguished
(Rick 1978:4). Equally important is dif-
ferentiating intentionally altered stone
from accidentally heated stone. Distin-
guishing methods were employed, in part,
for similar thermal alteration studies con-
ducted for sites in Illinois (Struever
1973; Cook 1976).

A number of criteria have been suggested
for detecting prehistoric thermal altera-
tion including color change and luster con-
trasts at the macroscopic level and mater-
ial weight loss and density at a more re-
fined level (see Rick and Chappell 1983 for
a current overview and critique of distin-
guishing criteria). Most archaeologists
concerned with these studies, however,
agree that the most observable and practi-
cal criterion for detecting the presence
of controlled thermal alteration is the
presence of surface luster (Rick and
Chappell 1983:71). While some will argue
that certain Florida cherts are naturally
vitreous, thus hindering identification
methods based on luster, thermally altered
Florida projectile points, to those who
are familiar with their appearance, are
not difficult to differentiate from nor-
mally vitreous stone. This is especially
true of thermally altered coral points.

A difficulty encountered early in the
study involved the presence of patination
on some projectile points, especially the


early varieties. Although it has been
demonstrated that normal patination pro-
cesses may be hindered by heat-treated
materials (Collins and Fenwick 1974;
Purdy and Clark 1979), the presence of
thermal alteration on heavily weathered
projectile points was difficult to discern
accurately and, consequently, these were
eliminated from the study. It should be
noted, however, that a sampling problem
did not arise since all diagnostic pro-
jectile point categories were fully repre-
sented by unpatinated implements.

Temporal Distribution: The resulting dis-
tribution of percentile values, illustrat-
ed in Figure 1, indicates a pattern of use
of thermal alteration technologies through
time. In general, there was a complete
absence of thermal alteration in the Paleo-
Indian assemblage. Heat-treatment proces-
ses as shown by this study first appear in
the Early Archaic where a thermal altera-
tion percentile value of just 0.024 was
calculated. An increase (0.330) is seen
in the transitional Early Archaic which
corresponds with the first appearance of
stemmed points. the distribution peaks
(0.732) during the Middle Archaic; declines
somewhat in the Late Archaic (0.400) and
the Florida Transitional period (0.032);
and, gradually increases again during post-
Transitional years (0.175 to 0.405).
Percentile
-'


0 0 0 0 00 0 0 C 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 ~ 0
- 0 0 0 0 0 C.,


Distribution of


Figure 1
Thermal Alteration


Indices Through Time


Thermal Alteration in Late Period Contexts

The rise in thermal alteration frequency
for later periods as shown by the distri-





205


bution is misleading. While heat-treatment
may very well have been practiced during
post-Transitional period years, its fre-
quency was probably much lower than is in-
dicated by the greater percentile values.
The distributional skew may be explained,
in large part, by an often overlooked pre-
historic behavior -- the curation and ex-
pedient use by later cultures of materials
produced and deposited by earlier cultures.
This was often the case when later period
aborigines occupied the same sites once
inhabited by earlier Archaic period popu-
lations. The abundance of lithic debris
left by Archaic inhabitants provided a
readily available source of stone for
later site occupants whose lithic manufac-
turing trajectories were less complex and
required smaller stone blanks for tool pro-
duction. As a matter of time and energy
conservation, it would have been much
easier for later site inhabitants to util-
ize immediately available on-site materials
rather than looking elsewhere for them. As
a result, many suitable thermally altered
fragments were procured and subsequently
modified into new projectile point forms
during later periods. Due to the relative
decrease in size of later period projectile
points, large flakes and fragments result-
ing from the production of Archaic Stemmed
points would fit very well into certain
late period lithic production trajectories.

Excellent examples of this prehistoric
behavior were observed in artifact assem-
blages collected from the Cross Creek site
(Smith 1971; Milanich 1978; Milanich and
Fairbanks 1980:105-109), a Cades Pond vil-
lage site (ca. A.D. 200-800) and the
Richardson site (Milanich 1972), a late
Alachua period village (ca. A.D. 1250-1600),
both located in the North-Central Florida
cultural area (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:
30-32). In both cases, Archaic period ma-
terials resulting from an earlier occupation
were found intermixed with later period
artifacts. The most notable of these exam-
ples is the Richardson site where over 130
Pinellas points and Pinellas-like imple-
ments were recovered along with many ther-
mally altered Archaic stemmed projectile
points and related production debris. An
examination of the associated debitage as-
semblage revealed the presence of whole
and fragmented Archaic period blanks, pre-
forms, and flakes, most of which were heat
altered. More importantly, many Pinellas


point blanks and reforms were manufactur-
ed from thermally altered flakes which ex-
hibited large remnant flake scars and strik-
ing platforms. Many of these blanks, pre-
forms, and finished points clearly show
patterns of differential patination where
older weathered surfaces were pressure-
flaked to expose the underlying material.
Large scale curation activities are appar-
ent for this site. Its Alachua period
inhabitants had obviously discovered the
advantages of pressure flaking readily
available heat-treated stone which was
left by earlier Archaic period occupants.

Complete projectile point assemblages from
these and other later period sites were
tabulated for this study. As a result,
higher percentages of thermal alteration
are indicated. A more accurate percentile
value for these periods of less than 0.10
was calculated for general collections of
diagnostic late period projectile points
from which curated Archaic period imple-
ments had been removed. This value is
more representative of later periods and
reflects an overall decrease in the use
of thermal alteration. With this data
considered, the distribution is character-
ized by a gradual increase, a sharp peak,
and a gradual decrease in percentile
values.

Behavioral Implications of
Temporal Distribution

While this relatively normal distribution
(see Figure 1) may seem fundamental in na-
ture, technological and behavioral impli-
cations associated with it are far more
complex. An explanatory model for the in-
crease in use of thermal alteration tech-
nologies during the Archaic is provided by
Goodyear's (1979) hypothesis regarding the
use of cryptocrystalline raw materials a-
mong Paleo-Indian groups. He potulates
that the use of fine-grained silicious
materials by early inhabitants reflects
the special technological needs of a geo-
graphically mobile settlement system. In
other words, because of the mobile life-
style of Paleo-Indians, and because they
lacked immediate and continuing access to
lithic sources, their technologies requir-
ed that flexible and durable stone tools
be produced. Thus, high grade lithic
sources were selected for the production
of stone implements, and their fine-grain-





206


ed nature would have precluded the neces-
sity of heat-treatment technologies.

Paleo-Indian procurement activities con-
trast markedly with the following Archaic
period where increasing reliance on local
and more coarse-grained raw materials is
indicated (Goodyear 1979:10). This, as
Goodyear explains, is the result of de-
creasing mobility and habitat size which,
in turn, is a result of an increasing
population during this time. The more
sedentary nature of Archaic peoples would
have required the exploitation of locally
available and often more inferior lithic
resources. In addition, changing envi-
ronmental conditions during the Early to
Middle Archaic periods resulted in the in-
creased surface water flow and erosional
actions necessary to expose new lithic
sources. Thus, a changing environment
coupled with an expanding population
forced Archaic period groups to exploit
new and different environments bringing
them into contact with a wider variety
of lithic sources. It is also possible
that many fine-grained lithic sources
were inundated by rising sea levels or be-
came exhausted due to over-exploitation.

It is suggested that the increase and wide-
spread use of thermal alteration during the
Archaic period was, at its simplest level,
a technological adaptation to a set of en-
vironmental and cultural constraints. The
problem faced by prehistoric lithic tech-
nicians of this period centered around the
need to manufacture technologically suit-
able atlatl tips and knives which, were
large, broad-widthed, and relatively thin,
from medium to low grade stone which is
often more conducive to production fail-
ures. Thus, with the technological con-
straints the Archaic-Stemmed tradition
imposed, and with no other suitable lithic
sources available to them, Middle to Late
Archaic peoples expanded their resource
base through the efficient application of
thermal alteration technologies. From this
perspective, heat-treatment can be viewed
as an effective manipulation of the environ-
ment (Rick and Chappell 1983).

Although this study suggests that heat-
treatment first appeared during the tran-
sitional Early Archaic, it is more likely
that prehistoric technicians had knowledge
of this technology long before but did not
practice it as often because of the reli-


ance on fine-grained materials.

Heat-treatment technologies reached their
optimum during the Middle Archaic (ca.
7000-4500 B.P.) and are especially pre-
valent in assemblages containing Newnan
and Hillsborough points. Thermal altera-
tion percentiles calculated for Newnan and
Hillsborough points show that, respective-
ly, 92.1% and 83.3% of the representative
assemblages were heat-treated. An analysis
of Newnan projectile points from the type
site, Newnans Lake in Alachua County,
showed that over 94.0% were thermally al-
tered in expert fashion.

It is interesting that the optimum utiliza-
tion of silicified coral as a stone tool
raw material also occurs during the Middle
to Late Archaic, and appears to be strongly
characteristic of areas within the Central
Peninsular Gulf Coast region of Florida.
The high frequency of thermally altered
coral artifacts in Archaic assemblages in
this region has been noted by several in-
vestigators (e.g., Wharton n.d.; Daniel and
Wisenbaker 1981; Austin and Ste. Claire
1982a, 1982b; Hardin 1983; Austin 1983a,
1983b; Estabrook and Newman 1984). It may
be that thermal alteration of coral was
practiced for both technological and
aesthetic reasons (see Austin and Ste.
Claire 1982a:104 and Austin 1983a for a
discussion of this). Coral in its raw form
is very difficult to flake in a controlled
fashion; its hardness precludes its effec-
tive reduction into more refined types such
as projectile points. Thermal alteration,
however, greatly increases the flaking
qualities of coral and, thus, facilitates
controlled reduction. In other words, the
development of thermal alteration enabled
prehistoric groups to exploit more fully
a stone resource that was previously only
utilized sporadically. Aesthetically,
heat-altered coral projectile points, due
to their colorful appearance and vitreous
luster, are visually appealing. To pre-
sume that the heat alteration process en-
tailed only technological considerations
ignores the possible existence of prehis-
toric aesthetics.

Finally, one should not overlook the pos-
sibility of heat altered projectile points
functioning as status related items among
Archaic peoples (see Anderson 1979 for a
discussion of this possibility). With pro-
jectile points being the most elaborate





207


and perhaps the most socially visible
stone tool class (Rick and Chappell 1983:
77), thermally altered points may have
functioned in a social context.

Regarding the decrease in the practice of
thermal alteration during post-Archaic
periods, it correlates directly with a
decrease in projectile point size through
time. This is most likely a result of
changing lithic manufacturing strategies
where the use of successively smaller and
thinner stone blanks for the production of
projectile points did not necessitate the
use of thermal enhancement in order to
achieve the desired end product.

Concerning this diminution, it is interest-
ing to note that it is generally the Cul-
breath projectile points of the Late
Archaic period and the morphologically
similar larger Citrus points of the follow-
ing period which exhibit higher percentages
of thermal alteration than the smaller
Citrus varieties and related Hernando
points of the Florida Transitional period
for which heat-treatment percentages are
characteristically very low. The sudden
decrease in projectile point size and re-
lated use of thermal alteration at this
point in time may indicate greater techno-
logical changes (see Austin and Ste.Claire
1982a; Ste.Claire 1982 for a discussion of
this possibility). In addition, related
causes of this change might include popu-
lation movement to the coastal areas and
away from inland chert sources, use of
non-stone tools for tasks previously ac-
complished using chert, or over-exploita--
tion of chert sources.

Remarks

Results of this and related research are
currently being applied to problems asso-
ciated with the functional identification
and classification of sites which have
heretofore been labeled lithicc scatters",
a site type that has, until recently
(Austin 1983), remained both culturally
and functionally ambiguous in Florida
(Austin and Ste.Claire 1982b:33). These
sites are often disregarded in that their
archaeological value is, in most cases,
considered marginal. While limitations
have been recognized for the use of cer-
tain debitage attributes as indices of
intrasite activity in Florida (Austin and


Ste. Claire 1982a, 1982b; Austin and
Jackson 1983; Estabrook and Newman 1984),
it is anticipated that a focus on thermal
alteration as a qualitative debitage attri-
bute will provide more specific insights
regarding the temporal positioning of
lithic artifact scatters in Florida.

Thermal Alteration as a Cultural/Temporal
Marker -- Although high frequencies of
thermally altered debitage have been sug-
gested as the possible residue of Archaic
period lithic production in Florida (Austin
and Ste. Claire 1982a, 1982b; Austin 1983b:
43; SteClaire 1985; Luer, Almy, Ste.Claire
and Austin 1987:150-151), heat-treatment
has yet to be established as a diagnostic
attribute. Within the context of the
lithicc scatter" site type, higher percen-
tages of thermally altered debitage in the
absence of diagnostic artifacts may very
well be an indicator of Archaic period
activity. It should be emphasized, how-
ever, that the mere presence of heat-
treated debitage in an assemblage does not
necessarily mean it is the residue of
Archaic period lithic production. Converse-
ly, the complete absence of thermal altera-
tion should not be interpreted to mean a
"non-Archaic" site.

Regarding thermal alteration as a cultural/
temporal marker, it is interesting to note
that a pattern similar to that of Florida
has been recognized for the Archaic in the
Coastal Plain of South Carolina (see
Anderson 1979:235-236). In addition to an
established high incidence of heat-treatment
for the Archaic in this region, succeeding
Woodland and Mississippian periods are also
marked by a decrease in occurrence of this
technology.

Heat-treatment as a qualitative debitage
attribute will become a more reliable in-
dicator of Archaic period activity when
used with other related flake attributes.
In general, it will be the delineation and
additional testing of these debitage attri-
butes which will support thermal alteration
as a temporal index for the Archaic period
in Florida.

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to college and friend Bob
Austin for his editorial contributions and
discussions related to the development of










this article; this manuscript reflects

many shared ideas. Thanks to Dr. Jerald
Milanich for his assistance at the Florida
State Museum, University of Florida.
Finally, thanks to Saneh Soucy for her
help in the preparation of this manuscript.


References Cited

Anderson, David G.
1979 Prehistoric Selection for Intentional Thermal
Alteration: Tests of a Model Employing South-
eastern Archaeological Materials. Midcooti-
nental Journal of Archaeology 4:221-254.

Austin, Robert J.
1982 Debitage Analysis. In: The Archaic Through
the British Colonial Period at Rollestown
Midden, Putnam County, Florida, by Marsha
A. Chance.

1983a The Cypress Creek Site: Lithic Analysis and
Site Function. The Florida Anthropologist
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1939b A Cultural Resources Assessment Survey of
the Proposed North Clear Springs Mining
Area, Polk County, Florida. Manuscript on
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Austin, Robert J. and Thomas E. Jackson
1983 The Production and Analysis of Biface and
Uniface Debitage: A Preliminary Report.
Paper presented at the Thirty-Fifth Annual
Meeting of the Florida Anthropological
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Austin, Robert J. and Dana Ste.Claire
1982a The Deltona Project: Prehistoric Technology
in the Hillsborough River Basin. University
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1982b Site Functional Interpretation Through Debi-
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Dana Ste.Claire
16108 Northglenn Drive
Tampa, FL 33618






THE MANUFACTURING TECHNIQUES OF AN EARLY HOE
FROM COLONIAL GEORGIA (ca A.D. 1780)

William J. Webster


The Georgia Hoe and its Components


The tools used by the pioneers and early
settlers of Colonial America are almost
non-existent, as is literature pertaining
to the manufacturing techniques used
to produce these tools. When these tools
are discovered through archaeological
undertakings, they are usually in such a
poor state of preservation due to
weathering, oxidation or wear from use that
it may distort their intended function as
well as erase any manufacturing processes
used by early toolmakers. It is with these
thoughts in mind that I endeavor to
preserve the techniques used to produce an
early hoe from Colonial Georgia.

Introduction

While on a work trip to North Central
Georgia in the vicinity of Milledgeville,
slightly over a decade ago, I had the good
fortune of finding an early wrought iron
hoe in an excellent state of preservation.
The site of discovery is believed to be an
outpost or earthworks fortification. Many
such structures were in use during the
early years following the American
revolution (c. 1782-1802) to offer the
settlers protection during Indian raids
which were frequent in this area (Smith
1901:114-115) .

It is located on a high bluff overlooking
a tributory of the Oconee River. The
terrain is generally flat and grassy but
there are areas somewhat higher and lower
around the periphery indicating intended
design. It was in one of these lower areas
that the hoe was exposed. The slope of the
bluff is heavily wooded with only a few
trees on the site proper.

Due to the geographic location of this
find, the unique forging methods used and
the rounded style of the blade, I designate
it a "Georgia Hoe."


This hoe was originally composed of two
parts, the composite blade and the wooden
handle. Although there was not any wood
found in association with the blade, it can
be assumed that it would have been fitted
with a wooden handle if nothing more than a
limb or small tree trunk. The focus of
this paper is the techniques used to forge
the composite blade.

The Blade:

The blade is composed of at least two
layers of iron which are forge welded
firmly together. These layers can readily
be observed on the front of the blade at
the damaged area to the lower right and
just to the left of the damaged corner near
the center of the blade, as well as on the
back of the blade near the top at a line
slightly lower than the socket. (Figures 1-
4).

The rounded blade edges are formed by
rolling or folding the edges and forge
welding them securely. This folding would
have taken place as often as needed in
order to accomplish this rounded shape.
This folding and re-folding, plus the use
of the forge and hammer would result in a
very hard, tempered and homogeneous blade,
suitable for working the clayey soils
common to North Central Georgia.

The Rib:

The support rib or ridge is a vertical,
thickened area located centrally on the
inside face of the blade. It is formed
from the extensions of the iron straps that
make up the handle socket. They lie flat,
sandwiched between the sheets that compose
the blade. The entire area was then forge
welded thus forming the rib. This rib also
adds great strength to the blade as well as


Sept., 1987


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Abstract


209


Vol. 40 No. 3




210


being an excellent and secure means for
attaching these straps that will be
transformed into the handle socket. The
outer edges of this rib were forged and
hammered until the edge feathers out and
disappears into the blade (Figure 1).

The Handle Socket:

The handle socket is composed of the strap
iron which is an extension of the rib,
twisting ninety degrees as they leave the
blade then being worked into a somewhat
rounded and tapered socket not unlike a
section of cone. The handle would have
been placed into the socket from the front
(greater diameter) small end first, thus
when the handle was completely inserted to
where the matching diameters of the handle
came into contact with the exact cone shape
of the socket, maximum attachment would
have been achieved. The greater force
applied against the inside (back) of the
blade during hoeing, the greater would be
the wedging effect of the handle into the
socket.

Literature Review

In my search for literature pertaining to
early hoes, I found the following articles,
"Examples of Colonial Spanish Hoes" (Olsen
1968) and "A Late Eighteenth Century
Work Camp, St. Johns Bluff, Duval
County, Florida" (Jones 1973).
I can remove the "Georgia Hoe" from either
of these above classifications. The
"Georgia Hoe" has a higher degree of
technical excellence which resulted in a
superior product. The strap socket,
the rib for strength and the layered
blade all compliment each other as a
unit while producing this better product.
In Olsen's article he even suggested that a
better socket would have been fabricated in
somewhat the same manner as was the
"Georgia Hoe." The "Georgia Hoe" also has
the rounded blade edges-which neither of
these others exhibit.

In the Spanish Colonial Hoe the socket is
welded to the outside surface of the blade
and it does not appear to be tapered. The
two halves of the socket come together to
form a spike at the top, opposite the
blade.


Likewise, I cannot place the "Georgia Hoe"
into the "Eye" or "Warren" hoe categories.
Although the "Eye Hoe" has a tapered
socket, it is a complete cone with the
point folded over and attached to the
inside of the blade. This would require the
handle to be inserted from the back and
would require a pin through the socket and
handle for securing. The blades shown are
pointed and straight and neither Olsen or
Jones state whether the blades were
fabricated from more than one piece of sheet
metal nor did they elaborate on the methods
used during manufacturing of their
respective hoes. The differences I note
come from my comparisons to their printed
text.

Historic Perspective

The Indians in Georgia sided with the
English during the Revolutionary War. When
peace cam Georgia took advantage of the
victory and coerced the Indians into large
land sessions. The Indians, especially the
Creeks, were by no means reconciled to the
seizure of their lands and went on the war
path. There were frequent raids into the
country occupied by the Georgians for
several years and this war between the
Georgians and Indians became known as the
Oconee War (Smith 1901; Coleman
1977). Many forts and blockhouses were
constructed in the outlying areas for the
protection of the settlers from these
attacks. This Oconee war lasted some ten
years after the ware of Independence was
over and local citizens manned the forts
and outposts, until around 1793 after which
time they were garrisoned by federal
troops.

I believe that the damage to the blade of
this Georgia hoe occurred during one of
these skirmishes; that the hoe was handed
and brought down with great force against
an object such as an anvil or other solid
object, tearing open the blade to expose
its double layer construction. The damage
to the blade by the nature of its severity
indicates intentional destruction.

It is possible that the site was associated
with Ft. Fidius, C. 1793 or Ft. Wilkinson,
C. 1795 which was also the site of the
signing of the 1802 Indian Treaty by 32




211


S/


17.15 8.59 7.62 O-
17.15 ci cm Cm

FEATHERED EDGE THICKENED RIB
I THICKENED RIB









\ AREA






--16.21 cm --


CM


-"-I--------- --J- P -, +----


Figure 1. The Manufacturing Techniques of an Early Hoe.
(Top) Inside or Handle Side of Hoe; (Bottom)
Cross-Section Taken at "A" in Above Figure.




212


4.66
cm






















4u 466




17.15 cm I
-Hr















16.21 cm

.48 cm o5













Figure 2. The Manufacturing Techniques of an Early Hoe.
(Left) Side View; (Right) Top View.




-.* *-*>** '


ci. JI


3


AN


5k


-A


Figure 3. Photograph detailing edge damage to Early Georgia Hoe.




214


Creek Towns that ceded the lands in this
area of the State of Georgia (WPA
1940:45, 225, 481; White 1855:125).

References Cited

Coleman, Kenneth
1977 The History of Georgia.

Jones, William M.
1973 A Late Eighteenth Century
Work Camp, St. Jones
County, Florida. The
Florida Anthropologist
26(4):129-142.

Olsen, Stanley J.
1968 Examples of Colonial
Spanish Hoes. The Florida
Anthropologist 21(4):117-_
120.
Smith, George Gillman, D.D.
j2 itA |4161 1 T 1441 l A- Ma a 1901 The STory of Georgia and
Georgia People, 1732-1860.
Reprinted 1968. Geneao-
logical Publishing Co.,
Baltimore, MD.

White, George
1855 Historical Collections of
Georgia.

Works Progress Administration (WPA)
1940 Georgia, A Guide to Its
Towns and Countryside.


William J. Webster
704 4th Street South
St. Petersburg, FL 33701










Figure 4. Photographs of inside and
facing views of Early
Georgia Hoe.




215


THE SINGLE LIGHT METHOD (SI):
A NEW TECHNIQUE IN PHOTOGRAPHING ARTIFACTS

Wm Jack Hranicky


Excavated artifacts constitute what is com-
monly called archaeological evidence that
supports site analysis and interpretation.
While the physical artifact can be used as
evidence, most archaeologists tend to use
photographs of the artifacts as part of
their lecture presentations or published
reports. When one reviews the archaeolog-
ical literature, one can generally find a
range of quality of published photographs.
Laboratory conditions can be controlled
precisely, and with a reasonably good set
of photographic tools and careful film
processing, good quality photographs can
be obtained.

This paper discusses one of the major pro-
blems that most archaeologists encounter
when photographing artifacts, namely the
shadow around the edge of the artifact that
is caused by using two floodlights. The
Single Light Method (SLM) offers a solution
to the shadow problem and increases con-
trast which makes better photographs of
artifacts. Less apparatus is needed for
the SLM than dual lights thus making the
technique portable for photographing arti-
facts outside the laboratory.

Photographing artifacts in the field in-
volves different techniques and equipment.
This paper does not address field techni-
ques, but suggests that all archaeologists
read Photography in Archaeological Research
(1975) edited by Elmer Harp or the somewhat
older but excellent Photography for Scien-
tific Publication: a Handbook (1965) by A.
A. Blaker.

As mentioned, quality of artifact photo-
graphs varies among published reports, and
nationally most archaeological reports
have room for improvement. This paper as-
sumes basic fundamentals in laboratory
photography. Therefore, basic aspects, such
as exposures and film processing, will not
be discussed. For an excellent overview,
"Labatory Photography" (1975) by David
Sanger in Harp discusses laboratory tech-


niques for producing quality artifact photo-
graphs. Shadowless background photographs
can be easily made by using either setup as
shown in the Technical Design Note.

Laboratory photographing of artifacts, such
as ceramics and projectile points, involves
analyzing the artifact photographic needs
to determine:

1. How much light is reflected from the
artifact?

2. What special attributes on the artifact
need emphasizing?

3. What are the areas of an artifact that
will cause problems?

4. How many artifacts will be in the
photograph?

5. How close will the camera have to be
to the artifact?

6. What type of film is needed to make
the photograph?

Good photographs are made by photographers
who identify the problems with photograph-
ing an object and then find solutions to
these problems. Most artifacts have a
special set of circumstances that the
photographer must overcome. For example,
probably the major factor is the size of
the object, which affects the distance of
the camera lens to the object or necessi-
tates the need for close up lenses. The
next major factor is the texture of the
object. Smooth or glassy objects tend to
reflect light more easily than rough tex-
tures. Often glassy objects will cause
hot-spots in the photographs. Another con-
cern of the photographer is what aspect of
the object does he wish to photograph or
emphasize, such as a close up of a knife's
cutting edge or a certain design on a cer-
amic vessel. Not every artifact will have
nice and even surfaces, and this will


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Vol. 40 No. 3


Sept., 1987




TECHNICAL DESIGN NOTE


Project# /O00 Project Name ZS-/77 7l FTH O


C. a.er.


7hre Lb-1M3 Me4Aod


Cam7er c.


Form No. C105


Page -


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217


cause special problems.

Probably the easiest photograph to make is
the "one negative/positive for one arti-
fact." This technique allows very close
photography and good control of lighting.
Multiple objects can cause variations in
lighting and naturally, the camera lens
has to be farther from the objects. These
factors of distance must be determined for
correct exposures. Finally, the type of
film will cause different problems. While
this is not true for black-and-white film,
color film must be balanced to match the
color imperfections of the lights that are
used to illuminate the object. Also, the
film speed influences the camera's depth-
of-field.

Photographing glassy objects, gloss-painted
objects, or obsidian and quartz artifacts
will cause problems because of their light
refracting properties. There is a techni-
que to neutralize this reflection problem
which is called ammonium-chloride treatment
of artifacts (Hranicky 1976; Kraft 1971).
This technique allows excellent photographs
of glassy surfaces without covering up the
natural details of the artifact. However,
this technique was developed primarily for
prehistoric artifacts, namely projectile
points and nonpainted ceramics. The am-
monium-chloride treatment is especially
useful for photographing quartz, white
quartzite, and obsidian artifacts.

The Single Light Method (SLM), as the name
suggests, involves the use of a single
light source to illuminate an object to be
photographed. This single light causes
shadows on the artifact's surface, but
these shadows are desirable and often
highlight areas on the artifact's surface.
The shadows create the visual impression
of depth, thus photographed ridge lines
and flake scars are much more readily
discernable.

The setup for the SLM is shown in the
Technical Design Note. The SLM can be
used with the light-box method where lights
are placed under the photographing plane
(or an opal glass background sheet). This
will eliminate the need for the mirror.
However, the SLM was designed to be readi-
ly portable and is well suited for those
situations where elaborate equipment can-
not be set up quickly.


The SLM involves the use of a mirror to
reflect up to the edges of an artifact
where there would normally be shadows. The
mirror is placed under the photographing
surface, which must be transparent. The
mirror is placed at an angle of approxi-
mately 30-45 degrees so that the photo-
flood can be adjusted to reflect the lamp
light upwards to the photographing plane.
This angle depends on the placement of the
lamp. The lamp works well if it is 45
degrees to the photographing plane. Frost-
ed glass is recommended; however, trans-
lucent matte plastic will work well for
the photographing plane. Most hardware
stores will carry or can obtain glass that
can be used for the background, which is
called "double flushed" opal glass. The
double coating should be used to gain max-
imum diffusion and an even distribution of
light. Kodak has had this glass available
in the past. If the SLM is used as port-
able equipment, you should have a spare
glass pane in case the main piece of glass
is broken. The thickness of the glass or
plastic should be 0.312-0.5 cm (1/8-3/16");
however, if a large surface is going to be
used, such as 3 x 3 ft (ca. 1 m 2), then
increase the thickness to 0.625-0.937 cm
(1/4-3/8"). While the SLM is intended to
be portable, the method can be used with
larger equipment.

If the photographing plane is a clear
material, the mirror may reflect an image
of the camera. A scale should be placed
in the photograph, and the scale should
be on the side away from the light source.
Another good way of portraying scale is
the use of an overlay that has a grid (see
Figure 1). The point in that figure is a
Big Sandy point from Tennessee. This over-
lay can also have a single line scale which
is drawn directly on the transparency film.
Color transparencies work best if they are
placed under the photographing plane;
otherwise, you probably will get unwanted
reflections.

The SLM floodlight should be a lamp that
is specifically made for photographic pur-
poses. Both General Electric and Sylvania
make photographic floodlights. These
lamps are available in both white and blue.
The latter tends to be softer light; how-
ever, for photographing artifacts, either
color will work. The reflector (lamp hold-




















CM
IN
2


Figure 1 A Big Sandy Point Using a Grid Overlay


CM
IN


Figure 2 An Obsidian Knife from Southern California


-









I L

A' t .,lp" T~


Figure 4 Mimbres Black-on-White Pottery from New Mexico


Figure 3 A Savannah River Point from Virginia





220


er) can be small for using black and white
film, such as a 15.25 cm (6") reflector.
When using color film, the reflector
should be at least a 25.4 cm (10") or 30.5
cm (12") reflector. Small reflectors have
narrow light-reflected covergae and will
cause uneven light distribution on the
photographic plane. The recommendation
here is for the 30.5 cm (12") reflector.
(NOTE: These lights produce high tempera-
tures and associated heat; so avoid con-
tact and allow time for cooling before
storing or transporting them).

Probably one of the major problems in us-
ing the three-light method is determining
the correct exposure. Most of the time,
the correct exposure can be obtained by
turning off the background light and
placing the meter to the object to be
photographed and taking an exposure
reading. The SLM exposure can be made
the same way, except instead of turning
off the background lights, slide a piece
of paper over the mirror. This will
block the light from hitting the photo-
graphic plane. Another way of determin-
ing the correct exposure is to place the
light meter within an inch of the artifact,
which allows a surface-reflected reading.
Cameras with through-the-lens metering can
be a problem with the three-light method.
These cameras read the entire plane to
compute an exposure setting; one which is
always incorrect. If your camera has a
spot-meter in it, it will probably set
the correct exposure. With the SLM,
lighting is not a major problem because
the majority of the illumination is on the
top of the photographic plane. One photo-
graphic trick that can be noted here is
that when you are photographing glassy
objects, use a matte translucent acetate
sheet in front of the lights. This method
is usually called the translucent light
tent method. Other approaches include
using diffused lights or reflecting light
off a wall or ceiling.

Figures 2 through 4 show examples of arti-
facts that have been photographed using
the SLM technique. Figure 2 is an obsidian
knife from Southern California. Obsidian
is probably the most difficult material to
photograph. The next photograph is Figure
3 which is a broken Savannah River point


from Virginia, which is made of quartzite.
Quartzite is another extremely difficult
material to photograph. Figure 4 is a
piece of Mimbres black-on-white pottery
from New Mexico. The paint on this pot-
tery does not weather well and is diffi-
cult to photograph. All photographs were
shot on Kodak TMAX film (ISO 400/shot at
200) with a General Electric photoflood
lamp. The film was processed in Kodak
Microdol-X developer.

References Cited

Blaker, A. A.
1965 Photography for Scientific Publi-
cation: a Handbook. Freeman
Publishers, San Francisco, CA.

Harp, Elmer
1975 Photography in Archaeological
Research. University of New
Mexico Press, Albuquerque, NM.

Hranicky, Wm Jack
1976 The Ammonium-Chloride Treatment of
Artifacts for Photographic Purposes.
The Chesopiean 14(5-6):101.

Kraft, Herbert
1971 Ammonium Chloride as an Aid in
Enhancing the Detail of Lithic
Artifacts for Photography and
Study. Man in the Northeast,
Vol 1, pp. 53-57.


Wm Jack Hranicky
P. 0. Box 4190
Arlington, Virginia 22204





221

CHAPTER 872, FLORIDA STATUTES ("OFFENSES CONCERNING DEAD BODIES AND GRAVES")
AMENDED: THE LAW AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE


Louis D. Tesar


In an earlier issue of The Florida Anthro-
pologist, I wrote:


For decades archaeological sites, espe-
cially those containing Native American
Indian and other historically signifi-
cant burials, have been the target of
individuals commonly referred to as
"pot hunters" or "treasure hunters."
These individuals would be called
"grave robbers" under other circum-
stances.


We all have decried this situation as
an unfortunate and terrible tragedy
which should be stopped and one in
which the ghoulish perpetrators should
be promptly and severely punished. Yet,
to date, our actions have generally not
gone beyond words. (Tesar 1986:299)


I concluded by urging your support of then
proposed amendments to Chapter 872, Florida
Statutes ("Offenses Concerning Dead Bodies
and Graves").


It is with pleasure that I report that
after nearly two years of efforts by con-
cerned avocational and professional archae-
ologists, Florida's Native Americans, cul-
tural and physical anthropologists, and
others, the State of Florida has taken an
important step forward with amendments to
Chapter 872, F.S. These amendments involve
a critical wording change concerning the
intent of the offense from a "wanton and
malicious" to a "willful and knowing" act.
It had been demonstrated that the former
wording made it almost impossible to prose-
cute grave robbers. The language in s.
872.02, F.S., pertaining to marked human
burials, also was broadened to clearly in-
clude Native American burial mounds and
other features "containing human skeletal
remains or associated burial artifacts."
Finally, a new s. 872.05, F.S., was added
to address unmarked human burials not cov-
ered by the provisions of s. 872.02, F.S.
These amendments were signed into law by
the Governor on June 30, 1987 and take
effect on October 1, 1987.


Please read and become familiar with the
provisions of this law. Please bring it
to the attention of those who undertake
activities governed by its terms. PLEASE
REPORT VIOLATORS TO THE PROPER AUTHORITIES.
The amended law is reproduced below. Words
underlined are additions; words strieken
are deletions.


872.02 Injuring or removing tomb or monument: disturbing contents
of grave or tomb; penalties.-
(1) A person who willfully and knowingly destroys, mutilates,
defaces, injures, or removes any tomb, monument, gravestone, burial
mound, earthen or shell monument containing human skeletal remains or
associated burial artifacts, or other structure or thing placed or
designed for a memorial of the dead, or any fence, railing, curb, or
other thing intended for the protection or ornamentation of any tomb,
monument, gravestone, burial mound, earthen or shell monument
containing human skeletal remains or associated burial artifacts, or
other structure before mentioned, or for any enclosure for the burial
of the dead, or willfully destroys, mutilates, removes, cuts, breaks,
or injures any tree, shrub, or plant placed or being within any such
enclosure, is guilty of a misdemeanor of the first degree, punishable
as provided in s. 775.082 or s. 775.083. However, if the damage to
such property is greater than $100 or if any property removed is
greater than $100 in value, then he is guilty of a felony of the
third degree, punishable as provided in s. 775.082, s. 775.083, or s.
775.084.
(2) A person who willfully and knowingly "antenby-snd-msalietidsly
disturbs the contents of a tomb or grave is guilty of a felony of the
third degree, punishable as provided in s. 775.082, s. 775.083, or s.
775.084.
(3) This section shall not apply to any person acting under the
direction or authority of the Division of Historical Resources of the
Department of State, to cemeteries operating undeerChapter 497,
Florida Statutes, or to any person otherwise authorized by law to
remove or disturb a tomb, monument, gravestone, burial mound, or
similar structure, or its contents as described in subsection (1).


872.05 Unmarked human burials.--
(1) LEGISLATIVE INTENT.--It is the intent of the Legislature that
all human burials and human skeletal remains be accorded equal
treatment and respect based upon common human dignity without
reference to ethnic origin, cultural background, or religious
affiliation. This section applies to all human burials, human
skeletal remains, and associated burial artifacts not otherwise
protected under chapter 497 or other state law and found upon or
within any public or private land in the state, including submerged
lands.
(2) DEFINITIONS.--As used in this section:
a) "Archaeoloist" means a person who is registered by the
Society of Professional Archeologists with an emphasis in field
research or who, in the judgment of the State Archaeologist, meets
the training and experience requirements necessary for such
registration.
(b) "District medical examiner" means a person appointed under s.
406.06, S. 406.15, or s. 406.17.
(c) "Division" means the Division of Historical Resources of the
Department of State.
(d) "Human skeletal analyst" means a person who possesses a
postgraduate degree in human skeletal biology, human forensic
osteology, or other related area of physical anthropology and who has
a minimum of 1 year of laboratory experience in human skeletal
analysis and reconstruction.
e) "State Archaeologist" means the person employed by the
division pursuant to s. 267.061(4).
(f "Unmarked human burial" means an human skeletal remains or
associated burial artifacts or an location where human skeletal
remains or associated burial artifacts are discovered or believed to
exist on the basis of archaeological or historical evidence, but
which are not included under a. 872.02.
(3) NOTIFICATION.--
(a) Any person who knows or has reason to know that an unmarked
human burial is being unlawfully disturbed, destroyed, defaced,
mutilated, removed, excavated, or exposed shall imm ately notfy
the locar law enforcement agency with jurisdiction in the area where
the unmarked human burial is located.
(bl Any law enforcement agency that finds evidence that an
unmarked human burial has been unlawfully disturbed shall notify the


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Vol. 40 No. 3


Sept., 1987









dlScrict medical examiner pursuant to subsection (si.
(4) DISCOVERY OF AN UNMARKED HUMAN BURIAL OTHER THAN DURING AN
ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATION.--When an unmarked human burial is
discover other than urng an archaeological excavation authorized
b the state or an educational institution, all activity that may
isturb h unmarked human burial shall cease immediately, and the
district medical examiner shall be notified. Such activity shall not
resume unless specifically authorized by the district medical
examiner or the State Archaeologist.
(a) If the district medical examiner finds that the unmarked
human burial may be involved in a legal investigation or represents
the burial of an individual who has been dead less than 75 years, the
district medical examiner shall assume jurisdiction over and
responsibility for such unmarked human u and buial a no other
provisions of this section shall apply. The district medical
examiner shall have 30 das after notification o the unmarked human
burial to determine i he shale maintain jurisdiction or refer the
matter to the State Archaeologist.
(b) If the district medical examiner finds that the unmarked
human burial is not involved in a legal investigation and represents
the burial of an individual who has been dead 75 ears or more, he
shall notify the State Archaeologist, and the division may assume
jurisdiction over and responsibility for the unmarked human bural
pursuant to subsection (6).
ucr When the division assumes jurisdiction over an unmarked human
burial the State Archaeologist shall consult a human skeletal
analyst who shall report within 5 days as to the cultural and
biological characteristics of the human skeletal remains and where
such burial or remains should be held prior to a final disposition.
(5) DISCOVERY OF AN UNMARKED HUMAN BURIAL DURING AN
ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATION.--
a) When an unmarked human burial is discovered as a result of an
archaeological excavation and the archaeologist finds that the
unmarked human burial represents the burial of an individual who has
been dead less than 75 years, the archaeologist shall notify the
district medical examiner, and all activity that may disturb the
unmarked human burial shall cease until the district medical examiner
authorizes work to resume.
(b) If such unmarked human burial represents the burial of an
individual who has been dead 75 years or more, archaeological
activities may not resume until the State Archaeologist has been
notified of the unmarked human burial.
(c Within 15 days after the discovery of an unmarked human
burial, the archaeologist conducting the excavation shall report to
the State Archaeologist his opinion regarding the cultural and
biological characteristics of the unmarked human burial and here
human skeletal remains and associated burial artifacts should be held
prior to a final disposition. The division may assume ursdiction
over and responsibility for the unmarked human burial pursuant to
subsection (6).
6 JURISDICTION; DUTIES OF THE STATE ARCHAEOLOGIST.--The
division may assume jurisdiction over and responsibility for an
unmarked human burial in order to initiate efforts for the proper
protection the burial an the human skeletal remains and
associated burial artifacts. Whenever the division assumes
jurisdiction over and responsibility for an unmarked human burial,
the State Archaeologist shall:
(a) Determine whether the unmarked human burial is historically,
archaeologlcally, or scientifically significant. If the burial is
deemed significant, reinterment may not occur until the remains have
been examined by a human skeletal analyst designated by th State
Archaeologist.
(b) Make reasonable efforts to identify and locate persons who
can establish direct kinship, tribal, community, or ethnic
relationships with the individual or individuals whose remains
constitute the unmarked human burial. If possible, the State
Archaeologist shall consult with the closest related family member or
reognized community leaders, if a community or ethnic relationship
is established, in determining the proper disposition of the remains
found in the unmarked human burial.
(c) If he is unable to establish a kinship, tribal, community, or
ethnic relationship with the unmarked human burial, determine the
proper disposition of the burial and consult with persons with
relevant experience, including:
1. A human skeletal analyst.
2. Two Native American members of current state tribes
recommended by the Governor's Council on Indian Affairs, Inc., if the
remains are those of a Native American.
3. Two representatives of related community or ethnic groups if
the remains are not those of a Native American.
4. An individual who has special knowledge or experience
regarding the particular type of the unmarked human burial.

If the State Archaeologist finds that an unmarked human burial is
historically, archaeologically, or scientifically significant and if
the parties with whom he is required under this subsection to consult
agree, the human skeletal remains and the associated burial artifacts
thereof shall belong to the state with title thereto vested in the
division.
(7) REPORT REQUIRED.-The archaeologist and human skeletal
analyst involved in the archaeological excavation and scientific
analysis of an unmarked human burial shall submit a written report of
archaeological and scientific findings as well as a summary of such
findings, in terms that may be understood by lay persons, to the
State Archaeologist wihin 2 years after completion of an excavation.
The division shall publish the summary within 1 year after its
receipt and shall make such report available upon request.


(8) PUBLIC DISPLAY.--
la) Associated burial artifacts may be made available on loan by
the division for educational purposes to institutions that have
demonstrated an ability to provide safe, proper, and respectful care.
(b) The division shall develop guidelines and adopt rules
regarding the public display of human remains. Such guidelines and
rule shall not restrict leal, medical or educational use of human
skeletal remains, or the display of human skeletal remains in a
manner not objectionable to groups ith a kinship, tribal, community
or ethnic relationship to the individual whose remains are displayed
9) EXCAVATION NOT REQUIRED. --This section does not require
excavation of an unmarked human burial unless circumstances require
excavation to prevent destruction of the human skeletal remains.
(10) VIOLATION AND PENALTIES.--
(a) Any person who willfully and knowingly disturbs, destroys,
removes, vandalizes, or damages an unmarked human burial is guilty of
a felony of the third degree, punishable as provided in s. 775.082,
s. 775.083, or s. 775.084.
(b) Any person who has knowledge that an unmarked human burial is
being disturbed, vandalized, or damaged and fails to notify the local
law enforcement agency with jurisdiction in the area where the
unmarked human burial is located is guilty of a misdemeanor of the
second degree, punishable as provided in s. 775.082, s. 775.083, or
S. 775.084.
SThi subsection shall not apply to any person acting under
the direction or authority of the division or to any person otherwise
authorized by law to disturb, destroy, or remove an unmarked human
burial.




What Happens Next?


Public awareness of this law is essential.
For too long artifact collectors have loot-
ed sites to obtain artifacts for the anti-
quities market. For too long otherwise
concerned avocational and professional ar-
chaeologists have rushed forward to exca-
vate Native American burial sites which
appeared to be threatened and placed the
"saved" artifacts on their shelves or those

of a museum and the recovered bones in
cardboard boxes. For too long ...


Chapter 872, F.S. 1987, gives Native Ameri-
can burial sites and the artifacts which
they contain the same level of recognition
and protection which it has long afforded
white and black burials in christian ceme-
teries. In doing so it takes another step
toward acknowledging that Native Americans
are human, that their cultures are worthy
of respect, and that treating their burial
sites as locations to be mined for arti-
facts is criminal.


The next step is the development of rules
to implement the provisions of Chapter 872.
The rules pertaining to human remains and
associated artifacts under the jurisdiction
of the State Archaeologist will be prepared
by the Florida Department of State, Divi-
sion of Historical Resources. One aspect
of these rules will be the disposition of
the involved human remains and associated
artifacts.


222




223


The issue of reburial and the disposition
of human remains, particularly those of
Native Americans, and associated artifacts
has gained nationwide attention. Florida
now has joined with several other states
in the passage of laws dealing with this
issue. On the national level, Senator
John Melcher has proposed federal legis-
lation to govern the treatment and dispo-
sition of human remains and associated ar-
tifacts excavated by professional archae-
ologists and located in public institu-
tions. This proposed legislation is woe-
fully deficient in its failure to address
such remains in private collections and
the antiquities market.

In my opinion, it is the antiquities mar-
ket and the looting of graves by indivi-
duals for private collections which is at
the root of the current problem. Profes-
sional archaeologists and public institu-
tions continue to make strides in develop-
ing a conservation ethic and sensitivity
for the ramifications of how and what they
display. Admittedly, much remains to be
done, but singling out legitimate organi-
zations for censure, while ignoring the
site looters and antiquities market, is
like attacking the tip of an iceberg while
ignoring the massive problem below the
surface.

It would be better to address those col-
lectors supplying the antiquities market.
Whenever you become aware of someone
looting a Native American burial site,
notify your local law enforcement agency
and the State Archaeologist. Whenever you
become aware of someone selling Native
American artifacts or digging on archae-
ological sites, notify the IRS. It is a
sure bet that they are probably not declar-
ing their illgotten artifacts as income.
Furthermore, Native Americans and others
may wish to enter litigation against loot-
ers of their ancestors graves for reburial
costs and associated pain and suffering.
If the cost of site looting is raised suf-
ficiently, perhaps fewer will risk such
illegal activities.

Florida's Chapter 872, F.S. 1987, marks an
important step in efforts to protect Native
American and other burial sites. It is an
example of what archaeologists, Native
Americans, and concerned citizens working


together can achieve. Hopefully, it and
its implementing rule will serve as a model
for other states.

References Cited

Tesar, Louis D.
1986 "Grave Robbing: Are the Guilty In-
nocent?" In The Florida Anthropo-
logist 39(4):299.


Louis D. Tesar
P.O. Box 1013
Tallahassee, FL 32302





224


SALVAGE EXCAVATIONS AT THE GIBSONTON SITE,
HILLSBOROUGH COUNTY, FLORIDA

Jeffrey M. Mitchem


Introduction

In April, 1980, in preparation for widening
the road, a Hillsborough County Road Depart-
ment crew was using a backhoe to remove cab-
bage palms near the town of Gibsonton,
Florida. When one of the palms was uprooted,
many complete and fragmentary human bones
were noticed in the roots.

The crew immediately stopped work and con-
tacted the Hillsborough County Sheriff's
Office, thinking that they had found evi-
dence of a murder. A representative of the
County Coroner's Office visited the site
and noted that the bones were not recent,
but were from an archaeological deposit.

The Department of Anthropology at the
University of South Florida (USF) was then
contacted concerning the site. USF archae-
ologists visited the site, and made plans
to investigate the disturbed areas the fol-
lowing day to salvage whatever information
was still present. Due to the pressing
schedule of the road construction crew,
salvage excavations were conducted for only
one day at the site, referred to as the
Gibsonton site. Dr. Stephen J. Gluckman
was the Principal Investigator, with
Jeffrey M. Mitchem acting as Field Super-
visor. USF anthropology students composed
the field crew.

Location and Previous Work at the Site

The Gibsonton site is located on the south
bank of the Alafia River about 1.6 km from
the river mouth (Figure 1). A check of the
site files at USF indicated that the site
was probably 8Hi26, although another site,
8Hi22, is recorded close by.

In 1900, Clarence B. Moore visited what he
called the Shell Bluff Mound site. His de-
scription, "... one half mile above the
mouth of the river..." (Moore 1900:356),
suggests that it was the location of 8Hi22,
a burial mound, and 8Hi26, the Gibsonton
site. At the time of his visit, both sites
were in an orange grove.


Moore noted that the sand mound was approx-
imately two feet in height, 55 feet in di-
ameter, and irregularly shaped. He trench-
ed the mound and uncovered a large number
of burials, most of them flexed and lying
on their left sides. He reported that no
artifacts were found (Moore 1900:356).

Since Moore's visit, many more disturbances
have occurred at the site. In the 1930s,
Montague Tallent, an avocational archaeolo-
gist, trenched a mound there (B. William
Burger, personal communication 1981). A
railroad track covers part of the site, and
construction of a road and private homes
have caused much disturbance. A complex of
industrial buildings covers a large portion
along the Alafia River. Some local infor-
mants claim that there was a mound on the
site of the USF excavations at some time in
the past, and that Boy Scouts had excavated
several human skeletons and skulls from it.
This would seem to indicate that the sal-
vage work indeed took place at the Shell
Bluff Mound, but there is no way, on the
basis of the USF investigations, to deter-
mine the accuracy of the local informant's
claims.

Site forms and Moore's report do not ade-
quately differentiate the two sites. Be-
cause of this, artifacts obtained in the
salvage excavations will be discussed
along with collections from both 8Hi22 and
8Hi26 which are housed in the Florida
State Museum (FSM).

Artifact Description

The FSM collections from the two sites will
be discussed first, followed by the descrip-
tion of the artifacts obtained in the USF
investigations.

Shell Bluff Mound (8Hi22):

The Shell Bluff Mound was recorded in the
Florida Site File by John M. Goggin in 1951.
He apparently used Moore's (1900:356) de-
scription as the sole source of information
about the site. The location information


Sept., 1987


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Vol. 40 No. 3










































kilometers
10 0 10

Location of the Gibsonton site in Hillsborough County,
Florida.


about the mound is vague, and its placement
with respect to 8Hi26 is not noted on the
form.

Even though the site form notes that no
artifacts had come from the site, a collec-
tion (Accession #A-2571) is in the FSM which
had been transferred from the University of
Florida Anthropology Department in 1971. The
specimens in this collection are described
below.

Ceramics. A total of 116 sherds are in the
Shell Bluff collection. They are listed in
Table 1.


Sand-tempered plain
Sand-tempered check stamped
Sand-tempered incised
Sand-tempered plain with folded rim
St. Johns Plain
St. Johns Check Stamped
Pasco Plain
Weeden Island Incised
Pinellas Plain
TOTAL


86/13
1/0
1/0
1/1
7/0
1/0
1/0
1/0
17/1
116/15


Table 1. Sherds from 8Hi22 (Florida State
Museum Collection). Note: Numbers refer
to Total # of Sherds/# of Rim Sherds.


Non-ceramic Artifacts. One
tage flake of fossil coral,
shell, two Strombus shells,
ment (possibly human skull)
election.


unutilized debi-
one Busycon
and a bone frag-
are in the col-


Gibsonton Site (8Hi26):


This site was first recorded in the Florida
Site File in 1951 by William W. Plowden,
who was referred to the site by Ripley


225


Figure 1.




226


Bullen.
the site
data, is
temporal


The only information provided on
form at FSM, other than locational
that the site is a cemetery. No
designation is included.


The FSM collection (Accession #A-2573) was
evidently obtained by either Bullen or
Plowden, though neither this information
nor provenience data were recorded. The
materials were transferred from the
University of Florida Anthropology Depart-
ment collection in 1971. None of the ma-
terial had been identified, and some of the
artifacts had not been washed.

Ceramics. A total of 53 sherds and one
partially reconstructed vessel are present.
The sherds are listed by type in Table 2.


Sand-tempered plain (gritty
inclusions)
Sand-tempered check stamped (faint)
Belle Glade Plain
St. Johns Plain
Weeden Island Plain
Pinellas Plain
TOTAL


41/1
1/1
2/1
1/1
4/0
4/0
53/4


Table 2. Sherds from 8Hi26 (Florida State
Museum Collection). Note: Numbers refer
to Total # of Sherds/# of Rim Sherds.

The partially reconstructed vessel in the
collection is of the long-collared jar form
(Willey 1949:500). On the basis of paste
characteristics, shape, and exterior de-
signs, it most closely resembles the type
Ruskin Linear Punctated, as defined by
Willey (1949:442).

Non-ceramic Artifacts. The meager collec-
tion of non-ceramic artifacts consists of
a fist-sized nodule of fossil coral which
appears to have been used as a hammerstone,
two worked fragments of chert, one debitage
flake, one sandstone (?) fragment, and a
piece of lead. These objects are not diag-
nostic, and lack of provenience data pre-
vents any interpretation of their cultural
significance.

University of South Florida Investigations

When salvage work began at the site, three
2 x 2 m test pits were opened, two of which
(Units # 1 and #3) were in the area already
disturbed by the backhoe. This area had


been disturbed to a depth of approximately
1.25 m. The third (Unit #2) was one meter
north of the disturbed area. Due to time
constraints, Unit #2 was discontinued after
removing two 10 cm levels, in order to
finish excavating the disturbed area. Units
#1 and #3 were excavated to the bottom of
the disturbance.

In addition to the three test pits, arti-
facts and human bone were collected from
the backhoe-displaced soil. Initially,
soil from the units was screened through
0.635 cm (N") mesh hardware cloth, but
this had to be discontinued due to lack
of time.

In describing proveniences of artifacts
recovered by the USF crew, four categories
will be utilized: General Surface or Dis-
turbed, Unit #1, Unit #2, and Unit #3.
Since the area had been completely disturb-
ed by the backhoe, vertical provenience
(depth below surface) was impossible to
determine. Therefore, Units #1 and #3
were dug without keeping track of levels.
The strategraphic levels of Unit #2 are
not differentiated here because the 20 cm
of soil excavated was within a humus layer
which exhibited no natural statification.
Horizontal provenience is provided because
relatively undisturbed burials were noted
under the present road (the east edge of
Units #1 and #3) and at the southern edge
of Unit #1. Some artifacts (noted in
Table 3) were encountered in possible as-
sociation with these burials.

General Surface or Disturbed:

Ceramics. A single sherd was collected
from the surface in the disturbed area. It
is a sand-tempered rim sherd with a com-
plicated stamped design on the exterior.
The design appears to be a late Swift
Creek variety, possibly St. Andrews Com-
plicated Stamped (Late Variety) or Tampa
Complicated Stamped (Willey 1949:429-437).

Non-ceramic Artifacts. Eleven white fos-
sil coral flakes were surface collected.
One was a bifacial thinning flake, and the
others were unutilized debitage flakes.
Three fragments of a probable Busycon shell
dipper were also collected from the dis-
turbed soil. The edge of the shell appear-
ed to have been cut after removing the col-








Sand-tempered plain
Belle Glade Plain
(some limestone inclusions)
St. Johns Plain
Weeden Island Plain
Pinellas Plain
TOTAL


Unit #1 Unit #2 Unit #3 Total
8/2 6/1 5/0 19/3


1/0
2/0
4/1
0
15/3


0
2/0
1/0
0
9/1


0
4/1
0
1/0
10/1


1/0
8/1
5/1
1/0
34/5


Table 3. Sherds from 1980 USF Salvage Work. Note: Numbers refer
to Total # of Sherds/# of Rim Sherds.


umella to form a bowl or dipper.

Unit #1:

Ceramics. Fifteen sherds were recovered
from this provenience. They are listed in
Table 3.

The inclusions in the sand-tempered plain
sherds from this unit have a wide range of
grain sizes. Surfaces vary from well-
smoothed to rough. The Weeden Island Plain
rim sherd exhibits a somewhat contorted
paste and has red paint on the rim edge and
exterior surface.

Non-ceramic Artifacts. None were recovered
from this unit.

Unit #2:

Ceramics. Nine sherds were found in this
unit. They are listed in Table 3.

Non-ceramic Artifacts. Two unutilized
chert debitage flakes were recovered in
Unit #2. Four Busycon columella fragments
were collected, three of which may have
been utilized (as evidenced by ends
apparently polished from use).

Unit #3:

Ceramics. Ten sherds were recovered from
this unit. They are listed in Table 3.

Two of the St. Johns Plain body sherds were
found in possible association with one of
the burials extending beneath the road.
This relatively undisturbed extended burial
was in the southern half of the east wall
of the unit.

Non-ceramic Artifacts. Three unutilized
debitage flakes were recovered from this
unit, two of fossil coral and one of very


patinated chert. Three possibly utilized
Busycon columellae also were found. From
the north half of the east wall of the
unit, a fragment of a ground and polished
greenstone celt was found in possible asso-
ciation with one of the burials extending
under the road. It appeared to be the pole
(non-cutting or butt) end of a celt.

Burial Data

The USF investigations revealed several
human burials, ranging in age from infant
to adult. Because of the extreme time
restraints involved, no undisturbed burials
were excavated. However, bones in the dis-
turbed portion were collected. Unfortu-
nately, the skeletal remains have not been
analyzed. They are presently housed at the
USF Anthropology Department in Tampa.

Undisturbed burials were noted in the walls
of the excavation units. Thos observed ap-
peared to be primary extended interments,
but the small number observed may not be
representative of those contained elsewhere
in the site.

Incisors from the site exhibit pronounced
shovel-shaping, which is characteristic of
American Indian populations (Bass 1971:216;
Brothwell 1972:117-119). A high incidence
of extreme hypoplasia, or underdevelopment
of the enamel due to childhood stress of
disease or malnutrition, was also noted in
the recovered teeth (Brothwell 1972:152-153;
Hutchinson 1986; Rose et al 1978).

Conclusions

The time limit placed upon the USF crew (a
single day of fieldwork) prevented a more
careful, better planned excavation. How-
ever, materials recovered from the excava-
tion and those housed in the Florida State
Museum do allow some conclusions to be


227





228


drawn concerning the Gibsonton site.

On the basis of the ceramics, the Gibsonton
site appears to date from the late Weeden
Island period. This would suggest a date
of ca. A.D. 800-1000 (Milanich and Fairbanks
1980:23). However, the size and nature of
the artifact sample is inadequate for as-
signment of dates to the site.

The road adjacent to the site is to be
widened at some time in the future. If fur-
ther work is performed at that time, strati-
graphic sequences may be revealed which were
not apparent during the USF salvage work.
Such data, along with radiocarbon dates,
would provide a more confident temporal
placement of the site. This would also aid
in the interpretation of other sites in the
vicinity, such as the now-destroyed Bullfrog
Creek Mound (Walker 1880) and the Mill Point
Complex (Moore 1900; Luer and Almy 1981).

The small amount of subsistence evidence
from the site consists of oyster (Crassos-
trea sp.), whelk (Busycon sp.), fighting
conch (Strombus sp.), and other shells,
along with fish remains. This is typical
of post-Archaic coastal and river mouth
sites in the region.

In the area in which investigations were
performed, evidence of mound stratification
was not discerned, but the great amount of
past disturbance and the freshly churned
soil would have destroyed any such data.
More careful work at the site in the future
could probably determine whether the bur-
ials were in a mound or cemetery associa-
tion. If evidence of Moore's (1900:356)
trench can be found, it would suggest that
the site is Shell Bluff. If the site re-
presents part of a cemetery, finer dating
and careful study of the site would become
more important, since cemeteries are rare
on Weeden Island-related sites (Willey
1949:404).

The site also has potential for study of
mortuary practices, possible status dif-
ferentiation in burials, and physical an-
thropological studies. The undisturbed
burials at the site (especially those
beneath the road) would appear to offer
an adequate data base for such investi-
gations.

(Editor's Note: Considering the paucity


of data presently available for Weeden
Island period burials and that most of
the Tampa Bay area Weeden Island period
sites have been destroyed, the Gibsonton
site takes on added significance. It is
the location of human remains worthy of
proper respect and consideration. Ade-
quate steps should be taken to prevent
further site desecration data loss. The
provisions of s. 872.05, F.S. 1987, cer-
tainly apply to this site.)

References Cited

Bass, William M.
1971 Human Osteology: A Laboratory and
Field Manual of the Human Skeleton.
Special Publication No. 2, Missouri
Archaeological Society, Columbia.

Brothwell, Don R.
1972 Digging Up Bones: The Excavation,
Treatment and Study of Human Skeletal
Remains. Second ed. British Museum
(Natural History), London.

Hutchinson, Dale L.
1986 Enamel Hypopasia: Stress and Lifeway
During the Contact Period on St.
Catherines Island, Georgia. Master's
thesis, Department of Anthropology,
Northern Illinois University, DeKalb.

Luer, George M., and Marion Almy
1981 Temple Mounds of the Tampa Bay Area.
The Florida Anthropologist 34:127-
155.

Milanich, Jerald T. and Charles H. Fairbanks
1980 Florida Archaeology. Academic Press,
Orlando.

Moore, Clarence B.
1900 Certain Antiquities of the Florida
West Coast. Journal of the Academy
of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia
XI:348-394.

Rose, Jerome C., George J. Armelagos, and
John W. Lallo
1978 Histological Enamel Indicator of
Childhood Stress in Prehistoric
Skeletal Samples. American Journal
of Physical Anthropology 49:511-516.

Walker, S. T.
1880 Report on Shell Heaps of Tampa Bay,
Florida. Smithsonian Institution
Annual Report for the Year 1879,
pp. 413-422.

Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archeology of the Florida Gulf Coast.
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collec-
tions vol. 113.

Jeffrey M. Mitchem
Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, Florida 32611





229


ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OF A SECOND SEMINOLE WAR AUTOPSY

Curtis W. Wienker


The Quad Block Site


The overwhelming majority of Archaeological
materials from the Quad Block site (8Hi998)
in downtown Tampa, Florida date to the time
of the Second Seminole War, approximately
A.D. 1824-1846. The human remains from the
site are undoubtedly associated with the
military occupation of Fort Brooke and the
adjacent village of Tampa (Piper and Piper
1982:308).

Virtually all of the remains were interred
in wooden coffins; none of the graves had
any discernable markings. Almost all of
the remains from the cemetery (which was
only partially excavated), including many
of the teeth which were recovered, were
warped, crushed, and/or extremely friable.

An analysis of the 99 individuals whose re-
mains were ethnically identifiable has been
published elsewhere (Wienker 1984). Forty-
two (42.2%) were Amerindians. Of the 57
(57.8%) non-Amerindians, two were probably
African or Afro-American and nine were prob-
ably Anglo-American. Specific ethnicity of
46 non-Amerindians could not be determined.

Feature 85

Feature 85 is a grave, as indicated by a
distinct hexagonal coffin stain. The coffin
was 1.84 m long; 14 complete and several
fragments of nails (presumably coffin nails)
were also discovered in association with the
grave. A pewter button was also found in
association with the skeletal remains. The
poorly preserved skeleton was oriented with
the skull to the east and the feet to the
west (Piper and Piper 1982:174).

Morphological features of the skull suggest
that the remains were derived from a female.
The shape of the nasal aperture (breadth =
21 mm; length = 52 mm) suggest Anglo-Ameri-
can ethnicity. The erupting third molars
suggest an age at death of approximately 17
to 25 years. Matter of non-human origin,
perhaps very small (ca. five mm) pieces of
burnt wood, was present near the left ala


of the sphenoid bone (Wienker 1982:403).

The calvarium consists of two separate por-
tions. Much of the top half, including
part of the frontal bone and major portions
of both parietals, is intact and symmetrical
(Figures 1 and 2). The line of separation
is clearly regular, yet rough in appearance.
An anatomical condition such as this is not
dissimilar to that which occurs during a
modern autopsy when the brain is removed
for examination. Today, an oscillating saw
is used for such an intervention (Ludwig
1979:96).

The Historical Literature

Military historical literature and govern-
ment records document that autopsies were
performed, albeit very infrequently, at
frontier outposts during the Second Seminole
War. Straight's (1978) study of over 1800
medical officers' reports from the Seminole
Wars revealed that at least 18 such autop-
sies were performed by military medical per-
sonnel during the years A.D. 1831-1846. At
least two of these occurred at Fort Brooke.
Lawson and Forrey (1840:40) report one in-
stance during the Second Seminole War in
which a medical officer was too ill to per-
form an autopsy.

That is not to say that such efforts includ-
ed the study or removal of the brain as a
routine procedure. However, a tally of the
U.S. military deaths during the Second
Seminole War (Sprague 1964) does show that
a few soldiers died of diseases of the brain.
Presumably, though, such determinations could
not have been made without autopsy confirma-
tion. Trepan instruments were a part of the
standard set of medical gear assigned to each
military post and regiment (United States
Army 1841) at the time of the Second Seminole
War.

The Medical Literature

A medical textbook dating to the time frame
under consideration indicates the instruments
and procedures used during the course of an


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Vol. 40 No. 3


Sept., 1987




230


FIGURE 1. Left lateral view of the top portion of the calvarium.


FIGURE 2. Endocranial view of the top portion of the calvarium. Arrows
indicate the coronal and sagittal sutures.







Acknowledgements


(Removal of the skullcap) should be done
by sawing through the outer table, and
then breaking through the inner with a
chisel and mallet. On the other hand,
Renard directs that four holes be made
with the trephine at proper distances,
and through these openings, the cranium
separated from the meninges, with the
handle of a delicate scapel. The saw
is then used in the direction of the
trepannings, and the skullcap is readily
raised and removed. (Beck and Beck 1838
11:7).

Those instructions are consistent with the
morphology of the body and that of the mar-
gins of the top-most portion of the calvar-
ium of the human remains from Feature 85.

Gross (1864:150-51) describes a similar pro-
zarc -nd indicates that, with the use of
Hey's saws, a tr-phan may be unnecessary.
While that source is historically perhaps a
generation more recent, Straight (1987), an
acknowledged authority in such matters (Drea
1987), believes that in all likelihood the
time differential is not significant. The
nature of the morphology of the body and
margins of the top-most portion of the cal-
varium of the skeleton from Feature 85 are
consistent with utilization of a Hey's saw
to open the brain-case during an autopsy.

Conclusions

The available military and medical histori-
cal literature and osteological data support
the inference that the woman whose remains
were interred in the grave represented as
Feature 85 was the subject of an autopsy
during the Second Seminole War. The skele-
tal series from Philadelphia which was stu-
died by Angel et al. (1985) contained one
individual who was undeniably the subject
of an autopsy because of the neatly section-
ed calvarium. That series, also derived
from a cemetery, was dated to A.D. 1824-1841
from historical records. Therefore, the
Philadelphia series is contemporaneous with
that from the cemetery located at 8Hi998.
According to Angel (Kelley 1986) the Phila-
delphia remains are the earliest known evi-
dence of autopsy in an archaeological con-
text. Feature 85 from the Quad Block Site
must be of similar significance, especially
given its frontier setting.


I am greatful to Mr. George Ballo and Ms.
Penny Seabury for technical assistance, and
to Mr. Harry Piper and Ms. Jacquelyn Piper
for their support of my research on the
Quad Block Site remains. Communications
from Daniel Bennett, III (Armed Forces
Institute of Pathology), Robert J. T. Joy,
M.D. (Uniformed Services University of the
Health Sciences), Edward J. Drea (U.S.
Center of Military History), Dorothy T.
Hanks (National Library of Medicine),
Jennifer O. Kelley (Smithsonian Institu-
tion) and especially William M. Straight,
M.D., were of great assistance. I also
thank the Seminole Tribe of Florida for
its support and patience, and Professor
Roger T. Grange, Jr. for his comments on
a draft of this paper.

(Editor's Note: The Native American remains
and associated artifacts were conveyed to
the Seminole Tribe of Florida following
their analysis by Dr. Wienker. This action
was in accordance with an agreement between
the City of Tampa and the Seminole, follow-
ing consultation with the Office of the
Florida State Historic Preservation Officer
and concurred with by Piper Archaeology, the
firm which conducted the salvage archaeolo-
gical project at the site. The remains were
reinterred on a Hillsborough County tract
belonging to the Seminole).

References Cited


Angel, J. Lawrence, Jennifer O. Kelley,
Michael Parrington, and Stephanie Pinter
1985 Stresses of First Freedom: 19th
Century Philadelphia. Paper pre-
sented at the Annual Meeting of
the American Association of Physi-
cal Anthropologists, Knoxville,
Tennessee.

Beck, Theodoric R. and John B. Beck
1838 Elements of Medical Jurisprudence.
Second Edition. Thomas, Cowperth-
wait, & Co., Philadelphia.

Drea, Edward J.
1987 Personal Communication.

Gross, Samuel D.
1864 A System of Surgery; Pathological,
Diagnostic, Therapeutic, and Opera-
tive. Third Edition. Blanchard
and Lea, Philadelphia.

Kelley, Jennifer 0.
1986 Personal Communication.


autopsy.


231





232


Lawson, Thomas and Samuel D. Forrey
1980 Statistical Report on the Sickness
and Morbidity in the Army of the
United States, January, 1819 to
January, 1839. Jacob Gideon, Jr.,
Washington, D.C.

Ludwig, J.
1979 Current Methods of Autopsy Practice.
Second Edition. W. B. Saunders,
Philadelphia.

Piper, Harry M. and Jacquelyn G. Piper
1982 Archaeological Excavations at the
Quad Block Site, 8Hi998. Report on
file, City of Tampa, Florida. Piper
and Piper Archaeological Research,
Inc., St. Petersburg, Florida.

Sprague, John T.
1964 The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion
of the Florida War. University of
Florida Press, Gainesville.

Straight, William M.
1978 Calomel, Quinine, and Laudanum: Army
Medicine in the Seminole Wars. In
Journal of the Florida Medical Asso-
ciation 65:627-643.

1987 Personal Communication.

Wienker, Curtis W.
1982 The Human Remains from 8Hi998. In
Archaeological Excavations at the
Quad Block Site, 8Hi998. Harry M.
Piper and Jacquelyn G. Piper, ed.
pp. 349-420. Report on File, City
of Tampa, Florida. Piper and Piper
Archaeological Research, Inc., St.
Petersburg, Florida.

1984 The Human Remains from the Quad
Block Site (8Hi998). The Florida
Anthropologist 37:156-164.

United States Army
1841 General Regulations for the Army or
Military Institutes. Davis and
Force, Washington, D.C.


Curtis W. Wienker
Department of Anthropology
University of South Florida
Tampa, Florida 33620





233


A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE BAY CADILLAC SITE:
A PREHISTORIC CEMETERY IN TAMPA, FLORIDA

Kenneth W. Hardin and Robert J. Austin


The Bay Cadillac site, 8Hi2398, was discov-
ered during archaeological monitoring of
the Tampa Convention Center construction
site by Piper Archaeology personnel in
February of 1987. The City of Tampa, in
order to conserve it's historic resources,
employed Piper Archaeology to conduct a
cultural resource assessment survey of the
future construction site. The subsequent
discovery of shallow, fragile human remains
necessitated their excavation to mitigate
further impacts and loss of valuable data.

The site is located on the slope of an up-
land ridge that historically was located on
the bank of the Hillsborough River at its
mouth. Dredging and filling operations in
this century resulted in the present loca-
tion one block north of Garrison Channel.
Prior to the survey, the property was the
location of the Bay Cadillac automobile
dealership, and an asphalt parking lot
which was located directly over much of the
cemetery. It was during the removal of the
asphalt with heavy machinery that human
skeletal material was first observed by the
monitoring archaeologist. Also overlying
much of the cemetery were the remains of a
shell midden which was probably leveled
during early historic development of the
site.

The mitigative excavations resulted in the
recovery of approximately fifty human bur-
ials as well as many artifacts associated
with the burials and with the overlying
midden. Preliminary artifact analysis
suggests a late Transitional period or
early Manasota date for the burials with
a late Manasota through Safety Harbor per-
iod occupation indicated for the overlying
midden. Sand-tempered plain is the domi-
nant ceramic ware but there is an abundance
of other types as well including limestone-
tempered, sand and fiber-tempered, St.
Johns Series Plain, St. Johns Series Check-
Stamped, Wakulla Check-Stamped and Pinellas
Plain. Projectile point/knives include the
Hernando, Citrus, Culbreth, and Newnan
types. A variety of shell tools, fish ver-
tebra beads, and lithic debitage were re-


covered in addition to a small amount of
historic period artifacts associated with
the Fort Brooke occupation (1824-1883).
Post molds were observed in the cemetery/
midden area and five cooking hearths were
located upslope to the north of the ceme-
tery.

Human bone preservation is extremely poor,
with many burials consisting only of teeth
and patterned bone crumbs. The burials'
great antiquity, the acidic condition of
the fine sandy matrix and the numerous in-
trusions made during later prehistoric and
historic period occupations are seen as the
principal factors for their poor condition.
The mortuary behavior is varied, with pri-
mary flexed interments the most common.
However, primary extended, very loosely
bundeled secondary burials, single skull
interments and caches of disarticulated
teeth were also observed. Preliminary
analysis indicates that the majority of
the remains are sub-adults and that dental
caries are generally absent (indicating a
pre-agricultural society).

Two ground Quahog clam shell artifacts in
direct association with two burials were
submitted to Beta Analytic in Miami for
radiocarbon dating. This analysis yielded
dates of 790 B.C. + 70 (Beta 21082) and
910 B.C. 70 (Beta 21083). These dates
not only cluster together well but they
also coincide with temporally diagnostic
artifacts found in association with the
burials.

Our analysis will be structured along two
lines of inquiry. The first concerns the
poorly understood interval between Archaic
Period wetland burials and post-Transi-
tional mound interments. What factors
were responsible for this shift in mor-
tuary practices and what does this imply
about the evolution of social and ceremo-
nial life among the area's prehistoric in-
habitants? The Bay Cadillac site is at
the interface of this transition both
temporally and in terms of its burial pat-


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Vol. 40 No. 3


Sept., 1987




234


tern. It shares important features with
the reported Archaic period cemetery at
the Gauthier site (Carr 1981), and with
Transitional and post-Transitional ceme-
teries at Bay Pines (Gallagher and Warren
1975), Perico Island (Willey 1949), the
Palmer site (Bullen and Bullen 1976), and
the Myakkahatchee site (Luer et al. 1987).
Analysis of the Bay Cadillac artifacts and
burial data, and a re-analysis of data
from the above sites, should clarify the
nature of these relationships, as well as
contributing to a greater understanding of
prehistoric mortuary behavior during the
post-Archaic period.

Our second line of inquiry concerns the
genesis of the Manasota culture in the
Central Gulf Coast region. Does this site
indeed represent an early manifestation of
this culture? If so, it would precede by
300 years the originally hypothesized ap-
pearance of Manasota (Luer and Almy 1982).
If not, then it represents an important
link between the late Transitional culture
of the region and the succeeding Manasota
culture. Regardless of which interpreta-
tion proves correct, the site should enable
us to study some of the cultural dynamics
that resulted in the appearance of archae-
ologically distinct regional cultures.

Analysis of the artifacts is being conduct-
ted by the authors at Piper Archaeology's
facilities in St. Petersburg. Analysis of
the skeletal material will be conducted by
Barbara McCabe at Florida Atlantic Univer-
sity with the goal of providing information
on population demographics, nutrition and
health.

The authors wish to thank the City of Tampa
and the Florida Division of Historical
Resources who have supported the sensitive
treatment of the human remains and share
Piper Archaeology's commitment to their
reburial in an appropriate manner.

References Cited

Bullen, Ripley P. and Adelaide Bullen
1976 The Palmer Site. Florida Anthro-
pological Society Publications
Number 8.


Garr, Robert
1981 Florida Anthropologist Interview
with Calvin Jones, Part II: Exca-
vation of an Archaic cemetery in
Cocoa Beach, Florida. The Florida
Anthropologist 34(2):81-89.

Gallagher, John C. and L.O. Warren
1975 The Bay Pines site, Pinellas
County. The Florida Anthropologist
28:96-116.

Luer, George M. and Marion M. Almy
1982 A Definition of the Manasota Cul-
ture. The Florida Anthropologist
35(1):34-58.

Luer, George, Marion Almy, Dana Ste.Claire
and Robert Austin
1987 The Myakkahatchee Site (8So397), A
Large, Multi-period Inland from the
Shore Site in Sarasota County,
Florida. The Florida Anthropologist
40(2):137-153.

Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Archeology of the Florida Gulf
Coast. Smithsonian Miscellaneous
Collections Volume 113.


Kenneth W. Hardin
Robert J. Austin
Piper Archaeological Research
P.O. Box 919
St. Petersburg, FL 33731




235


BOOK REVIEWS

300' X 35 Mi. Corridor to the Past. Phillip
M. Pollock. Florida Bureau of Archaeologi-
cal Research, Tallahassee, 1986. 56 pages,
illustrations, glossary, bibliography.
$4.00 (paper)


Between 1935 and 1938 an archaeological
survey was made of Hillsborough County and
excavations conducted at eleven sites under
two Works Progress Administration (WPA)
projects. These federally funded programs
of the 1930's represented the last major
archaeological effort in West Central
Florida until 1978. In that year, a pro-
gram of archaeological survey and excava-
tion was initiated along the route of the
proposed Interstate 75 the 300 feet wide
by 35 mile long "corridor to the past". As
a result of this undertaking, 31 sites in
Hillsborough County were identified, and
13 selected for excavation on the basis of
their significance.

300' X 35 Mi. Corridor to the Past was
prepared under contract with the Florida
Department of Transportation by the Florida
Department of State in conjunction with the
traveling museum exhibit of the same name.
The intent of this report is to "tell a
story about early man and his environment"
based on the work from the 13 site excava-
tions.

This publication, clearly intended for the
enjoyment and education of the general
public, is appropriately easy to read, free
of technical jargon, and both generously
and handsomely illustrated. Having set out
to provide a slice of life from the
earliest periods of Florida prehistory,
Pollock has done a skillful job in high-
lighting the past environments, adaptive
strategies and general lifeways, including
the technology and settlement, of both the
Paleo Indian and Archaic peoples. In the
process, as contained in his Introduction
and Methodology chapters, he has provided
brief lessons on basic archaeological field
and laboratory techniques from differen-
tiating between Phase One survey, Phase Two
test excavation, and Phase Three extensive


salvage excavation; laying out a grid
system; and the types of excavation tools
used, to simple explanations of the uses of
phosphate analysis, patination studies,
thermoluminescence, use wear analysis, and
flotation. Pollock ends the report with a
look at the findings and results from two
of the sites excavated along the 1-75
corridor: Diamond Dairy and Harney Flats.
Representing the lifeways of both the
Archaic and Paleo Indians respectively, the
author emphasizes the different tool assem-
blages, insofar as they help shed light on
the types of activities carried out at
each site.

Overall, the State of Florida, and Pollock,
its story teller, should be commended for
making this publication and companion
exhibit available to the citizens of
Florida. While by no means intending to
diminish the importance of this educational
report, one minor point of criticism can be
made. In his introduction, Pollock states
that the 13 sites selected for excavation
are the subject of his report (p.9). Unfor-
tunately, this is not actually the case.
Pollock has chosen to focus on the Paleo
Indian and Archaic occupations, as revealed
by a select few sites. The majority of the
13 cultural resources studied are not even
noted. Among these are several with post-
Archaic (Transitional, Deptford, Manasota)
period components which have made important
advances in our understanding of short-
term, inland occupation during these times.

Halfway through his slender publication
Pollock writes: "While pottery cultures
have been the subject of most all of the
early archaeological work in this county,
the significance of this report is the
foundation that Paleo and Archaic Indians
established for these more recent peoples"
(p.32). Certainly, the author is correct
in asserting that the "pottery cultures",
specifically the Weeden Island and Safety
Harbor, are relatively better known, large-
ly as a result of prior excavations focused
on the shell middens and burial mounds they
left behind. However, it is the smaller,
short-term, special activity sites left by
these and earlier "pottery cultures", just
the kinds of sites found along the 1-75


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Vol. 40 No. 3


Sept., 1987







corridor, which are as little known as the
Paleo-Indian and Archaic period sites.
Thus, a simple summary of the knowledge
derived from these post-Archaic period site
components discovered along the "corridor
to the past" would have been a welcome
addition to this otherwise excellent publi-
cation.

After several years of excavations, a
mountain of cultural materials have been
analyzed and over a dozen separate tech-
nical reports and manuscripts produced.
For the general citizenry of Florida, the
exhibit, in addition to Pollock's fine
report, serve nicely to interpret the re-
sults of these publicly funded endeavors.
300' X 35 mi. Corridor to the Past is four
dollars very well spent.

Perhaps some day an enterprising young
archaeologist, knowing a trove of treasure
when he(she) sees it, will take on the task
of synthesizing the prodigeous amounts of
archaeological data amassed as a result of
the Interstate 75 projects. It wasn't
until 1952, more than a decade after the
last WPA excavation in Hillsborough County,
that Ripley Bullen published a summary of
this work. By this time, as he sadly
noted, much of the information had been
lost. Let's consider this a lesson from
the past .

(Copies of this report can be ordered from
the Florida Department of Transportation,
Media Center Maps and Publication Sales,
605 Suwannee St., Tallahassee, Florida
32301. Price $4.00)

Joan Deming
Largo, Florida





237


Harney Flats: A Florida Paleo-Indian Site
(1987) by I. Randolph Daniel and Michael
Wisenbaker. Edited by Roger W. Moeller,
Baywood Publishing Company, Inc. 208
pages, cloth bound, 27 photographs and
numerous line drawings. ISBN 089503-048-9.

The Baywood Publishing Company, Inc. is to
be congratulated for publishing this impor-
tant study and, thus, making it available
to a broader audience than would otherwise
have been possible. I. Randolph Daniel and
Michael Wisenbaker have produced in Harney
Flats: A Florida Paleo-Indian Site a work
which must be recognized as a definitive
study of Paleo-Indians in Florida and which
will serve as a model for future archaeolo-
gical studies throughout North America and
elsewhere. Roger W. Moeller is to be com-
mended for his overall editing effort, al-
though there are a few minor distractions
which must be noted.

During the course of the writing and edit-
ing of this report, two changes occurred
within the administering agency. The first
involved an internal functional reorgani-
zation within the Division of Archives,
History and Records Management in which the
Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties was
divided into two bureaus: the Bureau of
Archaeological Research (which assumed ad-
ministration of the Harney Flats and other
archaeological projects involving state
lands) and the Bureau of Historic Preserva-
tion (which assumed the programs associated
with the office of the State Historic Pre-
servation Officer). Subsequently, a statu-
tory reorganization occurred in which the
State Archives and Bureau of Records Manage-
ment were consolidated and transferred to
the Division of Library Services which was
renamed the Division of Library and Infor-
mation Services while what remained of the
Division of Archives, History and Records
Management was renamed the Division of
Historical Resources to give greater visi-
bility to its expanded historic preserva-
tion responsibilities. Both divisions con-
tinue to occupy the same building and both
continue as units of the Florida Department
of State. Unfortunately, these changes re-
sulted in an editorial glitch in the text
under review which refers to the reorgani-


zed division as the Division of Historical
Resources, History and Records Management
(i.e., pages 1 and 27) and FDHRHRM (i.e.,
page 27).

The second detraction in this publication
is the unexpectedly poor quality of its
photographs. Unexpected since one has only
to compare them to copies of some of the
same photographs which were published in
"The Organization of a Suwannee Technology:
The View From Harney Flats" by I. Randolph
Daniel, Michael Wisenbaker and George Ballo
in The Florida Anthropologist (39(1-2):24-
56), March-June 1986. In this, Baywood
Publishing Company, Inc. has been done a
disservice by their printer.

However, putting the above detractions
aside, the overall tight content and layout
of this publication is excellent. The ex-
cavations conducted at Harney Flats were
part of the larger 1-75 Highway Salvage
Program conducted as part of a long-term
cooperative agreement begun in 1966 between
the Florida Department of Transportation
and the Florida Department of State,
Division of Archives, History and Records
Management (now the Division of Historical
Resources), and as per the terms of a
Memorandum of Agreement between the
Division functioning as the Office of the
State Historic Preservation Officer, the
Federal Highway Administration and the
federal Advisory Council on Historic
Preservation. It also provided students
from around the state, and particularly at
the Department of Anthropology, University
of South Florida, with on-job training and
research opportunities which have yet to
be fully realized. It was also another
opportunity for cooperation between avoca-
tional and professional archaeologists.
Yes Becky, it will be a long time before
Randy and others stop talking about and
studying Harney Flats and its archaeologi-
cal resources.

As Albert C. Goodyear reports in the
Foreword:

With the publication of this book,
great srtides have been made in the
study of Paleo-Indian in the South-


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Sept., 1987


Vol. 40 No. 3







east. After decades of tantalizing
hints at a significant presence of
Early Man in Florida, provided pri-
marily by finds of Suwannee points
and Pleistocene fossils in the riv-
ers of that state, we have in this
book a full-blown study of a major
site and its assemblages. Compara-
tively speaking, the data themselves
are rather spectacular.

The excavation strategy was state-
of-the-art as it emphasized the
opening up of large, contiguously
excavated areas with all recogniz-
able artifacts mapped in situ. This
follows in the tradition of Debert
and Brand, excavations of the 1960s
andearly 1970s which attempted to
uncover living areas. The 967 m2
of excavated area must rank this
excavation as the largest Paleo-
Indian excavation in the Southeast
and perhaps the entire eastern
United States ..

If you are interested in studies on Paleo-
Indians in Florida and elsewhere; if you
are interested in gaining an understanding
of changing environments and how people
adapted to them; if you are interested in
learning how archaeologists work to over-
come the interpretive constraints of
materials excavated from deep sandy, water
leached, and otherwise modified environ-
ments; if you are interested in learning
about Paleo-Indian tool kits and what
properly excavated artifacts tell us about
human life-ways; if you are interested in
learning about how archaeologists develop
settlement systems and technology models
via the example of Harney Flats; if you
are interested in a well presented, con-
cise, fast moving and informative publi-
cation which will serve as a model for
future archaeological studies in deep
sandy sites, then this is the publication
for you.

I recommend the acquisition of this publi-
cation by avocational and professional
archaeologists and by libraries. It may
be ordered as follows. Please note that
there is a PRE-PUBLICATION DISCOUNT OFFER.

LIST PRICE: $30.00 + $1.50 postage.
PRE-PUBLICATION PRICE: $24.95 (postage
included; Offer expires Nov. 1, 1987).


PLEASE PRINT:

Name

Institution

Address


Payment Enclosed (Check or money order)
Mastercard Visa
Card # Exp.


Signature


Date


SEND ORDER TO:

Baywood Publishing Company, Inc.
P.O. Box D
120 Marine St.
Farmingdale, New York 11735

Reviewed by: Louis D. Tesar, Editor
The Florida Anthropologist





239


The Art of Flint Knapping (Third Edition)
by D.C. Waldorf with illustrations and
photos by Valerie Waldorf. Copyright 1984.
Paperback, 82x11", 76 pages, many black-
and-white photographs and illustrations.

One type of article consistently solicited
for inclusion in The Florida Anthropologist
has been the "how-to" article. After wait-
ing for over a year for a flint knapping
article from an author, who shall remain
nameless, I received an advertisement from
Mr. Waldorf for the above cited publication.
I then wrote him and he responded by sending
me a copy for review in our journal. I was
more than pleasantly surprised.

The Art of Flint Knapping (Third Edition)
is an excellent, easy to follow guide.
This revised edition was produced to re-
spond to questions and suggestions of
readers of earlier editions. As Mr.Waldorf
(1984:4) states in his Introduction:

This new edition has been revised and
expanded to include more on heat treat-
ing, the lithic grade scale, more on
tools of the trade, better photos and
more of them, more on support and hold-
ing positions, an expanded chapter on
breaking up large pieces of flint,
cores and blades, more on fluting,
Danish daggers and axes, and a new
chapter that deals with problem solv-
ing that should be a big help for those
who are having trouble learning the
basics of biface reduction. This new
chapter alqo proposes an alternative
method of learning flint knapping for
the hobbiest who is not interested in
anthropology.

It must be mentioned that no matter
how good this book or any other book
on this subject might be, there is
still no substitute for continuous
practice or natural aptitude for
manual skill. ...

This guide has eleven chapters. The first
answers Some Preliminary Questions on the
origin of flint knapping, dispells (or tries
to dispel) some erroneous myths on the sub-


Vol. 40 No. 3 THE FLORID[


ject, and offers some introductory terms and
techniques, as well as some healthful cau-
tions regarding safety measures for flint
knappers. The second chapter deals with
Flint, Flint Sources and Heat Treating; the
third with Tools of the Trade; the fourth
with Elementary Flint Knapping; the fifth
with Billet Flaking; the sixth with Finish-
ing; the seventh with Cores, Flakes, and
Blades; the eighth On the Way to Better
Bifaces discusses various techniques; the
ninth deals with the manufacture of Paleo-
Points; the tenth with the manufacture of
Archaic and Woodland Notched Points; and,
the eleventh with the manufacture of Danish
Axes and Daggers. Finally, there is a
Bibliography which the reader may use as a
guide for further reading.

I recommend the acquisition of this excel-
lent publication. The quality of the pho-
tographs and illustrations is excellent;
the text is well written and easily under-
stood. It is the culmination of over 20
years of flint knapping experience.

If you plan to use it as a self-training
reference guide, I recommend getting two
copies: one for your home library and the
other for reference as it will soon become
dog-eared with frequent outdoors use.

Copies of this publication may be obtained
by sending a check or money order payable
to D.C. Waldorf as follows:

NAME

ADDRESS

ZIP

The Art of Flint Knapping @$10ea
Missouri Residents Add 6% Sales Tax
Postage and Handling ...........$ 1.50
TOTAL....... $

Mound Builder Arts and Trading Co.
P.O. Box 702
Branson, Mo 65616

Reviewed by Louis D. Tesar, Editor
The Florida Anthropologist


A AnTHROPOLOGIST


Sept., 1987




240


"... In Search of De Soto's Trail (A hypo-
thesis of the Alabama route)" by Caleb
Curren. In Bulletins of Discovery
Bulletin Number 1, October 1986. Paperback,
82x11" format, 15 pages + introduction.

Caleb Curren is Archeology Director of the
Alabama-Tombigbee Regional Commission. In
his Preface, Mr. Curren states that:

This presentation is written for the
general reader. Another, more tech-
nical article, will be published in
"American Archeology" in the winter
issue. It is my intent, in publish-
ing both, to announce the discoveries
and share the information with people
interested in further reading about
American Indians and Spanish explor-
ations.

The text, while brief, contains a concise,
easily understood presentation of informa-
tion from the de Soto chroniclers and sup-
porting physiographic and archaeological
information for the de Soto route through
what is today the State of Alabama. The
information was compiled as a result of
Mr. Curren's research, and he stresses
that it is a hypothesis to be tested.

This report contains a brief introduction,
then picks up the results of de Soto trail
studies in western Georgia and describes
Mr. Curren's evidence for de Soto's prob-
able 1540 route through Alabama, and final-
ly concludes with a description of the
kinds of archaeological evidence which
would denote a de Soto contact site. It
also contains a listing of publications
which may be of interest to readers.

This study lays the foundation for further
research to test Mr. Curren's hypothesis.
With the approach of the 450th anniversary
of the de Soto expedition, which began its
journey in Florida in 1539, there is re-
newed public interest in early Spanish ex-
plorations in what is today the Southeast-
ern United States of America.

There is both scholarly and popular inter-
est in this topic. The results of such
work should be shared with both audiences.


In Search of De Soto's Trail is a excellent
example of a professional archaeologist
sharing the results of his work with lay
people. As Mr. Curren (1986:15) states in
his conclusions:

The key word is sharing. This sharing
can expand our knowledge and under-
standing tremendously. Lay persons
are sharing their knowledge about local
areas with archeologists. Many lay
persons have walked areas and made or-
ganized and catalogued records of sur-
face artifacts and above ground struc-
tures. Fortunately most lay persons do
not dig into archeological sites. Un-
fortunately, however, there are a few
ill-informed, selfish, treasure hunting
looters out there. They need to be in-
formed of ethics and laws. The sharing
of knowledge can then continue more
effectively.

The above cited statement reflects the
philosophy of the Florida Anthropological
Society and is presented in its journal,
The Florida Anthropologist which, despite
its name, focuses on the Southeastern
United States and Caribbean area.

I recommend the acquisition of In Search
of De Soto's Trail. It may be ordered by
sending $2.00 check or money order to:

Alabama-Tombigbee Regional Commission
P.O. Box 269
Camden, Alabama 36726


Reviewed by:


Louis D. Tesar, Editor
The Florida Anthropologist


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Sept., 1987


Vol. 40 No. 3





241


Cultures in Contact: The European
Impact on Native Cultural
Institutions in Eastern North
America, A. .. 1000-1800. WILLIAM W.
FITZHUGH, editor and commentator.
Anthropological Society of
Washington Series, Smithsonian
Institution Press, Washington, D.C.
and London, 1985. vi + 320 pp.,
figures, tables, references. $29.95
(cloth).

The approaching quincentenary of the
European discovery of the New World
by Christopher Columbus has
heightened interest in the period of
initial contact between aboriginal
Americans and early European
explorers and colonizers. One
outgrowth of this was a series of
speakers hosted by the
Anthropological Society of
Washington in 1981 and 1982. The
theme of this series was
archaeological perspectives on the
effects of contact on the
institutions that organized native
societies. The essays in this
volume are expanded versions of
these lectures.

The book is divided into four
sections, each concerned with a
different geographical portion of
eastern North America. The papers
in the first section deal with the
Arctic area, and discuss Thule and
Inuit Eskimo contacts with Norse,
Basque, and other European
explorers, settlers, and whalers.
The first paper by William Fitzhugh
provides a brief but interesting
chronicle of Norse, Basque, and
English contacts with Thule and
Inuit peoples in the eastern Arctic
and Greenland before 1600. The
essay underscores the inadequacy of
presently available data for making
wide ranging interpretations of the
effects of such contacts. Fitzhugh
also notes that the data so far
suggest that the early episodes of
contact did much to alter aboriginal
lifeways, especially in the area of
technology. European materials were
used as raw materials to produce
traditional Eskimo tools and Norse
tools were eagerly sought and used


by the natives. The presence of
Europeans led to rapid changes in
Eskimo social organization, as new
patterns of trade and (later)
raiding developed. Fitzhugh
discusses a number of changes in
settlement patterns, exchange
systems, and leadership which
probably resulted from contact and
can be investigated in future
archaeological work in the region.

The second paper, by Susan Kaplan,
examines socioeconomic changes among
the Inuit groups of Labrador wrought
by European contact in the sixteenth
through eighteenth centuries. She
notes that archaeological data
indicate that sixteenth and
seventeenth century activities of
English explorers, Basque whalers,
and Dutch traders apparently had
little long-term effect on the Inuit
societies of the area. However, in
the eighteenth century, increased
French and English presence, as well
as the introduction of Moravian
missionaries, drastically altered
the Inuit way of life.
Archaeological and ethnohistorical
evidence reveals much larger,
multifamily houses and tremendous
amounts of European goods, including
guns and metal implements which
replaced traditional tools. The
appearance of Inuit entrepreneurs
who controlled the movement of these
European goods through a developing
exchange network along the Labrador
coast led to major changes in the
ways that status, power, and wealth
were acquired.

The last paper in the Arctic section
is by Hans Gull0v, and considers the
impact of European whaling on the
natives of West Greenland. He
concentrates on how sustained
European contact led to changes in
house types and exchange systems
among the West Greenland Eskimos.
Again, the most drastic changes were
wrought by Moravian missionaries in
the early eighteenth century, who
altered aboriginal travel and
exchange patterns. The Eskimos
apparently became more dependent on
trade with European whalers after


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Vol. 40 No. 3


Sept., 1987





242


the missionaries had disrupted
traditional exchange patterns, even
though Dutch traders and whalers had
been obtaining furs from the natives
for over a century. Smallpox
epidemics also played a part in this
process.

Part II of the book consists of
three papers and an introduction by
Fitzhugh. The first paper is a
short discussion of interpretations
from a Narragansett cemetery in
Rhode Island by Paul Robinson, Marc
Kelley, and Patricia Rubertone. The
site was due to be impacted by
development, and a multidisciplinary
research team was put together with
the consent and cooperation of the
Narragansett tribe. They excavated
the cemetery, containing 56 burials
dating from the period 1650-1670.
After a brief background discussion
and description of the excavations,
the preliminary findings are
discussed, with an emphasis on
bioanthropology. They came to the
conclusion that the population was
under stress, due to the higher than
normal number of female and subadult
burials. The data were then
compared to those from another
Narragansett cemetery, resulting in
the conclusion that the native
mortuary practices were not
drastically changed by European
contact. In fact, the evidence
seems to indicate that traditional
religious and mortuary practices may
even have intensified as a way of
expressing group solidarity and
cohesiveness in the face of European
immigration. The paper ends with an
interesting discussion of planned
further analyses of the site
material.

The second paper in this section is
by Peter Thomas, and discusses
cultural changes in and around the
Connecticut River valley during the
early to mid-seventeenth century.
This interesting study discusses the
complex factors which led to drastic
changes in the valley. When the
English settlers first moved into
the area, they were very dependent
on the aboriginal groups for food,
especially maize. The trade in
beaver pelts also increased


European/Indian interaction through
time. As the English population
grew, more strain was put on the
horticultural base of the Indians,
and conflicts increased. Thomas
points out that changes were
occurring within the aboriginal
societies as a result of English
trade goods. Certain individuals
within Indian towns were becoming
more powerful and wealthy by
actively engaging in the fur trade,
while other people in the same towns
interacted very little with the
English. This led to serious
problems as overhunting and
political unrest affected the fur
trade, because a credit system was
established by the English traders,
in which land eventually became the
preferred form of collateral.
Within a 15 year period, most of the
land in the valley had been deeded
to the English to cover debts.
Obviously, this led to factionalism
and conflict in the villages,
further weakening their ability to
maintain their way of life. Thomas
emphasizes that individual
motivations greatly affected the
processes of change in this
instance, so that many native
inhabitants participated in
activities which led to their
demise.

The last paper in this section is a
discussion of Iroquois political
development in New York by William
Engelbrecht. This short paper uses
ethnohistoric and archaeological
data in an examination of the
evolution of Iroquoian community and
tribal organization during the late
prehistoric and early historic
periods. He tests a model of
community fusion using measures of
ceramic similarity on Seneca sites,
but the results are inconclusive.
However, the data do seem to suggest
that fusion of Iroquoian groups
first into tribes and then into a
confederacy occurred gradually and
that increasing nucleation was in
part a response to the European
presence.

Part III of the book contains two
papers and an introduction by
Fitzhugh. This section deals with





243


effects of contact in the Chesapeake
Bay region. The first paper, by E.
Randolph Turner, concerns the
Powhatan chiefdom of seventeenth
century Virginia and the effects of
English settlements in the area.
The paper begins with a detailed
discussion of chiefdoms and evidence
of the level of organization of
Powhatan society. He then
summarizes archaeological and
ethnohistoric information about the
period of initial European/Indian
contact. By 1646, the Powhatan
chiefdom had completely collapsed,
primarily due to warfare with the
English.

The second paper in this section is
a historical study of early
English/Indian interaction in the
mid-Atlantic region by J. Frederick
Fausz. He discusses several
specific instances of interaction in
Maryland and Virginia, including
historical data and analyzing the
motivations and factors which
affected the nature of the
interactions.

The final section consists of a
single paper and an introductory
essay by Fitzhugh. This final
paper, by Kathleen Deagan,
summarizes Spanish contact in
Florida and the Caribbean. After
discussing the Spanish policies
toward colonization, she
concentrates on the changes wrought
by labor and tribute organization,
religious conversion, and
intermarriage. Archaeological data
are used to illustrate changes in
various contexts, both in aboriginal
settlements and in Spanish colonial
situations. Spanish/Indian contact
in the Caribbean led to rapid
depopulation of the aborigines
because of the need for forced labor
in the mines, with consequent heavy
mortality due to disease, overwork,
and disruption of subsistence
systems. In Florida, the process
was slower because the economic
opportunities did not require large
labor forces and relocation of
aboriginal groups was not enforced
to as great a degree as it had been
in the Caribbean.


Overall, this book is interesting to
read and provides a wide spectrum of
different case studies of the
effects of contact. One major
drawback is the paucity of
archaeological data used in the
papers. However, as Fitzhugh points
out, this is not the fault of the
authors, but stems from a general
lack of such data. Hopefully, the
renewed interest in the
protohistoric period, especially in
the Southeast, will serve to correct
this situation.

There are two criticisms of the book
which should be mentioned. First,
the Gull~v paper seems disjointed,
but this is probably due to problems
of translation. Second, the papers
are full of typographical errors,
especially in the References Cited
sections. This is unfortunate,
because the other production aspects
of the book are very nicely done.
But in spite of this, the volume is
sure to be widely cited, and serves
as an excellent introduction to the
study of European/Indian contact in
eastern North America.

Reviewed by: Jeffrey M. Mitchem,
Florida State Museum, Gainesville





244


FILM COMMENTARY THE MISSION

While films, especially commercial ones,
have not traditionally been reviewed in
this journal, I feel that one recent
film should be brought to the attention
of readers of The Florida Anthropologist
This is not intended as a review in the
strictest sense, but as a commentary on
the contents of this motion picture. The
film is The Mission, a 1986 work which
won the Golden Palm ("Best Picture")
Award at the 1986 Cannes Film Festival.

The movie stars Jeremy Irons and Robert
DeNiro, and is set in South America in
the 1750s. The story revolves around
attempts by Jesuits to establish a mis-
sion among the Guarani Indians, and
problems caused by political intrigues
involving the ultimate aims of Spain,
Portugal, and the Vatican. The work
was filmed in Colombia and Argentina,
and the scenery is breathtaking. The
period costumes of the European char-
acters and the depiction of the Gua-
rani Indians appear to be accurate,
and the story is based on true events.

The film is especially interesting
because of the subject matter. It
realistically depicts the hardships
endured by early missionaries in the
New World in their attempts to
Christianize the Indians, but also
puts this activity into perspective
with European politics of the time.
Too often, the importance of this
latter aspect is underestimated or
ignored when interpretations are
made of mission or colonial data.

The central plot of the movie concerns
the arrival in South America of a re-
presentative of the Pope to settle a
dispute between the governments of
Spain and Portugal over which country
shall have control of the region
where the Guarani live. Previously,
the Spanish had controlled the area,
and generally supported the mission
effort and protection of the Indians,
but a treaty had apparently shifted


jurisdiction to Portugal. The Portuguese
are portrayed as wanting control of the
region so that the Indians can be enslav-
ed. Local Europeans (both Spanish and
Portuguese) want the power shifted to Por-
tugal, because they are heavily involved
in the Indian slave trade.

The Jesuit missionaries get drawn into the
debate, because they want Spanish control
to continue, providing protection for the
Guarani and the two missions they have
established, which are becoming quite pros-
perous. After arguing the different view-
points before the papal representative,
the decision is made to have him visit both
missions so that he can decide for himself
what would be the best course of action.
He is very impressed by the missions, chur-
ches, and economic activity of the Indians,
but his ultimate decision is to give con-
trol of the region to the Portuguese. It
is made clear that this is a political de-
cision, influenced strongly by the power
struggles in western Europe.

Once control is shifted, the missions are
to be closed and the Ouarani must leave.
Most refuse these orders and decide to
fight to stay in their homes. A rift then
develops among the Jesuits, because they
cannot agree whether to fight alongside
these Indians, or to pursue a course of
faith and passive resistance. The Portu-
guese then send a military expedition to
destroy the missions, which succeeds de-
spite fierce opposition.

A poignant message which comes through in
the film is the fact that the Indians were
unfortunate pawns in all of these power
struggles and foreign interventions. It
turned out that whether they chose a non-
violent path or armed resistance didn't
matter. Both groups of Guarani were
murdered.

A similar situation existed in Florida in
1702-1704, when English Col. James Moore
led an expedition from the Carolinas with
Creek allies and destroyed the chain of
Franciscan missions across northern Florida.
The Timucuan Indians suffered regardless of


Sept., 1987


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Vol. 40 No. 3





245


whether or not they resisted. Just before
the final credits roll in The Mission, a
statement is put on the screen that says
the Guarani and their neighbors are still
fighting for their survival, primarily
against encroaching development. Unfortu-
nately, the Timucua lost their fight long
ago. The film also elicits sympathy for
the early missionaries, who often had no
control over events in Europe which direct-
ly affected them and their converts, often
ending in martyrdom.

In conclusion, I recommend The Mission to
anyone who has an interest in Spanish mis-
sions in the New World. Even though the
film got mixed reviews in the United
States, I found it to be quite interesting
and apparently factual. As mentioned ear-
lier, the location shots are stunning and
the Guarani are portrayed as people rather
than mere noble savages. With the current
high level of mission archaeology being
conducted in Florida and Georgia, the
story offers an enlightening glimpse of
what life must have been like during the
mission period, complementing the archae-
ological and historical data.


Submitted by:
Jeffrey Mitchem
Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611


THE 1539-40 DE SOTO WINTER ENCAMPMENT
PROJECT NEEDS YOU!

Excavations at the de Soto winter encamp-
ment by the Florida Department of State
are being funded in part by $10.00 dona-
tions; donors will receive a de Soto T-
shirt picturing the copper four maravedas
coin dating to 1506-1517 that was found
during the excavations. To order a shirt,
and support the archaeological work, mail
$10.00 to the Trust for Public Land, 322
Beard St., Tallahassee, FL 32303. Please
make your check or money order payable to
Florida Trust for Historic Preservation,
and include your name, address and shirt
size (S, M, L, XL). Shirts are tan with
brown and orange design (see back cover)
and are 50% cotton blend.

Join with the Trust for Public Land, the
Florida Trust for Historic Preservation
and others in supporting these important
excavations by placing your order now.

Donations in excess of $10.00 will be
appreciated. Your help is needed on this
important publically supported archaeo-
logical project. The site is open to the
public during regular work hours from
Monday through Friday. For information
on visiting this site or volunteering to
help excavate and process artifacts,
please contact the Department of State,
Division of Historical Resources, Bureau
of Archaeological Research, the Capitol,
Tallahassee, Florida 32399-0250.





246


AN INVITATION TO JOIN THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY


What do the Smithsonian Institution, the
Museum of the American Indian, Museum of
Mankind, and over 155 American universi-
ties, colleges, and public libraries,
and more than 475 individuals and
families in the United States of America,
Canada, England, Puerto Rico, the West
Indies, Barbados, the West Indies and
elsewhere have in common?

They are all members of the FLORIDA
ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY!

The Florida Anthropological Society was
founded in 1948 by a small group of
Floridians who saw a need for an organi-
zation dedicated to the advancement of
anthropological and archaeological mat-
ters in Florida and nearby areas. By
May of 1948, when the first issue of The
Florida Anthropologist (Volume 1 Numbers
1-2) was published, the Society had grown
to over 70 members, representing every
major section of the State (Ehrman 1948:
16). It has since grown to 10x that size,
with individual and family members and
institutional subscribers in nearly every
state, as well as in Canada, England,
Australia, Puerto Rico, the Republic of
Panama, and elsewhere. Its distribution
is actually worldwide when one takes into
account its distribution through the
University of Florida, Gift and Exchange
Library. Membership in the Society, which
includes subscription to its journal, The
Florida Anthropologist, is from January
through December of each year.

From its beginning the Society's member-
ship has been made up of professional
anthropologists, amateur archaeologists
and concerned citizens interested in
learning about and helping to preserve
Florida's, and surrounding area's, pre-
historic and historic heritage. Indeed,
the only real qualification for member-
ship in the Society is an avowed interest
in these matters. You do not have to be
a resident of Florida, or even the United
States of America, to join the Florida
Anthropological Society or subscribe to
its journal; although, there is an addi-


tional $5.00 U.S. postage and handling
fee for out of country mail which is not
covered by our bulk mail permit (See
application form, this issue).

The Goals of the Florida Anthropological
Society are:

1) To provide a formal means by which
individuals interested in archaeological
and anthropological studies in the State
of Florida and related areas may come
together for mutual benefits;

2) To promote the continuing study of
the peoples of Florida from ancient
times to the present;

3) To establish and promulgate to its
members and to the general public, rules
of conduct, a code of ethics, and stan-
dards of quality to govern anthropologi-
cal work;

4) To effect harmony and cooperation be-
tween the amateur and the professional
anthropologists and archaeologists so
that the work of all will permanently
enrich our knowledge of human history;

5) To bring to the attention of the
general public and appropriate govern-
mental agencies the need for the preser-
vation of archaeological and historical
sites within the State of Florida (and
elsewhere) as well as for the recording
of the ways of life of extant groups in
Florida and related areas;

6) To disseminate information on anthro-
pology and archaeology and in particular
on the work of Society members through
periodic, regularly scheduled meetings
of the Society, through a program of
publications by the Society, and through
such special events and other activities
as the Society may consider proper to
further its objectives;

7) To assist in establishing archaeologi-
cal museums through contributions or
gifts of materials or money;


Sept., 1987


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Vol. 40 No. 3







8) To encourage the scientific collection,
preservation, classification, study and
publication of ethnological materials and
archaeological remains; and,

9) To initiate and maintain appropriate
By-Laws, Rules, and Regulations in the
best interest of all its members.

Unquestionably, a major attraction to
prospective FAS members is its quarterly
journal, The Florida Anthropologist,
which is in its fortieth year of publica-
tion. While the majority of its articles
have dealt with anthropological and archae-
ological topics in Florida and adjacent
geographic areas of the Southeastern
United States and Circum-Caribbean region;
efforts are being made to broaden the
breadth and scope of topics published.
A brief review of the nearly 600 articles
listed in the 1948-84 index published in
FA 37(3):124-150, or the over 100 articles,
etc. listed in the Table of Contents of the
FA 37-40(2) issues published from 1984 to
present, will provide an understanding of
the wide range of topics published in The
Florida Anthropologist. In addition, the
Society also periodically publishes a
Newsletter. Society members receive all
publications published during each year of
membership. A Style Guide for prospective
authors is contained in FA 37(1). Dona-
tions, grants and back issues sales are
used to raise funds for our Monograph
Account to fund publication of enlarged
special issues of our journal.

But there is nore to the Florida Anthropo-
logical Society than its journal ...

The Society has local chapters scattered
throughout the state. These chapters work
at the local level and in concert with the
state organization to preserve the fragile
remnants of Florida's past. Some of the
many accomplishments of the individual
chapters include alerting authorities to
the vandalism or potential destruction of
archaeological or historic sites, prepar-
ing exhibits, establishing a museum,
working with local organizations to edu-
cate the public, working on the historic
preservation aspects of local government
comprehensive plans, excavating endangered
archaeological sites, and recording 100s
of archaeological sites in the Florida
Master Site File.


247
Each Spring the Society holds its annual
meeting to hear formal presentations on
scholarly and general topics of interest
to its members, hold workshops, exchange
ideas, and to invest newly elected offi-
cers in their posts. In addition to
elected positions, the appointed positions
of Membership Secretary and Editor are
filled or renewed by the newly elected
Board of Directors. All Officers in the
Society serve without compensation, as do
appointed positions. Such volunteer
service helps to minimize the Society's
administrative costs, and permits it to
devote most of its membership fees to
publishing and distributing its journal.
However, with increasing postal and
other costs we need to increase our mem-
bership in order to reduce the relative
cost of each issue, if we are to retain
our current low fee schedule.

If you like what you have read in this
and other issues of The Florida Anthro-
pologist, then you should join the Florida
Anthropological Society. If you are in-
terested in helping to protect significant
historic resources and study aspects of
our historic heritage, then you should
join the Florida Anthropological Society.
If you wish to join with and meet others
interested in these topics, then you should
join the Florida Anthropological Society.

If you are presently a member and have not
yet renewed your membership, then please do
so now. If you are a member then help find
new members and earn back issues acquisi-
tion credits, or consider giving gift sub-
scriptions to our Society (and earn back
issues acquisition credits for each such
gift subscription). If you know anyone in
the Acquisition Department of your local
library, then encourage them to subscribe
so that students and the general public
may learn more about historic resources
and the issue of historic preservation. If
you edit (or know someone who edits) the
newsletter or journal of an organization
whose membership may be interested in
joining our Society and receiving The
Florida Anthropologist, then please reprint
(or ask them to reprint) this notice and
our membership application form in that
newsletter or journal. (Likewise, if you
publish this notice for your readers we
will publish your similar notice to our
readers).





248
Thank you for your time and efforts in
this matter. We look forward to your join-
ing our Society and receiving and enjoying
The Florida Anthropologist, as well as
participating in other aspects of our
Society for years to come. Your comments


are always welcome.

Sincerely,
Louis D. Tesar, Editor
The Florida Anthropologist


FIND NEW MEMBERS: EARN BACK ISSUES CREDIT

The Florida Anthropological Society now has a program for its members and
chapters to earn credits toward back issue purchases by getting new members to
join our Society. The membership application form has been changed to include
a space for new members to indicate how they found out about our Society.

A $2.50 credit toward back issue purchases will be given for each new member
who joins and who indicates that you were the person or chapter that got them
to join. (If you wish you may identify yourself in the proper space on forms
which you provide to potential members). This credit will be in addition to
the 10% member's discount for back issues purchases. For FAS Chapters, who
wish to use this program to build chapter libraries, the $2.00 postage and
handling charge will be waived (since there is no 10% chapter discount) when
applying the new member finder's credit for back issue acquisitions. Every
two months, participating members and chapters will be notified of credits
earned during that period. A record of such credits will be maintained by the
Editor.

While membership in our Society is from January through December of each year,
tabulations will be kept from May through April so that certificates may be
awarded at the FAS annual meeting for those individuals and chapters credited
with finding the most, second most and third most new members during that
period. They will also receive $15, $10 and $5 bonus credits respectively to
be used towards back issue purchases.

JOIN/REJOIN THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
If you are interested in archaeology, ethnology, physical anthropology,
cultural anthropology and associated topics with a focus on Florida and
surrounding areas in the southeastern U.S. and Caribbean, then The Florida
Anthropologist, the journal of the Florida Anthropological Society, and the
papers presented at our annual meeting will be of interest to you. If you
wish to join with professional and avocational archaeologists and others in
efforts to preserve and protect our historic and cultural heritage, then join
the Florida Anthropological Society to achieve that goal. You do not have to
be a resident of Florida to belong to our Society. Your membership fee
includes your subscription to the Society's journal and newsletter. We are a
non-profit organization founded in 1948.


NAME
ADDRESS
CITY
STATE/COUNTRY ZIP
F.A.S. Chapter affiliation
If gift membership, name of donor
If new member, indicate how you learned about
our Society

Mail Application to: Membership Secretary,FAS
308 6th St. NE
Largo, Florida 33540


TYPE OF MEMBERSHIP:
NEW RENEWING
REGULAR($12)*
FAMILY($18)*
INSTITUTIONAL($15)*__
SUSTAINING($25)
PATRON($100)
LIFE($200)

*Foreign subscribers add
$5 US for postage, etc.


Make check or money order payable to: Florida Anthropological Society





248
Thank you for your time and efforts in
this matter. We look forward to your join-
ing our Society and receiving and enjoying
The Florida Anthropologist, as well as
participating in other aspects of our
Society for years to come. Your comments


are always welcome.

Sincerely,
Louis D. Tesar, Editor
The Florida Anthropologist


FIND NEW MEMBERS: EARN BACK ISSUES CREDIT

The Florida Anthropological Society now has a program for its members and
chapters to earn credits toward back issue purchases by getting new members to
join our Society. The membership application form has been changed to include
a space for new members to indicate how they found out about our Society.

A $2.50 credit toward back issue purchases will be given for each new member
who joins and who indicates that you were the person or chapter that got them
to join. (If you wish you may identify yourself in the proper space on forms
which you provide to potential members). This credit will be in addition to
the 10% member's discount for back issues purchases. For FAS Chapters, who
wish to use this program to build chapter libraries, the $2.00 postage and
handling charge will be waived (since there is no 10% chapter discount) when
applying the new member finder's credit for back issue acquisitions. Every
two months, participating members and chapters will be notified of credits
earned during that period. A record of such credits will be maintained by the
Editor.

While membership in our Society is from January through December of each year,
tabulations will be kept from May through April so that certificates may be
awarded at the FAS annual meeting for those individuals and chapters credited
with finding the most, second most and third most new members during that
period. They will also receive $15, $10 and $5 bonus credits respectively to
be used towards back issue purchases.

JOIN/REJOIN THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
If you are interested in archaeology, ethnology, physical anthropology,
cultural anthropology and associated topics with a focus on Florida and
surrounding areas in the southeastern U.S. and Caribbean, then The Florida
Anthropologist, the journal of the Florida Anthropological Society, and the
papers presented at our annual meeting will be of interest to you. If you
wish to join with professional and avocational archaeologists and others in
efforts to preserve and protect our historic and cultural heritage, then join
the Florida Anthropological Society to achieve that goal. You do not have to
be a resident of Florida to belong to our Society. Your membership fee
includes your subscription to the Society's journal and newsletter. We are a
non-profit organization founded in 1948.


NAME
ADDRESS
CITY
STATE/COUNTRY ZIP
F.A.S. Chapter affiliation
If gift membership, name of donor
If new member, indicate how you learned about
our Society

Mail Application to: Membership Secretary,FAS
308 6th St. NE
Largo, Florida 33540


TYPE OF MEMBERSHIP:
NEW RENEWING
REGULAR($12)*
FAMILY($18)*
INSTITUTIONAL($15)*__
SUSTAINING($25)
PATRON($100)
LIFE($200)

*Foreign subscribers add
$5 US for postage, etc.


Make check or money order payable to: Florida Anthropological Society









INFORMATION FOR AUTHORS


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST publishes original papers in all subfields of
anthropology and related historic preservation matters. Contributions from
allied disciplines are acceptable when concerned with anthropological
problems. The journal's primary geographical scope is Florida and adjacent
regions. While authors are not paid for their articles, 25 reprints (without
covers) of each published article are provided. They also may purchase any
issue in which they are an author or coauthor at any time and receive a 10%
discount (in addition to any other applicable discounts) off the cover price.
Preference is given to submissions by Society members.

Manuscripts should be double-spaced and typed on one side only of 8 x 11 inch
paper. Authors should refer to the Editorial Policy and Style Guide published
in Volume 37(1). Manuscripts submitted in styles other than that presented in
the Style Guide will be returned to their authors. Authors should submit the
original and four copies of their manuscripts for review.

Receipt of manuscripts submitted for review for publication will be
acknowledged by the Editor, who will then distribute copies for peer review.
The Editor will generally notify authors of the Editorial Staff's decision
within three months of receipt. A manuscript may be accepted as is or with
minor revisions; rejected provisionally with the request that the authors)
rework the text and resubmit it for reconsideration; or, rejected outright.
In the latter instance the original copy ot the manuscript will be returned to
the authorss. Authors of accepted manuscripts will be asked to acknowledge
receipt of the edited manuscript and prepare any needed changes. If they have
prepared their text on a wordprocessor with a letter quality printer, they
will be asked to reformat the final text into 3 column galleys for final
proofing to save processing time and avoid introducing new errors as a result
of retyping. If they do not have this capability, then their corrected
manuscript should be returned to the Editor for galley preparation, and they
will be provided with an opportunity to review galleys of their articles prior
to publication.




FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
POST OFFICE BOX 1013
TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA 32302
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support
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