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W. OF FLA. UBRARIES
VOLUME 36 NUMBERS 3-4
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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published quarterly in March, June, September, and
December by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc., Geoarcheological Research
Center, Department of Geology, University of Miami, Coral Gables, Fl. 33124.
Subscription is by membership in the Society for individuals and institutions
interested in the aims of the Society. Annual dues are $10.00 ($12.00 after
March 1). Requests for membership dues and changes of address should be addressed
to the Membership Secretary; manuscripts for publication and orders for back
issues to the Editor; and newsletter items to the President. Address changes
should be made at least 30 days prior to the mailing of the next issue. Second
class postage paid at Miami, Florida 33124.
OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY
President: John Beriault
3550 Bolero Way
Naples, FL 33942
1st Vice President: Claudine Payne
Tallahassee, FL 32301
2nd Vice President: Karen Malesky Bender
Palmetto, FL 33561
Secretary: M. Katherine Jones
Tallahassee, FL 32301
Membership Secretary: Joan Deming
1839 Pine Cone Circle, #28
Clearwater, FL 33520
Treasurer and Resident Agent:
545 Bayberry Drive
Lake Park, FL 34403
Three years: Mitchell Hope
1113 Sunset Drive
Sebring, FL 33870
Two years: Mary Lou Watson
229 Woodlawn Drive
Panama City, FL 32407
One year: Jerry Hyde
4233 Oristano Road
Jacksonville, FL 32210
Editor: Robert S. Carr
Geoarcheological Research Center
Department of Geology
University of Miami
Coral Gables, FL 33124
West Georgia College
Carrollton, GA 30118
Kathleen A. Deagan
Historic St. Augustine Preservation
St. Augustine, FL 32084
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST (USPS 200880)
George M. Luer
Department of Anthropology
Florida Atlantic University
Boca Raton, FL 33431
Division of Archives, History and
Tallahassee, FL 323C4
COVER: By Herman Trappman
VOLUME 36 NUMBERS 3-4 SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER 1983
Editor's Page . . . . ... .. 109
F.A.S. Anniversary Notes
by John W. Griffin . . .. . 110
A Review of Physical Anthropology in The Florida
by M. Yasar Iscan and
Patricia Miller-Shaivitz. . . ... 114
The Cypress Creek Site: Lithic Analysis and
by Robert J. Austin . . .. 124
A Carved Shell Pendant from Dade County, Florida
by Wesley Coleman, James McCullin and
Jeanie McGuire . . . ... 140
Bridge to the Past: Excavations at the Margate-Blount
by Wilma B. Williams. . . ... 142
Skeletal Biology of the Margate-Blount Population
by M. Yasar Iscan. . . . ... 154
The Use of Medicinal Plants to Control High Blood
Pressure in the Caribbean
by R. A. Halberstein. ................ 167
The Bailey House: Interpretation of Trash Disposal
at an Urban Site
by Lucy B. Wayne. . . . ... 177
"Test Pit 4NE/Burial Feature I"
by Deborah Brownfield Carr. . ... 186
by Robert S. Carr . . . 187
In this thirty-fifth anniversary issue I have tried to assemble
a group of articles that indicates the diverse directions of current
anthropological research in Florida. Included are articles by both
professionals and nonprofessionals. The two articles on the Margate-
Blount site reflect how cooperation between these two groups can
result in the contribution of important data towards the understanding
of prehistoric culture and biology.
John Griffin's article provides a retrospective look at the
Florida Anthropological Society. Likewise, YaSar IScan's and Patricia
Miller-Shaivitz's review of physical anthropology in the thirty-five
years of the journal's publication reflect some important trends (or
lack of) in the discipline of physical anthropology in Florida.
The FA has received an unexpected honor from a new book, Technical
Writing: A .Guide with Models, that has reprinted an FA article,
"Bishops Hammock, Broward County, Florida," written by Wilma Williams
and the late Bert Mowers. The article is reprinted as a good example
of technical writing for a field investigation. The book is published
by Scott Foresman Company in Dallas.
I would also like to alert readers to The Grand Village of the
Natchez Revisited, by the late Robert S. Neitzel. The book is available
for $15.00 plus $..75 from the Old Capitol Sales Shop, P. O. Box 571,
Jackson, MS. 39205.
This will be my final issue as editor of the FA. I have been
greatly enriched by the experience, having met and worked with scores
of interesting people, some of them who have become good friends. I
want to first thank George Luer, the assistant editor, who has made an
outstanding contribution to this journal. Others, such as John Beriault,
David Allerton, Wesley Coleman, Marion Almy, and John Reiger, have given
me support and constructive criticisms that have made my job much easier.
Finally, my fullest appreciation to our typist, Esther Nedelman, who
has tolerated the intolerable and has done a wonderful job of giving
the journal a consistently professional look.
The FA is now in the able hands of Louis Tesar of Florida's
Division of Archives, History, and Records Management in Tallahassee.
Louis, a careful and exacting thinker and writer, will be a good editor.
Please give him your support.
Robert S. Carr
F.A.S. ANNIVERSARY NOTES
John W. Griffin
When, in August of 1947, a number of us launched the Florida Anthropolog-
ical Society under an initial organizing committee, the establishment of a
journal was foremost in our minds. It was, however, not until the spring of
1948 before the first issue of The Florida Anthropologist was mailed to the
approximately 70 members of the nascent society.
Figure 1. Participants in the Daytona Conference, August 11-13, 1947.
From left to right: John M. Goggin, Yale University; Charles
M. Brookfield, National Audubon Society; Albert C. Manucy,
National Park Service; John W. Griffin, Florida Park Service;
Wesley Hurt, Alabama Museum of Natural History; Charles H.
Fairbanks, National Park Service; Antonio J. Waring, Jr.,
Savannah; Gordon R. Willey, Bureau of American Ethnology,
Smithsonian Institution. Not pictured, but attending the
conference: Mark F. Boyd, Florida Historical Society;
Winston W. Ehrmann, University of Florida; Lewis G. Scoggin,
Florida Park Service.
VOL. 36 NOS. 3-4 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPT.-DEC. 1983
The formation of a state society to serve professional and non-profession-
al alike seemed a logical, and even necessary, step to many of us who were
working on the archaeology of Florida in that period immediately following the
end of the second World War. A number of out-of-state archaeologists and
institutions had been hard at work on research which, when published between
the years 1946 and 1951, would bring our knowledge of Florida archaeology into
a new era. By correspondence and meetings, this knowledge was being shared
among the professionals, including among others, Gordon Willey, Irving Rouse,
John Goggin and James B. Griffin. Hale Smith and I had begun work for the
Florida State Park Service in the summer of 1946, becoming the first archaeo-
logists employed by the state. There were numbers of interested and informed
academicians and laymen within the state who were eager to participate. There
had to be a formalized avenue of communication between all of these parties.
In August of 1947, a three-day conference was held in Daytona Beach, where
Smith and I were engaged in summer field work. The purpose of the Daytona Con-
ference was to exchange information and work out a general framework for the
archaeology of the state. It was a rewarding conference, but the specifics of
it relate more closely to the history of Florida archaeology than to the his-
tory of the Florida Anthropological Society. However, on the day following the
conference, August 14, 1947, some of the participants, being together in one
place, can be said to have established the Society, or at least set it in
motion. Before the end of the month the first Newsletter had been issued and
That newsletter contained a statement of purpose which is worth quoting:
"The Florida Anthropological Society is organized to serve both
non-professionals and professionals interested in one or more fields
of Florida anthropology.
The primary interest of the Society is in the Florida Indian,
past and present, but the scope of the Society is as broad as the
field of anthropology--'the science of man'. An interest in any
field qualifies one for membership."
At another point in that first Newsletter, it was noted that the Society
encouraged the establishment of local chapters. Chapters, so important in the
current organization, were slow to materialize, but they were authorized from
the very beginning.
The initial Organizing Committee was as follows:
Chairman: W. W. Ehrmann, University of Florida
Secretary-Treasurer: Hale G. Smith, Florida Park Service
Editor: John W. Griffin, Florida Park Service
Committee Members: John M. Goggin, Miami
O. F. Quackenbush, University
Frederick W. Sleight, Rollins College
The initial newsletter had tentatively projected that the first annual
meeting would be held in April of 1948, but it did not materialize until
February 12, 1949. In the meantime, there were several changes and additions
to the organizing committee. Hale Smith vacated his position as Secretary-
Treasurer to return to college to work on his doctorate. His successor,
Bevode C. McCall, did the same thing, and was replaced by Dr. Donald E. Wor-
cester of the Department of History, University of Florida. Both Smith and
McCall became members of an expanded committee, to which were added: Dr.
Raymond F. Bellamy of Florida State University; Robert F. Greenlee, an anthro-
pologist teaching in Daytona Beach; and Dr. Albert C. Holt, pastor of the First
Presbyterian Church, Jacksonville. The composition of the committee became
five anthropologists, four sociologists, one historian, and one minister.
This group managed the affairs of the Society during its first 18 months.
During that time three newsletters appeared, members were mailed reprints of
John Goggin's "A Preliminary Definition of Archaeological Areas and Periods in
Florida," and both double numbers of volume one of The Florida Anthropologist
The 80 pages of the first volume of The Florida Anthropologist contained
8 articles, 5 book reviews and several brief communications. The table of
contents reveals a deliberate attempt on the part of the editor to encompass
the broad scope of subject matter envisaged in the purposes of the Society.
Archaeology, ethno-history and physical anthropology are represented in the
articles, while the book reviews encompass archaeology, ethnology, history
and general cultural theory. The emerging field of historical archaeology
was represented by the first paper in the volume, and authors included both
professionals and non-professionals.
I must admit that achieving this degree of balance took some doing.
Particular authors had to be solicited, my former professor of physical anthro-
pology for one. Some articles had to be extensively rewritten by the editor
in cooperation with the authors, and the field of anthropological linguistics
was not represented. I must also admit that I left no stock of manuscripts
for my successor as editor. Lack of a backlog is still an editorial complaint.
The choice of a symbol (the term "logo" was not then in common use) fell
to the editor. I had in 1946 published an article on certain Florida artifacts
which I believed were related to the widespread Southern or "Buzzard" Cult, and
subsequently one of these, in silver, had appeared in the Goodnow Mound in
Highlands County, excavated by Hale Smith and me. This artifact type impressed
me as eminently suitable for the new society and journal. It represented to
me a strictly Florida type related to a broad southeastern pattern, executed
in metallic form which symbolized the contact of prehistoric and historic
cultures. The easiest representation to copy was the gold ornament found near
Ft. Bassinger on the Kississmee River and published by A. E. Douglass in 1890.
This, then, became our logo. It remains as such, even though it may be inter-
preted somewhat differently today.
When the first annual meeting of the Society was held on the campus of
the University of Florida on February 12, 1949, we could boast of 104 members
and a deficit of $2.23, which had been covered by borrowing from the $50.00
special publication fund. Only eleven members attended that first meeting.
They were: A. T. Anderson, Adelaide K. Bullen, Ripley P. Bullen, Winston W.
Ehrmann, John W. Griffin, John M. Goggin, Albert C. Holt, Bevode C. McCall,
Lois Watkins, Kenneth F. Wilson and Donald E. Worcester.
The constitution of the Society was adopted and the assembled group pro-
ceeded to the election of its first slate of officers. It should be remembered
that there were nine offices to fill and eleven members in attendance! But
since three slots were filled by members not in attendance, the group elected
only slightly more than half its own number. That first governing panel was
President: John W. Griffin, Florida Park Service
First Vice-President: Winston W. Ehrmann, University of Florida
Second Vice-President: Lucius S. Ruder, Clearwater
Secretary: Adelaide K. Bullen, Gainesville
Treasurer: Lois Watkins, Gainesville
Editor: John M. Goggin, University of Florida
Executive Committeemen: Frederick W. Sleight, Mt. Dora
Albert C. Holt, Jacksonville
Madaline W. Nichols, Tallahassee.
Four future presidents and two future editors were in that group. One of
them, Dr. Holt, became in 1951 the first non-professional to hold the presi-
dency, but over the history of the organization that office has been split
nearly fifty-fifty between non-professionals and professionals, in keeping
with the original concept of the composition of the organization.
The Florida Anthropologist has continued to be, to my mind, the most
important vehicle for the advance and continuity of the Florida Anthropological
Society. About 115 issues, more or less, have followed the thin offering of
Volume I. Eleven editors have labored with scores of authors to give us this
vital source which now contains over 500 articles on more than 5000 pages.
What would Florida anthropology be without it?
John W. Griffin
St. Augustine, FL. 32084
A REVIEW OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
M. Yasar Iscan and Patricia Miller-Shaivitz
The Florida Anthropologist is the most effective archaeological journal
in the State, and among the most important in the southeastern region. One
would like to believe that if an archaeological site containing human burials
is reported in the journal that the report would include a description and
interpretation of the skeletal biology, or that such a report would soon
follow. However, this has rarely been the case. In Table 1, we have reviewed
those articles dealing with Indian skeletal remains, and in our discussion
below we analyze the reasons for this deficiency.
In our analysis of the journal we generally have considered those articles
that provided a primary report-on a site with skeletal remains, and whether
these skeletal materials were studied by a physical anthropologist (Table 1).
It is evident from this table that out of 64 site reports, 43 of them included
brief information on the skeletal remains. These osteological reports were
primarily done by consultation with a physical anthropologist or by the archae-
ologist of the site. Further analysis of the table indicated that from 1948
through 1958, Ripley P. Bullen was the most active individual analyzing the
human skeletal material. From 1959 through 1972, consultants were more
numerous with Charles Snow being among the most qualified. From 1972 to 1982,
professional physical anthropologists in the state universities were consulted
more frequently than ever before. These individuals included Robert Dailey
of Florida State University, William Maples of the University of Florida and
the late Audrey Sublett of Florida Atlantic University.
Perhaps the only true physical anthropological work in the journal was
written by Adelaide Bullen (1972). In her article, skeletal remains found
in fourteen different sites were compared and an epidemiological map of
treponemal disease was drawn. She consulted a number of authoritative paleo-
pathologists to confirm her own diagnosis.
In short, based on this brief analysis and our own review of other
research on Florida prehistoric populations, it is our opinion that physical
anthropology of the native Floridians is poorly known and that few attempts
to remedy this problem have occurred beyond superficial consultation. The
reason for the lack of more extensive reporting may be evident when we analyze
the academic institutions of the state.
The history of anthropological education in Florida started with the
establishment of the Department of Anthropology at Florida State University
in 1951 (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980). Subsequently, a number of other depart-
ments began emerging in the state. According to the Guide to Departments of
Anthropology (American Anthropological Association 1982), among the State Uni-
versities listed, four have an independent anthropology department (Table 2).
The only non-state university with a separate department of anthropology is
the University of Miami.
VOL. 36 NOS. 3-4 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPT.-DEC. 1983
While anthropology, as a whole, is well represented in these univer-
sities, physical anthropology has been far below expectation. Table
2 also shows these departments, physical anthropologists and their special-
ities as recorded in the Guide (American Anthropological Association 1982).
Dividing physical anthropologists into those studying living and skeletal
populations, one can see that of the seven full-time physical anthropologists,
only four specialize in osteological studies. Comparing the number of osteo-
logists to the number of articles that need an osteological emphasis, it is
clear that most of the Articles are devoid of any authorship or consultation
by these specialists.
The lack of osteological articles and/or reports on the biology of
Florida's prehistoric Indians opens up a number of serious questions which
must be answered by both physical anthropologists and archaeologists. Un-
fortunately, most of those physical anthropologists that have worked in
Florida have not published in the journal. We do know that the Florida
Anthropological Society and its journal, The Florida Anthropologist, have
been predominantly archaeologically oriented. However, it seems obvious
that there is, and always has been, an overall deficiency of physical anthro-
poloqists in the State, particularly considering Florida's size and population.
It is our conclusion that our knowledge of Florida's prehistoric Indians
has been very good in terms of the archaeological (culture) history and nil in
terms of biological characteristics. The reason for such a lack of knowledge
about the physical characteristics of the prehistoric people is not clearly
understood. However, it is possible that there has been a lack of cooperation
between the archaeologist and the physical anthropologist in the sense that
either the archaeologist has not emphasized the significance of skeletal re-
mains in the reports or that the physical anthropologist did not fulfill a
duty of supplementing the archaeological report with a physical anthropolo-
gical analysis. However, it seems obvious that the relatively small number of
physical anthropologists would have been hard-pressed to "keep up" with the
considerably larger number of archaeologists (including amateurs) that have
uncovered human skeletal material during the past 35 years.
With the establishment of the Florida Anthropological Society in 1947,
anthropology in Florida took a serious step toward understanding the people
of its past. While this Society has achieved remarkable success in forward-
ing a culture history of the peninsula, it remains essentially an "archaeo-
logical" rather than an anthropological society. The publications of the
Society in The Florida Anthropologist reflect this archaeological bias.
In order to understand better the history of the prehistoric Florida
Indians, the two subdisciplines should combine their efforts and the physical
anthropologist should make an extra effort to provide urgently needed raw and
descriptive data to fulfill the gap left since Hrdlicka's Catalog of 1940.
We are grateful for the encouragement of Robert Carr and thankful to
Carolyn Majd for her assistance in typing the manuscript.
ISCAN AND MILLER-SHAIVITZ
TABLE 1. Reports published in The Florida Anthropologist (1949-1982)
indicating the presence of human skeletal remains.
Site and Location
Skeletons Skeletons Viewed
Analyzed or Analyzed By
Goggin et al.
Burns and Fuller
Palm Beach Co.
Bullen et al.
Bullen and Griffin
Cabeen and Cabeen
Yes R. Bullen
Site and Location
or Analyzed By
Ft. Walden Period
Wadden's Mill Pond
Indian River Co.
Grey and Lazarus
Williams and Williams
Bullen and Askew
Bullen et al.
Bullen et al.
ISCAN AND MILLER-SHAIVITZ
TABLE 1 (Cont.)
Site and Location
or Analyzed By
Whitaker Yellow Blfs. Milanich
Sarasota Co. 1972:25:21-41
A. Bullen, Kerley,
Site and Location
or Analyzed By
Tick Is. Archaic
Warm Mineral Springs
Palm Beach Co.
Palmer Burial Mound
Markham Park #2
Mowers and Williams
Gallagher and Warren
Lazarus and Fornaro
Clausen et al.
Bullen and Bullen
Williams and Mowers
Fradkin and Milanich
ISCAN AND MILLER-SHAIVITZ
TABLE 1. (Cont.)
Site and Location
or Analyzed By
Goodwin et al.
Jahn et al.
Palm Beach Co.
Rolling Oaks II
Williams and Mowers
Ritchie et al.
Beriault et al.
Wharton et al.
Piper and Piper
Williams and Mowers
TABLE 2. Academic Physical Anthropologists in Florida
Institution and Location Degrees Offered and
University of Central Florida, Orlando
Eckerd College, St. Petersburg
Florida Atlantic University
M. Yasar Iscan, Ph.D.(physical
anthropology, human osteology, human
adaptation, medical anthropology,
forensic anthropology, Middle East,
John C. Alley, M.D.*(environment and
Florida International University, Miami
Florida State University,
Robert C. Dailey, Ph.D.(physical and
Glen H. Doran, Ph.D.(North American
prehistory, archaeological method
and theory, paleodemography, human
Dan Morse, M.D.*(medical and physical
Elizabeth Peters, M.A.*(physical
anthropology, primatology, communica-
tion behavioral evolution)
TABLE 2. (Cont.)
Institution and Location Degrees Offered and
University of Florida, Gainesville
University of Miami, Coral Gables
University of South Florida, Tampa
New College of University of South
University of West Florida, Pensacola
Leslie S. Liberman, Ph.D.(physical
anthropology, human genetics,
nutrition, native American
William R. Maples, Ph.D.**(physical
anthropology, human identification,
Linda R. Wolfe, Ph.D.*(physical
anthropology, primate evolution,
Robert A. Halberstein, Ph.D.
(physical anthropology, human,
evolution, medical anthropology,
human adaptation, anthropological
genetics, human variation, human
Curtis W. Wienker, Ph.D.(cultural
biology, human population biology,
biology of Black Americans, forensic
Information not available.
Part-time, adjunct, or research associate.
Associated with Florida State Museum.
Joint Program with University of Florida.
American Anthropological Association
1982 Guide to Departments of Anthropology, 1982-1983. Washington,
Bullen, A. K.
Paleoepidemiology and Distribution of Prehistoric Treponemiasis
(syphilis) in Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 25:133-174.
1940 Catalog of Hunan Crania in the United States National Museum
Collections: Indians of the Gulf States. Proceedings of the
United States National Museum 87:314-464.
Milanich, Jerald T. and Charles H. Fairbanks
1980 Florida Archaeology. New York: Academic Press.
M. Yagar Iscan
Florida Atlantic University
Boca Raton, FL
Florida Atlantic University
Boca Raton, FL
THE CYPRESS CREEK SITE: LITHIC ANALYSIS AND SITE FUNCTION
Robert J. Austin
During the summer of 1979, Phase 2 excavations were conducted at the
Cypress Creek Site (8Hi471) by Marion Almy for Florida's Division of Archives,
History and Records Management to mitigate the impact of impending site
destruction due to the construction of the 1-75 Bypass in northern Hills-
borough County. The resulting assemblage of artifacts was characterized by
an abundance of lithic tools and debitage, and, thus, a thorough analysis of
this material was considered essential to site interpretation. Consequently,
in the fall of 1980, an analysis of the lithic materials from the Cypress
Creek Site was initiated by the author. The following is a discussion of one
aspect of that analysis, the recognition of patterned site structure and its
relation to the interpretation of site function.
The identification of site function at small, predominantly lithic sites
possessing few diagnostic or conventional tool forms is a formidable problem
which has plagued archaeologists as has been noted by several investigators
(e.g., Grange 1978; Deming 1980). Since the completion of this project I have
had time to re-examine certain theoretical considerations related to site
functional models and my ideas regarding their turmulation and use in archae-
ological analysis have changed somewhat (see Austin and Ste. Claire 1982a,
1982b); however, the methodology employed during the Cypress Creek project
(i.e., the functional analysis of artifacts and the use of site profiles) is
still felt to be a useful means of approaching the problem. Therefore, a pre-
sentation of the substantive results of the analysis was deemed necessary both
to provide descriptive and quantitative data for future analysts and, hopefully,
to stimulate furtheL discussion and research related to the problem of site
functional interpretation. A complete report of the Cypress Creek project has
been published recently (Almy 1982).
The Cypress Creek Site is situated on a small ridge paralleling Cypress
Creek which is located approximately 15 meters to the north. To the south is
a small, intermittent stream that is connected to Cypress Creek at its head.
Both Cypress Creek and the unnamed stream empty into an extensive swamp located
at the southern end of the site. The environmental location of the site, at
the margin of a mixed hardwood swamp forest, presented prehistoric peoples with
a diversity of plant and animal species suitable for exploitation. In addition,
small, chert-bearing knolls located in the Cypress Creek swamp may have pro-
vided a nearby source for lithic materials. Most of the artifacts from Cypress
Creek appear to have been manufactured from locally available cherts with none
of the material attributable to sources more than a few kilometers from the
site (Upchurch 1980:9).
VOL. 36 NOS. 3-4 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPT.-DEC. 1983
The presence of Hernando, Lafayette and Culbreath projectile points as
well as sand- and limestone-tempered, sand-tempered and Deptford bold check
stamped ceramics indicates site utilization occurred as early as the late
Archaic/Transitional period and continued through late Weeden Island-related
times, or from about 1000 B.C. to A.D. 1000.
Theoretical Background and Hypotheses
Site structure consists of the spatial patterning and association of
various site elements (e.g., artifacts, features, structures, and strata) and
forms the basis for identifying the nature of site activities and ultimately,
the role that site played in the larger cultural system (South 1971:213). The
recognition of patterned site structure is, thus, integral to the understanding
of site function.
The analytical methods employed during the analysis were formulated by
Winters (1969) and South (1977) and incorporate a functional approach to the
classification of artifacts. The number of tools in each functional category
were tallied and their percentage relationships obtained resulting in a profile
of site activities as represented by the material remains. Tools were plotted
horizontally by their respective functional classes to determine spatial pat-
terning and to locate and define specific activity areas. A vertical pattern
of distribution was also obtained which suggested an expansion of site activ-
ities through time.
The utilization of functional classes rather than tool categories based
on morphology, for example, is essential for identifying site structure since
the latter approach merely results in an inventory of similar artifact "types"
which may or may not have functional significance. On the other hand, a func-
tional approach to classification more accurately represents the total range
of intra-site activities. Inter-site comparisons can then proceed on the basis
of functional differentiation providing a key to the interrelationships of
different sites within a settlement system.
The analysis also utilized a set of hypotheses and test implications for
determining different site types based primarily on those employed by House
and Wogaman (1978) with some modifications. These hypotheses incorporate a
model proposed by Binford and Binford (1966) for interpreting functional vari-
ability among sites which represent hunting and gathering groups. They state
that it is possible to distinguish between maintenance and extractive task
camps on the basis of artifact assemblages. Maintenance camps represent
"activities related to nutritional and technological requirements of the group"
while extractive camps represent "activities related to direct exploitation of
environmental resources" (Binford and Binford 1966:291). If culture is viewed
as-an adaptive mechanism for dealing with the natural environment, then the
differential distribution of material remains within the environment should
reflect the means by which a group responds to its differential needs.
The assumptions which underlie this study can, thus, be stated as follows:
1) Artifacts present at the site are functionally related to the activ-
ities that occurred there. Sites with a wide range of tool types are repre-
sentative of a variety of activities, long term occupation, and a relatively
large number of people. Sites with a narrow range of tool types are repre-
sentative of more specialized activities, shorter term occupation, and fewer
2) Tool manufacturing is similarly related to functional variation be-
tween different types of sites,with a full range of manufacturing debris re-
presenting relatively long term occupation and a variety of activities, and a
narrow range of manufacturing debris representing specialized activities and
It should be noted that the model proposed by Binford and Binford is a
very generalized one and does not exhaust the possibilities of site types or
site locations (cf. Wharton 1982; Austin and Ste. Claire 1982b). The model
presented here was deemed sufficient for the purposes of a Phase 2 investiga-
tion. Moreover, the underlying assumptions regarding artifact density and
diversity are believed to be valid and useful, albeit rather general, criteria
for determining functional variability.
Although a consideration of additional site elements is essential for a
complete analysis, this paper considers site function only in terms of the
activities represented by the lithic materials. The hypotheses which deter-
mined the logical organization of the analysis are briefly stated below. In
the interests of space,test implications have been omitted. A more detailed
presentation may be found in Almy (1982).
HI: The site was the scene of a wide variety of tasks reflecting both
maintenance and extractive activities.
H2: The site was the scene of a narrow range of tasks reflecting
specialized extractive activities.
H3: Site activities
a) butchering, skinning and meat processing activities occurred
at the site.
b) hide working occurred at the site.
c) wood and bone working occurred at the site.
d) nut and plant processing occurred at the site.
In addition, two aspects of stone tool technology were investigated:
biface reduction and flake tool technology. These were chosen to correspond
with and provide data relevant to the evaluation of site function. Hypotheses
were formulated and tested with the results indicating the manufacture of both
flake tools and bifaces with biface production concentrated at the secondary
and tertiary stages of the reduction continuum.
Flake tools were the most common tool type represented in the Cypress
Creek assemblage. The high frequency of flake tools (78.1%) indicates tool
use which emphasized expediency and ease of manufacture with a minimum of
energy investment. Gould (1980) notes the importance of distinguishing be-
tween expedient, or "instant," tools and those which are more "expensive,"
requiring greater energy investment in terms of resource procurement. He
states as a general principle that the manufacture of expedient tools will
take place when and where they are needed and will utilize locally available
resources. The manufacture of "expensive" tools, on the other hand, will
generally occur at base camps and will utilize non-local as well as local
materials (Gould 1980:126). The significantly high proportion of expedient
tools is of prime importance to the interpretation of site function and will
be discussed in further detail below.
A few specialized flake tools were identified including a graver, a
spokeshave, and two perforators; however, the majority of flake tools have
been classified as knives or scrapers. Of these, only four exhibit inten-
tional retouch (see Fig. la-b). The remainder were utilized using only the
natural edge of the flake (see Fig. 2).
Bifaces are the second most frequent tool type present at the site (12.6%)
and include several specialized forms:
Of the 23 bifaces, 12 are projectile point fragments including two bases,
three stems, four tips, and three mid-sections. One of these bases is too
fragmented to be accurately identified. The second (Fig. 3c) is a medium-
sized, stemmed point which was identified as a Culbreath, Subtype 2 (Bullen
1975:28). Although one of the barbs is missing, the other-is slightly droop-
ing and the stem is relatively straight with an excurvate base. The blade is
fractured transversely and exhibits evidence of impact fracture (Ahler 1971:52)
which resulted in the subsequent fracture of one corner of the blade. The
remaining point fragments all exhibit a degree of refinement which indicates
that they are finished tools which were broken during utilization. In the
case of the stems this is almost certainly the case. One of the mid-sections
has been re-utilized as a perforating tool and displays a considerable amount
of step fracturing near the tip formed by the angular fracture of the blade.
The tip itself is exceptionally rounded and worn with edge blunting and han-
dling wear prominent on both margins of the tool.
Hafted Scraper (Fig. 3b)
A medium-sized, corner-notched projectile point is present which broke
transversely across the blade and was subsequently reworked into a hafted
scraper. Positive identification is difficult since it also displays a
broken stem, however, enough remains to identify it tentatively as a Lafayette
(Bullen 1975:26). Use-wear is prominent with small step scars evident along
one surface of the working edge indicating a scraping function.
Blanks or Preforms
Five biface fragments appear to be fractured blanks or reforms based
on their crude flaking and lack of refinement. Two exhibit crazing lines and
created fractures which are the result of improper heat treatment (Purdy
1975). Three show slight evidence of use-wear; however, the fragments are
small and the area of wear is not extensive on any of the pieces.
The remaining bifaces include the following:
1) A small bifacial knife (Fig. 3e) which exhibits slight use-wear
along one margin with the opposite edge blunted for easier handling.
2) A largeibiface fragment which exhibits a transverse fracture with
a longitudinal flake scar emanating from the fracture plane and terminating
in a hinge fracture. Ahler (1971:52) interprets this type of fracture to be
i i Ii I i I
s3 4 b
the result of impact. A corner of the broken edge has been utilized as a
perforating tool and one edge of the fracture plane displays a high degree
of edge blunting and handling wear.
3) A very crudely flaked biface which morphologically resembles a drill
(Fig. 3d). The tool has been blunted along one margin indicating that it was
held in the hand rather than hafted. The presence of a stem and the crudeness
of workmanship may reflect a poorly executed attempt at projectile point
manufacture (Purdy and Beach 1981:105) which was later re-utilized. Use-wear
is evident on only one margin and is not typical of the rotary wear character-
istic of boring, drilling, or perforating.
4) A small, crudely flaked perforator with heavy step scarring around
a spur-like projection.
5) A bifacial fragment which was too small to identify.
Only two unifacial tools are present in the assemblage. One (Fig. Ic)
was manufactured from a thick flake and was steeply retouched along its distal
margin. Both scalar and step fracturing are present on the dorsal surface of
the working edge indicating a scraping function. Small scalar scars are also
present along the lateral margins of the tool and may be the result of haft
wear. The second (Fig. 3a, 4a-b) is a unifacial form of a Hernando point
(Bullen 1975:24) and was probably utilized as a hafted scraper. Heavy use-wear
is present on the dorsal surface of both margins in the form of scalar and step
fractures. The stem has been broken as a result of utilization.
Two exhausted cores and a hammerstone complete the assemblage. One of
the cores has been bifacially worked while the other is primarily a unidirec-
tional, tabular core with a distinct prepared platform. The hammerstone was
found in the same unit and in the level immediately above the bifacial core.
Evidence of earlier flake removal and platform preparation for the detachment
of individual flakes is present indicating that it is an exhausted core that
has been re-utilized.
Edge angle measurements and microscopic use-wear analysis were performed
on all tools in an effort to identify tool function.
Edge angle was measured utilizing methods and principles outlined by
Wilmsen (1970). Tools with edge angles less than 35 were inferred to be
related to cutting and slicing operations such as skinning, butchering, and
meat preparation. Tools which fell within the 36 to 60 range were classi-
fied as multipurpose tools suitable for a variety of tasks. Heavy duty wood
and bone working or heavy shredding of plant materials was inferred for tools
with an edge angle greater than 60.
All tools were examined under 30X magnification for evidence of use-wear
using the criteria outlined by Tringham et al. (1974) in order to substantiate
the functional inferences derived from the analysis of edge angles. Informa-
tion recorded during this phase of the analysis included the type of edge
damage (scalar or step), its location (lateral or distal margin), and its
distribution along a margin unifaciall or bifacial).
The mean edge angle for all tools at the Cypress Creek Site is 31.980.
This falls within the range inferred to be associated with cutting and slicing
activities. Unmodified flake tools exhibit an extremely low mean value of
28.150 while the remaining tools possess a mean value of 46.150. Significantly,
12 of the 37 tools which display edge angles within the multipurpose range
(360- 600) are projectile point fragments which are directly related to hunting
activities which did not occur at the site itself. Five of the tools are
blanks or reforms and may not have been utilized. The remaining 20 tools
represent only 15.6% of the tool assemblage and it is reasonable to assume
that they were associated with activities which were secondary in importance
to the cutting and slicing activities represented by the high proportion of
low angled tools.
The use-wear data indicates that scraping was the primary activity repre-
sented by the assemblage with 70.6% of the tools exhibiting unifacial damage.
Scalar fracturing is prominent on 47.9% of the tools and is taken to indicate
that these were used on relatively soft materials such as skin or flesh. The
remaining 52.1% display either step or scalar and step scarring indicating
use on hard materials such as wood or bone.
Although the use-wear data appears to contradict the functional inferences
derived from the edge angle analysis, particularly with regard to mode of
action, there are a number of possible explanations for the apparent discrep-
ancy. As Tringham et al. (1974:188) note, the angle of the tool when held by
the user may result in differential wear on opposite surfaces of a tool edge.
Odell and Odell-Vereecken (1980:98) also comment on this type of wear pattern
and make a distinction between cutting and slicing or carving.based on the
differential buildup of use-wear. The high percentage of tools which exhibit
primarily unifacial edge damage may reflect activities where tools were being
held at an angle to increase slicing efficiency. Wear buildup would have been
slight due to the short life span of most flake tools and would have been most
prominent on the edge opposite the material being worked. The interaction of
these three variables, i.e., use on soft materials, the angle of the tool in
relation to worked surface, and the short use life of flake tools, could
account for the observed pattern. The low mean edge for the tool assemblage,
and for flake tools in particular, tends to support this interpretation.
Tringham et al. (1974:188) note that whatever the material being worked,
the first scars to form are usually scalariform. With hard materials the edge
eventually becomes weakened and hinge or step fractures occur. The relatively
high proportion of tools which display both scalar and step scarring could
represent tools which were discarded during this intermediate stage of wear
formation. A more likely explanation is that the observed wear pattern is
the result of a specific activity, for example the scraping of meat from bone
during the butchering process, or a set of related activities. Differential
tool use, particularly during butchering which encompasses such a variety of
tool use activities, is a possibility which must be considered. Experimental
butchering of animals using flint implements of all types has demonstrated
that a tool which becomes non-functional in one context, cutting hide, for
example, may still be adequate for use in another, such as skinning or de-
fleshing bones (Frison 1978:323).
Emphasis was placed on the inferences derived from the edge angle analysis
since these are supported ethnographically (e.g., Gould et al. 1971). The
identification of tool function through use-wear analysis, although potentially
promising, is complicated by a multitude of factors which contribute to the
accumulation of edge damage, not all of which are clearly understood despite
a considerable corpus of literature on the subject (Keeley 1974). For the
purposes of this study, tools with low edge angles (<350) which displayed
either bifacial or unifacial scalar scarring were interpreted as cutting,
slicing, or carving tools and classified as knives. Those displaying unifacial
step or scalar and step scarring were classified as scrapers. Tools with edge
angles in the 360-600 range which displayed bifacial wear were also classified
as knives. Tools with edge angles greater than 350 and displaying unifacial
wear were classified as scrapers.
Site Structure and Site Function
Following the functional identification of each tool in the assemblage,
a site profile was constructed showing the number of artifacts in each func-
tional category and their percentage relationships. This classification scheme
is presented in Table 1.
Of the 128 tools at the site, 78.9% have been classified as general utility
tools. Winters (1969:32) notes that this class of items could have been asso-
ciated with a variety of tasks; however, the data from Cypress Creek indicates
a narrow range of activities. The two dominant tool types are flake knives
and flake scrapers. Flake knives exhibit a mean edge angle of 26.20 and were
probably associated with activities involving the cutting and slicing of soft
materials such as animal skin or flesh. Edge scarring indicative of use on
harder materials is evident on the flake scrapers; however, their low mean
edge angle (34.40) suggests that only light wood or bone working could have
been accomplished using these tools. It is also likely, as mentioned above,
that they were used during the butchering process.
Hunting implements account for 8.6% of the total assemblage and consist
exclusively of projectile point fragments which were discarded subsequent to
off-site hunting activities. Broken stems were probably returned to the site
still attached to their shafts while broken tips may have been imbedded in
game brought back for butchering.
Fabricating and processing tools are the third most frequent category
(7.8%). Seven of the ten specimens included in this category are either
perforators, drills, or gravers. The presence of so many perforating tools
suggests a number of possible activities, e.g., light woodworking, hideworking,
or bone tool production. The remaining three specimens include the cores and
hammerstone and are related to stone tool production.
The miscellaneous category of artifacts is composed primarily of broken
blanks or reforms some of which display slight evidence of possible utili-
zation as cutting implements.
All tools are plotted by their respective functional classes and the
resulting map is presented in Figure 5. The total amount of lithic debitage
and ceramic sherds is included for each unit to provide a more comprehensive
picture of site activities.
The major occupation appears to have occurred near the top of the ridge
facing Cypress Creek. The highest concentration of lithic materials occurs
in the eastern portion of the site particularly in units 114E/120N, 104E/112N,
96E/94N, and 100E/116N. Activities associated with the discard of ceramics
was confined to a narrow strip along the crest of the ridge. While a few
units with substantial lithic counts fall within this latter area, a signi-
ficant amount of lithic activity is situated peripherally to the main
Artifact density decreases in all directions except to.the northeast
where there is a noticeable increase. An exception is the far southwest
corner of the site in unit 38E/92N. Although a relatively large amount of
lithic debris was recovered from this unit, the only tools found were a core,
a hammerstone, and two flake knives. The paucity of tool forms is a situation
which is much reversed from the pattern displayed in other units with debitage
counts greater than 100. The presence of stone-working tools and the absence
of aborted bifaces suggests that this area was utilized for production activi-
ties related to the manufacture of flake blanks suitable for immediate use or
later modification into shaped tools. Whatever was being produced here was
not being discarded and may have been transported to the primary occupation
zone where utilization and modification activities are more likely to have
A second area of specialized activity is indicated by the extremely high
concentration of lithic debris in unit 114E/120N. The debitage is characterized
by small flake mise, i.e., less than 2 cm (76.3%), non-decortication (72.8%),
and thermal alteEation (51.1%). Excavators also noted the presence of large
amounts of very small flakes which passed through the \" mesh used for screen-
ing. Three additional units in close proximity to 114E/120N exhibit a high
proportion of small and non-decorticated flakes--these units are 80E/120N,
100E/126N, and 116/114N. All except unit 100E/126N also have a high percent-
age of thermally'altered material (greater than 50%). These four units may
represent a specialized lithic reduction area related primarily to late stage
thinning and shaping of bifaces.
Two units, 80E/120N and 96E/94N, located outside of the major ceramic
concentration, possess large quantities of general utility tools and may repre-
sent activity loci related to butchering and meat preparation. The cluster
of units located near the center of the site (80E/102N, 80E/104N, 83E/102N,
83E/104N) possess a higher proportion of knives than scrapers and this area
may represent a localization of activities related to more specific butchering
tasks. Broken projectile point fragments are most prominent in the central
area of occupation but do not cluster in any specific location. The same is
true for processing tools, blanks and reforms.
Increased site utilization is evident based on a gradual increase in
artifact density through time; however, the lack of observable stratigraphy
made the delineation of cultural zones difficult. By graphically plotting
the vertical distribution of tools and flakes it became apparent that units
96E/94N, 100E/126N, 104E/112N, 114E/120N, and 116E/114N were a core area from
which site activities expanded outward through time.
The distribution of tools in Table 2 indicates a similar pattern with an
increase in tool density accompanied by a marked expansion of tool diversity.
In the lower levels general utility tools are the dominant tool class with
other functional classes only marginally represented. Beginning at level 8,
however, tool diversity increases with the most striking change evident in
the abundance of projectile points and miscellaneous biface fragments. It
AUSTIN -' -
is possible to speculate that. the increase in tool diversity reflects a change
in site activities which corresponds with more intensive utilization of the
site. Although expedient flake tools continue to contribute significantly
to the assemblage, the large number of broken hunting implements and preform
fragments indicate that site activities expanded to include both biface
utilization and production.
The analysis of the lithic materials from the Cypress Creek Site indicates
that the site was utilized as a special extractive task camp characterized by
an exceedingly narrow tool assemblage consisting almost exclusively of flake
tools and broken projectile points.
The site profile indicates three sets of activities were dominant at
Cypress Creek. The primary activity was related to skinning and butchering
of game animals and is represented by the high proportion of flake tools and
broken projectile points. A second activity set, represented by the bifacial
and unifacial scrapers, the perforating tools, and the spokeshave, is related
to general maintenance tasks, such as the repair of spear shafts, the pro-
duction of wood or bone tools, food preparation, etc. The cores, hammerstone,
and broken blanks/preforms represent a third activity set related to biface
reduction and flake tool production. Analysis of site debitage utilizing
the attributes of size, weight, amount of cortex, and exterior platform angle,
indicates that biface production was concentrated at the secondary and tertiary
stages of the reduction continuum. The reworked unifacial scraper suggests
that stone tool maintenance may also have occurred.
Significantly, 42.2% of the debitage exhibits the vitreous luster charac-
teristic of thermal alteration (Purdy 1974; Rick 1978). Coral seems to have
been preferentially selected for intentional heat treatment as is shown by
the percentage figures in Table 3. Since coral is a difficult material to
work in its natural state, the utilization of thermal alteration to enhance
its flaking abilities is an important factor in understanding the procurement
strategies of the site's inhabitants. If coral requires the added techno-
logical step of thermal enhancement, then the amount of time and energy in-
vested into the end product is increased proportionately. Why was raw material
which necessitated the use of additional energy investment selected and uti-
lized to a significant degree when relatively fine-grained chert was also
THERMALLY ALTERED DEBITAGE
Coral Chert Totals %TA
N %TA N %TA N
Primary 49/ 7 14.3 34/ 7 20.6 83/ 14 16.9
Secondary 338/144 42.6 185/57 30.8 523/201 38.4
Non 690/389 56.4 565/182 32.2 1255/571 45.5
Totals 1077/540 50.1 784/246 31.4 1861/786 42.2
NOTE: The first figure is the total number of coral or chert flakes and the
second figure is the number of thermally altered coral or chert flakes.
For example, the total number of coral primary decorticated flakes = 49.
Of these seven, or 14.3%, were thermally altered.
Anderson (1979) offers six possible explanations for the intentional
alteration of siliceous materials: 1) accident; 2) specific appearance;
3) improved quality or workability; 4) sharp cutting edges; 5) soft hammer
or pressure flaking efficiency; and 6) raw material conservation. Although
tests of the differential flaking and cutting qualities of heat-altered chert
and coral have not, as yet, been conducted, it is felt that these are negli-
gible factors in explaining coral procurement and lateration. Factors two
and six may be more relevant, however. Coral artifacts are much valued by
modern collectors because of their visual appearance which, when combined
with the lusterous quality gained through heat treatment, often results in
quite visually appealing specimens. It is not unlikely that prehistoric
peoples also appreciated and valued the appearance of heat-treated coral and
it may, in fact, have served as a status indicator (cf. Gould et al. 1971).
Increased flakeability may have contributed to fewer manufacture failures
and, hence, less waste of a valued raw material particularly important if
the material was status-related.
Since the exploitation of raw materials occurred at off-site locations,
bifaces probably arrived at the site as rough blanks or reforms. Whether
these were thermally altered at the site is difficult to assess. However,
of the five blanks/preforms which were recovered,only two show evidence of
being subjected to heat.
Several areas were tentatively identified as activity loci--two related
to the production of stone tools, two to the butchering and processing of game
animals, and a central core area of ceramic use and discard. The data also
indicates that a number of activities were non-localized with a variety of
tasks occurring at a number of locations. Although this may reflect the mix-
ing of deposits from several occupations, it is also the type of artifact
distribution one might expect at a short term, extractive camp where activity
areas are less likely to be well defined.
More intensive utilization of the site was indicated by an increase in
tool density and diversity. Causal factors which may have prompted this
change include increased population density and longer occupation of the site
stimulated by shifts in subsistence strategies and resource exploitation.
The amount of tool diversity is relative, however, and the assemblage present
in the upper levels is still considerably narrow in comparison to those asso-
ciated with long term habitation camps. Longer occupation, if such was the
case, was a matter of degree, more on the order of days and weeks rather than
Figure 6 represents a flow diagram summarizing the movement of tools
through the system represented by the materials and activities at Cypress
Creek. Local availability of raw material enabled the inhabitants to depend
heavily on expedient manufacture of tools on or near the site. Flake tools
were manufactured where and when they were needed--at on-site locations--while
bifaces may have received their initial shaping prior to arrival at the site.
Once there, final shaping and trimming occurred. Projectile points, utilized
at off-site locations, were transported to the site and either rejuvenated,
reutilized, or discarded.
The Cypress Creek analysis emphasized a functional approach to lithic
analysis in an effort to isolate groups of artifacts which reflect different
sets of activities. The functional classification of tools, presented in a
site profile, provides a means of assessing the relative importance of differ-
ent activities which occurred at the site. The horizontal and vertical rela-
tionships of these artifacts also contributes to an understanding of how these
activities were structured.
Three basic activity sets were isolated: butchering and processing of
game animals, general camp maintenance, and stone tool production (both bifaces
and flake tools). The narrow range of tool and debitage types and the limited
number of activity sets indicate that the Cypress Creek Site functioned as
a short term, extractive camp with an increase in the diversity of site activ-
ities occurring through time.
The principal drawback of this study was its failure to control adequately
for diachronic variation in the assemblage. The lumping together of all lithic
materials recovered from the site under the assumption that they belong to a
single, homogenous assemblage tends to mask a good deal of the variability that
archaeologists attempt to study. This is particularly evident when attempting
any sort of spatial analysis of activity areas since it is not altogether cer-
tain whether areas of tool and debitage concentration are related to one or
more components. Certainly the methodology employed here would possess greater
interpretive power if applied to assemblages from distinct cultural components;
however, the paucity of diagnostic artifacts and the lack of observable cul-
tural stratigraphy made the identification of such components difficult, if
not impossible, at Cypress Creek.
Several activity areas were, nonetheless, defined based on an internal
consistency in both the vertical and horizontal distribution of specific arti-
fact classes. It should be emphasized that such identification does not rule
out the possibility that other tasks may also have been performed at these
locations. Given the functional nature of the site and the fact that it was
occupied over a lengthy temporal span, such a situation would not be surpris-
ing. The apparently non-localized nature of much of the activity at Cypress
Creek may well be the result of an "over-lapping" of activities from one or
more occupations. However, based on the assumption that items associated
with specific tasks will tend to occur together with a certain degree of
statistical frequency, tentative activity areas were defined.
Factors involved in their formation and continued use through time may
be inherent in the internal organization of activities at small, extractive
camps occupied by small groups of hunter-gatherers (cf. Binford 1978). Some
of the variables involved might include environmental location of the site,
group composition and size, length of stay, types of activities performed and
the duration of the activity events, as well as site function. The present
study did not attempt to study these site formation processes. It attempted
simply to test hypotheses regarding site function and provide initial infor-
mation on internal site structure. The methodology employed here might pro-
fitably be applied to isolated components (where the temporal element is more
tightly controlled) in an effort to study such processual questions (see Austin
and Ste. Claire 1982b:146-173 for a recent example of such an application).
Finally, although the Cypress Creek Site seems to "fit" the extractive
camp model, future analysis should utilize more stringent hypotheses which
incorporate a number of different site models. Hopefully, the data presented
here will stimulate the formulation of better hypotheses which more accurately
reflect the complexities of prehistoric behavior.
Ahler, Stanley A.
1971 Projectile Point Form and Function at Rodqers Shelter,
Missouri. Missouri Archaeological Society, Research
Almy, Marion M.
1982 Archaeological Excavations at the Cypress Creek Site (8Hi471):
An Inland, Short Term, Multiperiod Aboriginal Occupation in
Northern Hillsborough County, Florida. Interstate 75 Highway
Phase II Archaeological Reports, Number 4. Bureau of Historic
Sites and Properties, Division of Archives, History and Records
Anderson, David G.
1979 Prehistoric Selection for Intentional Thermal Alteration:
Tests of a Model Employing% Southeastern Archaeological
Materials. Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 4:221-254.
Austin, Robert J. and Dana Ste. Claire
1982a Site Functional Interpretation Through Debitage Attribute
Analysis. Paper presented at the Thirty-fourth annual
meeting of the Florida Anthropological Society, Tampa.
1982b The Deltona Project: Prehistoric Technoloya in the Hills-
borouqh River Basin. University of South Florida, Department.
of Anthropology, Archaeological Report No. 12.
Binford, Lewis R.
1978 Dimensional Analysis of Behavior and Site Structure:
Learning from an Eskimo Hunting Stand. American Antiquity
Binford, Lewis R. and Sally R. Binford
1966 A Preliminary Analysis of Functional Variability in the
Mousterian of the Levallois Facies. American Anthropologist
Bullen, Ripley P.
1975 A Guide to the Identification of Florida Projectile Points
(Revised edition). Gainesville: Kendall Books.
1980 The Cultural Resources of Hillsborough County: An Assessment
of Prehistoric Resources. Manuscript on file, Historic
Tampa/Hillsborough County Preservation Board, Tampa.
Frison, George C.
1978 Prehistoric Hunters of the High Plains. New York:
Gould, Richard A.
1980 Living Archaeology. New York: Cambridge University
Gould, Richard A., Dorothy A. Koster and Ann H. L. Sontz
1971 The Lithic Assemblage of the Western Desert Aborigines of
Australia. American Antiquity 36:149-169.
Grange, Robert., Jr.
1978 An Evaluation of Archaeological Resources in Hillsborough
County, Florida. Manuscript on file, Historic Tampa/
Hillsborough County Preservation Board, Tampa.
House, John H. and Ronald W. Wogaman
1978 Windy Ridge: A Prehistoric Site in the Inter-Riverine
Piedmont in South Carolina. Anthropological Studies #3.
Occasional Papers of the Institute of Archaeology and
Anthropology, University of South Carolina.
Johnson, Jay K.
1979 Archaic Biface Manufacture: Production Failures, A Chronicle
of the Misbegotten. Lithic Technology 8:25-28.
Keeley, Lawrence H.
1974 Technique and Methodology in Microwear Studies: A Critical
Review. World Archaeology 5:323-336.
Odell, George H. and Frieda Odell-Vereecken
1980 Verifying the Reliability of Lithic Use-Wear Assessments by
'Blind Tests': The Low Power Approach. Tebiwa 17:37-66.
Purdy, Barbara Ann
1974 The Chipped Stone Tool Industry of Florida's Preceramic
Archaic. The Archaeology of Eastern North America 8:105-124.
Fractures for the Archaeologist. IN Lithic Technology:
Making and Using Stone Tools, Earl Swanson, ed., Mouton
Publishers, The Hague.
Rick, John W.
1978 Heat-Altered Cherts of the Lower Illinois Valley: An
Experimental Study in Prehistoric Technology. North-
western Archaeological Program Prehistoric Records No. 2.
1977 Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology. New York:
1979 Historic Site Content, Structure, and Function. American
Tringham, R. E., G. Cooper, G. Odell, B. Voytek and A. Whitman
1974 Experimentation in the Formation of Edge Damage: A New
Approach to Lithic Analysis. Journal of Field Archaeology
Upchurch, Sam B.
1980 Geology of Archaeological Site 8-Hi-471 on Cypress Creek,
Hillsborough County, Florida. Manuscript on file, Bureau
of Historic Sites and Properties, Division of Archives,
History and Records Management, Tallahassee.
Wharton, Barry R.
1982 Jay B. Starkey Wilderness Park: A Phase II Archaeological
Survey. Manuscript on file Southwest Florida Water Manage-
ment District, Brooksville.
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1970 Lithic Analysis and Cultural Inference: A Paleo-Indian
Case. Anthropological Papers of the University of Arizona
No. 16. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
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Robert J. Austin
University of South Florida
Tampa, FL. 33620
A CARVED SHELL PENDANT FROM DADE COUNTY, FLORIDA
Wesley Coleman, James McCullin and Jeanie McGuire
Beginning in April, 1983, the Archaeological Society of Southern Florida
initiated salvage excavations upon a black dirt midden situated on a small
tree island in an area that before drainage was part of the Everglades. The
site, Dal41, had been the subject of previous test excavations (Coleman 1972),
and since that date, had been partially cleared and bulldozed. These salvage
excavations are an attempt to recover significant data before the site's
destruction by proposed rock quarry operations that will begin there in the
summer of 1984.
A carved shell pendant (Fig. 1), depicting a bird, was recovered in a
test pit designated as NE 1. The artifact is so unusual that the authors
thought it appropriate to report it to readers of The Florida Anthropologist.
The pendant appears to be carved from a Busycon shell and is 4.1 cm in length
and 1.7 cm high. Two drill holes are situated along the horizontal axis of
the bird's body.
The artifact was recovered seven inches below the present site surface
(the site's surface elevation has undoubtedly been lowered because of the
bulldozing that has occurred there). The pendant was situated directly upon
the concretion, a cement-like matrix that frequently occurs on prehistoric
middens in southern Florida. The artifact's age is currently unknown, but
we assume it dates from about ca. 1000 A.D.
The bird depicted by the pendant is a matter of debate. Bruce Smith,
curator of the North American Collection of the Museum of Natural History in
Washington, D.C., examined the artifact and believes that it represents a
pelican (Smith to McGuire, personal communication, June 10, 1983). However,
others, including at least one of the authors, believe the bird represented
is a turkey vulture.
The bird's style is particularly interesting, not only because of its
fine execution, but because it is quite dissimilar from other zoomorphic
ornaments that have been reported from south Florida. In certain aspects,
particularly the eyes, the figure suggests a Caribbean influence. Pendants
of remarkable similarity in style have been found on the island of Vieques
near Puerto Rico (University of Puerto Rico 1983 P1. 22-A).
The authors welcome any comments or opinions. The artifact currently
reposes at the Historical Museum of Southern Florida.
We would like to thank the Marks Brothers and Stirling Crushed Rock
Company for permission to conduct this excavation. We would also like to
thank the Metro Dade Historic Preservation Division for their assistance and
for coordinating the first phases of the project. A special thanks to Bill
Steckley for the photography and to all of the members of the Archaeological
Society of Southern Florida for their continued hard work and dedication.
Author Coleman would like to thank particularly Joseph Fiest for his support
VOL. 36 NOS. 3-4 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPT.-DEC. 1983
Figure 1. Shell pendant.
Coleman, Wesley F.
1973 Site Da-141, Dade County, Florida. The Florida Anthropologist
1983 Personal communication with Jeanie McGuire.
Universidad de Puerto Rico
1983 Arqueologia de Vieques, Corripio, C., Republica Dominicana,
Archaeological Society of Southern
c/o Historical Museum of Southern
3280 South Miami Avenue
Miami, FL 33129
BRIDGE TO THE PAST: EXCAVATIONS AT THE MARGATE-BLOUNT SITE
Wilma B. Williams
The Margate-Blount site (8Bd41) is located within the interior of present-
day Broward County. Located approximately 12 miles from the Atlantic Ocean,
this mound and village site is a relatively large complex in the eastern Ever-
glades in an area culturally influenced by the Everglades Culture Area to the
south and the Lake Okeechobee Area to the north. A large quantity of arti-
factual data and human skeletal material was excavated from this site during
a three-year period by the Broward Archaeological Society.
The Margate-Blount site was apparently known as early as ca. 1940, when
Bruce Blount, who was leasing the property, observed what appeared to be a
wooden crypt filled with skeletons on the site (personal communication with
Bruce Blount, 1959). In 1959, the site area was being cleared by a bulldozer
to allow for the expansion of a sod farm, when the bulldozer inadvertently
stuck the mound and scattered bones everywhere. Blount alerted various people,
including Dr. Jack Mickey of Broward County's Medical Examiner's Office.
Eventually, when the age of the skeletons was determined, other individuals
were notified including the author and others who would later form the founding
nucleus of the Broward County Archaeological Society.
One week after our first visit to the site a drainage canal was dredged
through part of the burial mound by the Corps of Engineers. Many burials were
thrown on the embankment entirely out of context, and bones and rocks were
intermixed everywhere near the dredging. We cut branches from willow and
myrtle and then interlaced them creating a crude bridge. Finally, a piece of
galvanized tin recovered from a shed added strength and respect to our bridge
to the past. Between 1959-1961, we excavated a total of 61 pits and trenches
at the site (Fig. 1).
The site was surrounded by extensive sod fields, and eventually this
would be the fate of what remained of the site. The area south of the site
was low and swampy, and had sawgrass and elderberry growing. Before being
disturbed, the mound had been about 6 feet above the surrounding terrain.
Hammock flora grew on both the mound site as well as on the village site
which was north of the mound.
Geologically, both the mound and village sites were composed of muck,
marl, and sandy deposits. The burial mound had a yellowish sandy sediment
situated on top of black muck. Burials were observed in both levels. Between
the burial mound and the village site there was a lower wetland area with a
sandy muck sediment that was situated upon sterile white sand.
Excavations were conducted over a three-year period on a part-time basis.
Since the burial mound had been disturbed by the bulldozer, it was necessary
to work here first and remove the burials as quickly as possible. Within the
burial mound area, a 15 feet wide by approximately 35 feet long area was blocked
VOL. 36 NOS. 3-4 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPT.-DEC. 1983
I a3 112
a5 a4 a3 a2 al / x5
b5 b4 b3
bl ,Y 2 x3
c5 c4 c3 c2 c x/ l-,
drainage canal 1 cm = 5 feet
I I trench
b a bank (many bones out of context)
slab over burial
BURIAL MOUND EXCAVATION
out into 5-foot squares (Fig. 2). The graves did not always respect the
square lines imposed by modern methods but for the most part they were con-
tained within the squares. The burials were wrapped in old towels after their
removal, and then later cleaned at home.
A 20-foot trench running from east to west was put through the northern
third of the mound. This was excavated to a depth of five feet in an attempt
to get some idea of the stratification and boundaries of the mound. The un-
disturbed strata not only revealed the original contour but also the remains
of a possible wooden structure. Portions of two cypress logs--one four inches
in diameter and another six inches in diameter--were uncovered, as were three
human crania and a number of disarticulated human bones. Above the level con-
taining the bones was a 6" 8" stratum of buff-colored sand. This same
yellow-buff sand appeared again in pit X-5 as part of a layer cake effect of
eight alternate levels of black muck and yellow ash. Ripley P. Bullen visited
the site at the time and said that he believed that the ash and soil levels
indicated that a charnal house had been built on that location (personal
communication with Ripley Bullen, 1961).
The total number of burials discussed and analyzed in this paper does not
include those found in the log crypt whichwere exposed by the bulldozer. The
owner of the property said that a framework of the log enclosure was approxi-
mately 6 feet wide, 4 feet high, and 10 feet long. When he was a young man
in the 1940s he remembers that the skeletal remains in it were "stacked like
cordwood with no earth in between" (personal conversation with Bruce Blount,
1959). The field party uncovered what remained of the four posts, each about
one foot high and one that was seven feet long. These are indicated in the
coordinates y and yy in the map of the burial mound (Fig. 2).
Three of the burials were associated with wooden
remains. Two heavy logs that could have been a part
of some type of structure were found. One long pole
and the three-sided burial enclosure were found on
the burial mound, yet very little in the way of other
types of wooden artifacts were recovered. A double-
ended pestle was recovered from the west wall of
pit A5 at the 18th-inch depth. The pestle is 12 cm
long, and made from a heavy unidentified wood (Fig. 3).
This is similar to one that Willey reports at Belle
Glade (Willey 1949).
A water-logged wooden paddle was found on top of a
primary interment (Fig. 4). The paddle is 5'2" long
and possibly made of cypress. It was adhered so
closely to the burial that there was no soil in
between. At the suggestion of Dr. William H. Sears.
it was kept in a white glue bath for three weeks to
insure its preservation.
Figure 3. Wooden pestle.
Pottery sherds were the most common artifact recovered from the site.
Over 4,000 sherds were collected during our work there (Table 1). They ranged
from the predominant sand-tempered plain ware to a small number of decorated
sherds; most of these were typical of the Glades II through early Glades III
periods. St. Johns ware represented over 10% of the sample and the Belle
Glade pottery was slightly more than 3%.
Some nonlocal pottery types were represented such as St. Johns Linear
Stamped, Deptford Linear Stamped, and Lemon Bay Incised, but the most intri-
guing type found was San Marcos Check Stamped. Five sherds from a single
double curved vessel were found. Possibly, they represent an artifact traded
or brought from the Indians of the St. Augustine vicinity. It is interesting
that these sherds representing the late seventeenth to the early eighteenth
centuries were found, and not a single sherd of Glades Tooled pottery which
is so typical of the area's historic contact period, was discovered.
Table 1. Ceramic Distribution By Levels (all pits)
POTTERY TYPES L-l L-2 L-3 L-4 L-5 TOTALS
St. Johns Check Stamped 248 522 49 819
Surfside Incised 1 3 4
Key Largo Incised 1 1
Dade Incised 1 1
Opa Locka Incised 1 1
Ft. Drum Rim Ticked 4 4
Unclassified ware 245 229 176 4 654
Belle Glade Plain 41 43 47 131
Sand tempered plain 1320 67 412 22 1 1822
St. Johns Plain 24 531 555
San Marcos Check Stamped 5 5
Glades Red 3 3
St. Johns Linear Stamped 2 2
Lemon Bay Incised 1 1
Unique punctate 1 1
Deptford Linear Stamped 1 1
28 3 4005
1889 1396 689
( 1 2 3
C L h T '1; 7 S
Figure 5. Busycon tools.
Figure 4. Wooden paddles.
Figure 6. a. bone bead; b,c. strombus
shell beads; d. drilled
alligator tooth; e. drilled
* 1 2 3
Carved bone turtle
Drilled shark's teeth.
Figure 9. Drilled
A variety of shell tools were recovered from the site including 19
Strombus celts and other Strombus, Busycon and Macrocallista artifacts (see
Table 2). Of particular interest are five perforated Busycon shells, all less
than 7 cm in length (Fig. 5). These artifacts suggest use as toys. Sixteen
drilled venus clams were recovered from test pit 10 in the area between the
burial mound and the village. They were not associated with any burials but
were situated in such a way as to suggest that they were all part of the same
artifact. Two Strombus shell beads were also found (Fig. 6).
Table 2. Shell Artifacts By Levels (all pits)
ARTIFACTS L-l L-2 L-3 L-4 L-5 TOTALS
Strombus celts 6 8 4 1 19
Strombus scraper 2 2
Busycon tools 9 15 2 26
Busycon adzes (miniature size) unknown 5
Busycon vessels 1 1 2
Busycon shell knife(?) 1 1
Macrocallista knife 2 2
Columella tools 1 3 2 6
Columella tips 5 2 7
Drilled scallop shells unknown 16
Shell gravers 1 1
Strombus shell beads unknown 2
Unclassified worked shell 11 1 7 19
Bone artifacts included the usual assemblage of points and drilled
shark's teeth (Table 3). A drilled alligator's tooth, a bone bead and an
unusual drilled human tooth were among the.more unusual ornaments represented
(Fig. 6). A drilled turtle plastron (Fig. 9) and three bone pins, including
one peg-topped variety were also found. It is interesting that no decorated
incised pins were found considering the extent of our excavations, since
extensive excavations in other Broward sites generally produce at least a
few. However, an unusual carved turtle effigy "pendant" was found (Fig. 7).
Table 3. Bone Artifacts By Levels (all pits)
ARTIFACTS L-l L-2 L-3 L-4 L-5 TOTALS
Shark Vertebrae (drilled) 4 4
Shark teeth (drilled)
Socketed bone points
Fluted bone point
Drilled alligator tooth
Drilled human tooth
Sting Ray spine
Unclassified bone tools
Unclassified worked bones
Drilled turtle plastron
7 2 4
3 2 3 1
13 3 4 1
A number of stone artifacts were recovered that were of particular inter-
est. Six pendants, three of which were manufactured from nonlocal stone were
uncovered (Fig. 10). A polished grooved black pendant of a tightly grained
unidentified stone (Fig. 10,F) was discovered in test pit 1-B of the burial
mound. Also recovered from the mound was a pink quartz pendant (Fig. 10,E) from
an 18" depth of test pit X-2. A grooved black polished pendant with a stylized
zoomorphic head (Fig. 10,D), possibly representing a sea turtle was found in the
village area in test pit A-1.
Three locally made pendants were also recovered, one made of flattened
limestone with a knob (Fig. 10,A), another of coral (Fig. 10,B), and the third
being a drilled piece of limestone ( Fig. 10,C). Of the latter group, the coral
pendant was found in the burial mound. No clear association was observed for
any of these pendants with any of the human burials.
Figure 10. Lithic artifacts.
Historic period artifacts were quite rare and were limited to two glass
beads excavated from the burial mound. A white-faceted tube bead (Fig. llb
was found in test pit X-2 at a 26 inch depth, and a large blue wire-wound
bead (Fig. lla) was found at a three-inch depth in test pit A-3. No other
European materials were found.
Figure 11. Glass beads.
Most of the human skeletons were recovered from the burial mound; however,
a few were in the low area between the mound and the village site. Both primary
and secondary burials were observed but no count of each burial type is avail-
One of the primary burials was associated with a wooden slab that was
placed on top of the individual. Within square B-4, an extended primary burial
was uncovered at approxiamtely 36" below the original ground level. When this
burial was being removed a secondary child burial was found interred above its
feet. The vertebrae and ribs of the child had been placed in a circle around
the skull. The left scapula, left clavicle, and one pelvic bone was beneath
it and the long bones were beside it. An analysis of the human skeletal
material was conducted by Dr. Yscar Iscan (Iscan 1983; see this issue).
Excavations at the Margate-Blount site were conducted over twenty years
ago. Starting to write this report less than a year ago was no easy task.
I had not only to bring together the available data and artifactual material
that had become partially scattered, but also I had to face some of the
obvious facts that the excavation quality of our society's first project was
hardly up to the kind of standards that guided our work during the last ten
years. Nonetheless, despite some of these problems I felt that this salvage
project probably was among the most important that the Broward Archaeological
Society had ever undertaken. Not only was it the project that led to the
founding of the society, but if we had not done the excavations, the site
would have been destroyed without the slightest attention from any archae-
ologists since there was no avocational or professional archaeologist anywhere
in Broward County available to do the work.
In summary, this site was a major inland site combining a village area
with a burial mound. A total of 44 human skeletons were removed, although
many more were lost to the dredge. This skeletal collection is one of the
largest prehistoric skeletal samples available from a southeastern Florida
site. Occupation of the site probably occurred as early as the Glades I
period (ca. 500 B.C.-ca. 200 A.D.) as suggested by the Ft. Drum series pottery
and the Deptford Linear Stamped. Occupation continued through the Glades II
period (probably the burial mound was constructed during this period). The
site may have been in use during the early Glades III period and at least one
historic period burial is suggested by the glass beads recovered from the
Permission to excavate the site was given by Mr. Bruce Blount to the
original small group that became the founders of the Broward County Archae-
ological Society. These people deserve full credit for their dedication and
hard work, for without them, this report could never had been written. They
are Charles E. "Pete" Allen, Helen Alperin, Milton Wolfe, Viola Sheaffer,
A. J. Hans, Franklin Shelley, Jim Ward, Jill Rosenblatt, Thurlow Weed, George
Slater, Harold Wirebaugh, Fred Kirsch, Marge Kirsch, Arthur Marler, Irma Nelson,
Ralph Nelson, Joe Betz, Marion Henriquez, Lorraine Henriquez, Bob Pendleton,
Bill Nyad, Wendel Battenfield, Ed Paullin. There were many other people who
joined our project during the later stages, but the above list includes the
regulars of the first years.
Dan Laxson encouraged us from the sidelines and taught us much about what
we were doing. Dr. William H. Sears and Mr. and Mrs. Ripley P. Bullen each
made two trips to see the excavations while they were in progress.
Sandra Schaps helped me make tables. Kenneth Hughes made the fine
drawings of the site maps. Photographs are by Stephen Baig, Bob Pearsall
and Robert S. Carr.
Bullen, Ripley P.
1959 Personal communication.
Iscan, M. Y.
Skeletal Biology of the Margate-Blount Site.
Willey, Gordon R.
1949 Excavations in Southeast Florida. Yale University Publications
in Anthropology 42.
Wilma B. Williams
2521 McKinley Street.
SKELETAL BIOLOGY OF THE MARGATE-BLOUNT POPULATION
M. Yasar Iscan
The physical anthropology of prehistoric Florida Indians has received
relatively little attention compared to the quantity of archaeological inves-
tigations that have been conducted within the state. The major Florida
studies are those by Saunders (1972), Snow (1962) and Hrdlicka (1922) on
general skeletal biology and Bullen (1972) on Daleovatholoqy (syphilis).
However, an ever-increasing amount of research is being done on prehistoric
Indian populations. Among the studies currently under investigation are those
on dental morphometrics (Brilliant and Iscan 1983), dental pathology (Schoen
et al. 1982a, 1982b) general skeletal biology (Iscan and Carr 1982; Gomez and
Iscan 1982; Shaivitz and Iscan 1981) and paleopathology (Iscan and Gomez 1982).
While these studies are at their preliminary stages, the number of investiga-
tions which have been finalized are few.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze a skeletal population with the
objective of improving our knowledge about the biological characteristics of
prehistoric Florida Indians in general, and southeastern Florida Indians in
particular. Until now, no in-depth analysis of the physical anthropology of
a moderate-sized sample of human skeletal material has been done for a south-
eastern Florida site.
Materials and Methods
The Margate-Blount site (8Bd41) was discovered when the tenant had the
property bulldozed for use as a sod field. The top of the mound was sheared
off exposing the burial site. A drainage canal was constructed through the
south part of the site about a week later (see Williams this issue). The
archaeological analysis of this site was carried out by Williams and is in-
cluded in this issue (see Williams this issue). The site was composed of a
habitation area and a burial mound adjacent to it. The chronology of the site
indicates that the site was occupied during the entire post-Archaic time span
up until the period of European contact. According to the same archaeological
report, the site was considered a "ceremonial complex". The interments had
some similarity to the burial pattern seen commonly in southern Florida, such
as the Fort Center site (Sears 1982) and at Belle Glade (Willey 1949). At
the Fort Center site the deceased individuals were freed from their soft
tissue before being buried in a permanent place (Sears 1982:165).
The skeletal remains of this study were obtained from two sources. Ms.
Wilma Williams, who was involved in the original excavation of the site, pro-
vided most of the specimens. Also, three boxes of bones were loaned to me
by the Museum of Archaeology, Fort Lauderdale. These had museum accession
numbers 59.1.1, 59.1.2, and 59.1.3. In the present study, those human remains
from the museum collection were numbered as individuals 10A through 10E, 11A
through 11C, and 17A through 17C. Although each box of the museum specimens
was clearly identified with accession numbers and the site name, Ms. Williams
VOL. 36 NOS. 3-4 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPT.-DEC. 1983
had indicated her doubts that the twenty-two individuals represented in the
museum collection were from the same site. The present study analyzes all
of the remains and where necessary, each specimen is identified when a signi-
ficant reference to that individual is made. However, the paleodemographic
study could be affected if the museum specimens are not part of the Margate-
According to Ms. Williams' archaeological report (see this issue), 44
individual skeletons were recovered from the mound. Although a site map was
made, location of the skeletons was not recorded on the map. In this situation
the only approach was to assume that the remains after being removed from the
mound were not co-mingled arbitrarily. Based on this assumption, the specimens
in each storage bag were treated as a unit and analyzed in this paper accord-
ingly. As a result each bag was numbered by the author consecutively and if
there was more than one individual in a given bag, each specimen received an
additional letter designation (e.g., No. 10B vs. No. 10). After determining
the number of individuals in a given bag, each specimen was analyzed according
to standard osteological techniques.
The osterometric measurements used are described by Martin and Saller
(1957). Since the remains were fragmentary, stature and other calculations
were based on the bones available. Stature was estimated by the formulae
provided by Trotter (1970) and Steele (1970) on fragmentary remains. In
certain cases when the necessary formula for the Mongoloid group was missing,
a substitute formula for the Caucasoids was adopted. It is to be expected
that the stature estimation derived from a fragmentary bone was less .reliable
than a complete bone.
The determination of sex and estimation of age were made from a single
bone since most of the individuals were represented by a single bone or even
a bone fragment. Sutural closure, epiphyseal union of long and short bones,
the degree of dental wear and the metamorphosis at the sternal rib end were
assessed to estimate the age of an individual (Brothwell 1981; Bass 1971;
Loth et al. 1983).
The reliability of sex determination is always better than age. In this
study the estimate of sex was ranked as certain, questionable and undetermined.
Standard sources like those by Bass (1971), Brothwell (1981), and Krogman
(1962) were generally adequate for determination of sex. In some cases, how-
ever, new techniques such as those developed by DiBennardo and Taylor (1979)
and Iscan and Shaivitz (1982) were utilized to estimate the sex of fragmentary
Paleopathological diagnosis was carried out according to reference sources
by Ortner and Putschar (1981), Steinbock (1976) and Morse (1978). Where nec-
essary, radiographic approach was employed and pathologists or orthopedists were
consulted for their opinions on the diagnosis of a specific disease lesion.
Results and Conclusions
The present study, based on the methods described, indicated that a max-
imum of 49 individuals may have composed the sample population. The list of
the individuals and the bones representing those ind iiduals is given in
Table 1. This table indicates several interesting problems. First some indi-
viduals are represented by only a fragment of a bone or by a tooth. The second
problem is that in some cases only the bones which showed an "interesting"
structure were apparently retained during the excavation. Specimen No. 19,
only a pathological tibia, is an example of this. It seems apparent that not
all of the bones that could have been present were available for study.
Whether this is a result of biased collecting techniques, such as from a lack
of fine-screening,or simply loses that have occurred during the storage
with several different individuals over the last twenty years, the net effect
is a collection of human skeletal material that, in some cases, poorly repre-
sents many of the individuals.
In spite of these difficulties and the 20-year time span since the exca-
vation, the collection is still valuable and certain facts can be presented
here. Of the 49 individuals represented, the ratio of known sex was 20 males:
22 females. The age distribution of the sample can be seen in Table 1. Of
the 49 individuals, three were two years or younger and five were aged between
10 and 20 years. The total number of individuals under 20 years of age repre-
sents 16 percent of the population. This figure is thought to be highly biased
when compared to other prehistoric populations represented by co-mingled
skeletal remains. For example, the same age group represented 48 percent in
a Maryland ossuary population (Ubelaker 1974) and 42 percent in an Iroquois
ossuary site (Anderson 1963). Although the number of individuals was small
in the younger age group in the Margate-Blount sample, the age distribution
for the older individuals was more normal. The ratio of individuals with
estimated absolute age (N=18) was 44% for those in the 20s, 33% for those in
the 30s and 17% for those in the 40s and 6% in the 50s. There was only one
individual over 50 years of age.
Further analysis of the table indicates that of the 7 females, 5 were
in their 20s (71%). Of the 11 males, 3 were in the 20s (27%), 5 in the 30s
(45%), 2 in the 40s (18%), and one in the 50s (9%). This data suggests that
the males outlived the females in this sample population.
The physical characteristics of the Margate-Blount population were in-
vestigated using cranial and post-cranial measurements and odontometrics. The
summary of these measurements and the specimens used for these measurements
are provided in Tables 2, 3 and 4. As the first table indicated, the cranial
dimensions in this group are highly varied. One male (No. iA) was extremely
robust in all dimensions and the only individual with a dolichocranic cranial
index (Fig.-l: A-C). According to the archaeological report, this was probably
the male found in an extended position in Coordinate B-4 as shown in the burial
mound excavation plan of the report by Williams (1983). Other individuals
were of medium size and mesocranic (Nos. 2, 3, 5 and 8) (Fig. 1: D-F) and
brachycranic (Nos. 6 and 7). The nasal index indicated that the nasal aper-
ture was within the expected range for the North American Indians. Specimen
No. 2 also had a well-developed prognatism, not commonly observed among the
Indians. The difference of this sample population from other Indians of
Florida (Hrdlicka 1922) (e.g., the Gulf coast and St. Johns River Indians)
was small. Margate-Blount males were larger in length and smaller in breadth.
The Margate-Blount females were smaller or the same, for the same dimensions.
The cranial index was smaller in the Margate-Blount population which made them
more mesocranic. As the total facial index indicated, the Margate-Blount pop-
ulation had a somewhat narrower face than comparative groups. Other specimens
were too fragmentary like No. 4 in Fig. 1: G-l to analyze.
Odontometric data, as presented in Table 3, indicated that the Margate-
Blount population had a similar dental size to that of the Highland Beach
Indians of Palm Beach County, Florida (Brilliant and Iscan 1983). As was the
case in the Highland Beach population, the dental size'of the present group
was smaller than the Archaic Indian Knoll population and several other mid-
western prehistoric Indian groups (Brilliant and Iscan 1983).
Table 4 shows the post-cranial osteometric dimensions. As can be seen,
the number of individuals was too small to take a complete set of measurements,
and only one individual (No. IA) provided a full set of measurements. With
the exception of No. 23 the Margate-Blount humeri were similar to those indi-
viduals studied by Hrdlicka (1922). No. 23 was the shortest of the males and
yet more robust than the others. The females of Margate-Blount were also
somewhat larger than the females of Hrdlicka's Florida Indians (1922). The
estimated stature was on the average 170 cm for the males and 162 cm for the
The assessment of the health of the Margate-Blount population was made
from the teeth and skeletal remains. The dental health of the population was
analyzed according to conditions on ante-mortem extraction, caries, and ab-
scesses, some of which are shown in Figure 2. Table 5 presents a summary of
the distribution of these conditions and lesions by sex. Dental problems
seemed more connmon among the females. This was especially true for the ante-
mortem tooth losses which were on the average one per male and two per female
individual. The abscesses were, however, more prevalent in the males than
in the females (Fig. 2: A-B). Another aspect of the dental pathology was that
only one of the males had an ante-mortem tooth loss and all but one male had
abscesses. In the females,five of the eight females (more than 50%) had ante-
mortem tooth loss and yet only three of the seven females had abscesses that
were less in number than the males. In the Margate-Blount population the
least severe dental problem was the caries (Fig. 2: E). Of all the individ-
uals, only one female (No. 8) had a cavity. Calculus deposit was also mini-
mal (Fig. 2: F)I. It could be concluded that the dental health uf the Margate-
Blount population was better than that of the neighboring population of High-
land Beach (Schben et al. 1982a; 1982b). Furthermore, dental wear (Fig. 2-
C-D) in the Margate-Blount sample was less than that of the Highland Beach
Bone pathology of the Margate-Blount population was observed only in a
small number of individuals (Fig. 3, 4, and 5). The most obvious path-
ological individual was No. 1A. This individual showed evidence of arthritis,
osteophytosis, osteitis, and a healed fracture. The healed fracture was
observed in the distal epiphysis of the right ulna. Degenerative arthritis
was observed in the temporomandibular joints, articular processes of the
cervical vertebrae, distal epiphyses of the right ulna and both radius, the
elbow joint, left sternoclavicular joint, distal ends of femora and the
joint at the talocancaneal joint. Inflammatory lesions (periosteitis) were
observed in many bones which included the distal end of the left humerus, the
entire surface of the ulnar shaft and both femoral shafts. None of these
inflammatory conditions were in a severe stage of development. It was, however,
interesting to see the entire skeleton being affected by the lesion. Further
study on this individual is warranted.
Another individual with a lesion was No. 19 whose left tibia suggested a
treponemal disease (Pig. 5: C-F). In this disease the most diagnostic criterion
1 A IA 1A
2 2 2
D E F
S G H
Plate I. Various views of specimens No. 1A (male), No. 2 (female) and
No. 4 (female).
Plate II. Selected dental pathologies. Abscesses (A,B), dental wear patterns (C,D)
caries (E) and calculus deposit (F).
Plate III. Various pathologies of specimen No. lA. Periostitis of the left humerus
(A,D), and arthritis at the capitula of the humeri(B), acromial end of the
clavicle (C), and distal ends of the forearm bones (E).
Plate IV. Various pathologies of specimen No. 1A. Radiographic views of the
periostitis (A,B) and comparison with an apparently normal individual,
No. 23 (B), periostitic distal ends of femora (C) and arthritic talus
and calcaneous (D).
Plate V. Pathologies of No. 1A and No. 19. Radiographic views of
arthritic forearm bones, and clavicle (A,B), the ulna with
periostitic lesion and healed fracture at the distal end
(A,B) and possible treponematosis of No. 19 (C,F).
in the tibia waslits saber-shaped anterior crest. As the figure shows the
surface of the bone was osteitic and the shaft was tubular in shape (platyc-
Although th< Margate-Blount sample does not allow for a statistically
reliable data baee, there is the strong indication that the population was
shorter in stature, somewhat more robust, but in many respects similar to
the other prehistoric groups of the state.
Health status was also based on fragmentary remains. Two individuals
showed evidence Of disease. One individual showed possible indications of
syphilis and a s cond individual showed a variety of lesions including
periostitis, a healed fracture and arthritis. The last disease affected
almost all the joint areas in one individual. Dental problems were not severe.
Only one tooth showed an evidence of caries. Periodontal problems were not
very prominent. Tooth loss was minimal and wear was slight to moderate.
The physical and health characteristics of prehistoric Florida Indians
are almost unkno n. The work by Saunders (1972), Snow (1962) and Hrdliaka
(1922) are perhaps the only ones one can refer to in order to establish a
reference point for future studies.
Further research is needed to understand the biology of Florida Indians
if we are to make meaningful contributions to the theoretical development of
archaeology of the region and peninsula. Any theoretical development on the
biology of the prehistoric Indians and their adaptation to their environment
can only be possible when the descriptive biology of the population is knuwn.
Indeed the natural environment and ecology of Florida and especially the
southern half of the peninsula must have enabled the Indians of the region
to develop strategies specific to the area and any cultural diffusion from
the north may haie been modified to meet the challenges of the Everglades
and/or the Atlantic and Gulf coasts.
The author would like to thank Wilma B. Williams and The Museum of
Archaeology for making collections available for this stuay. Further appre-
ciation goes to Patricia Miller-Shaivitz and Susan R. Loth for their assistance
in the preparation of the manuscript, Marjorie Wolf for her excellent typing
and the Neurologic Associates of West Palm Beach for the radiographs. The
editorial skills of Walda E. Iscan are also gratefully acknowledged. The
author also wishes to thank Robert Carr for his encouragement to analyze the
Margate-Blount skeletal collection.
Anderson, J. E.
1963 The People of iFairty: An Osteoloiclal Analysis of an Iroquois
Ossuary. Bulletin No. 193. National Museum of Canada, Ottawa.
Bass, William M.
1971 Human Osteology: A Laboratory and Field Manual of the Human
Skeleton. Missouri: Archaeological Society, Columbia.
Beriault, J., R. Carr, J. Stipp, R. Johnson and J. Meeder
1981 The Archaeological Salvage of the Bay West Site, Collier
County, Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 34:39-58.
Brilliant, R. M. and M. Y. Iscan
1983 Odontometric Characteristics of Prehistoric South Florida
Populations. Abstract, American Journal of Physical
Brothwell, D. R.
1981 Digqing Up Bones. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Bullen, Adelaide K.
1972 Paleopathology and Distribution of Prehistoric Treponemiasis
(syphilis) in Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 25:133-174.
Clausen, C. J., A. D. Cohen, C. Emiliani, J. A. Holman and J. J. Stipp
1979 Little Salt Spring, Florida: A Unique Underwater Site.
DiBennardo, Robert and J. V. Taylor
1979 Sex Assessment of the Femur: A Test of a New Method. American
Journal of Physical Anthropology 50:635-637.
Gomez, J. and M. Y. Iscan
1982 Analysis of Human Skeletal Remains from Pasco County. Abstract
of paper delivered, Florida Scientist 45 (supplement 1):12.
1922 The Anthropology of Florida. Publications of the Florida
State Historical Society, No. 1. Deland, Florida.
Iscan, M. Y. and R. Carr
1982 Analysis of a Late Archaic Prehistoric Cemetery. Abstract of
paper delivered, Florida Scientist 45 (supplement 1):13.
Iscan, M. Y. and J. Gomez
1982 Prehistoric Paget's Disease from Florida. Abstract of paper
delivered, Florida Scientist 45 (supplement 1):13.
Iscan, M. Y. and P. M. Shaivitz
1982 Sexual Dimorphism in the Epiphyseal Breadth of the Femur and
Tibia. Abstract, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 57:198.
Krogman. Wilton M.
1962 The Human Skeleton in Forensic Medicine. Springfield, Illinois:
C. C. Thomas.
Loth, S. R., M. Y. Iscan and R. K. Wright
1983 Estimation of Age by Component Analysis of Sternal Rib End
Metamorphosis. Abstract, American Journal of Physical Anthro-
Martin, R. and K. Sailer
1959 Lehrbuch der Anthropoloqae, Band I. Gustav Fischer Verlag,
1978 Ancient Disease in the Midwest. Reports of Investigations,
No. 15. Springfield: Illinois State Museum.
Ortner, Donald J. and Walter G. J. Putschar
1981 Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal
Remains. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Saunders, Lorraine P.
1972 Osteology of the Republic Groves Site. M.A. Thesis, Florida
Atlantic University, Boca Raton, Florida.
Schoen, J., R. Isler and M. Y. Iscan
1982a The Dental Health of Prehistoric Southeast Florida Indians. Ab-
stract of paper delivered, Florida Scientist 45 (supplement 1):14.
1982b Peridontal Disease and Related Pathologies of Prehistoric
Southeast Florida Indians. Abstract of paper delivered,
Florida Scientist 45 (supplement 1):14.
Sears, William H.
1982 Fort Center: An Archaeological Site in the Lake Okeechobee
Basin. Gainesville: University Presses of Florida.
Shaivitz, P. M. and M. Y. Iscan
1981 Preliminary Analysis of Highland Beach, Florida Skeletal Remains
Abstract of paper delivered, Florida Scientist 44 (supplement 1:3).
Snow, Charles E.
1962 Indian Burials from St. Petersburg, Florida. Contributions
of the Florida State Museum, 8. Gainesville, University of
Steele, D. Gentry
1970 Estimation of Stature from Fragments of Long Limb Bones. IN
Personal Identification in Mass Disasters. Edited by T. Dale
Stewart, pp. 85-97. National Museum of Natural History,
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
Steinbock, R. Ted
1976 Paleopatholoqical Diagnosis and Interpretation: Bone Disease
in Ancient Human Populations. Springfield,. Illinois: C. C.
1970 Estimation of Stature from Intact Long Bones. IN Personal
Identification in Mass Disasters. Edited by T. D. Stewart,
pp. 71-83. National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian
Institution, Washington, D.C.
1974 Reconstruction of Demoaraphic Profiles from Ossuarv Skeletal
Samples: A Case Study from the Tidewater Potomac. Number 18.
Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
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Florida Anthropologist 36(3-4):142.
M. Yasar Iscan
Department of Anthropology
Florida Atnantic University
Boca Raton, Florida
THE USE OF MEDICINAL PLANTS TO CONTROL HIGH BLOOD
PRESSURE IN THE CARIBBEAN
R. A. Halberstein
High blood pressure, or hypertension, is a rapidly growing epidemiological
problem throughout the world which is not only a direct cause of disability
and death, but also a major risk factor contributing to heart, cardiovascular,
and kidney diseases (Chobanian 1976; Remington 1976; Syme and Torfs 1978).
Both genetics and environment are involved in the etiology of hypertension,
with family history, ethnic background, age, sex, body weight, diet (espe-
cially fat and salt intake), climate, and psychological characteristics all
recognized as significantly correlated variables (Boyle 1970; Chakraborty
et al. 1977; Cooper 1980; de Faire 1978; Grim et al. 1980; Hosten 1980; Miall
1977; Page 1976).
Treatments and material remedies for high blood pressure vary quite widely
across cultures. Usage of factory-made medications and synthetic drugs is
common in some populations, for example, while in many other societies the
extracts of medicinal plants are utilized for this purpose (Lewis and Elvin-
Lewis 1977:186; Morton 1977:248, 1981:1280; Hirschhorn 1982). Further studies
of such botanical resources are needed in order to evaluate better the poten-
tial usefulness of their healing properties.
The purpose of the present study is to analyze the methods of treatment
of hypertension in traditional Caribbean societies with emphasis upon the
employment of indigenous medicinal plants. Data include field observations,
interviews with native healers and herbalists, and botanical specimens col-
lected in the Bahamas and the Turks and Caicos Islands (Halberstein and Davies
1979; Halberstein and Saunders 1978; Halberstein and Shumaker 1982), along with
published reports on several other Caribbean locations.
Ample research has shown that hypertension, defined by the U. S. Depart-
ment of Health and Welfare as blood pressure above 140 mm Hg systolic and/or
90 mm Hg diastolic (HDFP Cooperative Group 1977), is an especially prevelant
disease in "Black" populations in Africa (e.g., Abrahams et al. 1960; Barnicot
et al. 1972; Sever 1980), the United States (e.g., Harburg et al. 1977; Keil
et al. 1977; Kilcoyne 1973; MacLean et al. 1974), and the Caribbean (e.g.,
Castro 1978; Dressler 1979; Grell 1980; Hutchinson and Crawford 1981; Miall
et al. 1962; Puente and Wilson, 1982; Schneckcloth et al. 1962). A partic-
ularly striking example is the Bahamas, where 27-42% of tested adults have
been described as hypertensive (Halberstein and Davies 1979,1982; Humphries
1957; Johnson and Remington 1961; Lunn et al. 1974; Moser 1960; Moser et al.
1959). Recent statistics indicate that high blood pressure is the eighth
leading cause of death in the Bahamas, directly accounting for over 3% of all
fatalities (Commonwealth of the Bahamas 1974:44). It has also been cited as
the sixth and seventh leading cause of mortality in Jamaica and Dominica,
respectively (Grell 1980).
It has been known for a number of years that blood pressure levels are
significantly higher on smaller, more remote islands in the Caribbean (Humphries
1957; Miall et al. 1962; Moser et al. 1959). This epidemiological pattern
VOL. 36 NOS. 3-4 THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST SEPT.-DEC. 1983
suggests the prominent role of genetics and inbreeding. Inherited disorders
have comprised a major medical problem in the region at least since the turn
of this century (Penrose 1905), and they continue to be encountered in high
frequencies on individual islands (e.g., Halberstein and Davies 1979; Halber-
stein et al. 1981).
Numerous environmental factors have also been identified in the Carribean
particularly the excessive salinity of drinking waters and high daily sodium
intake in a predominantly seafood diet (Halberstein and Davies 1982; Humphries
1957; Lunn et al. 1974). Gleibermann (1973) makes the following statement re-
garding the well-documented association between salt ingestion and blood pres-
sure: "The statistical techniques of regression and rank-order correlation
have yielded results suggesting a direct linear relationship between salt in-
take and blood pressure across populations lines" (1973:153).
Many Caribbean peoples have long been aware that abnormal blood pressure
poses a serious threat to health, and they have reported a number of symptoms
such as weakness and fatigue, fainting, "dizzy spells," insomnia, and pain in
the head or limbs. Treatment of hypertension in the Caribbean aims towards
management and control rather than cure. Native healers usually prescribe
rest, other modifications in activity in exercise patterns, dietary changes,
and loss of expendable body weight (Eldridge 1975; Grell 1980; Halberstein
and Davies 1979,1982; Halberstein and Saunders 1978; Hutchinson and Crawford
1981; Morton 1981). According to a recent investigation of 167 adult patients
of the two healing specialists on Bimini, Bahamas, recommended behavioral
adjustments focused mainly upon work schedule reduction, avoidance of strenuous
physical overexertion, and a corresponding increase in sleep and relaxation
time. The healers' suggested dietary restrictions included sweets and alcohol
but surprisingly not salt or fats (Halberstein and Davies 1982).
Historically the most common and consistent response to high blood pressure
in the Caribbean has been treatment with botanical remedies. Twelve different
plant species cultivated and dispensed for the disease, each representing a
separate taxonomic family, have been discovered in Caribbean populations, and
these are compiled in Table 1.
The herbal medicines are used for prevention as well as therapy. All of
the preparations are in liquid or syrup form, and several are consumed regu-
larly as prophylactic tonics. The brewing and daily usage of teas for health
maintenance and enhancement is an ancient and popular practice in the Carib-
bean. They are reported to help combat fatigue, increase resistance to disease,
slow the aging process, and improve mental and physical strength (Asprey and
Thornton 1955; Eldridge 1975; Halberstein and Saunders 1978; Lewis and Elvin-
Lewis 1977:375; Morton 1968; Wong 1976). In the Cayman Islands, Buchler (1964)
found that liquids have traditionally been considered more potent than pills
or other solid materials in the folk-healing system. The medicaments in Table
1 are prepared with specific amounts of water and other additives, and they are
taken at designated times (upon arising, after meals, at bedtime, etc.). The
degree of ritual and/or supernaturalism involved in the herbalists' activities
exhibits extensive variation across populations. Remarkably high cure rates
(up to 100%) are claimed by healers and patients. In addition to the plants
in Table 1, Ayensu (1981:218-219) cites 41 other species employed less fre-
quently for high blood pressure in the Caribbean.
Several of the species listed in Table 1 contain chemical constituents
that probably contribute to the control and reduction of high blood pressure
Table 1. Medicinal Plants Used tu Treat High Blood Pressure in the Caribbean.
1. Ambrosia hispida
2. Argemone mexicana
3. Artocarpus altilis
4. Bryophyllum pinnatum
5. Bursera simaruba
6. Carica papaya
7. Catharanthus roseus
8. Citrus aurantifolia
9. Guaiacum officinale
10. Melicoccus bijugatus
11. Momordica charantia
12. Rivina humilis
bark chips boiled;
fruit decoction; leaf
infusion; ingestion of
pure fruit juice
leaf decoction; leaf
and juice infusion
rutin; quercetin; malic, citric,
isocitric, and tannic acids;
acid of Bursera; phenolic
linoleic, palmitic, oleic, and
malic acids; tetraterpenes;
reserpine, alstoline, and over
70 other alkaloids; several
linoleic, citric, palmitic,
oleic, malic, and tartaric
acids; flavones; flavonols;
guaiaretic acid; guaiacol;
linoleic and trichsanic acids;
momordicine; mucilage; lectins;
betalins; pinipol; raphides;
coumaric, sinadic, ferulic,
and tannic acids; saponin
linoleic acid; ambrosin,
damsin, and other lactones
linoleic acid; protopine,
and similar alkaloids
*Chemical components are from Gibbs (1974), Lewis and Elvin-Lewis (1977), Mabry et al
(1968), Morton (1977,1981),
Swain (1963), Wong (1976), and Ayensu (1981).
Asprev and Thornton
Asprey and Thornton
in these populations. The alkaloids reserpine (C33H40N209) and alstonine
(C21H20N203), found in plant #7, are strongly anti-hypertensive substances
which have been used as ingredients in modern synthetic blood pressure medi-
cations for several years (Morton 1977:238; Oliver-Bever 1982). According to
Lewis and Elvin-Lewis (1977:187), reserpine lowers blood pressure by acting
on both the nervous and cardiovascular systems. The chemical causes a deple-
tion of the neurotransmitter norepinephrine from sympathetic nerve tissue,
resulting in the relaxation of blood vessels (vasodilation) and a concomitant
adjustment in cardiac output. Methanol (plants #5, 6 and 10) is a form of
alcohol that has a similar effect as a nervous system depressant and vaso-
Quercetin (Cl5HlQO7) and rutin (C27H30016), found in plants #3 and #4,
also possess hypotensive properties (Stevenson 1979; Wong 1976). These chem-
icals are classified as glycosides, organic compounds which produce sugars
and related materials upon hydrolysis (decomposition by reaction with water).
Glycosides are known to alter variously heart activity (Lewis and Elvin-Lewis
1977:183). Cardenolides (steroid heterosides) are structurally similar to
glycosides (plant #3), and these substances have also been administered for
a number of cardiovasculate disorders, both in the botanical collections of
African folk medicine as well as in the pharmaceutical drugs of modern "Western"
medicine (Oliver-Bever 1982).
Another significant biodynamic chemical agent is linoleic acid (C18H3202),
a polyunsaturated fatty acid found in five of the twelve tabulated plants
(#1, 2, 6, 8 and 11). It has recently been demonstrated that linoleic acid,
obtained only from dietary sources, contributes to blood pressure reduction by
inhibiting the deposition of more detrimental fats such as cholesterol and
triglycerides in blood vessels, thus leading to more unobstructed blood flow
at lower pressure (Chait et al. 1974; Mead and Fulco 1976:142-144; Simpson
et al. 1982; Vergroessen 1977). The latter author describes the circulatory
reactions to linoleic acid ingestion in man: "decreased blood cholesterol
and triglyceride levels, decreased thrombotic tendency of platelets, preven-
tive and curative effects in sodium-induced hypertension, and improvement of
the physiological functioning of the heart" (Vergroessen 1977:4). Linoleic
acid is one of three fatty acids known collectively as vitamin F, which is
frequently prescribed to help break up cholesterol deposits accumulated on
artery walls (Kirschmann 1971:8, 56).
It was discovered by Lunn and associates (1974) that linoleic acid exists
in unusually high content in the adipose tissue of Bahamian adults. The authors
hypothesized that the substance is partly responsible for the fact that the
Bahamas represent one of the very few populations of the world where endemic
hypertension is not correlated with elevated incidence of coronary heart dis-
ease: "In the Bahama Islands severe hypertension may not be associated with
a high prevalence of coronary heart disease because dietary intake of unsatu-
rated lipids, by exerting a serum cholesterol lowering effect, negates, at
least in part, the role of hypertension as a risk factor) (Lunn et al. 1974:
450). All five of the linoleic acid containing plants in Table 1 are brewed
and consumed regularly as tonics in the Bahamas (Eldridge 1975; Halberstein
and Saunders 1978; Morton 1981), and this appears to be one reason for the
observed buildup of the adipose linoleic acid which apparently is adaptive in
The present study demonstrates that Caribbean medicinal plants are im-
portant natural resources in the treatment of high blood pressure, a disease
that has historically been prevalent throughout the region. The healing action
of the herbal preparations may be directly traced to their chemical components,
particularly linoleic acid, reserpine, alstonine, quercetin, rutin, methanol
and cardenolides. The reported curative effects of the remedies thus provide
an instructive example of the results of successful experimentation by healers
and herbalists in a wide range of traditional Caribbean medical systems.
Over twenty years ago, Seaforth (1962) enthusiastically wrote of the
great promise of the vast untapped potential of Caribbean medicinal plants.
That promise is still unfulfilled today due to a shortage of basic field in-
vestigations, but as the present study indicates, the topic is nevertheless
just as timely and worthy of further research. Additional attention might be
focused, for example, upon the possible blood pressure and other physiological
effects of the many botanical medicaments employed as diuretics (urine induc-
ing) and diaphoretics (perspiration inducing) in the Caribbean (e.g., Halber-
stein and Shumaker 1982; Lewis and Elvin-Lewis 1977; Morton 1968, 1981; Wong
1976). Future investigators might also examine the impact of the increasing
use of factory-made prescription medications for hypertersion and its relation-
ship to herbal medicine in these populations (e.g., Halberstein and Davies
1979,1982; Halberstein and Saunders 1978; Halberstein and Shumaker 1982).
The exploitation of medicinal plants in disease adaptation is an ancient
and widespread biocultural practice. Although the efficacy of botanical reme-
dies has long been observed in different societies, the subject has only re-
cently received intensive scientific scrutiny because of the growing realiza-
tion of the potential healing benefits of plants in traditional "folk" pharma-
copoeias (Boiteau and Potier 1976). This work is particularly relevant since
von Reis Altschul (1977) estimates that over one-half million existing plant
species have not yet been named or described. Judging from the rapidly accu-
mulating stockpile of evidence, many of the as yet unidentified species are
likely to possess chemical ingredients with powerful and useful medicinal
qualities. The present findings on the curative effects of herbal materials
in the successful control and management of hypertension in the Caribbean
might hopefully stimulate additional research on the possible role of other
botanical remedies in health maintenance and the treatment of various human
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Plants on St. Kitts, West Indies. Medical Anthropology
Swain, T., ed.
Chemical Plant Taxonomy
New York: Academic Press.
Syme, S. L.
and C. P. Torfs
Epidemiologic Research in Hypertension: A Critical
Appraisal. Journal of Human Stress 4(1):43-48.
Vergroessen, A. J.
1977 Physiological Effects of Dietary Linoleic Acid. Nutrition
von Reis Altschul, S.
1977 Exploring the Herbarium. Scientific American 236(5):96-104.
Some Folk Medicinal Plants from Trinidad. Economic Botany
R. A. Halberstein
Department of Anthropology
Department of Epidemiology and
University of Miami
Coral Gables, FL 33124
Chemical Plant .axonov
THE BAILEY HOUSE:
INTERPRETATION OF TRASH DISPOSAL AT AN URBAN SITE
Lucy B. Wayne
Figure 1. The Bailey House
The Bailey House is the oldest standing house in Gainesville, Florida
(Fig. 1). It was built by Major James B. Bailey in 1852 as the main house of
his long staple (Sea Island) cotton plantation. As the city of Gainesville
(founded in 1854) grew, the plantation was absorbed, and by the end of the
nineteenth century only the house and land immediately around it remained as
Bailey property. After World War II, the area became increasingly dominated
by commercial activities and the house was sold by the Bailey family in 1946.
In 1960 it ceased to be a private home and has since functioned as a residence
for the elderly on the fringe of downtown Gainesville.
VOL. 36 NOS. 3-4
THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST
] Post 1946 houses
Figure 2. Bailey House Site Plan showing Trash Pits A, B and C.
In the spring of 1981, extensive archaeological investigations sponsored
by Dr. and Mrs. Mark Barrow, owners of the house, were conducted by the Univer-
sity of Florida, under the supervision of Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks. Excava-
tions were supplemented by archival research and oral history. Results of the
study were reported in detail in the author's M.A. thesis (Wayne 1981). Re-
search questions centered on the effects of urbanization on the property. It
was proposed that changes resulting from urbanization would be identifiable in
land use as reflected in the site layout and feature locations. In addition,
it was expected that the artifact assemblage would display an increased depend-
ence on manufactured goods and the occurrence of indicators of urban life such
as electricity, plumbing and automobiles.
While the archaeological data did support these propositions, it also
opened new avenues of investigation concerning early twentieth century sites.
Three trash pits were located on the site which analysis indicated were single
depositions dating between 1920 and 1940 (Fig. 2). These features led to the
following questions about trash disposal at the site: (1) What city trash
collection existed at the time? (2) Why were the particular pit locations
chosen? (3) Did the pits reflect some major event in the family history (i.e.,
a death, change of ownership, etc.)? (4) Is there a recognizable difference
in the contents of the three pits? (5) What information do these pits provide
on lifeways of the 1920s to 1940s at the Bailey House? and (6) Can a disposal
pattern be generated based on these features?
Trash pit A was a roughly circular deposit 1 m in diameter and approxi-
mately 35 cm deep ( Fig. 3). It was encountered 35 cm below the present ground
surface and is located 15 m northwest of the back door of the house. The base
of the pit contained the remains of a canvas tarpaulin. The presence of the
tarpaulin and the small size of the pit indicate a single deposition of trash
gathered in the tarpaulin for disposal.
Datable artifacts include a post-1908 Vaseline bottle (Adams, Gaw and
Leonhardy 1975:111), decal-decorated whiteware similar to that shown in the
1927 Sears Catalog (1927:919), two Model T rocker bar fittings and a Hazel
Atlas Co. bottle dating between 1900 and 1929 (Adams and Adams 1981:37). The
presence of a gas lighting jet and plumbing and electrical items places the
pit after 1914, when city utilities were installed (Hildreth and Cox 1981:108).
The scarcity of plastic (n=6 small fragments) and abundance of metal indicates
a pre-1941 deposition, since plastic is predominantly post-World War II and
metal was recycled during the war. The feature was thus dated between 1918
Trash pit B (Fig. 4) was located 35 m southeast of the house. This larger
pit (1.2 m diameter) was also encountered 35 cm below present ground surface.
Partially melted glass and charred bone indicated that portions of the pit
contents were burned.
A 1920 penny provided a terminus post quem for the pit. Again, there was
a lack of plastic (one comb tooth) and an abundance of metal, indicating pre-
World War II deposition. A Ford vibrator point was identical to one that
appears in the 1927 Sears Catalog (Adams, Gaw and Leonhardy 1975:183). Datable
bottles included a post-1920 Hazel Atlas Co. ointment jar and a Squibb bottle
manufactured between 1929-54 (Adams and Adams 1981:33,37). This deposit also
appears to date from 1920 to 1940.
The third deposit, Trash pit C (Fig. 5) was a long, narrow (2.2 m X 0.5 m)
pit 20 m southeast of the front porch. It was located 20 cm below surface and
reached a maximum depth of 70 cm.
Q Mottled tan sand
Figure 3. Trash Pit A upon completion of excavation.
K E Y .. :. -- '. ..: .
Trash pit "' "' "' '"
S '-- '" *' :'. *. '' A
Q Tan gray brown """""' "' A
lIen sing . ^;;, .. .. -... .. .."
Mottled tan I
S sand .. .. .
Figure 4. Trash Pit B upon completion of excavation.
E Trash pit
D Mottled tan
Figure 5. Trash Pit C upon completion of excavation.
The base of the feature contained a mass of partially burned books and
newspapers, including one dated 1924. Bottles from the feature included a
post-1908 Vaseline jar (Adams, Gaw and Leonhardy 1975:111), a 1911-29 Owens
bottle (Adams and Adams 1980:33), and a 1916-29 Illinois Glass Bottle Co.
bottle (Adams, Gaw and Leonhardy 1975:123). An informant stated that the pit
was dug when she was about 5 years old, which, with datable objects, places
it between 1924-30.
Comparison of the trash pit contents is summarized in,Table 1. Trash pit
A has the highest percentage of architectural (48.4 percent) and vehicular
artifacts (6.5 percent). This probably reflects its location adjacent to the
previous garage (Sanborn Map 1922) and represents a general cleaning of that
structure. Trash pit B, the largest of the three, contained the most signifi-
cant faunal assemblage (6.7 percent of the feature) and the largest domestic
activity assemblage (16.7 percent). Based on its contents, it probably repre-
sents an accumulation of materials from all parts of the site. Trash pit C
is clearly from the main house and probably from the attic/bedroom/bath areas
with 16.3 percent of its assemblage in the personal category.
All three features were clearly dug for trash disposal and do not represent
secondary use of an existing pit. Documentary and oral history evidence indi-
cate that they have no.relationship to any significant changes in the family or
the property. There is no evidence of prolonged use or reuse of the pits.
They appear to represent single incidents probably resulting from spring/fall
type cleaning activities. Although informants state that the municipal dump
was less than a mile away at the time, it was probably simpler to inter refuse
in the easily dug sandy soil than to arrange to transport it to the dump. No
information could be obtained on the existence of commercial or public refuse
collection at the time, and quite possibly it was not available.
The 1920-40 assemblage from the three trash pits provides a picture of a
family dependent on purchased goods for subsistence. They have the amenities
of urban existence: plumbing, electricity, automobiles and periodicals. Heavy
use was made of patent and prescription medicines. Liquor was available during
a time of both local and federal prohibition. A large variety of ammunition
types (includinQ a 37 mm projectile) indicates that the residence may have
Table 1. Trash Pit Comparison
Trash Pit A Trash Pit B Trash Pit C
Category Percent Percent Percent
Personal 1.6 1.9 16.3
Domestic Activity 11.6 16.7 11.8
Architecture 48.4 35.0 20.6
Vehicles 6.5 0.3 *
Commercial Activity 2.1 6.1 1.3
Public Activity *
Unknowns 25.7 32.8 46.9
Prehistoric 3.9 0.1 0.8
Faunal 0.2 6.7 1.0
Botanical 0.4 1.2
Less than 0.1
Categories based on Sprague 1980-81:255-258.
included a possible collector or war veteran. Both traditionally male and
female toys were present: dolls, train tracks, marbles and roller skates.
Family heirlooms were present--Bailey china dating from 1860 was represented.
The family's socioeconomic level allowed a certain amount of luxury such as
silver plated dresser sets and the discard of unbroken items rather than reuse.
The large proportion of architectural items shows the importance of the house
and its maintenance to the family.
Placement of the pits also reveals information about the site. When
originally built, the main road approached the front of the Bailey House from
the south. With urbanization the road was moved in the late nineteenth century
and now roughly parallels the west side of the house, and the driveway lies at
the rear of the north entry. This change has resulted in effectively making
the south side of the property the "backyard." Placement of two of the trash
pits southeast of the house--farthest from both road and entry point--confirms
this new orientation. The third pit, Trash pit A, was placed adjacent to a
service structure which probably was the source of its contents.
In summary, the three trash pits did provide evidence to support the
hypotheses proposed concerning the effects of urbanization on the property.
Changes in land use were shown by the reorientation of activity areas and
placement of the trash pits. The dependence on manufactured goods and the
presence of urban amenities was demonstrated by the artifact assemblage. In
addition, most of the questions raised concerning the trash pits were answered.
Although no information was obtained about organized refuse collection, the
relative lack of faunal remains indicates the possibility that some system
existed for collection or burning of degradable materials. There was informa-
tion about a known dump in the area, but there may not have been a readily
available means of transport to the dump, or it may have just been simpler to
bury trash on the property. Orientation of the pits was away from the public
thoroughfare and, in one case, adjacent to the presumed trash source.
Although there are demonstrable differences in the pit contents, they do
not appear to be associated with important changes in the property or family.
Rather, they represent single depositions probably related to major cleaning
activities. The assemblage presents a picture of a reasonably affluent family
who enjoyed the amenities of urban life.
If a disposal pattern exists for this site, it is one of interment of
trash in small pits dug for that purpose in the backyard areas of the property.
It is possible that degradable materials were burned or disposed of on a
regular basis, while other trash (metal and glass) was accumulated over time
and then buried.
I would like to thank Dr. and Mrs. Mark Barrow, owners of the Bailey
House, for sponsoring this project. The members of my graduate committee,
Dr. Jerald Milanich and Dr. Prudence Rice of the University of Florida, will-
ingly provided advice, assistance and guidance throughout the project. Above
all, I would like to thank my chairman, Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks, for support,
inspiration and encouragement throughout my association with him.
Adams, Kenneth and Sheree Adams
1981 Excavations at the Chimney Field Historic Site. Ms. on
file, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida,
Adams, William H., Linda P. Gaw and Frank C. Leonhardy
1975 Archaeological Excavations at Silcott, Washington: The
Data Inventory. Laboratory of Anthropology, Washington
State University, Reports of Investigations 53.
Hildreth, Charles H. and M. G. Cox
1981 A History of Gainesville, Florida. Gainesville, Florida:
Alachua County Historical Society.
Sanborn Map Company
1922 Insurance Map of Gainesville, Florida. The Sanborn Map
Company, New York.
Sears, Roebuck and Company
1927 Catalogue Sears, Roebuck and Company, Chicago. Reprinted by
Bounty Books, New York.
1980-81 A Functional Classification for Artifacts from 19th and 20th
Century Historical Sites. North American Archaeologist
Wayne, Lucy B.
1981 The Bailey House Site: The Urbanization of a Southern
Plantation. M.A. Thesis, Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida, Gainesville.
Lucy B. Wayne
Water and Air Research, Inc.
P. O. Box 1121
Gainesville, FL. 32602
Test Pit 4NE/Burial Feature I
Deborah Brownfield Carr
The wind was still
As everyone watched
slowly, meticulously, as
The first bone was skillfully uncovered.
Everyone looked up and shuddered.
Had they noticed?
For at that moment,
The wind began to blow.
Centuries ago, she had worked and lived here.
Many a day she spent by the fire,
Working hide with her teeth,
until it was flexible.
She would then sew the moccassins and clothing
of her family with this material.
Someday, she thought,
There will be a better way.
Above the fire, their meal was being cooked
Frogs, lizards, turtles, and small rodents,
were the main ingredients.
An occasional deer was always a treat.
How she missed the clams and oysters
from when they lived on the river
near the ocean.
But now it was too far to travel,
When other food was close by.
Maybe someday they would return.
But she was getting old,
Stiffness was in her fingers.
They continued screening the dirt
Finding the small bones,
indicating a diet of frogs, lizards, rodents,
and an occasional deer
Not much shell.
They dwelled on this point
As they removed the last bone.
They are startled,
for it is not a bone from this person.
But a dagger? A point? A needle?
Robert S. Carr
The Seminole says little to a white man
so we must travel to ghost villages
that lie hidden on hammock islands.
We cut a tunnel through jungle walls
until we find charred chickee posts.
We peel away the dirt and roots
and glimpse the barest flicker
of his life that seeps from
midden shell and blue glass beads
and have our conversation with
I hear the wind that fans the highest
and raise my eyes
to the canopy
of vine and thorn
that shrouds the summer sky.
"We are gone"
says a voice in the wind.
"Our heart has been
eaten by the panther,
our soul has been taken by the crow.
We are gone."
Figure 1. Wooden chickee post (8Dal044).
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