• TABLE OF CONTENTS
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 Copyright
 Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Editor's page
 Guest editor's preface - kathleen...
 The archaeology of sixteenth century...
 The physical setting of sixteenth...
 Faunal evidence for sixteenth century...
 The use of plant foods in sixteenth...
 Non-local aboriginal ceramics from...
 Book reviews, current research...
 Advertising
 Back Cover






Group Title: Florida anthropologist
Title: The Florida anthropologist
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00027829/00006
 Material Information
Title: The Florida anthropologist
Abbreviated Title: Fla. anthropol.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Florida Anthropological Society
Conference on Historic Site Archaeology
Publisher: Florida Anthropological Society.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Frequency: quarterly[]
two no. a year[ former 1948-]
quarterly
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 Subjects
Subject: Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Periodicals -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Summary: Contains papers of the Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- May 1948-
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00027829
Volume ID: VID00006
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: Department of Special Collections and Area Studies, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 01569447
lccn - 56028409
issn - 0015-3893

Table of Contents
    Copyright
        Copyright
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Editor's page
        Page 2
        Page 3
    Guest editor's preface - kathleen Deagan
        Page 4
        Page 5
    The archaeology of sixteenth century St. Augustine - Kathleen Deagan
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
    The physical setting of sixteenth century St. Augustine - Albert Manucy
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
    Faunal evidence for sixteenth century Spanish subsistence at St. Augustine, Florida - Elizabeth J. Reitz
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
    The use of plant foods in sixteenth century St. Augustine - C. Margaret Scarry
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
    Non-local aboriginal ceramics from early historic contexts in St. Augustine - Bruce J. Piatek
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
    Book reviews, current research and comments
        Page 90
        Page 91
    Advertising
        Page 92
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text

HE FLORIDA

ANTHROPOLOGIST T; .


UNIV. -f FLA. -A -
.s .
i ^- ft r 4p







44
M. ..
..1 -- -. .- ---"







VOLUME 38 NUMBERS 1-2 PART 1 MARCH-JUNE 1985
PUBLISHED BY THE
FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC.
;B I .. :









THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST is published quarterly by the Florida Anthropological Society, Inc.,
P.O. Box 1013, Tallahassee, Florida 32302. Subscription is by membership in the Society for
individuals, families and institutions interested in the aims of the Society. Annual dues are
$12 (Individual), $18 (Family), $15 (Institutional), $25 (Sustaining), $100 (Patron) and $150
(Life). Foreign subscriptions are an additional $5 U.S. currency to cover added postage costs
for individual, family or institutional membership categories. Requests for information on the
Society and membership application forms, as well as notifications of changes of address,
should be addressed to the Membership Secretary. Donations should be sent to the Treasurer.
Requests for copies of the Editorial Policy and Style Guide (re: FA 37(1)), orders for back
issues, submissions of manuscripts for publication and notices of non-receipt or damaged issues
should be sent to the Editor. Newsletter items should be sent to the President. Address
changes should be made AT LEAST 30 days prior to the mailing of the next issue. The Post Office
will not forward bulk rate mail.

OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY


PRESIDENT:
Claudine Payne
1820 NW 10th Street
Gainesville, FL 32601


SECRETARY:
M. Katherine Jones
406 Westwood Drive, N.
Tallahassee, FL 32304



(Three Years):
William Goza
Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611


EDITOR:
Louis D. Tesar
Route 1 Box 209-F
Quincy, FL 32351


FIRST VICE PRESIDENT:
John W. Griffin
Route 5, Box 19
St. Augustine, FL 32084


MEMBERSHIP SECRETARY:
John F. Scarry
P.O. Box 1013
Tallahassee, FL 32302

DIRECTORS-AT-LARGE

(Two Years):
Mitchell Hope
111 Sunset Drive
Sebring, FL 33870


EDITORIAL STAFF


TYPIST:
Kathy Poppell
P.O. Box 1013
Tallahassee, FL


32302


EDITORIAL BOARD


Robert S. Carr
Historic Preservation
Division
Office of Community and
Economic Development
Warner Place-Suite 101
111 SW Fifth Avenue
Miami, FL 33130

George M. Luer
3222 Old Oak Drive
Sarasota, FL 333579



John W. Griffin
Route 5, Box 19
St. Augustine, FL 32084


James J. Miller
Division of Archives,
History & Records
Management
Department of State
The Capitol
Tallahassee, FL 32301-802,


John F. Scarry
Division of Archives,
History & Records
Management
Department of State
The Capitol
Tallahassee, FL 32301-80;


SECOND VICE PRESIDENT:
Joan Deming
1839 Pine Cone Circle #28
Clearwater, FL 33520


TREASURER AND REGISTERED
AGENT: Ruth Thomas
545 Bayberry Drive
Lake Park, FL 33403



(One Year):
Mary Lou Watson
229 Woodlawn Drive
Panama City, FL 32407




PRINTERS:
Gandy Printers, Inc.
1800 South Monroe Street
Tallahassee, FL 32301




William H. Marquardt
129 Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611


0


Morgan R. Crook, Jr.
Department of Sociology
and Anthropology
West Georgia College
Carrollton, GA 30118


COVER ILLUSTRATIONS: (FRONT) St. Augustine under siege by Francis Drake. Boazio engraving,
1586. Copy from St. Augustine Historical Society collection. Reproduced with permission.
(BACK) Archaeological site location wanted poster. Archaeological sites are historically
significant, non-renewable cultural resources. It is important that site location information
be recorded for use in preparing settlement pattern models and historic preservation plans.
Without such information many sites are lost to development, agricultural practices and erosion.
You can help protect these sites by reporting site location information to the Florida
Department of State, Division of Archives, History and Records Management in Tallahassee or to
your local FAS Chapter representative who can do so. (Poster design by Louis D. Tesar).







THE FLORIDA .o r L. u


ANTHROPOLOGIST


VOLUME 38 NUMBER 1-2 PART 1

MARCH-JUNE 1985




CONTENTS PAGE

Editor's Page ......... ....... ...... ............ 2

Guest Editor's Preface by Kathleen Deagan . . . 4

The Archaeology of Sixteenth Century St. Augustine by Kathleen Deagan 6

The Physical Setting of Sixteenth Century St. Augustine
by Albert Manucy . . . .. .. 34

Faunal Evidence for Sixteenth Century Spanish Subsistence at
St. Augustine, Florida by Elizabeth J. Reitz ...... 54

The Use of Plant Foods in Sixteenth Century St. Augustine
by C. Margaret Scarry . . .. . 70

Non-Local Aboriginal Ceramics from Early Historic Contexts in
St. Augustine by Bruce J. Piatek . . .... 81

Book Reviews, Current Research and Comments . . .... 90

(Current Research) Continuing Florida State Museum-Withlacoochee
River Archaeological Council Citrus County Research
by Jeffrey M. Mitchem . . .. . 90

(Comments) More on the Sowell Mound (8By3) by Louis D. Tesar .... 91





EDITOR'S PAGE


In this issue, I believe that you will
enjoy reading several articles on the
sixteenth century St. Augustine pro-
gram. They have been compiled by
Kathleen A. Deagan, who is Guest Editor
for the issue. I will not repeat her
preface, which follows this page and
introduces the St. Augustine program
and the articles in this issue.
However, I will draw attention to this
program as it relates to the broader
issue of historic preservation in
Florida and elsewhere.

The sixteenth century St. Augustine
program serves as an excellent example
of a multi-year, multi-disciplinary
historic preservation project in which
several public and private institutions
and individuals have joined together to
study an area's history and make it
available to scholars and the public in
general. It is through such projects
in which professionals have entered a
community with a cooperative spirit to
share the results of their work with
the public that historic preservation
issues become local concerns and a
source of community pride, which is
what they should be. The City of St.
Augustine has recognized that historic
preservation activities are economic
and cultural assets. Its citizens take
pride in their community's archaeologi-
cal and historic heritage. If you have
a chance to do so, I urge to visit
historic St. Augustine.

The next issue will be Volume 38 Number
1-2, Part 2, Florida Anthropological
Society Publication Number 11. It
will be our first special publication
since 1978. Its focus is the
"Archaeology of Northwest Florida and
Adjacent Borderlands: Current Research
Problems and Approaches". Nancy Marie
White is the Guest Editor for that
issue, which is being published with a
grant obtained from the University of
South Florida's President's Council.


Vol. 38 Numbers 1-2 Part 1


The September issue, FA 38(3), will
present a synthesis on Fort Walton
ceramics by John F. Scarry. His work
represents a significant effort to
present Fort Walton ceramic type-
varieties, and will be an important
reference document.

The December issue, FA 38(4), will
contain a mix of articles on various
topics, including one on the archaeo-
logical survey which Marilyn C. Stewart
conducted at the William Beardall
Tosahatchee Preserve. She was assisted
by members of the Central Florida
Anthropological Society, a chapter of
the Florida Anthropological Society.
Her project serves as an example of a
cooperative project conducted by
professional and non-professional
archaeologists. Other articles for
that issue remain to be selected.

While I continue to make minor
adjustments to improve our
presentation, there are other changes
which cannot be implemented under
current budget constraints. These
changes could be implemented if we make
a major effort to increase our
membership. The costs of preparing an
issue for press remain the same no
matter how many copies are printed.
However, if we increase the number of
copies of an issue from 1200 to 1600 or
more the cost per copy would be less
since setting up to print an issue is
the major cost. The difference in the
per copy cost could be devoted to
preparing larger issues, improving
paper quality, printing color plates
when needed, and so on. Thus, the
actual cost per copy would remain the
same, only the content would be greater
and the quality improved.

You can help. Ask your friends and
neighbors to join. Give gift
subscriptions to get new members
familiar with our journal. We already

March-June, 1985


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST






offer a good product, and with
increased membership we can offer a
better product. In addition, you will
be helping to make more people aware of
historic preservation concerns and
providing them with an opportunity to
learn about some of the many
interesting projects and topics dealing
with Florida archaeology and other
issues.

Louis D. Tesar
March 29, 1985


Ruins of the City Gateway. Frontispiece in The Standard
Guide, St. Augustine (1894) by Charles B. Reyolds. E. H.
Reynolds, St. Augustine, Florida. (Adjusted for use in
this issue).





GUEST EDITOR'S PREFACE


It seems to me particularly appropriate
that the first detailed publication of
the results of our work in sixteenth
century St. Augustine should appear in
The Florida Anthropologist. Not only
is Florida unique in its sixteenth
century Spanish-Indian cultural tradi-
tion, (the earliest European-Indian
culture in the continental United
States), but the Florida Anthropologi-
cal Society was also one of the first
organizations to recognize through
publications the importance of histori-
cal archaeological studies to the
anthropological community in general.
Some of the first publications in Euro-
American archaeology by such pioneers
as Hale G. Smith, John Griffin, John
Goggin and Charles Fairbanks appeared
in The Florida Anthropologist, and the
Society has continued that tradition to
the present day.

We who have worked on the sixteenth
century Florida project were, there-
fore, especially pleased that Editor
Louis Tesar extended an invitation to
edit a special issue presenting for the
first time the results of this multi-
disciplinary, multi-year program. The
special significance of these papers
lies in the fact that they present the
archaeological, historical and paleonu-
tritional evidence for the earliest
successful colonial culture in America
north of Mexico, and the only success-
ful sixteenth century Euro-American
culture in that area. It also provides
us with a fascinating glimpse of some
of the last vestiges of medieval in-
fluence in the New World, as well as
one of the last glimpses of northeast
Florida's native cultures, which were
greatly altered and reduced through the
traumas of introduced disease, conver-
sion to Christianity and the Spanish
tribute system.

The following papers include a discus-
sion of the physical setting, demo-
graphy and spatial organization in the



Vol. 38 Numbers 1-2 Part 1


settlement by Albert Manucy; an
overview of the archaeological data by
myself; an analysis of animal use and
dietary pattern in the town by
Elizabeth Reitz; a study of plant
presence and use by the colonists
through paleoethnobotanical analysis by
Margaret Scarry; and, a study of the
non-local aboriginal ceramics in the
town by Bruce Piatek, which suggests
regional relationships through the
archaeological assemblage of sixteenth
century St. Augustine. Together the
papers represent most of the major
emphases in the program, with the
exception of the research of historians
Paul Hoffman and Eugene Lyon, who did
the historical research on the six-
teenth century settlement. All of the
Papers have drawn extensively upon
their fine research; however, space
limitations did not permit the inclu-
sion of purely historical studies in
this issue.

The paper by me includes information
about the structure, organization and
overall goals of the project, and none
of these would have been either ap-
proached or realized without the
participation and assistance of several
agencies and individuals. The impetus
for the program itself was initially
provided by the St. Augustine Restora-
tion Foundation, Inc. (SARFI) and the
interest of Lawrence Lewis of that
organization. SARFI has been sponsor-
ing research into sixteenth century St.
Augustine for over a decade, and has
provided the funding for the first two
years of our archaeological work. Much
of the information resulting from their
efforts has been translated into a film
and small museum now open to the public
in St. Augustine.

Over six years of the project's dura-
tion, the Historic St. Augustine
Preservation Board has provided cooper-
ation, facilities, housing and
assistance. All of the archaeological



March-June, 1985


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST






work in St. Augustine has been a
cooperative venture with that agency,
and perhaps the greatest benefit for
all of us is the Board's program of
interpreting the results of our re-
search to the general public through
its living history museum.

Other funds for the sixteenth century
project have come from the National
Endowment for the Humanities grants
#RO-32537-78-1425 and #RS 20293-82;
from the Florida State University which
provided a COFRS grant in 1978 and paid
my salary during most of the project's
duration; from the Colonial Dames of
America Florida Chapter and the Dupont
Foundation; from the University of
Florida Division of Sponsored Research;
from the Florida State Museum; from the
State of Florida STAR grant program;
and, from the Wentworth Foundation. I
would like to take this opportunity to
thank those funding and support agen-
cies, as well as to thank the many
citizens of St. Augustine who cheerful-
ly tolerated early morning power
augers, all night pumps, destroyed
gardens, and lively students. Communi-
ty support is an essential and integral
part of the program, and we are grate-
ful for it. And finally, I would also
like to acknowledge the many field
school students from Florida State
University and the University of
Florida who carried out the field work
with skill and enthusiasm, and who were
surely among the most dedicated and
entertaining of crews.

Kathleen Deagan
February 1985


GUEST EDITOR'S PREFACE


DEAGAN






THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF SIXTEENTH CENTURY ST. ATUGSTINE


KATHLEEN DEAGAN


St. Augustine, Florida was first
settled in 1565, and has been occupied
ever since. As the oldest continuously
occupied European community in the
continental United States it is of
particular historical and educational
interest; and, as the earliest example
of successful and enduring Euro-
American adaptation to the physical and
cultural environments of North America,
it is of special anthropological
interest. All of these concerns -
historical, anthropological and
educational have been addressed
through the ongoing program of histori-
cal archaeology in sixteenth century
St. Augustine. This paper will present
the archaeological results of these
investigations, and offer some conclu-
sions about the lifeway and adaptive
processes that characterized the
sixteenth century town.


St. Augustine was settled initially by
Pedro Menendez de Avilds in
partnership with Phillip II, the King
of Spain. The Crown was eager to
eliminate the French Huguenot colony of
Fort Caroline which had been esta-
blished near present day Jacksonville,
Florida in 1562 (Ribault 1563). The
French settlement posed a serious
threat to the burgeoning Spanish
empire in the Caribbean, as well as in
South America and Central America; and,
Mendndez was willing to try to elim-
inate the French presence in exchange
for support from the Crown in his
colonizing venture (see Lyon 1976 for a
detailed discussion of the founding of
Florida and Menendez's role).
MenAndez's rewards were to be such
riches and titles as would accrue from
the founding and governorship of the
Florida colony, as well as the oppor-
tunity to search for his son, who had
been lost during an earlier expedition
to Florida (Lyon 1976:30, footnote).

Vol. 38 Numbers 1-2 Part 1


Menendez was successful in eliminating
the French presence, after which he
established La Florida as a Spanish
holding. The extent of La Florida was
considerably greater in the sixteenth
century than that of the State, as it
encompassed much of what is today the
Southeastern United States. Several
months after the establishment of St.
Augustine, a second settlement was also
established in 1565 at what is today
Parris Island, South Carolina. This
community, called Santa Elena, was the
capital of La Florida between 1566 and
1587. It was briefly abandoned from
1576 to 1578, because of Indian
attacks, then reoccupied until 1587
when it was permanently abandoned (Lyon
1984). During both episodes of aban-
donment, the population of Santa Elena,
which has been estimated at about 255
colonists (Lyon 1984:6), took refuge in
St. Augustine. Many of these refugees
became a permanent part of the St.
Augustine community. The colony at
Santa Elena provided a means for the
introduction of goods and Indian labor
into St. Augustine during the first
decades of settlement. The site of
Santa Elena is currently being excavat-
ed by Stanley South of the Institute of
Archeology and Anthropology, and
provides an interesting comparison of
Spanish material patterns there and in
St. Augustine (South 1980, 1981, 1983).

Menendez's hopes for riches in La
Florida were never realized, largely
due to the absence in the region of
such commodities as the precious metals
or minerals that had made the fortunes
of conquistadores in other parts of the
Spanish empire. Furthermore, the
native populations in the Atlantic
coastal area of La Florida were of a
low density, were dispersed, and did
not have an intensive agricultural
tradition which could be turned to the
Spaniards advantage.


March-June, 1985


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST





The Mendndez family's control of the
Colony ended in 1570, when La Florida
became a Crown colony, subsidized by an
annual government allocation of funds
and supplies referred to as the
situado.

Despite the poverty of valuable re-
sources in La Florida, St. Augustine
was supported for its strategic value
in maintaining the defenses and econom-
ic functions of the Caribbean and New
Spain colonies (see Hoffman 1980).
From St. Augustine, the Straits of
Florida and the Bahama Channel could be
protected from foreign powers. These
waters afforded routes that were
critical in the safe transport of the
treasure fleets from New Spain to Spain
(Haring 1918). St. Augustine was also
located to function as a northern
outpost and buffer between the Spanish
empire and the English colonies that
were established in the Southeastern
United States during the first decades
of the seventeenth century.

Conversion of the Florida Indians and
the establishment of missions was
another important purpose of the St.
Augustine colony (for detailed histo-
ries of this endeavor see Gannon 1965;
Lanning 1936). The first Indian
mission was established in 1565 when
the mission of Nombre de Dios was
founded in St. Augustine about 0.8 km
(1/2 mile) north of the present
Castillo de San Marcos (Gannon 1965:
27). Although the mission system was
to be extended during the seventeeth
century to the Western Timucua and
Apalachee groups of the Florida
interior and panhandle areas, it was
restricted during the sixteenth century
to the Eastern Timucua and Guale groups
of the present day Florida and Georgia
Atlantic coasts (Deagan 1978a; Larson
1978; Jones 1978).

The missions apparently functioned also
as mechanisms for the organization of
tribute. Menendez had originally esta-
c blished an obligatory tribute from the


Indians in Florida, and this was con-
tinued until some unknown date in the
early eighteen century. This payment
was generally in the form of corn,
animal skins and labor (Bushnell 1981,
1983; Lyon 1976:118-119; Deagan 1985),
and resulted in the intermittent
presence in St. Augustine of non-local
Indians.

Interactions between the Indians of
Florida and the Spaniards took several
forms including very limited and poorly
understood trading relations, religious
conversion, labor exploitation, and
intermarriage (Deagan 1985). These
interactions played an important part
in both the adaptations of the Span-
iards to Florida, and in the formation
of the archaeological record of the
Spanish colony.

For two centuries the settlement was
maintained to serve these religious and
military functions, and in the process,
there developed a distinctive "criollo"
culture that provides us with an
excellent case study of acculturation
and Euro-American adaptation. The
importance of St. Augustine primarily
as a military outpost, and the failure
of an independent, self-sustaining
economy to develop, resulted in certain
demographic, social and economic
circumstances that must be made explic-
it before the archaeological remains of
the colony can be addressed. The
Spanish population of the town was
almost exclusively male and military
(see Lyon 1977; Manucy this issue), and
many of the garrison members were only
temporarily in St. Augustine. Few
women entered the colony after the
first years, and consequently wives
were found among the Indian groups who
coexisted with the Spanish intruders
(Deagan 1973; SAHS n.d.).

Through these liaisons, a mixed-blood
population emerged and was established
as part of the colonial society in St.
Augustine (for further discussion of
this phenomenon see Deagan 1973;


ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


DEAGAN






1983:Chapter 6). Because of these
circumstances, Spanish cultural
elements were introduced primarily
through men, while Indian elements were
introduced primarily through women.

The economy of St. Augustine was based
largely upon the salaries paid through
the governmental situado. Goods avail-
able to the colonists including situado
commodities, as well as locally pro-
duced goods obtained through purchase
or trade with local farmers or crafts-
people (both Indian and Spanish). Few
inhabitants had occupations other than
that of a government employee, and
those that did often "moonlighted" from
their official position in the regiment
(see Lyon 1977; Manucy this issue).
There existed, nevertheless, a social
and economic hierarchy within the
community based largely upon rank and
family connection (see Lyon 1977;
Manucy this issue). Such economic and
social distinctions are recognizable
archaeologically in the sites of the
eighteenth century community, which
are well documented for income and
occupation (Deagan 1983:Chapter 10).
Presumably, such distinctions are also
reflected in the archaeological re-
sources of the sixteenth century town,
and this proposition is investigated
below. The following discussion will
describe the archaeological program,
the results of seven years of inves-
tigations, and some of the conclusions
we have drawn from those results.


The Archaeological Program

The multidisciplinary investigation of
sixteenth century St. Augustine has
been underway since 1976. Support was
a provided by the St. Augustine Restora-
tion Foundation, Inc. (SARFI) to locate
the original settlement and to test its
boundaries during the first two years
of the program; and, support for the
subsequent six years of excavation was
provided by the National Endowment for
the Humanities, the Colonial Dames of
America Florida Chapter, Florida State


University, the University of Florida,
the Historic St. Augustine Preservation
Board and SARFI. The work itself has
been conducted through the Florida
State University archaeological field
school program (1976-1981) and the
University of Florida field school
program (1982-1985).

From the beginning this has been a
multidisciplinary effort and, in
addition to the field archaeologists,
has included: historians Paul Hoffman
and Eugene Lyon; architectural histori-
an Albert Manucy; zooarchaeologist
Elizabeth Reitz; and paleoethnobotanist
Margaret Scarry (the results of the
latter three researchers" work are
reported in the following three papers,
this issue). The sixteenth century
project is part of a larger, ongoing
study of Spanish colonial St. Augustine
carried out cooperatively between the
University of Florida, Florida State
University, and the Historic St.
Augustine Preservation Board. This
archaeological program has several
overall goals including:



1. To discover the cultural and
material patterns associated with the
earliest St. Augustine settlers, who
were the first successful European
colonists in the continental United
States.

2. To determine the measures taken by
the sixteenth century Spaniards in
their effort to adapt an Iberian way of
life to the Florida wilderness.

3. To define and to assess the nature
of archaeological variability among the
households of the community, and to
relate this variability to social
phenomena.

4. To compare these patterns and their
variability to those of the seventeenth
and eighteenth century Spanish compo-
nents in St. Augustine in order to
understand better the development and


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)






evolution of a Hispanic-American
colonial tradition.

5. To communicate these insights to
the general public in order to heighten
public awareness of Florida's unique
Hispanic cultural heritage and its role
in American history.

The site of the sixteenth century
settlement was located through a
program of systematic sub-surface
testing with a mechanical soil auger by
drilling holes on a ten meter grid
throughout downtown St. Augustine
(Deagan 1981a). This was done to test
the project historians' hypothesis that
the original town was located in the
area indicated in Figure 1. Plotting
the sixteenth century materials recov-
ered from the auger tests on a base map
of the city confirmed their hypothesis,
and subsequent excavations have further
validated this confirmation (Figure 2).

Five sites have been excavated exten-
sively within the sixteenth century
town since 1977, and six others have
been subjected to more limited testing
of one or two test units (Figure 3).
An ubiguitous complication in these
excavations, and one that should be
pointed out as a potential source of
bias in the samples, is the complexity
of disturbances to the archaeological
record as a result of 400 years of
concentrated urban occupation in the
area.

All but one of the sixteenth century
sites investigated have seven or more
discrete and archaeologically recogniz-
able occupation components. These
components occur in an average depth of
Less than 1.5 meters (Figure 4), and
clearly the earliest sixteenth century
components have suffered a certain
amount of disturbance since that time.
A three meter square excavation unit in
a site in the sixteenth century area of
St. Augustine frequently has between
100 to 200 discrete proveniences. (A
provenience as used here refers to a
unit of deposition that represents a


single behavioral or natural event or
process in the past).

Although this situation has resulted in
the loss of integrity for some six-
teenth century deposits within the
town, this loss represents a relatively
small proportion of the total sixteenth
century component. Furthermore, the
complexity of the stratigraphic and
depositional conditions has forced the
development of specific excavation
strategies designed to isolate and to
separate every conceivable individual
depositional component in the sites.
Through obsessive attention to varia-
tions in soil color and composition,
absolute elevations and artifact
locations, it has been possible to
isolate more than 200 undisturbed
sixteenth century proveniences in the
town. Of these, 180 are used in this
analysis, and represent the four sites
that both were extensively excavated
and yielded artifact assemblages of
greater than 1,000 items from undis-
turbed sixteenth century contexts
(Table 1). A fifth site, SA-34-1A, is
included in the overall tabulation
because of its important well and
structural features; however it was not
included in the intersite statistical
comparisons because of the small size
of its assemblage.

The assemblage discussed here includes
10,804 artifacts, 10,542 grams of
animal bone, and 44,178 grams of clay
daub. The proveniences include sheet
deposits, trash pits, daub processing
pits, undefined pits, postmolds, wells,
a roadside ditch and two mud sleeper
foundation impressions.


Spatial Organization

The town's layout has been of consider-
able interest, particularly in its
degree of conformance or lack of
conformance to the official Spanish
ordinances for town plans established
in 1563 (Crouch, Garr and Mandingo
1982). These ordinances are quite


ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


DEAGAN





THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


The location of the sixteenth century settlement in present-day
St. Augustine, Florida.


Locations of excavations and features in the sixteenth century
settlement of St. Augustine, Florida.


Figure 1.


Figure 2.


(38, 1985)






DEAGAN


ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


.,. 'It;~':rw,- "'I"

J -IF

z' .


Figure 3. A typical stratigraphic section in a sixteenth century site in
St. Augustine, Florida.


CERAMICS
Majolica:
Caparra Blue
Columbia Poly.
Fig Springs Poly.
Ichtuck. B/B
Ichtuck. B/W
Isabela Poly.
Mexico City White
San Luis B/W
Sto. Doing. Poly.
Vayal B/W
UID Poly.
UID B/W
UID White
(Subtotal Majolica)


SA-26-1
# %



40 .0124
7 .0022
27 .0084
3 .0009
1 .0003

13 .0040
7 .0022
3 .0009
7 .0022
33 .0102
35 .0108
176 .0545


SA-34-1A
# %


3 .0088
7 .0206

1 .0029




2 .0059

1 .0029
5 .0147
2 .0059
21 .0618


SA-34-1B SA-34-2
% #


1 .0002
68 .0153
14 .0032
63 .0142
10 .0023

4 .0009
10 .0023
15 .0034
1 .0002
1 .0002
16 .0036
50 .0113
253 .0570


44 .0342
6 .0047
6 .0047
1 .0008
2 .0016

4 .0031
9 .0070
8 .0062
2 .0016
7 .0054
11 .0086
100 .0778


Other Euro. Wares:
Cologna SW 1 .0008 1 .0001
Feld. Inlay RW 4 .0012 4 .0004
Green Bacin 1 .0003 5 .0039 6 .0006
Lead glazed CEW 35 .0108 3 .0088 29 .0065 30 .0233 9 .0060 106 .0098
Limeclay 25 .0077 25 .0023
Hex. Red Film. 25 .0077 2 .0059 27 .0061 18 .0140 12 .0079 84 .0078
Olivejar 957 .2966 100 .2941 676 .1523 387 .3009 301 .1991 2421 .2241
Olivejar, GG 109 .0338 18 .0529 422 .0951 94 .0731 91 .0602 734 .0679
Orange mic. 9 .0028 26 .0059 5 .0039 5 .0033 45 .0042
Porcelain 8 .0025 1 .0029 3 .0007 1 .0008 1 .0007 14 .0013
Redware 46 .0143 1 .0029 4 .0009 4 .0031 1 .0007 56 .0052
Storage jar 1 .0002 1 .0008 2 .0002
Storage jar, GG 4 .0118 4 .0009 3 .0023 11 .0010
UID Earthenware 206 .0638 7 .0206 86 .0194 13 .0101 45 .0298 357 .0330
Yucutan Col. 4 .0012 4 .0004
(Subtotal Oth. Euro.) 1429 .4428 136 .4000 1278 .2879 561 .4362 465 .3075 3869 .3581


Table 1. Sixteenth century St. Augustine artifacts percents by total items
per site).


SA-36-4
I I


3 .0020
18 .0119

17 .0112

1 .0007
2 .0013
3 .0020
1 .0007

3 .0020
3 .0020
11 .0073
62 .0410


TOTALS
I *


7 .0006
177 .0164
27 .0025
114 .0106
14 .0013
4 .0004
6 .0006
30 .0028
34 .0031
12 .0011
14 .0013
64 .0059
109 .0101
612 .0566








THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)


CuI lCS (Cont.)

Aborigpal Wares, Mon-loca
Grit tp. pi. 2
Grog tomp. pi.
Znclsd 4
Shell tmp. pl.
Sad to. pl. 4
Sand tmp. st1 .
UID
JAltambha
Colono v r
Irene Ici.6.d
7
(Subtot. Abo.i 0.) 12

Aboriginal Mars: I-cal
St. Johns Pl. 40
It. Johns Stop. 35
(Subtot. St. Johns) 75
San uMrco. PI. 18
tan Marcos Stop. 28
(Subtot. San Marco.) 47

(Subtotal All Abor.) 134
TOTAL CIA RICS 295

OTHER KITCHEN ITEMS
Glass, clea 2
Glass, green 2.
Glss. red
GlIa., ornate

Ironpot
Mano

(Sbtot. Other it.) 5
TOTAL UKIT N ITEMS 301

AC LITCTUAL2 ITBS
Cotftrpln
Iro handle
Iron hinog
Iron hook
Iron latch
Iron ring
Iron strap 1
Iron Uck
NLl, wrt. 10
Splk*, wrt. 4
TOTAL AWurITECTUR. 15


S-26-1 S-34-LA



2 .0068 9 .0265

7 .0146 5 .0147

5 .0139 15 .0441

4 .0012
7 .0022 4 .0118
1 .0003

1 .0029
6 .0390 34 .1000


2 .1246 19 .0559
0 .1085 39 .1147
2 .330 58 .1706
6 .0576 19 .0559
5 .0883 15 .0441
1 .1460 34 .1000

9 .4180 126 .3706
4 .9154 283 .8324


5U-34-1S
S


128 .0288
3 .0007
79 .0178

36 .0081
9 .0020
24 .0054
16 .0036
2 .0005
13 .0029

310 .0698


sA-34-2 SA-36-4 TOTALS
I 8 9 I S


2 .0002
1 .0001
1 .0001
3 .0003
1 .0001
5 .0005
19 .0045
10 .0009
s .0396
13 .0086
13 .0549


FrruMZnTz T1MS
Tack. brass
Mook, ornate
TOTAL ruRNITURE ITS7

ARMS IT3tS
Matchlock
GunEprt
aadshot
Lead trog.
TOTAL ARMS

CLOTHING ITEM
arasa button
Glass btton
Button frg.
Suckle
gl5et
Pin
TOTAL CLOSING IT7TS

7ER ACTITIITIES
Chart tool
Mon* awl
Irsa loop
Iruss eheaot
Chart trag.
Copper Wvr
Ceramc disc
Pbb:1.
Mood ael
Mood fid
TOTAL OTH1 ACTIVITIES

MISOHAL ITS
Glass bhed
a... bod
Marcced,
Glss pendant
TOTAL PERSONAsL

METAL ?RA TOEr
rass
Copper
Iron
TOTAL METAL FAGA.


TOTAL ALL rEM 3227 1.0000
(Ocluding mutal frogs)


5 .0015

5 .0015


- 2 .0005 1 .0007 8 .0007
.0002 .0001
0 3 .0007 0 1 .0007 9 .0008


1 .0002


1 .0002
2 .0005


71
71

340 1.0000


1
3
372
376

4439 1.0000


1 .0008
5 .0039
6 .0047







4 .0031

1 .0008
1 .0008



6 .0047







0



2

56
58

1286 1.0000


14 .0093 20 .0019
3 .0020 6 .0006
43 .0284 542 .0502
60 .0397 568 .0526

1512 1.0000 10804 1.0000


Table 1 (Cont.). Sixteenth century St. Augustine artifacts (percentages by

total items per site).






specific concerning lot sizes, street
locations and the positions of public
buildings and areas. Using them as a
guide, it was possible to construct a
hypothesis for the locations of streets
and the layout of the town during the
sixteenth century. This hypothetical
layout was linked to the present city
by the archaeological discovery of the
sixteenth century cemetery, which is
depicted in the Boazio engraving of
S1586 (Caballero and Zierden 1979)
(Figure 4). (The Boazio engraving is
shown in Manucy, this issue: Figure 2.)
Using the Boazio engraving as a hypo-
thetical general layout, and the 1563
ordinances for specific measurements,
tests were carried out to locate
roadways in the town. Four roadway
locations were predicted, and two of
these were confirmed archaeologically
(Figure 2) (Deagan 1981b). This
suggests a predictable degree of
conformance to the established ordi-
nances in the layout of the town.

Evidence for household locations was
a indicated largely through the locations
of barrel wells (Figures 5-6), and
these were extremely standardized.
Thirteen barrel wells for sixteenth
century household use have been located
during the program, and they are always
positioned between 12 and 15 meters
from a street edge, and 12 to 15 meters
apart along a given street (Figure 2).
They were presumably located at an
optimal position for household use, and
are thus believed to be a good index of
household location. Fifteen meters
equal approximately 49 current feet, or
45 Spanish feet (Albert Manucy, person-
al communication, St. Augustine 1977).
Since 44 by 88 Spanish feet were the
legal dimensions for town lots as
stated in the 1563 ordinances, the
locations of these barrel wells suggest
again that an attempt was made to
Transplant an idealized Iberian spatial
template to the wilderness of Florida.
The persistence of this template in the
Spanish colony is indicated by the fact
that this predictable placement of
barrel wells continued through the


seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in
St. Augustine. Of the 29 Spanish
colonial wells located to date, all but
two have been found in the position
described above.

The sixteenth century structures them-
selves have been ephemeral in the
archaeological record, due both to the
disturbance factors discussed above and
o to the perishable post construction of
the buildings. Evidence for structures
has included postmolds as well as
charred posts of oak and cedar, and
boards of yellow pine surviving in a
well (Figure 7), fired clay daub with
wattle impressions intact (Figure 8),
daub processing pits which occur
adjacent to structures both in St.
Augustine and Santa Elena (South
1981:73), and a mud sleeper impression
(that is, a split log laid on the
ground as a sill). Only two structures
have been exposed to the extent that
size estimates can be made. One was at
the de Leon site (SA-26-1), which was
of wooden post construction and
measured about 5.5 meters by about 3.5
meters (about 18 feet by 12 feet)
(Bradley 1977). The other was a wattle
and daub structure measuring about 3.5
meters by at least 4 meters. This
structure, at the Trinity site (SA-34-
1), may have been a kitchen structure
due to its location adjacent to a
barrel well and the abundant presence
of food preparation items in its
vicinity (Vernon 1980). Several other
partial structures have been located;
however, none of these is complete
enough to estimate size.

All but one of the sites tested in the
sixteenth century town have yielded
considerable amounts of clay daub,
indicating that this was the common
material for house construction in at
least the early decades of the colony.
Large pieces of daub found at two sites
have wattle impressions of some posts
of 7 to 10 cm. in diameter, and cross
members of about 2 cm. in diameter.
Wall surfaces were smoothed and white-
washed on the exterior. The daub


ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


DEAGAN















































E~i w*
I,
p




iti







44'



I'..


4- 1
It
[: ->


Figure 4.


A burial of an Indian woman in the sixteenth century churchyard of
St. Augustine (presently the rear lot of the Heritage House at the
corner of Aviles and King Streets).


-],L-





ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


Figure 5. Typical cross section of an excavated barrel well.


Figure 6. A sixteenth century St. Augustine barrel well during excavation with
water control system in place. Note the darker organic stain in the
circular area inside the barrel hoop. (Photo by J. Quine).


DEAGAN


. W-- A Iv






b THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST (38, 1985)



NEE.! nu'u: LfI. IS. r~ l ..u -- k~i~ 1
:-MZM'DfVL ;1. 13 I im, it
UEEU0* ?h. ;- 1,' -- .V E IA F 3PLI'-F...
,.u.'uu V, m''a. 1t it;r..'uIv.- a I I- IF a
UUUELUU IPh211. UL. m IL 111' "' jr., k n Il. .
iflEEEU E!7. "%IF~ I i j 0 0AOd '. ---
It a r A-sii, -t; a
.1**1 A at .t
b. l. 6* 1 oo- .1r-. m ai d -
Dummr lL...EU ,.: U .~. )'I-'CW\ ,YchS
%EUNL. 3 II47 *-I i, A UUIL,,


i.2 I. 1 ;r*I-. ~- ..~F *3 b UIE-
U.. 1` b, ItNDEIbiUi*
IN E ,LI v 33' L11 111 -h1* 7 CjV
1Li. 11 0 T, 61 a i" I
I am 8 .~~

v aELIIL .. 0, 'Lan


IF I-or Zinc' F's 2LU 19-n 10 1m-.a.vqrn, 0
Now Jas. o, re:t qq bt.7crr
ell, lb Al.' I.


UUUEUEIIIII~r r 30. .UW6UV& 'dL l hI.
,UeUU e rI rLMr A SELL 'UEEL..0P 1 11 APPA MME ."'INo C d .
aUE f. .q K1 -I IL
Iuru.mNip*a a *. yuK N.. b.UJar,--11!4.



l~UEUEEUY!M~lflb..V. It~ .. .U MUU- EVEL
11,1166 IU PFA3U V.EI -U '
0,L f 48: ib Is lo. -N.,1111 all VwO.



a *UBasommmr
i"12, .L mmruE~ MuIDin*., b.-.
11111111811 .E. b 4


I..-mmm UUUUUUEUUEUEUPESUUUKU. L n"'.umurn ... %Umr. 3Wme"
;M M M MS I rl 1 100 05 00 glum. L






-, ~ auummmu ~ AM, L..0000umrmmrlr.m.. -
.I sk -imanota tmer'. IF # .Mrv- ori, lonjS




lUEEE iMUUI0IUkimUEUdno


Is** SEEM,******* MR EEUun ~ ~ a
l1g u~s r LIi Em








ISI
IS WA'mnmmmnm-l cmv 0: on mommman1MM





"AMMUCH. I owns
21 III o M no N amgr*'i~E .a ;


















I~r r a Ia ILICM~.F~in
m a o o a i--- - - - -
Figre7.Chare cdarpotsfro asiteethcetur wllin t.Auusine.
















I d0 1 2 3 CM~


Clay daub from a sixteenth century structure in St. Augustine.


Figure 8.






ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


Figure 9.


34-1A
#


34-11
#


34-2
#


KITCHEN
(Majol.) 176
(0th. Euro.) 1429

(Non-local
Aborig.) 126
(St. Johns) 752
(San Marc.) 471
(Tot.Abor.) 1349

(Tot.Ceram) 2954
(Oth.kitch.
items) 59

KITCHEN 3013
ARCHIT. 155
FURNITURE 5
ABMS 25
CIDTHING 22
ACTIVITY 5
PERSONAL 2

TOTAL 3227
Mean
Ceramic Dates:1588


5.45
44.28

3.90
23.30
14.60
41.80

91.54

1.83

93.37
4.80
.15
.77
.68
.15
.06


21 6.18
136 40.0


10.0
17.06
10.0
37.06

83.24

1.18

84.41
14.71
0
.29
0
.58
0


310
1324
944
2578

4109

53

4162
244
3
8
12
8
2

4434

1589.05


5.70
28.80

6.98
29.83
21.27
58.07

92.57

1.19

93.76
5.50
.07
.18
.27
.18
.05


100 7.78 62 4.10 612 5.67
561 43.62 465 30.75 3869 35.81


35
180
299
514

1175

30

1205
64
0
5
6
6
0

1286

1579.3


2.72
14.0
23.25
39.97

91.37

2.33

93.70
4.98
0
.39
.47
.47
0


106
570
204
880

1407
12

1419
80
1
2
6
4
0

1512


7.01
37.70
13.49
58.2

93.06

.79

93.85
5.29
.07
.13
.40
.26
0


611
2884
1952
5447

9928
158

10086
593
0
41
46
25
4

10804


5.66
26.69
18.07
50.42

91.89

1.46

93.35
5.45
.08
.38
.43
.23
.04


1581.60 1585.56


Table 2. Summary of material assemblage by activity group.


Wrought nails and spikes from sixteenth century
St. Augustine sites.


GROUP


36-4
% #


TOTAL
% #


DEAGAN


I


1






itself was approximately 15 cm. thick.
This method of house construction was
not adopted from the Indians in the
vicinity of St. Augustine, who con-
structed their houses primarily of palm
thatching (see Manucy this issue).
Excavations at the Fountain of Youth
Park site, a sixteenth century Timucua
village site adjacent to St. Augustine,
revealed no evidence for wattle and
daub construction (Merritt 1977; 1984).
There is ample precedent, however, for
wattle and daub housing in rural Spain
(Albert Manucy, field notes and
personal communication, 1980, St.
Augustine). An anonymous map made of
St. Augustine in 1595 (Chatelain 1941:
Map 4; Manucy this issue) shows the
town made largely of board construc-
tion. This may have occurred after the
1586 raid of Francis Drake, when the
burned town was rebuilt. In addition
to the clay daub remains, large numbers
of wrought nails and spikes (Figure 9)
have been located at all sites, as well
as hasps and hinges of the staple
variety.


The Site Assemblages

Tables 1 and 2 show the distribution
of material remains in the sites of
households used in this study. These
are organized by functional categories
following South (1977:Chapter 4). All
of these assemblages include remains
from structural areas, trash disposal
deposits, wells and yard areas; howev-
er, a detailed discussion of the
variations within each site assemblage
on the basis of feature function and
lot areas is beyond the scope of this
presentation. The data in the tables
provide a profile of the material life
of the community in general, as well as
an index to the nature of archaeologi-
cal variability among individual
occupation sites. The underlying
causes of this variability are as yet
poorly understood; however, by refer-
ence to similar patterns of archaeolog-
ical variability in the well-documented
and controlled sites of eighteenth


century St. Augustine (Deagan 1983:237-
244), we can suggest that both social
and economic factors were influential.
An additional factor that must be
considered in addressing the causes of
archaeological intersite variability in
sixteenth century St. Augustine is
family composition: that is distinc-
tions between all-male mess group
households, families with a Spanish
wife, and families with an Indian wife
(see also Manucy this issue). Temporal
differences among the sites do not
appear to be significant factors in the
archaeological differences among them.
The mean ceramic date formula (South
1977:217) was applied to the majolica
from each site in order to suggest a
midpoint date for the site occupation.
Table 3 shows the results of this
analysis, as well as the suggested date
range of sixteenth century occupation,
assuming that the earliest possible
date of occupation was 1565.
---------- --- -------------
TABLE 3: Mean majolica dates and
suggested ranges for
sixteenth century sites in
St. Augustine.


Site


MCD


SA-26-1 1588

SA-34-1* 1589

SA-34-2 1579

SA-36-4 1582


Range


1565-1611

1565-1613

1565-1593

1565-1599


*-The majolica from SA-34-1-B only was
used in the calculation of the mean
ceramic date (MCD), since SA-34-1-A and
SA-34-1-B clearly represented different
households and SA-34-1-A yielded only
13 dateable majolica sherds.

The range of only 10 years in midpoint
dates among the sites does not permit
the consideration of temporal differ-
ences as a factor in the variations
among the archaeological assemblages.
The possibility of bias in sampling
must be admitted, however, particularly


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)






as a result of post-depositional
disturbances to the sixteenth century
contexts. It was for that reason that
a minimum artifact assemblage of 1,000
items was established for inclusion of
sites in this analysis. In order to
document and to investigate the
differences among households in
sixteenth century St. Augustine more
clearly, Table 4 presents the data for
the sixteenth century town compared
with those from eighteenth century St.
Augustine and from the contemporary
sixteenth century community of Santa
Elena. A striking similarity among all
of the sites is the dominance of
ceramics in their assemblages. This
phenomenon has also been previously
commented on for the eighteenth century
sites of Spanish St. Augustine and
Pensacola (Deagan 1983:231-234), for
the sixteenth century site of Santa
Elena (South 1980:21), and for Spanish
colonial material culture in general
(Fairbanks 1973:141-142). It is
clearly an identifiable Spanish coloni-
al material pattern, and is distinct
from patterns of ceramic use character-
istic of British colonial sites (Noel
Hume 1970; South 1977:126-131;
Honerkamp 1980:88-89, 143-144).

Another distinctive element in the
Spanish assemblages of St. Augustine is
the dominence of Indian pottery in the
ceramic group, in contexts and sooted
conditions clearly indicating food
preparation functions. This situation,
found at St. Augustine and Santa Elena,
provides evidence for at least one
adaptive measure used by the Spanish
colonists. Indian foods and food
preparation technology were incorporat-
ed into the Spanish households either
through trade or the presence of Indian
women from the earliest days of the
colony. This phenomenon increased in
intensity through time in St.
Augustine. In the seventeenth century,
Indian ceramics constituted 66% of the
overall ceramic assemblage (King
1984:78) and in the eighteenth century
76% (Deagan 1983:236). The domestic
contexts of sixteenth century Santa


Elena also contain large amounts of
Indian ceramics (48.16% of all ceram-
ics; South 1981:64-65). As in St.
Augustine, the Indian ceramics are not
distributed evenly through all site
areas, suggesting that they reflect
behavioral or functional differences
(South 1981:77-79).

The Indian ceramics found in sixteenth
century St. Augustine can be grouped
generally under three headings. St.
Johns ware (Griffin 1945) is a chalky
pottery commonly associated with the
historic Timucua Indians in the
vicinity of St. Augustine and elsewhere
(Goggin 1952). It occurs in plain and
check stamped varieties, and
constitutes 52.95% of the Indian
pottery in Spanish domestic contexts.
Within this group of St. Johns pottery,
35.88% is plain and 64.12% is check
stamped, suggesting a preference on the
part of Spanish households for the
stamped ceramics. This provides an
important contrast to the distribution
of St. Johns ceramics at the con-
temporary sixteenth century Timucua
site at the Fountain of Youth Park,
adjacent to St. Augustine (Merritt
1977, 1983, 1984). At the Indian site,
St. Johns ceramics comprised 72.69% of
the aboriginal ceramics. The propor-
tions of stamped to plain wares,
however, were reversed from those in
the Spanish community. At the Fountain
of Youth Park site, 40.54% of the St.
Johns ceramics were stamped, while
59.46% were plain (Merritt 1983:141-
143). This has been suggested as an
indication of preference by the
Spaniards for Indian pottery speci-
fically for cooking wares, thus
selecting the functionally more
efficient stamped ceramics (Herron
1977).

Other types of sixteenth century
aboriginal ceramics were present both
in St. Augustine and at the Fountain of
Youth Park site. At the Spanish site,
nearly half (47.05%) of the aboriginal
ceramics were of types not known at the
time of contact in northeast Florida,


ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


DEAGAN





ITEM


ST. AUGUSTINE
16TH century
# z


Majolica
Hispanic
earthenware
Other Euro.
Aboriginal
(T. CERAMIC)
Other Kitchen
(T. KITCHEN)

ARCHITECTURE
FURNITURE
ARMS
CLOTHING
ACTIVITIES
PERSONAL
TOBACCO


TOTAL


612

3854
15
5547
(9928)
158
(10086)

593
9
41
46
25
4
0


5.67

35.67
.14
50.42
(91.90)
1.46
(93.36)

5.43
.08
.38
.43
.23
.04
0


10804


STA.
16th
#

1836

5023
83
6709*
(13651)
47
(13698)

1537
21
346
189
246
14
19


EIENA ST.
century 18th
% #

11.43 1889


31.26
.52
41.75
(84.95)
.29
(85.24)

9.56
.13
2.15
1.18
1.53
.09
.12


16070


1552
1436
15485
(20362)
1307
(21670)

1702
11
53
130
52
49
188


23855


NOTES; *The figures in this table are taken from South (1981:64-65; 1983: Tables 1, 2,
4:27-28, 31). Certain changes have been made in the organization of the Santa Elena data
as originally presented in order permit comparison between the St. Augustine and Santa
Elena data. These are indicated as follows.

* 1. Aboriginal wares are classified by South as "Indian activities" and placed in a
separate category. They have been included here in the Kitchen group to permit
comparison.

2. The activities group for Santa Elena originally included 509 "miscellaneous items",
including metal fragments (South 1981:59). Metal fragments or unidentifiable metal
objects were placed in a separate category during analysis of the St. Augustine
material, and not included in the statistical analyses. This difference in
classification may acccount for some of the variation between the Santa Elena and
St. Augustine materials in the activities group.


Table 4. Comparative data: St. Augustine and Santa Elena.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


ALGUSTIMN
century
%


7.92

6.50
6.02
64.91
(85.35)
5.48
(90.72)

7.13
.05
.22
.54
.22
.20
.79


(38, 1985)





and most of these non-local types are
believed to have been associated with
the Guale Indians of the Georgia and
South Carolina coastal region. There
are certain problems associated with
the classification of these ceramics
due to the absence of consensus on
typology among researchers working in
this period, as well as the currently
rapid accumulation of new data on the
sixteenth century Southeast.
Therefore, much of the non-local
aboriginal pottery from sixteenth
century St. Augustine has been
classified by attributes rather than
type names when doubt existed. A more
detailed discussion of the non-local
aboriginal wares in sixteenth century
St. Augustine can be found in Piatek
(this issue).

The most abundant of the non-local
wares is what we refer to as San Marcos
pottery. We are very familiar with
this ware from the seventeeth and
eighteenth century contexts in St.
Augustine, where San Marcos constitutes
the major element in the ceramic
assemblages. Sherds were classified as
San Marcos when we were unable to
identify any attribute that did not
fall within the range of published type
descriptions and analyses of the type
(Smith 1948; Otto and Lewis 1974). San
Marcos is a sand and grit tempered
ware, either plain or stamped, most
commonly in a rectilinear pattern, or
less commonly in a curvilinear pattern.
Cross simple stamping and line block
stamping are the most common patterns
(Figure 10). Exterior folded rims are
typical, and in earlier examples are
vertically pinched or punctated, while
later examples are usually encircled by
scalloped half-reed punctates. San
Marcos pottery accounts for 35.84% of
the aboriginal assemblage, and of this
42.21% is plain and 57.79% is stamped.

San Marcos pottery is also present at
the Fountain of Youth Park site, where
it constitutes 25.74% of the aboriginal
ceramic assemblage (Merritt 1983:141-
143). The presence of this ware in the


sixteenth century contexts of both the
Indian and Spanish settlements of St.
Augustine may reflect Indian population
movements and consolidation at a very
early period as a result of Spanish
mission and tribute policy, as well as
from population decline as a result of
disease (see Dobyns 1983).

A variety of other non-local Indian
ceramics is consistently present in
sixteenth century St. Augustine,
including the ware known as Altamaha
(Caldwell 1971:91). There is con-
siderable overlap between ceramics
classified as Altamaha and those
classified as San Marcos; however, in
the classification of the material from
St. Augustine those sherds that exhib-
ited a combination of stampling and
incising, or a folded rim encircled by
whole reed punctates, were classified
as Altamaha. It is conceivable that
these classifications will be revised
in the future.

In addition to the Altamaha wares,
various incised and stamped wares
indicated in Table 1 were present in
St. Augustine. These are treated
elsewhere in detail (Piatek this
issue), but it should be pointed out
that both these wares and the Altamaha
wares are extremely similar to the
aboriginal pottery at Santa Elena,
which South classifies as "Chicora
ware" (South 1973; 1981:60). In St.
Augustine these wares constitute 11.22%
of the Indian pottery, while in the
domestic contexts of Santa Elena they
comprise 93.44% of the Indian pottery
(South 1981:64-65; 1983:27-28). The
other 6.56% of the Indian pottery at
Santa Elena is made up of St. Johns
ceramics, the dominant local ware in
St. Augustine. Clearly the reversed
positions of "Chicora ware" and St.
Johns wares at the two Spanish communi-
ties reflect both the dominant availa-
ble local ceramic tradition at each
site (Chicora at Santa Elena and St.
Johns at St. Augustine), as well as
those non-local ceramics entering the
archaeological contexts of the towns


ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


DEAGAN





through other means such as trade,
transport of supplies or tribute.

European ceramic wares in sixteenth
century St. Augustine are considerably
more varied than non-European ceramics,
and originate from Spain, Italy,
Mexico, Germany, and China. The
majority of the ceramics identified as
tableware are of Spanish or Mexican
majolica, a tin-enamelled earthenware
that was produced throughout the
colonial era and before (see Goggin
1968; Lister and Lister 1982) (Figure
11). The most frequently occurring
majolicas in the town are Columbia
Plain (29% of majolica) and Ligurian or
Ichtucknee Blue on Blue (18.6% of
majolica), with 10.3% of the majolica
made up of Mexican wares produced at
least as early as 1575 (Lister and
Lister 1982). These Mexico City
varieties include Fig Springs poly-
chrome (also known as San Juan poly-
chrome), San Luis Blue and White, and
Mexico City White (Lister and Lister
1982). Forms of these wares include
saucers, plates, pitchers and bowls.

Another variety of ceramics which
served tableware or decorative func-
tions is oriental porcelain, which
comprises 0.14% of all ceramics (Table
1; Figure 12). The 14 porcelain sherds
from sixteenth century contexts are all
Ming porcelain, probably entering St.
Augustine via Veracruz through the
Manila Galleon trade, which was estab-
lished with the Phillipines In 1573
(Schurz 1939). It should be noted,
however, that Spanish colonies in the
Caribbean obtained oriental porcelain
prior to this date through the Portu-
guese trade with China. One sherd of
Cologne stoneware, a brown, molded,
salt-glazed stoneware produced in
Germany and best known in the bellar-
mine form (Noel Hume 1970:227), was
recovered from the sixteenth century
context (Figure 12). This ware is also
known from other Spanish colonial sites
of the same period, such as Puerto
Real, Haiti (Willis 1984), and reflects


the Spanish-German economic connections
institutionalized by the Hapsburg Kings
(see Elliot 1963).

Other non-utilitarian ceramics of
probable Spanish origin include Orange
micaceous ware (Council 1975), Feldspar
inlaid redware (Fairbanks 1965),
Mexican red-filmed ware (Smith 1949),
and a variety of lead-glazed coarse
earthenware with red paste, probably
produced in the New World (Figure 12).

The greatly majority of European
ceramics, however, is comprised of
large course earthenware vessels used
for such utilitarian purposes as
cooling, washing, storage and chamber-
pots. Olive jars, used for storage and
transport (Goggin 1960), are the most
common of these, and only one example
of an early style jar has been recov-
ered in St. Augustine (early style jars
were believed by Goggin to have per-
sisted until about 1580, when they were
replaced by the familiar ring-necked
middle style). It is probable that the
transition date for middle style jars
was actually around 1570. Twenty-three
percent of the olive jar fragments were
from interior-glazed vessels. Olive
utilitarian earthenwares were glazed or
unglazed storage jars, basins, or tall,
cylindrical vessels known as bacines
and used as chamberpots (see Lister and
Lister 1983) (Figure 13).

Other than ceramics, the material
assemblage of the town was meager and
relatively unvaried. Kitchen items
dominate the assemblage, and in addi-
tion to ceramics, included a few
fragments of glass (only four were
ornamental and none have been identi-
fied as Venetian in origin), basalt
manos for grinding corn, and an iron
knife blade. Evidence for clothing
includes primarily buckle fragments,
straight pins and aglets, which are
small brass tubes that served as lacing
tips (Figure 14). Only three buttons
have been recovered from sixteenth
century contexts, and these were all


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)






from the last decade of the century,
suggesting that clothing was typically
laced together rather than buttoned.

Personal and ornamental items are
equally scarce in the material assem-
blage (Table 1). A single glass bead,
a single bone bead and a fragmentof a
black, bead-like glass pendant
constitute this category. Only two
coins have been recovered, and these
were both copper marivedis, a low
denomination coin minted in the New
World (Figure 15).

Evidence for military activity and
defense is best reflected by the lock
from a matchlock musket (Figure 16),
which might have been of local manufac-
ture (M.L. Brown, personal communica-
tion, Tampa, Florida 1980). Leadshot
and iron hardware believed to have been
related to a weapon were also present.

Craft, leisure and other activity
related items are scarce. Two items of
carved wood were recovered from a well:
a fid or awl (Figure 17) and an unfin-
ished piece of what appeared to be a
spatula. An aboriginal chert scraper
was re-used by a Spaniard as a strike-
a-lite for producing sparks, and a
sherd disc made from an olive jar
fragment may have been used as a gaming
disc.

Intersite Variability

In general, the material assemblage
from sixteenth century St. Augustine
suggests an impoverished material life,
except for the international ceramic
assemblage. Very little is present to
indicate leisure, luxury, or wealth.
Nevertheless, even within this very
restricted and limited range of materi-
al elements, it is possible to detect
significant distinctions among the
households in the sample, and these
distinctions are believed to reflect
differences in economic status. "Upper
status" in sixteenth century St.
Augustine probably did not resemble
"upper status" in other, more economi-


cally independent Spanish colonies such
as Puerto Real, Haiti (MacEwan 1982) or
Nueva Cadiz, Venezuela (Willis 1976).
In those sites an abundance of luxury
items like Venetian glassware, jewelry
and money was present. In St.
Augustine, differences are reflected
not in the kinds of items found, but
rather in the proportions of elements
to one another in the individual
households of the town.

The clearest indices of distinction
among households are the relative
proportions of majolica and aboriginal
ceramics in their assemblages. Aborig-
inal wares range from 39.79% to 58.2%
of the assemblages (Figure 18). The
highest proportion of these is from
site SA-36-4, and the lowest from SA-
34-2. When the incidence of Spanish
majolica in the assemblage is plotted
in the same way, it can be seen that
this is reversed, with SA-36-4 having
the lowest proportion of majolica, and
SA-34-3 the highest (Figure 18). The
two sites in between, SA-26-1 and SA-
34-1, are clearly distinct in their
proportions of aboriginal ceramics (SA-
26-1 having the lower amount), but are
very similar in their proportions of
majolica (SA-26-1 has 0.3% less than
SA-34-1).


We may interpret these patterns by
reference to the patterns found on the
eighteenth century sites of St.
Augustine. Those sites are well
documented as to the income and occupa-
tion of the inhabitants, and the same
ranking exercise as above was per-
formed on them to determine the rela-
tionships between economic status and
material patterning (Poe 1978; Deagan
1983:Chapter 10). In eighteenth
century St. Augustine, sites fell into
a rank order with income having a
perfect positive correlation with the
proportion of Spanish majolica in the
assemblages, and a corresponding
negative correlation with the propor-
tion of aboriginal wares. Using this
as an analogy, we can suggest that in


ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


DEAGAN









88
4.. 8~
,;1z *'


c 2 3 4 5 6 7 9 0

centlmet (r8


--




k,
EF
5
~ip~ts~


G


K> ^R.Ji
/(." -ir-f.


Figure 10.


Aboriginal ceramics from sixteenth century St. Augustine contexts:
A) St. Johns Check Stamped; B-C) San Marcos Stamped; D) Lamar-like
Bold Incised; E) Grit-tempered incised ware; F-G) Ocmulgee Fields
Incised; H-I) Altamaha Stamped Incised.


*A

.-


41-8
/^ ^-


L


4


1rN
if-


K


\ E~t


c 2 ntim4 r9

Centime.ters


TIP


Spanish and Mexican ceramics from sixteenth century St. Augustine contexts:
A) Columbia Plain; B) Santo Domingo Blue crn White; C) San Luis Blue on
White; D) Isabela Polychrome (manganese, blue and white); E) Fig Springs
Polychrome (yellow, blue and white); F-G) Ligurian Blue on Blue.


', I



5.


4\,I -- '4I.*
D--


~r, ~


N


Figure 11.








B


2 3 4 6 centimeter 8 9 10
centimeters


Figure 12.


European and Oriental ceramics from sixteenth century St. Augustine
contexts: A) Feldspar inlaid redware; B-C) Orange micaceous ware;
D) Pisan slipware (brown/rust/yellow/cream/ on red paste); E) Molded
Mexican red-filmed earthenware; F) Brown Cologne stoneware; G-E) Ming
porcelain.


*1


/ ;


/
7


- --I


Figure 13. Redware bacin or chamberpot. Height: 32 cm.
(Photo by J. Quine).


3, '
L".. "* .\
,- _: .


H

o 'w

\ '^


/\
' '



















SA 26-1


Figure 14.


Brass lacing tips or anglets from sixteenth century St.
Augustine, Florida (Photo by J. Quine).


centimeters


Figure 15.


Copper marivedis from sixteenth century St. Augustine, Florida
(Photo by M. Williams).


4


CM


0


2


3 4


AA

















14





I A







* .', I
II(


Figure 16.


Lockpiece from a matchlock musket from sixteenth century St. Augustine, Florida. Length:

17.2 cm (Photo courtesy of Florida Department of State, Division of Archives, History and

Records Management, Research and Conservation Lab in Tallahassee).


Figure 17.


Wooden objects from sixteenth century wells in St. Augustine, Florida. Top. Wood awl,

length: 12cm; Bottom. Wood spatula, length: 26.6 cm.


~--- --"irrrrr~-


^ \^
'v .
li


-+"f


*" -*.w


J.


i
-- --
-- -














(23)


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


of types)


(#
25

23
21
19
17
15
13
11
9
7

5
3
1


(22)


(18)


34-2 26-1 34-1 36-4


(% of ceramics)
60 58.07% 5820%



50

41.80%
39.97%
40



30



20
Aboriginal
e3 Majolica
10 7.78% 4
7 5.4% 5.7%
1 H HI 4.1%



34-2 26-1 34-1 36-4

Figure 18. Comparison of material assemblages in sixteenth
century St. Augustine sites. (Upper) Comparison
of sites by number of imported ceramic types.
(Lower) Comparison of household assemblages.


(38, 1985)


(22)






sixteenth century St. Augustine, the
sample sites may be ranked in economic
status in the following order, from
highest to lowest: SA-34-2; SA-26-1;
SA-34-1B and SA-36-4.

This interpretation is supported by
another index of differentiation in the
"Other kitchen item" group. This is
composed of non-ceramic kitchen related
items, including glassware, utensils,
manos and other imported items. When
the sites are ranked by the percentage
in their assemblages of non-ceramic
kitchen wares, they fall in the same
rank order as the majolica orderings
and the opposite order from the aborig-
inal ranking. SA-34-2 has the highest
percentage (2.33%), followed by SA-26-1
(1.83%), SA-34-1 (1.19%) and SA-36-4
(0.79%) (Figure 18).

The number of different imported
ceramic varieties found at a site may
also provide an index of social differ-
entiation. When the St. Augustine
sites are ranked according to the
number of imported ceramic varieties in
their assemblages, they fall in the
same rank order when ordered by the
percentage of majolica or imported
kitchen ware (Figure 18).

The material assemblage items that do
not fall into the kitchen activity
category do not serve as satisfactory
indices of variability in the communi-
ty. Their numbers are in general too
small to permit manipulation, and all
of the sites are remarkably similar in
the proportions of their assemblages
comprised by non-kitchen items (SA-34-2
has 6.3%; SA-26-1 has 6.6%; SA-34-1B
has 6.2%; and SA-36-4 has 6.2%). The
small numbers in these categories also
render these groups more sensitive to
variations and biases in sampling and
recovery, and, as such, are not relia-
ble indices of intersite social varia-
tion in this case.

Conclusions

The archaeological patterns associated
with domestic sites of sixteenth


century St. Augustine provide us with a
detailed depiction of the first suc-
cessful European colonists in the
continental United States. This is
furthermore a depiction that could not
have been achieved through documentary
sources alone. The material life of
those colonists was highly distinct
from that of the early Anglo-American
colonists in the Southeastern United
States. Distinctions are most apparent
in the dominance of ceramic items in
the material assemblage, in the rigid
organization of space by a formal
sixteenth century Iberian template, and
in the immediate and significant
incorporation of Native American food
preparation and dietary elements into
the Spanish households. This latter
circumstance appears also to have been
a very important element in both the
survival of the first Spaniards in
Florida, and in the development of the
distinctive criollo culture
present in the eighteenth century town
(see Shephard 1983).

Also, as in the eighteenth century
community, variability among the
households as reflected in their
material remains is most clearly
defined in the kitchen activity assem-
blage, largely because this group
accounts for more than 93% of the total
assemblage. The four sites in the
sixteenth century sample fall into a
predictable rank order when arranged by
the proportions of majolica in their
assemblages. That is, the sites with
the highest and lowest proportions of
majolica respectively will be in the
reverse order with respect to the
proportions of aboriginal ceramics in
the assemblage. They will fall into
the same order as the majolica ranking
when ordered by the number of imported
ceramic types in their assemblages. By
reference to the baseline sites of the
eighteenth century, which have specific
documentation concerning the social and
economic affiliations of those sites,
we may suggest that variations in the
sixteenth century assemblages used in
this study are due primarily to econom-
ic factors. This is also supported in


ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


DEAGAN






the faunal records of the sites (see
Reitz this issue).

The non-kitchen assemblages of sixteeth
century St. Augustine are poor both
quantitatively and qualitatively,
reflecting only the barest necessities
of Europoean life on the frontier.
Items of personal or household ornamen-
tation or of leisure activities are
notably absent, and the assemblage
consists primarily of objects related
to shelter, clothing, defense and food
procurement. This is in sharp contrast
to such wealthier Spanish colonies in
the Caribbean as Puerto Real or Nueva
Cadiz.

The accuracy of this archaeological
depiction of sixteenth century colonial
life in Florida is reinforced by
comparison to the assemblage recovered
by Stanley South from the sixteenth
century domestic contexts of Santa
Elena, St. Augustine's "sister city,"
which dates to between 1566 and 1587
(data is from South 1981:64-65;
1983:27-28, 31). Only that material
from the excavations in the domestic
areas of the town was used here for
comparison. Table 4 compares the
material remains of the two towns, and
reveals a strong similarity in their
assemblages. Because St. Augustine and
Santa Elena were supplied from the same
sources, and were part of the same
military and administrative unit, the
similarity in their archaeological
assemblages is not unexpected. South
(1981:30-31; 1983:29) has suggested
that such similarity existed on the
basis of preliminary data from St.
Augustine, and proposed that there
existed archaeological patterning
diagnostic of sixteenth century Spanish
occupation. The data reported here
supports that suggestion, at least for
Spanish Florida.

The assemblage from Santa Elena,
however, exhibits certain interesting
differences from the St. Augustine
materials. The overall Santa Elena
assemblage includes a higher proportion


of majolica and a lower proportion of
aboriginal wares than does St.
Augustine's assemblage, and in fact,
the Santa Elena profile corresponds
most closely to the suggested highest
economic status site in St. Augustine
(SA-34-2).

Also suggesting a greater degree of
access to imported goods is the fact
that a considerably higher proportion
of Santa Elena's material assemblage
(14.78% as compared to St. Augustine's
6.6%) consists of non-kitchen items
(Table 4). During its brief existence,
Santa Elena was the capitol of La
Florida, and the home of Pedro Men&ndez
and other government officials and
noblemen. It was also inhabited
largely by families rather than by the
unmarried soldiers typical of St.
Augustine (Lyon 1984:4-8). A generally
more affluent and demographically
normal occupation appears to be re-
flected in the assemblage recovered by
South, although it is possible that at
least some of the observed variation is
a result of differences in site areas
sampled. Such a basis for variation is
suggested by the fact that non-ceramic
kitchen items were more than five times
as frequent at St. Augustine that at
Santa Elena, where only 47 glass
fragments were recovered in that
category (South 1981:65-66; 1983:27-
28). Because of the considerable
amount of variation between the two
sites in other non-ceramic categories,
it is possible that the Santa Elena
excavations were concentrated more
heavily in living areas than in food
preparation or secondary refuse dispos-
al areas, and that the opposite was
true of the St. Augustine sample.

The pattern of Spanish colonial adapta-
tion revealed at St. Augustine and
Santa Elena changed slightly through
time, probably reflecting certain well-
documented changes in the social and
economic lives of the Florida colo-
nists. Table 4 presents the overall
assemblage of the eighteenth century
sites of the town, which shows a


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)






dramatic decrease in non-majolica
Hispanic earthenwares, and a corre-
sponding increase in the use of Indian
ceramics. The crystalization of a
criollo culture with a substantial
mestizo component may be indicated in
the increasing acceptance and incorpo-
ration of aboriginal food preparation
technology through time.

Other changes include an increase in
the amount of glassware in the colony,
reflected in the increased "other
kitchen items" category. Enormous
quantities of English, French and
German glassware were shipped to the
colonies during the eighteenth century
through Seville; however, prior to that
time glassware was not an important
utilitarian container category on
Spanish colonial sites (Deagan in
press:Ch.6). Personal and tobacco
related items also increased by the
eighteenth century, reflecting the
participation of non-Hispanic merchants
and sources in the supply of goods to
Florida after 1700 (See Deagan 1983:34-
39).

Other than these material changes
resulting from shifts in European
economic policies and practices, the
basic pattern of Spanish colonial life
in Florida appears to have been quite
conservative, unlike the evolution of
Anglo-American culture in New England
suggested by Deetz (1977). An emphasis
on ceramic and kitchen related elements
in the material life of the colony
persisted, as did the continuing and
increasing incorporation of Native
American elements in those areas. The
use of space and architectural practic-
es remained unchanged through the
centuries, as did the burial patterns
reflected in the sixteenth, seventeenth
and eighteenth century burials (Cabal-
lero and Zierden 1979; Koch 1983).

The major gap in our understanding of
the sixteenth century community in St.
Augustine, both archaeologically and
documentarily, is in the area of Black
and Indian involvement in and contribu-


tions to the life of the town. No site
occupied by these people, other than
the excavations at the Fountain of
Youth Park, has been systematically
investigated, and this remains a
primary goal in the ongoing historical
archaeological study of Spanish St.
Augustine.

References Cited

Bradley, Chad
1977 Field Report on 1977 excavations at
the DeLeon Site (SA-26-1), St.
Augustine. Field report on file,
Historic St. Augustine Preservation
Board, St. Augustine.

Bushnell, Amy
1981 The King's Coffer. Gaineville:
University Presses of Florida.

1983 Cross, pole and banner: The balance
of power in the provinces of
seventeenth century Florida. Paper
presented at the Southern Historical
Association meetings, Memphis.

Caballero, Olga and Martha Zierden
1979 Report on Burial Excavations at
site SA-28-1, St. Augustine
Preservation Board, St. Augustine.

Caldwell, Joseph
1971 Chronology of Georgia Coast. South-
eastern Archaeological Conference
Bulletin 13:88-92.

Chatelain, Verne
1941 The Defenses of Spanish Florida,
1565-1763. Washington, D.C.:
Carnegie Institute Publication 511.

Council, R. Bruce
1976 Archeology of the Convento de San
Fransisco. Unpublished MA thesis,
University of Florida,
Gainvesville.

Crouch, Dora, Daniel Garr and Axel Mandingo
1982 Spanish City Planning in the New
World. Cambridge: The MIT Press.

Deagan, Kathleen
1973 Mestizaje in colonial St.
Augustine. Ethnohistory 20:55-65.

1978a Cultures in transition:
assimilation and fusion among the
Eastern Timucua. In Tacachale
edited by J.T. Milanich and S.
Proctor. Gaineville: University
Presses of Florida. pp. 89-119.
1978b The material assemblage of
sixteenth century Spanish Florida.
Historical Archaeology 12:25-50.

1981a Downtown survey: the discovery of
sixteenth century St. Augustine in
an urban area. American Antiquity
46:626-633.


ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


DEAGAN









1981b The town plan of sixteenth century
St. Augustine: the archaeological
evidence. Project report on file,
St. Augustine Restoration
Foundation, Inc., St. Augustine.

1983 Spanish St. Augustine. The
archeology of a colonial creole
community. New York: Academic
Press.

1985 Spanish-Indian interactions in
sixteenth century Florida and
Hispaniola. Chapter 10 in The
impact of European societies on
Native American cultural
institutions in eastern North
American and Greenland: AD 1000-
1800. Edited by W. Fithugh.
Washington D.C.: Anthropological
Society of Washington.

In press Artifacts of the Spanish
colonies: Florida and the
Caribbean (Volume 1: Ceramics and
glass). Gainesville University
Presses of Florida.

Deetz, James
1977 In small things forgotten. New
York: Doubleday-Anchor Books.

Dobyns, Henry
1983 Their numbers become thinned.
Knoxville: University of Tennessee
Press.

Elliot, John H.
1963 Imperial Spain, 1469-1716.
Harmondsworth, England: Penguin
Books.

Fairbanks, Charles H.
1965 A Feldspar-inlaid ceramic type from
Spanish colonial sites. American
Antiquity 31(3): 430- 432.

1973 The cultural significance of Spanish
ceramics. In Ceramics in America
edited by I. Quimby.
Charlottesville: University of
Virginia Press. pp. 141-174.

Gannon, Michael V.
1965 The cross in the sand.
Gainesville: University of Florida
Press.

Goggin, John M.
1952 Space and time perspective in
northern St. Johns archeology,
Florida. Yale University
Publications in Anthropology, 47
New Haven: Yale University Press.

1960 The Spanish olive jar: an
introductory study. Yale
University Publications in
Anthropology 62. New Haven: Yale
University Press.

1968 Spanish majolica in the new world.
Yale University Publications in
Anthropology 72. New Haven: Yale
University Press.


Griffin, James B.
1945 The significance of the fibre-
tempered pottery of the St. Johns
area in Florida. Washington
Academy of Sciences Journal
35(7):218-223).

Haring, Clarence
1918 Trade and navigation between Spain
and the Indies during the time of
the Hapsburgs. Cambridge: Harvard
Press.

Herron, Mary
1977 A formal and functional analysis of
St. Johns ceramics from two sites
in St. Augustine. Unpublished
senior Honor's Thesis, Department of
Anthropology, Florida State
University, Tallahassee.

Hoffman, Paul
1980 The Spanish crown and the defense
of the Caribbean, 1535-1585. Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University
Press.

Honerkamp, Nicholas
1980 Frontier process in 18th century
colonial Georgia: An archeological
approach. Unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, University of
Florida, Gainesville.

Jones, Grant
1978 The ethnohistory of the Guale coast
through 1684. In The Anthropology
of St. Catherine's Island. 1.
Natural and cultural history.
Anthropological papers of the
American Musuem of Natural History
55, pt.2 pp. 178-209. New York.

King, Julia
1984 Ceramic variability in 17th century
St. Augustine, Florida.Historical
Archaeology 18(2):75-82.

Koch, Joan K.
1983 Mortuary behavior patterning and
physical anthropology in colonial
St. Augustine. In Spanish St.
Augustine by K. Deagan. New York:
Academic Press. pp. 187-230.

Planning, John T.
1936 The Spanish missions of Georgia.
Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press.

Larson, Lewis
1978 Historic Guale Indians of the
Georgia coast and the impact of the
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edited by J.T. Milanich and S.
Proctor. Gainesville: University
Presses of Florida. pp. 120-140.

Lister, Florence and Robert Lister
1974 Maiolica in colonial Spanish
America. Historical Archaeology
8:17-50.

1982 Sixteenth century majolica pottery in
the valley of Mexico.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)





Anthropological Papers of the
University of Arizona. 3. Tucson:
University of Arizona Press.

1983 One Pot's Pedigree. In Collected
papers in honor of Charlie R.
Steen, Jr. Papers of the
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Mexico, Albuquerque.

Lyon, Eugene
1976 The enterprise of Florida.
Gainesville: University Presses of
Florida.


1977 St. Augustine 1580: the living
community. El Escribano 14:20-33.
St. Augustine Historical Society.

1984 Santa Elena: A brief history of the
colony 1566-1587. Institute of
Archeology and Anthropology Research
Manuscript Series 193. Columbia,
S.C.

MacEwan, Bonnie G.
1982 Spanish colonial adaptations on
Hispaniola: The archeology of area
35, Puerto Real. Unpublished
MA thesis, University of Florida,
Gainesville.

Manucy, Albert
1977 The town plan for St. Augustine
1580. Unpublished manuscript on
file, St. Augustine Restoration
Foundation, Inc., St. Augustine.

Merritt, J. Donald
1977 Excavations of a coastal Eastern
Timucua village in northeast
Florida. Unpublished MA thesis,
Florida State University,
Tallahassee.

1983 Beyond the town walls: the
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1984 Excavations at an Eastern Timucua
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Southeastern Archeological
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1970 A guide to the artifacts of
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Otto, John Soloman and Russell Lamar Lewis
1974 A Formal and Functional Analysis of
San Marcos Pottery from Site SA16-
23, St. Augustine. Bureau of
Historic Sites and Properties
Bulletin #4. Tallahassee: Florida
Department of State.

Poe, Charles
1978 Status variability in 18th century
criollo culture in St. Augustine.
Paper presented at the Society for
Historical Archaeology meetings,
Nashville, Tennessee.

Ribault, Jean
1563 The whole and true discoveries
of Terra Florida. Gainesville:
University of Florida Press.
(Facsimile reprint, 1964).


St. Augustine Historical Society (SAHS)
n.d. Parish records of the Cathedral of
St. Augustine, 1594-1763.
Microfilm, photostat and
transcription. St. Augustine
Historical Society, St. Augustine.

Schurz, William L
1939 The Manila Galleon, New York: E.P.
Dutton.

Shephard, Steven
1983 The Spanish criollo majority in
colonial St. Augustine. In Spanish
St. Augustine edited by K. Deagan.
New York: Academic Press pp. 65-97.

Smith, Hale G.
1948 Two historical archeological
periods in Florida. American
Antiquity 13:313-319.

1949 Two historical archeological sites in
Brevard County, Florida. Florida
Anthropological Society Publication
Number 1.

South, Stanley
1973 Indian pottery taxonomy for the
South Carolina coast. In "A
Reviewer's Note" by L. Ferguson.
Institute of Archeology and
Anthropology Notebook 5(2).
Columbia.

1977 Method and theory in historical
archeology. New York: Academic
Press.

1980 The discovery of Santa Elena.
Institute of Archeology and
Anthropology Research Manuscript
Series 165. Columbia.

1981 Exploring Santa Elena. Institute of
Archeology and Anthropology
Research Manuscript Series 184.
Columbia.

1983 Revealing Santa Elena. Institute of
Archeology and Anthropology
Research Manuscript Series 188.
Columbia.

Vernon, Richard
1980 Field report on 1980 excavations at
the Trinity site, SA-34-1, St.
Augustine. Project report on file,
Historic St. Augustine Preservation
Board, St. Augustine.

Willis, Raymond
1976 The archeology of 16th century
Nueva Cadiz. Unpublished MA
thesis, University of Florida,
Gainesville.

1984 Empire and architecture at 16th
century Puerto Real, Hispaniola: an
archeological perspective. Ph.D.
dissertation, University of
Florida. Ann Arbor: University
microfilms.


Kathleen Deagan
Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611


ARCHAEOLOGY OF ST. AUGUSTINE


DEAGAN







THE PHYSICAL SETTING OF SIXTEENTH CENTURY ST. AUGUSTINE


Albert Manucy


Introduction


The study of sixteenth century St.
Augustine over the past decade has been
both an academic and a practical
applied undertaking. Initiated by the
St. Augustine Restoration Foundation,
Inc., at the impetus of chairman
Lawrence Lewis, the project has sup-
ported scholarly research in history,
historical architecture, the archaeolo-
gy and anthropology of this first
permanent European settlement in the
continental United States.

The results of this research are
intended not only to add to the data
bank of knowledge in history and
anthropology, but also to interpret
that knowledge to a wide audience.
Specifically, the program has been
intended to "interpret sixteenth
century life in St. Augustine by
reconstructing elements of the early
settlement, by depicting the lifestyle
of the people, and by indicating
relationships internal and external
which gave the colony its character and
permanence" (Manucy 1977b:2).

In this process, archaeology has been a
primary source of information about the
physical details of life in the colony.
These details, when combined with the
historical documentation recovered by
Drs. Eugene Lyon and Paul Hoffman from
the archives of Seville, permit us to
reconstruct and interpret the lifeways
of sixteenth century St. Augustine.

The intent of this paper is to summa-
rize some of the historical and anthro-
pological information relevant to the
physical setting of sixteenth century
St. Augustine, and in this way, recon-

Vol. 38 Numbers 1-2 Part 1


struct the use and organization of the
landscape by the early colonists.

Cartographic and Documentary
Descriptions


The earliest known map of St. Augustine
is the pictorial representation by
Boazio, a member of Francis Drake's
expedition in 1586 (Figure 1; Kraus
1970:49). Although this view is
probably somewhat modified and embel-
lished by the engraver, as a picture of
the town before its destruction by
Drake it seems to establish several
important points about the physical
appearance of the settlement.

The core of the town is delineated as a
grid of nine rectangular blocks (Figure
2). While this core cannot be matched
precisely with the existing street
layout, archaeological work has shown
that the eight-block area bounded by
Artillery Lane, St. George, Bridge, and
Marine Streets is apparently central to
the sixteenth century European occupa-
tion (Deagan 1981a). Consequently,
discrepancies between the Boazio sketch
and the present block plan are probably
due to factors such as the accuracy of
Boazio's observations, the artistic
license taken by the engraver and, of
course, physical changes in street and
block layouts since 1586.

Dwellings and fences are along the
street edges, so that the interior of
each block is quite open except for
trees and perhaps gardens. Most of the
dwellings are single-story height,
small structures. Many appear almost as
row houses, or at least are sited very
close together. Roofs are gabled, some
possibly hipped. Along the bay shore


March-June, 1985


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST




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Figure 2. Detail from The Boazio Engraving, 1586. Photostat, St. Augustine Historical Society.


*i);






east of the core blocks are two addi-
tional blocks or rows of small dwell-
ings, plus three domed structures that
are undoubtedly out of the engravers
imagination.

Among other structures shown north of
the core blocks are (m) a sizeable
"towne house," (n) a scaffold-like
watchtower, and (o) the church, at the
northeast corner of the core (Figure
2). Cultivated areas appear just north
and west of the core blocks.

One other early map dated 1595 has
relevance to St. Augustine, although it
postdates the 1586 destruction of the
town by some nine years. This is the
"Mapa del Pueblo...de San Agustin"
(Chatelain 1946:Map 4), and depicts a
portion of the settlement, its fortifi-
cation, a nearby Indian village, the
bay and adjacent waterways, and the
character of the terrain, whether
forest, field, or marsh (Figure 3).
Most importantly for interpreting early
housing, the town and Indian village
structures are sketched in considerable
detail, showing form, fenestration and,
to some degree, even function and
materials.

Five of the town buildings are repre-
sented. Walling for all seems to be
vertical boarding, nailed at top,
center and bottom. Gable ends are also
boarded. All roofs are gabled and
thatched. Hold-downs are laid over the
thatch at intervals, consisting simply
of two poles with their upper ends
crossed, and lashed together at the
roof ridge. One pole extends from
ridge to eave on one slope of the roof,
while the other lies similarly on the
opposite slope. According to the
sketches, the roof slopes were steep:
from 550 to 650, which is probably
excessive.

The sketches show door openings (one
with a round head) and doors (mostly
two-leaf), but no windows except a
shuttered vent in the church gable, and
several cannon embrasures in the


guardhouse. The "general's house,"
which is represented as about the same
size as the church, appears to have an
outside stair leading to a balcony on
the gable, with entry to the garret via
a door through the gable.

Of 11 structures in the Indian village
(called "Nombre de Dios" by the map-
maker), 5 are walled with an indetermi-
nate material. The others, including a
large domed building, two smaller ones,
and two beehive types, are thatch-
walled. The beehives have no demarca-
tion between wall and roof. Other
roofs seem to be hipped. All roofing
is thatch, with pole hold-downs except
on the domes. Several round-headed
doors are represented. Crosses are
shown on the rooftops of three struc-
tures.

These cartographic representations are
supplemented by various documentary
descriptions of the town, resulting
from accounts made from about 1575 to
the early years of the seventeenth
century. The earliest of these is
attributed to Dr. CAceres, probably in
1574 (CAceres 1574). This description,
although perhaps a bit overdrawn,
presents an interesting picture of a
little community set into a hostile
environment unfit for farming or
stockraising, beset by poverty and
hunger, and surviving only by hard
labor. The translation is Manucy's:


St. Augustine where the fort
and people now are...is almost
an island, surrounded by water
except for one part where they
can pass to the mainland...It
is three or four leagues long
and narrows down to half a
league and even less in some
places. Each year the sea
covers much of this land. It
is all a forest of evergreen
oaks, pines and oaks and
palmetto so filled with roots
that it cannot be cultivated,
except a part that is sandy.


PHYSICAL SETTING OF ST. AUGUSTINE


MANUCY
















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.4




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3 ',


a'
ii.
i. -


"m

,, .

* .
. ]


A ,


r4

'F


Figure 3. The Meestas map, 1595. Note the Indian village to the upper right of the fort.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


i



Br .

,El-
f;C

~i~iii~j~


, I


'r->."


kL-


(38, 1985)






There they sow maize; and of
this land the governor has
most of it and makes the
soldiers sow there for him-
self.

In St. Augustine there are
thirteen married settlers,
besides the soldiers, some of
whom are married. Each
settler will have as much land
as a medium-sized garden --
about what one man can dig
with a hoe: just enough so
that he is busy half of each
day grinding the maize to eat
that day. It cannot be kept
ground or cooked for another
day, (yet) to grind it each
day by hand is hard, continu-
ous labor.

They plant only maize and
squash because other garden
seeds do not yield well. Each
settler sows twelve and
fifteen and up to twenty
pounds of maize and no more
although once, they say, one
sowed forty or fifty pounds.
No more is sown because of
each one's having only a hoe
and being obliged to hand-
grind the food every day.
Neither is there anything that
can be done, nor does the land
have the capacity for yield
even if more work and industry
be put into it.

On the small island where the
fort was at first, which is
next to where it is now, there
are about fifty head of
cattle. They are of no use to
the people or the soldiers,
nor are they killed for eating
except when the governor wants
one. These fifty head do not
increase. If they get ready
to multiply, the calves die
for lack of food and because
of the many big horseflies and
mosquitos there, and the bears


and lions. They have no fresh
water for the stock to drink
except when it rains. There
are about fifty hogs and these
too increase little. They
have been disappearing and
will die due to not having
food nor fresh water and the
bears and lions eat them.
They have not been useful
except when the governor would
kill one for himself some-
times. They have gone and
were wandering in the woods,
so lean they are useless....

There is no land for raising
stock no other animal nor
flock of sheep nor goats nor
any other that can be eaten,
so the people have to eat only
what they fish. They raise
few hens on account of not
having (enough) maize to feed
either them or themselves.
These chickens eat small
molluscs; consequently they
taste fishy.

The fort is (built) on planks
with thick timbers for sup-
ports. It lasts four or five
years, by which time the
timbers are rotted by the damp
earth and its saltiness. The
soldiers repair it; they work
all year on this fort and
houses for the governors and
other houses. Despite all
this, many months they do not
give them rations nor pay; so,
beset by hunger and nakedness,
they have wanted to leave.
But because they have no way
to go by land nor ship to go
by sea, they have not gone.
When they do get their ra-
tions, they are not given what
his majesty orders. Half a
pound of meal is given; and as
they come in tired from work
and have to grind and cook the
food (because they do not have
anyone to do it for them),


PHYSICAL SETTING OF ST. AUGUSTINE


MANUCY






they have a bad time of it.
From this ground maize or meal
the make cakes to cook or bake
among the ashes or cinders
each time they have to eat
it....

Several statements in this description
have special significance in any
attempt to recreate the physical
setting of the colony. Trees, both as
sources of wood, and components of the
landscape, are important. The St.
Augustine peninsula was covered with
oaks (encinas and robles), pines
(pinos) and palmetto palmarr) (I have
translated palmar as palmetto thicket,
rather than palm grove). Saw palmetto
(Seronoa repens) remains a highly
conspicuous part of the coastal land-
scape, as does myrtle oak (Quercus
myrifolia). The latter is no doubt the
tree which CAceres called encina,
presumably because of its resemblance to
the evergreen holy oak (Quercus ilex)
of Spain. Myrtle oak is one of the
smaller evergreen oaks. Though stunted
and wind-shaped in exposed sites, it
grows to 40 feet in protected situa-
tions.


The floors of the forest were so matted
with root growth that planting was
impossible. Unfortunately there is no
suggestion as to the extent of the
clearing that was done in the course of
building the sixteenth century settle-
ment. Given the hard work, time and
manpower required for clearing land,
however, it is unlikely that the
townsite would have been completely
denuded of forest growth at an early
date.

There was a clearing where corn was
planted, and each settler had a medium-
size garden. Almost certainly the
clearing was an old Indian field, which
served as the town commons for communal
planting. It was here, rather than on
town lots, that the settlers had their
"medium-size" gardens, although smaller
kitchen gardens in town must also have


existed if there were a wife and the
extra energy to care for it.

Stockraising was limited to cattle and
hogs, kept on Anastasia island. For
various reasons, they did not thrive.
The truth of this statement for its
period is supported by a contemporary
source which certifies that although
numbers of sheep, goats, calves, hogs
and chickens were imported as early as
1567, most were butchered for food
(Castillo y Ahedo 1576). Some live-
stock were taken to the island; goats
were corraled and herded outside town;
chickens were apportioned among the
people. The source further states that
native game and fish were available and
essential (Castillo y Ahedo 1576). The
zooarchaeological record for sixteenth
century Florida additionally supports
these depictions, as well as providing
detailed amplification (see Reitz this
issue).

The CAceres account indicates that
heavy timbers in the fort construction
rotted after four or five years of
exposure to wet soil. Soldiers made
repairs, and also worked on housing for
the governor and others.

Timbers were in contact with the soil,
but whether as sills or posts is not
stated. Archaeological evidence,
however, clearly indicates that domes-
tic structures were regularly con-
structed using pole posts set into the
ground (see Manucy 1983:52-57; Deagan
this issue). At least one such struc-
ture used posts of oak, which were
subsequently burned and deposited in an
abandoned well where they were pre-
served until their excavation in 1978.

A second description of sixteenth
century St. Augustine is provided in
the 1595 account of Father Andres de
San Miguel (Garcia 1902). Father
Andres and his companions were ship-
wrecked. His narrative of the long
overland journey to reach his haven
comprises one of the most detailed
observations recorded for this period.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)






In the following excerpts, however, I
translate only those descriptions
relating to structures and the modes of
living in them:

In this first (Indian) town we
were lodged two days in a
great circular lodge (jacal),
built of whole pines that
lacked only the branches. The
pines, poorly debarked, were
set upright in the ground and
the tips all joined at the top
as a pavillion or as the ribs
of a parasol. Three hundred
men can sleep in it. All
around the inside it has a
continuous bed (cadalecho),
well suited for many men to
rest and sleep.

Because there were no (bed)
clothes except some straw
thrown underneath, the door of
the hut was so small that we
had to stoop to enter. All
(this was) done to counteract
the cold...and to sweat
without clothing It was
enough to cover the doorway at
night with a door they made
from palm for this, and to
burn two torches inside. With
only this, we were sweating at
night and not feeling, being
inside, the day's cold.
...(Garcia 1902:156).

At the next town, the Spaniards found
the casique and his head men in a
"large, clear plaza, at the door of the
lodge (jacal) altogether similar to the
first one (described above) but larg-
er." The visitors were well received
and watched a game played in the plaza
for their entertainment. Later they
and the head Indians went into the
lodge where they noted an idol facing
the door. As in the first lodge they
sat on a circular bunk elevated about a
yard above the ground. Here they
witnessed the black drink ceremony
(Garcia 1902:196).


Upon arrival at St. Augustine May 16,
1595, Father Andres noted that:

The city and presidio of St.
Augustine is founded on an
open slope, facing east, on
the shore of a clean, clear
river. It is half a league
wide and one league distant
from the sea. The soil is
sandy and so light that it
cannot support a shallow well:
in all of the houses they have
to line them with barrels, one
upon the other up to three or
four, because the water is not
deep and is sweet, although
the sea water enters the
river.

All the walls of the houses
are wood and the roofs are
palm. The principal ones (are)
boarded. The fort is wood and
terrepleined. Now they have
told me; they have built a
small room of lime and stone
in the middle of it, brought
at much cost, for keeping the
powder in it....

On the river banks are many
and very large cypresses
(savinas), from which the
indians make large canoes...
The Spanish make the walls of
their houses with this cypress
wood (madera de savino)
because the part of it in the
ground does not rot. (Garcia
1902:205-206).



In St. Augustine the castaways were
warmly welcomed and quartered among the
soldiers-not in barracks, but in
houses occupied by comrade groups. San
Miguel described his enjoyable stay
with one such group of four companeros:
a sergeant, squad corporal and "two
honest soldiers" (Garcia 1902:201).
All of the town's citizens were sol-


PHYSICAL SETTING OF ST. AUGUSTINE


MANUCY






diers, he said, most of them unmarried.
Males born here (they were few, he
noted) were given a soldier's place as
soon as they were strong enough to fire
an arquebus. The number of places
totaled 300 and, except for a gunner's
position, they were all filled. During
their St. Augustine stay the castaways
were allotted soldier's rations: 1
pounds of flour (harina) daily and
dried beef (tasajo) when it was
available. The good father's rations
was collected by his soldier hosts who
also kneaded the dough and cooked the
meal, "which they knew how to do well
and they did it with much care." When
the time came to leave, he was touched
by the concern of his hosts in baking
his flour ration into a plentiful
supply of hardtack (biscocho) for the
journey to Havana (Garcia 1902:205-
206). Father Andres remarked, in fact,
on the abundance of food, except for
meat.

I saw in this city some pear
(paras) and fig trees, and
they yielded well. Also
there is an abundant yield of
good melons, watermelons and
squash and other garden
stuff; and from here they
send onions to Havana (al-
though they are not very
large)....

Visible to the Spanish from
the other part of the river
is a small island of trees
and palmettos and on it some
few of the king's cattle.
There are no others in all
the land (Garcia 1902:206).

His enjoyment of St. Augustine came not
only from pleasant association with his
hosts, but from not having official
cares nor duties and being free to fish
all day if he chose to do so. He
described various local fishing tech-
niques in considerable detail. There
were, he wrote, plenty of fish and
oysters, and "clams as big as your
fist" (Garcia 1902:202).


Indian building practice had evolved
from time-tested use of the land's
special resources, and for the Spanish
newcomers there was much to be learned
from the aboriginal builders. This was
especially true in the selection and
use of unfamiliar materials and coping
with the insect population and the
climate. Unfortunately this learning
process is undocumented except in rare
instances in the archaeological record,
or in such accounts as Father Andr6s'
narrative, wherein he comments on such
curiosities as the framing and use of
the Indian great lodges, and the
admirable qualities of cypress for
construction of dwellings and canoes.

Father Andres' description comes 20
years after the CAceres account, and 9
years after Drake's destruction of the
town. Yet it is clear from his narra-
tive that the St. Augustine of 1595 was
not greatly different from the settle-
ment of the 1570s described by CAceres.

The site of the town was more open in
1595. What CAreres called a forest of
"pines and oaks and palmetto...filled
with roots" in 1580 was, in 1595,
according to Father Andres "an open
slope...on the shore of a clean, clear
river."

Both descriptions mention gardens in
the town. CAceres deprecatingly notes
their poverty while San Miguel praises
them for the abundant yields. He
recalls melons, watermelons, squash and
other vegetables, including enough
onions to export. Figs and pears also
grow well, but the Father fails to list
citrus. Nor does he mention corn-
fields, perhaps because he spend so
much of his time fishing and enjoying
the abundance of seafood. Both CAceres
and the Father remark on the unproduc-
tiveness of stockraising.

Structural descriptions in the accounts
are also illuminating. While CAceres
was unspecific about house construction
(except to say that soldiers lived in
them and worked on them), San Miguel


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)






made two significant statements. The
first is that all the walls of the
houses are wood (de madera) and the
roof of palm, the principal ones of
board (de tabla). The Spaniards made
the walls of their houses with cypress
wood (madera de savino) because the
part of it in the ground does not rot.


The first statement, due to its gram-
matical construction, has built-in
ambiguity which needs to be dispelled.
Walls are wood. Roofs are palm thatch.
"Principal ones" means principal
houses, not roofs. Ergo, the walls of
principal houses were boarded. The
corollary is that less important
structures were not boarded, but were
finished in other ways. This may have
been the wattle and daub construction
documented widely in the archaeological
record of the town (see Deagan this
issue).

The second statement cites madera de
savina as a rot-resistant, major
construction material. It appears
certain that Father Andres meant
baldcypress (Taxodium distichum)or the
smaller pondcypress (T. distichum var.
nutans). The printed text of his
narrative displays three variant
spellings within two pages (206 and
208): savino, savina, and sabino, but
the context makes it clear that each
refers to cypress: the trees were very
large and grew on river shores or in
water; and the Indians made big canoes
from them. Cypress is the only Florida
wood that meets the triple specifica-
tions of water habitat, use for large
dugouts, and rot resistance in house
construction (Brockman 1968:5, 50-53).

The Spanish word sabina usually trans-
lates as savin, meaning juniper or
cedar, and derives from the Juniperus
sabina of Europe (Random House 1969),
with which Father Andres was doubtless
familiar. As for his choice of the
word to identify baldcypress, one can
only speculate that he was following
local useage, or that he related the


high feathery foliage of the cypress
to the plume-like branchlets of the
juniper.

In other documents, however, sabina is
redcedar, probably the southern
redcedar (Juniperus silicicola) common
to Florida, rather than eastern red-
cedar (J. virginiana), which prefers a
less tropical climate (Brockman
1968:64-65).

Unfortunately, Father Andres did not
describe house wall construction beyond
saying that "the part in the ground
does not rot." From this statement one
may logically infer post construction
for the major supports, if nothing
more, and this construction is support-
ed by the archaeological record of
sixteenth century St. Augustine (Manucy
1983:54). Various adaptations of
vertical pole construction have also
been documented and discussed for the
Gulf Coast, Caribbean and Mississippi
Valley areas (Peterson 1965; Wilson
1971).

Although the discovery of shellstone
(coquina) in the area came around 1580
(Connor 1925-30:171), the "lime and
stone" powder magazine in the fort
mentioned by the Father is the first
known record in Spanish Florida on
stonemasonry-that is, stone walling
laid in lime mortar. Lime production,
given the locally abundant shell
deposits, must have gotten under way
quite early in the evolution of the
colony, even though the earliest date
of record thus far is 1580 (Manucy
1983:67; Marquez 1580). Documents of
the period cite only two lime products:
whitewash and tabby roof slabs, but no
doubt there were others.

The nature of the housing and organiza-
tion of space used by colonists in a
new and strange environment is influ-
enced both by the familiar traditions
of their native provinces and by the
demands of the new settings. The work
of a transplanted craftsman, though
founded in homeland tradition, is bound


PHYSICAL SETTING OF ST. AUGUSTINE


MANUCY






to reflect the demands and resources of
his new surroundings as well as his
observation and acceptance of
unfamiliar practices.

Workmen in the building trades probably
also exerted major influence upon
colonial construction. In the case of
Martin Yztueta, a Basque carpenter who
came to Florida in 1565 under contract
to the Adelantado Pedro Menendez de
Avilds (Connor 1925-30 11:134), the
provincial origin is especially signif-
icant. A native of Lascano, the
province of Vizcaya (the ancient
kingdom of Navarra), Yztueta certainly
brought to Florida intimate knowledge
of the timber-frame construction common
to his timber-rich homeland. Over a
long career as chief carpenter that
spanned the first formative years of
the colony and beyond, his influence
must have been of signal importance.

The five other carpenters recorded at
St. Augustine about 1580 did not hold
so exalted a position as did Yztueta;
their influence was probably less
important. They came from Andalucia,
Castilla Vieja, Le6n, and two other
locations not identified. There were
also five known sawyers; three of them
Andalucians and the others from uniden-
tified places. The master blacksmith,
hailed from Llerena in Estremadura
(Hoffman and Lyon n.d.c).

Not all structures in the town would
have been built by skilled builders,
but rather by colonists who, through
perseverance and ingenuity, overcame
limited knowledge of construction
methods and unfamiliar new materials.
Although certain newly synthesized
elements of building construction may
have resulted, the traditional building
and use practices which a person knew
in his area of origin (or obtained
through watching and talking with the
skilled builders) would influence his
planning and construction in Florida.

Information gathered by Paul Hoffman
and Eugene Lyon under the auspices of


the St. Augustine Restoration Founda-
tion (Hoffman and Lyon 1976; Lyon 1977;
Hoffman 1977) shows that Andalucia
(27%) and Asturias (21%) together
supplied 48% of the garrison (the
colony also included emigrants from all
the Spanish provinces except, perhaps,
the Balearics). It is therefore
important to consider folk architecture
in Spain in order to help assess
housing in sixteenth century Florida.

SPANISH FOIK ARCHITECTURE

Spain's vernacular architecture evolved
through the centuries to meet specific
needs, and it is logical for us to look
backward, as best we can, to gain
understanding of what that architecture
was like in the sixteenth century.

The faint traces of sixteenth century
Spanish structures uncovered archaeolo-
gically in Florida, even when illumi-
nated with information from written
records, fail to give a definitive
picture of St. Augustine's physical
appearance. In the absence of that
picture, we look to the architectural
traditions of Spain and some of its
manifestations in the Americas.
Specifically, since Florida had no
monumental buildings, we look to the
vernacular or "folk" architecture.
Analysis of the vernacular construc-
tions, many of which evolved long
before Columbus set sail, may help to
interpret cryptic evidence from the
ground or in the documents. Used with
logic and care, the study may even
suggest suitable replacements for
missing structural elements and de-
tails.

Broadly speaking, there were three
social classes in sixteenth century
Spain: upper, middle and lower. Each
class, however, had its subdivisions.
At the top were royalty, nobility,
gentlemen, the wealthy bourgeosie
aspiring to nobility, and literate
person, including government officials.
At the bottom were day laborers and the
very poor; and in between the mer-


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)






chants, skilled artisans and artists.
(Lamperez 1922(1):115).

These divisions are reflected in
contemporary descriptions of housing.
In Toledo, for example, the casa mayor
(principal house) was the home of a
nobleman; the casa menor (minor house),
of gentlemen and learned persons; and
the casa accesoria (accessory house)
pertained to the bourgeosie, including
merchants and craftsmen (Lamp&rez
1922(1):116-117). The ordinances of
Sevilla in 1527 give a similar picture
but with different terminology: the
casa real (royal house) had everything
pertaining to the home of royalty or a
gran senor. The casa principal had
portal, vestibule, a central patio,
living room, bedrooms and other cham-
bers, and stables. The casa comdn
(common house) had a portal, living
room and whatever other basic elements
were required by the householder in his
business or trade. His house was
therefore a logical response to the
bourgeois life of the period. If there
were a patio of any kind, it was not
central (Lamperez 1922(1):115-116,
119).

Housing for the lower class, which is
particularly relevant to our study of
sixteenth century housing in St.
Augustine, recieved little notice from
contemporary writers. Still, we know
that from early times Sevilla had the
multi-family, ghetto-like casa de
vecindad (neighborhood house), which
was a group of small apartments under a
common roof. A communal kitchen and
latrine were in the corral around which
the rooms or apartments were built.
Such low-rent housing was by no means
limited to Andalucia (Lamperez 1922
(1):117). The extremely poor and others
who had neither the price nor the
patron to provide housing had to make
out with crude and make-shift shelter
or none.

Urban houses were usually single-
family. Lack of space in medieval
towns meant that lots were small and


houses necessarily two or more stories
high. A sixteenth century writer noted
that many Toledo houses not only lacked
patios, but were so small in perimeter
that they seemed more like dovecotes
than human habitations. Furthermore,
he wrote, climbing the stairs was like
climbing a ships's mast (Lamperez
1922(1):117).

The master's occupations preempted the
principal place on the ground floor.
Domestic facilities (primarily the
kitchen) had a secondary location in
the back. Upstairs were the living
room and a few badly ventilated bed-
rooms. If there was a privy (an
unlikely possibility), it was in the
back yard. For most households, the
stable was the "house of office."

Folk architecture in the eight provinc-
es of Andalucia is diverse and complex,
with no invariable scheme (Flores
1973(4):48). There are nevertheless
some elements which occur frequently
and widely enough to be characteristic,
even if they are not exclusively
Andaluzan:

1. Most houses are 1- or 2-story, the
upper floor either a storage loft or
quarters (Flores 1973(4):101).

2. The roof is usually gabled, with
the ridge parallel to the facade
(Flores 1973(4):101).

3. There is generally a portal,
opening to an entry or vestibule
(zaguAn), which in turns opens onto a
patio (Flores 1973(4):119).

4. The house is organized around the
patio (Flores 1973(4):119).

5. Rooms are usually small (Flores
1973(4):48); their functions are
fexible and readily changed (Flores
1973(4):119-120).

6. Often there is a corral or yard
(Flores 1973(4):119), usually back of
the patio, with access via the patio


PHYSICAL SETTING OF ST. AUGUSTINE


MANUCY






and sometimes also from a side or back
street (Flores 1973(4)121).

7. Latrines are generally absent
(Flores 1973(4):48, 119-121).

The Population and Use of Space

The patterns of domestic housing and
space use in the sixteenth century
community would have depended to a
certain extent upon the characteristics
of the town's population. Household
composition, family size, occupation
and socio-economic standing would all
be influential in the organization and
physical nature of households.

Paul Hoffman and Eugene Lyon have
assessed the available data on the
population of sixteenth century St.
Augustine (Hoffman and Lyon n.d.a-e).
They estimate the maximum number of
people to have been about 400 in 1580,
including 130 to 150 garrison members,
and 200 to 250 non-garrison inhabi-
tants.

An important source for their work is
the list of garrison members of 1578;
however, the population data for 1578
unfortunately relates almost entirely
to males in the garrison. Not until
1600 is there a documented count that
includes most of the women and chil-
dren. Since even this count is not
definitive, we must include some
estimates, based on the count of 1600
(in Hoffman and Lyon n.d.a).


Garrison Billets (Males)
Wives with no children
Wives having children
Wives having children, the
children not counted
Children counted
Other children (estimate)
Slaves (estimate)
TOTAL


The formula for estimates of children
is derived as follows: 38 mothers had
106 children, or an average of 2.8
children. Six wives with uncounted
children is 6 x 2.8 or 17 children.
These figures are of value as indica-
tors of the population make-up.


The following table breaks the count
into categories and percentages:
---------------------


CATEGORY

Single males
Married males
Wives without
children
Wives with children
Children
Slaves
TOTAL


NUMBER PERCENT


242
58

14
44
123
27
508


TABLE 2: POPULATION COUNT
STATUS IN 1600.


48
11

3
9
24
5
100


BY FAMILY


---------------------- ---------------
Using the percentages from Table 2 and
applying them to the estimate of 400
population for 1580, we derive these
figures:
---------------- --------------------


CATEGORY

Single males
Married males
Wives without
children
Wives with children
Children
Slaves
TOTAL


NUMBER PERCENT


192
44

12
35
96
20
399


TABLE 3: POPULATION ESTIMATE
STATUS IN SIXTEENTH
ST. A;UGSTDIE.


6
106
17
27
508


TABIE 1: POPULATION OF ST. AUGUSTINE
IN 1600.
---------------------------------------


48
11

3
9
24
5
100

BY FAMILY
CENTURY


-----------------------------------
These figures, though obtained from
scanty data by admittedly circuitous
logic, are within reason and will have
to serve until a seacher comes up with
an official contemporary census.

The purpose of trying to suggest the
size and character of family or habita-


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)





tion groups is to aid in defining and
reconstructing housing needs and space
requirements. This kind of information
is almost nonexistent in sixteenth
century Florida documentation, and in
later periods of the colony's occupancy
the economic situation had changed to
such an extent that information from
that period is not readily applicable
as an analogy to the sixteenth century
occupation.

In the search for appropriate and
reliable information for analyogy, I
studied the housing survey undertaken
in Spain by the Direccidn de Arquitec-
tura (Flores 1973-1977, IV:34-382).
The project was concerned with the
betterment of housing for fisherman-
class families, and as the foundation
for the study undertook the recording
of then-existent dwellings. Included
were floor plans, elevations, furnish-
ing plans, and a census of the occu-
pants. It was obvious that despite the
intervening centuries, many Spanish
fishermen of the 1940s were at approxi-
mately the same socio-economic level as
the Florida colonist of ca. 1580 and
that housing patterns of 1940 Spain had
not changed appreciably from those of
the late sixteenth century. I there-
fore selected 33 fishermen's. dwellings,
classifiable as simple primitive types
such as those know archaeologically and
documentarily in sixteenth century St.
Augustine (Manucy 1962; Deagan this
issue) and tabulated the occupants by
number and family relationships. Table
4 summarizes the group relationships:
---------------------------------------
CATEGORY NUMBER PERCENT

Married males 18 13
Wives without
children 2 2
Wives with children 20 14
Children 99 71
TOTAL 139 100

TABLE 4: FAMILY STATUS OF FISHERMAN
GROUP (SPAIN).
--------------------------------------


In table 4, I deleted the unmarried
male segment (only 8 of 147 occupants)
because the small figure was in no way
comparable to the bachelor count in the
St. Augustine garrison. The other
categories are compared in Table 5:


CATEGORY


1580


Married males 24
Wives without children 6
Wives with children 19
Children 51
TOTAL 100


1940

13
2
14
71
100


TABIE 5: COMPARISON BY PERCENTAGES OF
FAMILY STATUS IN SIXTEENTH
CENTURY ST. AUGUSTMIN AND
1940 SPAIN.
---------------------------------------
Perhaps the most significant difference
between percentages is in the children
category. High infant mortality may
account for the smaller proportions of
children to adults in the families of
the sixteenth century St. Augustine.
Of course the relatively low percentage
of children also affects the percentage
figures in the adult categories. In
any case, the figures in Table 5 are
comparable to those for sixteenth
century St. Augustine. It is therefore
suggested that the organization of
households and their uses of space as
recorded in the 1940 survey may serve
as an analogue for the interpretation
of space use in sixteenth century St.
Augustine.

The fisherman group of Spain (1940)
numbered 206 occupants in 33 dwellings,
an average occupancy of 6.24 = six
people per house. Analysis of house-
hold groups at the contemporary Spanish
settlement of Santa Elena, South
Carolina, by Lyon and Hoffman indicates
an average household size there of five
people (personal communication to A.
Manucy, December 1979, St. Augustine).
This is slightly smaller but neverthe-
less comparable to the fishermen data.

In order to relate this information to


PHYSICAL SETTING OF ST. AUGUSTINE


MANUCY






the housing situation of sixteenth
century St. Augustine, it is necessary
to arrive at an estimate of the number
of housing lots present in the communi-
ty. An analysis of the 1764 property
records for St. Augustine (Puente 1769)
(which are the earliest available
complete data, and which antedate any
cessions and property transfers in
Florida) revealed a lot size norm of 44
by 88 feet (50 x 100 Spanish feet)
(Manucy 1977a).

Furthermore, the coordination of
cartographic, historical and archaeo-
logical studies (Manucy 1977a, b;
Hoffman 1977; Deagan 1981b) indicates
that the eight blocks bounded by
Artillery Lane, Marine Street, Bridge
Street and St. George Street (Figure 4)
are the core of significant sixteenth
century occupation. Within this 8-
block area, 55 44'x88' lots and poten-
tially 55 structures could have exist-
ed. This, incidentally, yields an
average occupancy of 7.27 people per
household, which is comparable to the
6.24 people in the Spanish fisherman
sample, although higher than the
suggested household size for Santa
Elena.

Of the estimated 55 town lots in St.
Augustine, perhaps 15 were used by mess
groups. Forty lots were then available
for the rest of the population.

The nature of houses themselves depend-
ed not only upon the number and compo-
sition of the household groups, but
also upon the social standing and
occupation of the inhabitants. Some
further refinement comes from
Hoffman's, Lyon's and Aguilera's
analyses of political, economic and
social data (n.d.e; Lyon 1977; Aguilera
1979) which indicate the presence of
three levels of European society in
sixteenth century St. Augustine. These
comprised an upper class of people who
did not work with their hands, such as
royal officials or others who had
profitable connections with the leader-
ship. Members of the second level, or


middle class who often worked with
their hands, but as skilled persons
(master craftsmen, merchants). This
group had useful trades, professions,
or opportunities connected with the
leadership. The lower class all worked
with their hands. They were the
majority of the population, compised of
common soldiers and settlers with few
resources.

Occupations in the colony corresponded
in general to this three-level organi-
zation. In addition to the royal
officials, officers and common soldiers
of the garrison, a number of other
occupations were represented in early
St. Augustine. Often these were part-
time occupations practiced by skilled
garrison soldiers as "moonlighting"
activities. They included barber-
surgeons, a bellows maker, boarding
house mistress, carpenters, a drummer-
crier, hunters, fisherman, stock
raiser, merchants, notaries, a pilot, a
priest, sawyers, a shieldmaker and
tailors, blacksmith, cobbler, tavern
keeper, pitchmaker, matchcord maker,
charcoal burner and Indian trader (Lyon
1977:23).

The nature of housing for the common
garrison soldier in sixteenth century
St. Augustine can be hypothesized on
the basis of combined evidence from
Spanish vernacular architecture,
accounts of sixteenth century Spanish
housing, archaeological evidence and
documentary descriptions of the colony.
Two probable housing types in sixteenth
century St. Augustine are shown in
Figure 5 and 6; a wattle and daub
structure, and a thatched structure
respectively. These were prepared and
reconstructed under the auspices of the
St. Augustine Restoration Foundation,
Inc.


Summary


The size of St. Augustine's sixteenth
century population, its origins and


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)







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Figure 4. The Puente map, 1764. Photostat, St. Augustine Historical Society. (Reproduced with permission).


''
i'
r
~'
rl
I


i '-

-z


.-lr


~C~L~ f~l

";c~,





THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Si-g. 5. 12 x 6
T\VO-ROOM HUT


a. SOUTH ELEVATIONS b. END


S--- 16 ---I -


e. BOARD DOOR


EET


C. PLAN


1 I I I


Plans for reconstruction of a sixteenth century wattle and daub structure for a
common settler in St. Auaustine (Albert Manucv).


Figure 5.


_ IbLll~kL


(38, 1985)


d. VARIANT





PHYSICAL SETTING OF ST. AUGUSTINE


a. SOUTH ELEVATION


C. PLAN


SMOKE W01-




1., LL t,, Lv-.


END

b. END ELEVATION


*V.


SECTION ON AB
f. SECTION


Fig. (b. 8x12 HUT [


Figure 6. Plans for reconstruction of a sixteenth
common settler in St. Augustine (Albert


century thatch structure for a
Manucy).


e.


OM CD


UI


MANUCY


-T) -- i *-r

---- Tv






occupations, along with the family
make-up, are all factors that deter-
mined the nature of housing. The
estimated total population of St.
Augustine at ca. 1580 was 400 people.
By using a formula derived from a more
detailed count in the year 1600, the
grouping in the late sixteenth century
is suggested to have been 192 unmarried
males and 47 families, including 96
children.

According to the military rosters, all
the Spanish provinces were represented
at St. Augustine, but the largest
groups (27%) were from Andalucia.
Second was Asturias (21%) followed by
Galicia (7%) and Estremadura and
Navarra (5.5% each). These figures
suggest that Andalucian customs and
building practices were predominant, at
least in the lower income groups of the
community. On the other hand, the
Asturians were probably preeminent in
upper income strata due to their
dominance in leadership positions.
Martin Yztueta, a Basque carpenter who
served in St. Augustine from it found-
ing, most likely was the single most
important influence affecting building
practice, especially in the planning
and construction of major structures.

Factors such a demographic and occupa-
tion data and the three-level society
of St. Augustine, further refine
available documentary and cartographic
sources, and the historical deductions
based on them. These deductions and
interpretations, when combined with the
physical evidence of archaeology in the
sixteenth century sites in St.
Augustine, permit a reliable recon-
struction of the physical setting of
the community. The reconstruction is a
necessary part of, and sets the stage
for, historical archaeological studies
of colonial life in sixteen Century
Florida.


References Cited

Aguilera, Frank
1977 Provisional report on the
Ethno-history of Social and
Economic Stratification and
its Application to the
Aquisition of Special Items of
Material Culture. Unpublished
project report, St. Augustine
Restoration Foundation, Inc.
(Hereafter SARF).

Brockman, C.F.
1968 Trees of North America.
Golden Press, New York.

CAceres, Alonso de
1574 Manuscript "Discurso sobre la
poblaci6n de la cost de
Florida..(1577-1580):
Collecion Navarrete XIV, E.
#47. Direccidn de Hidrografia
Madrid. Also in Florida
Manuscripts, edited by
Woodbury Lowery, Vol. 2 Library
of Congress.

Castillo y Ahedo, M.
1576 Residencia text of Castillo y
Ahedo, Manuscript, December
1576. Archivo General de las
Indias. EC 4-A Folios 1203v,
1206, 1211v, 1220, 1204, 1320.
Hoffman and Lyon notes, SARFI.

Chatelain, Verne
1946 The Defenses of Spanish
Florida 1565-1763. Carnegie
Institution Publication #511,
Washington.

Connor, Jeanette T. (ed. and trans.)
1925-30 The Colonial Records of
Spanish Florida. 2 Vols.
Florida State Historical
Society, Deland.

1936 Nine Old Wooden Forts,
Florida Historical Quarterly
15 (3-4).


Deagan,
1981a


Kathleen
Downtown Survey: The
Discovery of Sixteenth Century
St. Augustine in an Urban
Area. In American Antiquity.
46:626-633.


1981b The Town Plan of Sixteenth
Century St. Augustine: An
Archaeological Study. Project
report on file, SARFI.

Flores, Carlos
1973-77 Arquitectura Popular Espafola
(5. vols). Editorial Aguilar,
Espafia.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)









Garcia, Genaro (ed.) -
1902 Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la
Florida. J. Aguilar Vera y
Compania, Mexico.

Hoffman, Paul
1976 Characteristics of the
Population in St. Augustine,
ca. 1580. Type-script on file,
SARFI.

1977 St. Augustine 1580: The
Research Project. El Escribano
14:5-19. St. Augustine
Historical Society.

Hoffman, Paul and Eugene Lyon
n.d.a Garrison List, 1578. Type-
script on file, SARFI.

n.d.b Skilled Person, 1578. Type-
script on file, SARFI.

n.d.c Comparison of the Castillo y
Ahedo Muster of Nov. 28, 1578
with the Flories Quinones
Musters of Sept. 27, 1578 and
Oct. 14, 1578, in St. Augustine
and Santa Elena. Typescript
on file, SARFI.

n.d.d Analysis of the Garrisons of
1576 and 1578. Typescript on
file, SARFI.

n.d.e Some Comments on the
Character of Community Life and
Main Factors in it, St.
Augustine, 1576-1578. Type-
script on file, SARFI.

Kraus, Hans Peter
1970 Sir Frances Drake: A Pictorial
Biography. N. Israel, Amsterdam.


Lamperdz y Romea, Vincente
1922 Arquitectura Civil Espanola
de los Siglos I al XVII.
Madrid.

Lyon, Eugene
1977a St. Augustine 1580: The Living
Community. El Escribano
14:23-26. St. Augustine
Historical Society

1977b The Control Structure of Spanish
Florida, 1580. Typescript on
file, SARFI

Manucy, Albert
1962 The Houses of St. Augustine.
St. Augustine Historical
Society.

1977a The Town Plan for St. Augustine
1580. Typescript on file, SARFI.


1977b Toward Re-creation of 16th
Century St. Augustine. El
Escribano 14:1-4. St.
Augustine Historical Society.

1983 Building Materials in 16th
Century St. Augustine.
El Escribano 20:51-71. St.
Augustine Historical Society.

Marquez, Pedro Menendez
1580 Letter to the Crown, March 25,
1580. In Colonial Records of
Florida, Vol. II, edited by
J.T. Connor, 1930. Florida State
Historical Society, DeLand.

Menendez de Avilds, Pedro
1565 Ordinances for Florida. Archivo
General de las Indias, Justicia
999, no. 2, ramo 9.

Peterson, Charles E.
1965 The Houses of French St. louis.
In The French in the Mississippi
Valley edited by J.F. McDermott.
University of Illinois Press,
Springfield. pp. 17-40.

Puente Elixio de la
1769 Piano del Presidio de San
Agustfn de la Florida. Manuscript
map with key, Havana, February
16, 1769. Copy in St. Augustine
Historical Society.

Random House
1969 The Random House Dictionary of
the English Language. Random
House, New York.

Wilson, Samuel, Jr.
1971 Gulf Coast Architecture. In
Spain and Her Rivals on the
Gulf Coast, edited by E.
Dibble and E. Newton. Historic
Pensacola Preservation Board,
Pensacola. pp. 78-6.




Albert Manucy
1124 Coastal Highway
St. Augustine, FL 32084


PHYSICAL SETTING OF ST. AUGUSTINE


MANUCY




FAUNAL EVIDENCE FOR


SIXTEENTH CENTURY SPANISH SUBSISTENCE

AT ST. AUGUSTINE, FLORIDA

Elizabeth J. Reitz


A review of the ethnographic and
archaeological record shows that people
are generally conservative in their
food habits. Given a choice, they
prefer to maintain the diet to which
they are accustomed. This relationship
is so strong that early ethnographers
felt safe in identifying cultural
groups by their dominant foods. Such
conservatism may be possible as long as
environmental factors remain unchanged.

Major population shifts in the six-
teenth century resulted in European
expansion into novel North American
surroundings. These moves necessitated
adjustments to new environmental
conditions. Traditional expectations
of acculturation are that in a situa-
tion where two, or more, cultural
systems come into contact, the dominant
culture, in this case the European one,
will have more influence than the
subordinate culture, in this case the
aboriginal one (Foster 1960). In fact,
the European colonial foodways are
often viewed as unmodified or uninflu-
enced by aboriginal patterns, except
for the addition of some New World
cultigens into a basically European
strategy. Analysis of eighteenth
century Spanish foodways on the Atlan-
tic coastal plain by Stephen Cumbaa
(1975) showed that Spanish food habits
were substantially altered from the
European pattern. Further, the direc-
tion of that modification was toward an
aboriginal system. These aboriginal
foods were supplemented by a new
constellation of domestic animals. The
aboriginal foodway in turn represented
an adaptation of long standing to the
Atlantic coastal plain environment.
Analysis of sixteenth century fauna
from St. Augustine, Florida, demon-
strates how rapidly Europeans adopted a


Vol. 38 Numbers 1-2 Part 1


new subsistence strategy while in-
corporating many elements of the
aboriginal pattern.

In order to document that the Spanish
use of animal foods did in fact change,
it is necessary to compare the six-
teenth century faunal assemblages from
St. Augustine with a contemporaneous
Spanish Old World diet. It is diffi-
cult to outline a generalized Iberian
subsistence strategy for the sixteenth
century. One reason is that informa-
tion on sixteenth century subsistence
strategies in Spain is limited.
Furthermore, the sixteenth century
Iberian peninsula was not a homogeneous
political, social, or environmental
unit (Foster 1960:13). The peninsula
was composed of several distinct
geographical and political entities,
some which only recently had been
incorporated into the Spanish kingdom.
Sixteenth century subsistence patterns
undoubtedly reflected these differ-
ences. For purposes of this paper,
however, a generalization will be
attempted, recognizing that further
research is required into this aspect
of subsistence at St. Augustine.

Based on eighteenth century information
collected by Joseph Townsend during his
travels through Spain, it appears that
domestic meats were more significant in
the Iberian diet than wild foods
(Townsend 1814). Hunting of deer was
restricted by royal decree, but wild
hares, partridges, and pheasants were
enjoyed occasionally (Altamira
1949:459; DAulnoy 1930). Fish were
used extensively. Fish cost less than
domestic meats, but the species used
were primarily deep water varieties
such a tunas and anchovies, which were
fished by commercial fishermen and


March-June, 1985






obtained in markets (Townsend 1814:Vol
11:239-240). The prices of domestic
meats varied from town to town as did
their relative values; however, there
appears to have been some general
trends. Pork was rarely mentioned by
Townsend. When it was it was generally
the most expensive domestic meat
source, while beef was less expensive
than mutton (Townsend 1814: Vol 1:251,
308; Vol II: 61, 101, 260, 364).
Occasionally Townsend found that either
beef or mutton, or both were lacking.
When Townsend notes the price of fowl,
it sold at a price comparable to beef
or mutton (Townsend 1814: Vol I: 149).

Prices do not necessarily indicate the
types of meat most often consumed or
the proportions of livestock raised.
In the sixteenth century Mendez Silva
reported that 50,000 sheep, 12,000
oxen, 60,000 goats, 10,000 calves, and
13000 pigs were consumed in Madrid
annually (in Defourneaux 1971:64).
Cattle were raised generally as draft
animals and were slaughtered only in
old age although there was a small
market for veal. However, there was a
major ranching tradition in central
Spain, especially Andalucia, where
cattle were raised for beef and hides
(Bishko 1952), and some of the later
Florida settlers may have shared that
husbandry tradition. Swine were raised
also. Today swine may be driven as
much as 100 kilometers to special
feeding grounds (Foster 1960:72).
Sheep, raised primarily for wool and
secondarily for mutton, milk, and
cheese, formed the most important
animal resource (Vicens Vives
1969:517). An indication of what was
considered a proper barnyard may be
provided by Townsend. He reports that
in the eighteenth century German
settlers in the mountains of Spain were
given two cows, one ass, five sheep,
five goats, six hens and a cock, and
one pregnant sow (Townsend 1814: Vol
II: 54).


Permanent Spanish residence began in
Florida in 1565 when the Adelantado


Pedro Menendez de Aviles established
St. Augustine, the oldest continuously
occupied European city in the United
States. Several months later Menendez
established his capital, Santa Elena,
on Parris Island, South Carolina. Both
towns, and a projected chain of mis-
sion-forts, were expected to be econom-
ically self-sufficent; however, a
variety of events made that goal
impossible. Before 1600, Native
American and European hostilities,
combined with inadequate supply lines,
severely curtailed the mission and
colonial efforts. In 1570, a royal
payroll, the situado, was initiated
(Hoffman 1977:9). Santa Elena was
abandoned in 1576, because of Indian
attacks, and reoccupied in 1578. When
Santa Elena was abandoned for the
second time, in 1587, St. Augustine
became the capital of La Florida.

The towns were basically very similar
demographically, although Santa Elena
had a somewhat larger population during
its brief history. Menendez brought
with him settlers who represented a
wide variety of skills, as well as
soldiers, sailors, priests, administra-
tive officials, and their dependents.
Among these colonists were 117 farmers
(Lyon 1976:92). In 1573 there were few
farmers, with the number being stated
variously as 45 farmers at Santa Elena
and six farmers at St. Augustine, or 60
farmers at Santa Elena and 40 farmers
at St. Augustine (Connor 1927-1930: AGI
2-1-2/27, R. 5, 1573). The total male
population at the towns was reported
elsewhere as 275 soldiers and farmers,
some of whom were married (Connor 1927-
1930: AGI 2-5-2/10, 1578). In 1580
there was a 300-man garrison stationed
at St. Augustine and Santa Elena (Lyon
1977:22) with a total suggested
population of about 400 people (see
Manucy this issue). Most of the
influential people who sailed with
Men&ndez in the first group of settlers
were from Asturias and Santander (Lyon
1976:75). These were supported by
people from Castilla, Estremadura,
Andalucia, and the central meseta (Lyon
1976:93; 1977:24).


FAUNAL EVIDENCE AT ST. AUGUSTINE


REITZ







When the Spanish colonists relocated to
St. Augustine they found themselves in
a relatively uniform environment
(Figure 1). The Atlantic coastal plain
is a sandy expanse of the continent
dominated by temperate deciduous forest
(Shelford 1963:56-58). A series of
sandy barrier and marsh islands sepa-
rate the mainland from the Atlantic
Ocean. The barrier islands are com-
posed of sandy beaches exposed to the
action of the surf, sand dunes which
may reach seven or eight meters in
height, and maritime and pine forests
behind the dunes, with occasional
freshwater ponds and streams draining
the island interior (Johnson et al.
1974). On the landward side of the
islands and stretching westward to the
mainland is a rich estuarine environ-
ment composed of mud flats, oyster
bars, salt marshes, and mazes of tidal
creeks, as well as deep sounds which
connect to larger rivers draining the
coastal plain. These estuaries are
major nursery areas for many commercial
species. Due to freshwater drainage,
tidal action, offshore currents, and
geographical features, these estuarine
waters are highly variable in tempera-
ture, salinity, and turbidity (Briggs
1974:214-224; Ekman 1953:46-49; Reitz
1982b). The marine species typical of
the region are those which are best
adapted to these conditions (Dahlberg
1975).

Aboriginal populations of the Atlantic
coastal plain adapted to these environ-
mental conditions by using species
typical and common in the region
(Bennett 1975:15; Bullen and Bullen
1961; Crook 1978a:100-101, 1978b;
Cumbaa 1975:96-100; Larson 1980;
Marrinan 1975:67-78; Pearson 1978:140-
143; Reitz 1982b, 1982c, 1983a; Smith
et al. 1981:137-139; Wing 1963).
Terrestrial resources used included
opposums, rabbits, squirrels, bears,
raccoons, skunks, deer, box turtles,
and gopher tortoises. Aquatic and
estuarine resources included otters,
minks, sea mammals such as dolphins,


alligators, mud turtles, pond turtles,
especially the diamond-back terrapin,
and sea turtles. A variety of herons,
ducks, and other water fowl, both
migratory and permanent residents, were
used, but not extensively. Fish and
sharks were the major vertebrate
resources exploited. These included
requiem sharks, stingrays, gars,
herrings, bullhead catfishes, sea
catfishes, sheepsheads, drums, mullets,
and flounders. With the addition of
domestic livestock these were the
resources used also by Spaniards and
Americans in the eighteenth and nine-
teenth centuries (Reitz and Honerkamp
1983; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983, Reitz
1984). Prior to analysis of faunal
remains from St. Augustine, it was
anticipated that Spanish colonists in
the sixteenth century used them as
well.

It should be recognized that the faunal
remains reported here do not represent
the entire subsistence base used by
Spaniards. Imported foods such as
salted meats and fish might leave
little or no archaeological evidence.
Due to the irregularity of the situado
it is probable that imported foods were
not relied upon for daily nouishment,
however they did constitute a part of
the diet which is not explored here.
Plant foods, either imported or locally
obtained, were also an important part
of the diet and are discussed by Scarry
in this volume.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

Eight sites from St. Augustine contain-
ing sixteenth century faunal materials
have been studied (Figure 2). These
sites were excavated by Kathleen A.
Deagan between 1976 and 1983 using a
0.635 cm (k-inch) screen to recover
vertebrate materials. SA 26-1, the
Lorenzo Josef de Leon site, was the
subject of investigations in 1976,
1977, and 1979. The 1976 and 1977
excavations focused on a single house
(Braley 1977; Singleton 1977). Nine
features, including a well and well


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)











de
S /San Marcos



/ IfI
1km i I













SMile SA-













St. Augustine, Flo rida (after Florida.
ATLANTIC Palmer 1862).




Figure 1. Mid-nineteenth century environs of Figure 2. Location of sites in St. Augustine,
St. Augustine, Florida (after Florida.
UI
jPalmer 1862).






construction pit, were excavated in
addition to sheet deposits. The 1979
excavations covered what appears to
have been a second occupation (Zierden
and Caballero 1979; Deagan this issue).
Five features, including two wells and
construction pits, were excavated in
addition to sheet deposits. SA 29-2
(Lester's Gallery), SA 34-1 (Trinity
Episcopal Church), and SA 34-3 (Public
Library) are small samples recovered
during the 1977 test program which was
designed to define the limits of the
sixteenth century town (Deagan,
Bostwick, and Benton 1976; Deagan
1981). Sheet deposit was recovered
from all three sites in addition to a
well and well construction pit from SA
34-1. Excavations at SA 34-1 resumed
in 1980 (Vernon 1980). During the 1980
excavations seven features with animal
bone were isolated, including one well,
and two well construction pits. The
other well did not contain animal
refuse. Also in 1980, another small
sample was excavated from SA 34-2, the
Ximenez-Fatio lot (King and Gaske
1980). This contained sheet deposits
and one feature. Additional materials
were recovered from a well and its
construction pit, six areas, a
posthole, and zone deposits at SA 34-2
in 1983 (Ewen 1984). SA 36-4
(Francisco Ponce de Leon site) was a
large site excavated in 1978, yielding
two wells and their construction pits
in addition to sheet deposits (Deagan,
this issue; Poe, in prep).

Analysis of the faunal materials was
accomplished using standard zooarchae-
ological procedures. The comparative
skeletal collections of the Zooarchaeo-
logy Laboratories of the Florida State
Museum and the University of Georgia
were used. Minimum Numbers of Individ-
uals (MNI) were determined for each
feature, with sheet deposits from each
site lumped. Age and sex were used as
criteria for determining MNI in
addition to paired elements. Biomass
was determined using allometric scaling
formulae, discussed elsewhere (Wing and
Brown 1979:127-135; Reitz 1982a; Reitz


and Cordier 1983). The constants used
in obtaining biomass are listed in
Table 1. Diversity and Evenness were
calculated using the Shannon-Weaver
Diversity Index (Shannon-Weaver
1949:14) and the Sheldon Evenness Index
(Sheldon 1969). Age for the domestic
animals was established using
guidelines from Schmid (1972:75),
Silver (1963) and Gilbert (1980:100-
109). These ages are relative, since
various environmental factors can
influence when bone fusion actually
occurs (Watson 1978).

RES UTS

The characteristics of each of the
faunal samples are summarized in Table
2 and the results of the identification
are summarized in Table 3. In the
latter table the biomass totals used
were only from those taxa for which MNI
had been calculated as well. Biomass
for such categories as Unidentified
Mammal or Unidentified Fish were not
included in the totals used in this
table. A list of the species identi-
fied is presented in Table 4. Complete
species lists for each of the sites are
presented elsewhere (Reitz and Scarry
1985). Domestic animals include pigs,
cow, caprines, and chickens. While
there are reports that dogs, horses,
and cats were consumed by sixteenth
century St. Augustinians, none of the
materials examined showed evidence of
this in the form of butchering marks.
In fact, remains of horses have not
been identified from any sixteenth
century context (This suggests that
these documents should not be taken
literally.) The term caprinee" refers
to sheep and goats. These animals are
difficult to distinguish osteologically
from the elements identified in these
collections. Wild terrestrial animals
include the usual mammals such as deer
and raccoon, but this category also
includes gopher tortoises and box
turtles. These are reptiles whose
habitat preferences would have placed
them with terrestrial mammals in terms
of human exploitation. Wild birds


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)





- - - - - - - ---- -- - _----_ --- ---
2
Taxam-- ---______________________N-_-_-_- -- ISK-iy__S-1B-!2_1----

Mammal 97 0.90 1.12 0.94
Bird 307 0.91 1.04 0.97
Turtle 26 0.67 0.51 0.55
Snake 26 1.01 1.17 0.97
Chondrichthyes 17 0.86 1.68 0.85
Osteichthyes 393 0.81 0.90 0.80
Non-Perciformes 119 0.79 0.85 0.88
Siluriformes 36 0.95 1.15 0.87
Perciformes 274 0.83 0.93 0.76
Sparidae 22 0.92 0.96 0.98
Sciaeniade 99 0.74 0.81 0.78
Pleuronectiformes 21 0.89 1.09 0.95

FORMULA: Y aXb

Y Body weight, kg
X Skeletal weight, kg
a Y-intercept
b Slope

Table 1. Allometric Constants Used in This Paper.



Site CNT MNI Wt, gms Biomass, kg
.......................................................................................
SA-26-1 (1976-77) 21551 459 8611.6 83.13
SA-26-1 (1979) 3165 168 2704.7 36.4
SA-29-2 (1977) 843 29 808.8 11.68
SA-34-1 (1977) 193 22 533.2 7.4
SA-34-1 (1980) 11887 237 4100.6 54.7
SA-34-2 (1980) 1340 43 451.76 6.81
SA-34-2 (1983) 774 33 347.89 4.41
SA-34-3 (1977) 228 15 157.3 2.9
SA-36-4 (1978) 3123 120 3021.5 33.48

TOTAIS 43103 1126 20737.35 243.91


Table 2. Characteristics of Sixteenth Century Species Lists.


Summary Category


1976-77 1979 1977 1977 1980 1980 1983 1977 1978
26-1 2601 29-2 34-1 34-1 34-2 34-2 34-3 36-4


Total MNI 495 168 29 22 237 43 33 15 120 1126

Domestic Mammals 3.7 3.6 13.8 18.2 3.4 4.7 3.0 8.3 8.3 4.8
Domestic Birds 3.7 3.0 3.5 9.1 4.6 4.7 x 4.7 5.8 4.0
Wild Terrestrials 8.1 9.5 17.2 22.7 10.6 9.3 9.1 13.3 12.5 10.0
Wild Birds 6.1 7.1 3.5 9.1 4.6 11.6 9.1 x 6.7 6.2
Aquatic Reptiles 2.2 2.4 3.5 4.6 2.1 2.3 3.0 6.7 0.8 2.2
Fishes 72.8 70.2 55.2 31.8 67.9 58.1 60.6 60.6 64.2 68.1
Commensal Species 3.5 4.2 3.5 4.6 6.8 9.3 15.2 6.7 1.7 5.2
Wild Taxa* 89.1 89.3 79.3 68.2 85.2 81.4 81.8 80.0 84.2 86.5
........................................................................................................

Total BIOMASS 38.6 24.62 7.733 6.114 25.222 2.34 1.19 1.04 18.999 125.86

Domestic Mammals 29.7 50.5 73.7 63.5 38.3 48.2 25.2 38.5 65.3 45.6
Domestic Birds 4.7 3.3 0.09 1.3 1.9 1.3 x x 2.1 2.9
Wild Terrestrials 22.5 19.9 14.2 27.8 28.5 23.5 24.4 29.9 14.5 21.8
Wild Birds 3.4 3.3 0.3 0.8 0.8 3.4 3.2 x 3.1 2.4
Aquatic Reptiles 2.3 0.4 2.6 1.6 4.6 0.7 10.9 1.9 0.2 2.1
Fishes 36.3 19.1 9.1 4.9 25.1 20.9 33.8 28.9 14.8 23.9
Commensal Species 1.1 3.7 0.08 0.07 0.9 2.1 2.5 1.9 0.2 1.4
Wild Taxa* 64.5 42.7 26.2 35.2 57.9 48.5 72.3 59.6 32.5 50.2
------------------------.-----.--.------ -....---------------------------------------------------.......
*Excluding Commensal Species
Table 3. Summary of Species Lists by Faunal Categories. Values expressed as the percentage of the
Total MNI or Total Biomass.


TOTAL


REITZ


FAUNAL EVIDENCE AT ST. AUGUSTINE











Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Comeon Name Scientific Name Common Name


MAMMALS
Scalopus aquaticus

Didelphis virginiana

Sylvilagus spp.

Sciurus spp.

Sciurus niger

Siomodon hispidus

Rattus spp.

Rattus rattus

Canis familiaris

Procyon lotor
Felis domesticus

Artiodactyl

Sus scrofa

Odocoileus virginianus

Bos taurus

Capra/Ovis spp.

BIRDS

Aroea herodias

Casmerodeus albus

Branta canadensis

Anas spp.

Anas platyrhynchos

Anas rubripes

Anas fulvigula

Anas strepera
Anas crecca

Anas discors

Aythya spp.

Oxyura jamaicensis

Coragyps atratus

Buteo platypterus

Colinus virginianus

Gallus gallus

Meleagris gallopayo
Grus canadensis

Rallidae

Charadrius vociferus

Gallinago gallinago


Mole

Opossum

Rabbit

Squirrel

Fox squirrel

Hispid cotton rat

Old World rat

Roof rat

Dog

Raccoon
Cat

Even-toed ungulate

Pig
Deer

Cow

Goat or Sheep



Great blue heron

Great egret

Canada goose
Duck

Mallard duck

American black duck

Mottled duck

Gadwall

Green-winged teal

Blue-winged teal

Diving duck

Ruddy duck

Black vulture

Broad-winged hawk

Northern bob-white

Chicken

Wild Turkey

Sandhill crane

Rail family
Killdeer

Common snipe


Catoptrophorus semi-
palmatus

Zenaidura macroura

Strix varia

Dryopus pileatus

Melanerpes erythro-
cephalus


Passeriformes

Corvidae

Corvus ossifragus

Muscicapidae
REPTILES

Chelydra serpentina

kinosternon spp.

Emydidae


Terrapene carolina

Malaclemys terrapin

Chrysemys script

Gopherus polyphemus

Trionyx ferox

Cheloniidae

Colubridae

Nerodia spp.
Coluber constrictor

Viperidae


Willet

Mourning dove

Barred owl

Pileated woodpecker


Red-headed woodpecker


Perching birds

Crow family

Fish crow

Thrush family


Snapping turtle

Mud turtle

Box and pond turtle
family

Box turtle

Diamond-back terrapin

Yellow-bellied turtle

Gopher tortoise

Softshell turtle

Sea turtle family

Non-poisonous snakes

Water snake

Racer

Pit vipers


Agkistrodon piscivorous Cottonmouth

Rana spp. Frog

Bufo spp. Toad


CARTILAGENOUS FISH

Chondrichthyes

Carcharhinidae

Carcharhinus leucas

Carcharhinus plumbeus

Galeocerdo cuvieri

Spyrnidae

Sphyrna mokorran

Sphyrna tiburo
Sphyrna zygaena


Rajiformes
Pristis pectinata

BONY FISH

Ictaluridae


Ictalurus spp.

Ariidae

Arius felis

Bagre marinus

Opsanus tau

Centropomus spp.

Centropristis spp.


Skates and Rays
Smalltooth sawfish


Bullhead catfish
family
Bullhead catfishes

Sea catfishes

Hardhead catfish

Gafftopsail catfish

Oyster toadfish
Snook

Sea bass


Hicropterus salmoides Largemouth bass


Pomatomus saltatrix

Carangidae

Haemulidae

Sparidae

Archosargus probato-
cephalus

Bairdiella chrysoura

Cynoscion nebulosis

Leiostomus xanthrurus

Menticirrhus spp.


Bluefish

Jack family

Grunt family

Porgy family


Sheepshead
Silver perch

Spotted seatrout

Spot

Kingfish


Micropogonias undulatus Atlantic croaker

Pogonias cromis Black drum
Scianops ocellatus Red drum

Mugil spp. Mullet

Paralichthys spp. Flounder

Diodon histrix Porcupinefish


Cartilagenous fish

Raquiem sharks
Bull shark

Sandbar shark

Tiger shark

Hammerhead shark

Great hammerhead shark

Bonnethead shark

Smooth hammerhead


Table 4. Taxa Identified From Sixteenth Century Spanish Contexts.


Scientific Name


Common Name


Common Name


Scientific Name


Common Name


Scientific Name








Taxa SA-26-1 26-1 29-2 34-1 34-1 34-2 34-2 34-3 36-4 TOTAL
1976-77 1979 1977 1977 1980 1980 1983 1977 1978

Total MNI 459 168 29 22 237 43 33 15 120 1126

Pig 14 3 2 3 6 1 1 1 8 39
Deer 10 4 2 2 6 2 1 X 4 31
Cow 2 3 2 1 2 1 X 1 2 14
Chicken 17 5 1 2 11 2 X X 7 45
Gopher 12 8 1 2 5 1 1 1 4 35
Sharks 15 5 2 2 7 2 X 1 3 37
Ariidae 44 22 3 1 22 4 4 2 8 110
Sciaeniadae 67 32 4 1 36 4 6 2 12 164
Mullet 168 41 4 1 81 10 4 2 45 356
All Wild
Taxa 409 150 23 15 202 35 27 12 101 974
.........................................................................................

Total
Biomass 38.6 24.6 7.7 6.2 25.2 2.35 1.19 1.0 19.0 125.84
(in kg.)

Pig 9.4 1.2 1.6 3.8 5.3 1.04 0.3 0.2 3.4 26.24
Deer 6.4 2.36 0.5 1.2 3.9 0.32 0.15 x 1.3 16.13
Cow 1.0 11.2 4.1 0.08 4.4 0.87 x 0.2 9.0 31.85
Chicken 1.8 0.8 0.007 .08 0.5 0.03 x x 0.4 3.617
Gopher 1.3 2.5 0.04 0.5 1.96 0.23 0.13 0.2 1.1 7.96
Sharks 3.04 0.8 0.37 0.18 2.52 0.04 x 0.06 0.45 7.46
Ariidae 3.0 1.42 0.1 0.03 0.85 0.083 0.112 0.04 0.306 5.941
Sciaenidae 3.36 1.071 0.08 0.02 1.217 0.104 0.10 0.08 1.29 7.322
Mullet 2.9 1.1 0.1 0.01 1.7 0.23 0.1 0.07 0.6 6.81
All Wild
Taxa 24.9 10.5 2.02 2.15 14.6 1.135 0.86 0.62 6.166 62.951
......................................................................................
Table 5. Summary of Selected Species



.......................................................................................
Site N MNI Diversity Equitability
.........................................................................................

SA 26-1 (1977-78) 66 459 2.8411 0.6781
SA 26-1 (1979) 42 168 3.0325 0.8113
SA 29-2 18 29 2.7640 0.9563
SA 34-1 (1977) 17 22 2.7398 0.9670
SA 34-1 (1980) 42 237 2.8280 0.7566
SA 34-2 (1980) 28 43 2.8094 0.8431
SA 34-2 (1983) 19 33 2.7410 0.9309
SA 34-3 13 15 2.5288 0.9859
SA 36-4 30 120 2.5851 0.7601
---------------------------------- ------- -----------------~--'-""~-

.........................................................................................
Site N Biomass, Kg Diversity Equitability


SA 26-1 (1977-78) 66 38.6 2.8894 0.6896
SA 26-1 (1979) 42 24.6 2.1349 0.5712
SA 29-2 18 7.7 1.5437 0.5341
SA 34-1 (1977) 17 6.2 1.2658 0.4468
SA 34-1 (1980) 39 25.2 2.4592 0.6713
SA 34-2 (1980) 27 2.35 2.0005 0.6070
SA 34-2 (1983) 18 1.19 2.3197 0.8026
SA 34-3 13 1.0 2.1713 0.8465
SA 36-4 30 19.0 1.9455 0.5720

Table 6. Diversity and Evenness.
Table 6. Diversity and Evenness.


FAUNAL EVIDENCE AT ST. AUGUSTINE


ZEITZ






included both Canada geese and turkeys.
These birds are native North American
species which were found wild by early
colonists. By the mid-1800s there were
standards of excellence for both as
domesticated poultry breeds (American
Poultry Association 1874; Johnson and
Brown 1903); however, it seems unlikely
that either species was domesticated at
this early date. Commensal species (see
Table 3) include rats, snakes, dogs,
cats and amphibians. While it is
possible that these were part of the
Spanish diet, commensal species are
animals commonly found associated with
human habitations. The distribution of
elements suggests that these animals
were casual inclusions in the faunal
remains. The MNI and biomass contrib-
uted by selected species is presented
in Table 5 and the diversity-evenness
values in Table 6. A total of 43,103
bones were identified, with a minimum
of 1126 individuals.

ANALYSIS

Spanish use of coastal plain and
estuarine resources in the sixteenth
century was very similar to that of
precontact populations on the coast,
with the addition of European domestic
animals (see Table 4). Of the taxa
identified, 87% of the individuals and
50% of the biomass were non-commensal
wild species. The prominent taxa in
the sixteenth century faunal assemblag-
es were cows, pigs, deer, gopher
tortoises, sharks, drums, mullets, and
sea catfishes. With the exception of
the domestic animals and gopher tor-
toises, these were prominent species in
aboriginal collections also.


Domestic animals used by the Spanish
colonists were exclusively pigs,
cattle, and chickens, except for one
caprine (sheep/goat) individual identi-
fied from SA 26-1 (1976-77). The role
of pigs and cattle in the diet varied
considerably from site to site. There
was a range of 1 to 14 hogs and 0.2 kg
to 9.4 kg of pork among the collec-


tions. From 0 to 3 cattle were
identified at each site, with the
amount of beef ranging from none to
11.2 kg. Although a total of 39 hogs
and 14 cattle were identified, more
beef than pork was consumed. The role
of chickens is interesting. For
example, at SA 26-1 (1976-77), chickens
provided 4% of the individuals and 5%
of the biomass in contrast to cattle,
which constituted less than 1% of the
individuals and 5% of the biomass.
However, no chickens at all were
identified as SA 34-3 (1977) or at SA
34-2 (1983).

These data provide information on
Spanish husbandry techniques as well.
Of 39 pigs identified from St.
Augustine, 56% (22) were under 3Z years
of age at death. Three of the 14 St.
Augustine cows (21%) were slaughtered
before reaching 3a years of age. The
other individuals were probably adults
at death. It appears that hogs tended
to be slaughtered between two and three
years of age and some cattle were also
killed young. None of the domestic
animal bones were suitable for use in a
linear allometry equation to determine
live weight; however, the pig and
cattle elements were from small indi-
viduals, similar in size to modern
feral hogs and scrub cattle. An adult
male feral hog from Florida weighed 58
kg (Florida State Museum collections)
and scrub cows averaged 294 kg (Rouse
1977:186). The Spanish chickens were
comparable in bone dimensions to a
Brown Leghorn Bantam of 680 kg (Florida
State Museum collection). Additional
age information and measurements for
the domestic taxa are reported else-
where (Reitz and Scarry 1985).

Although hogs and cattle are included
as domestic animals, it should be noted
that they also might have been essen-
tially wild since the Spanish husbandry
technique in the New World was to turn
animals loose to fend for themselves
(Gray 1933:200-212; Crosby 1972:78).
For example, in the 1570s a complaint
was lodged about the cattle roaming St.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)






Augustine's streets (Caceres 1574) and
there are numerous reports of hog
islands where feral, or at least free-
ranging, hogs were found (Towne and
Wentworth 1950:73; Bonner 1964:30;
Crosby 1972:78).

Much more diversity is evident in the
use of wild species. Deer were the
major wild mammalian species. Opos-
sums, rabbits, squirrels, and raccoons
were identified as minor wild compo-
nents. All of these mammals could have
been attracted to fields, garden plots,
garbage pits, and storehouses and might
have been easily trapped or hunted
close to St. Augustine (Golley 1962).
This might have been done in a fashion
similar to the garden hunting strategy
described by Olga Linares (1976). One
terrestrial species of interest is the
gopher tortoise, which constituted at
least 2% of the individuals and 0.5% of
the biomass at all sites. For the town
as a whole, gophers contributed 3% of
the individuals and 6% of the biomass
at St. Augustine. A wide variety of
herons, ducks and shore birds was used,
but these and aquatic reptiles were
seldom major portions of the faunal
inventories. Of the fish, the major
components were sharks, drums, mullets,
and sea catfishes. These contributed
59% of the individuals and 22% of the
biomass.

There are few good indications of
seasonal activity in these data. Some
chicken bones from SA 26-1 (1976-77)
contained medullary bone, a calcium
deposit associated with periods of egg-
laying, which might be exclusively a
warm weather activity (Rick 1975).
These chickens might have been slaugh-
tered while still in laying condition,
or in the fall just as egg production
was declining. There were also occa-
sional unidentified juvenile bird and
mammal bones indicating some use of
other young birds and mammals. Howev-
er, none of the mammals in this area
enter periods of inactivity during the
winter, although they may be hard to
find during the occasional cold snap.


While young birds indicate use of such
animals during the warm breeding season
months, young mammals might be part of
the normal wild population throughout
the year. Of the turtles, none are
necessarily inaccessible during cold
weather (Iverson 1977). Gophers
normally spend most of the year in
their dens, but the favorite capture
technique today is to hook them out of
their burrows when they are otherwise
inaccessible. Among the birds, only
the gadwall and teals are exclusively
migratory. Abundant, but seasonal,
fishes such as bluefish, herrings and
shad were not used. However, sharks
and sea catfishes are primarily warm
weather inhabitants of the estuarine
waters (McClane 1974) and both of these
groups were significant food sources.
Large adults of the drum and mullet
families are also warm weather
occupants of the estuaries (Draft
Environmental Impact Statement
1975:D404-407, D431-433; Dahlberg
1975). However, small individuals of
the sea catfish, drum, and mullet
families may be found in the estuarine
area throughout the year (Draft Envi-
ronmental Impact Statement 1975:D498-
524). Individuals of all sizes were
present in the samples studied, al-
though large individuals were more
common. Although sharks were used in
proportions similar to chickens, it
would appear that the primary Spanish
strategy, as the aboriginal one had
been earlier (Reitz 1982b, c), was to
exploit species which were not markedly
seasonal and to ignore those which
were. All of the fishes are common
estuarine species easily obtained
within the bays themselves. It would
not have been necessary for a deep sea
fishing industry to have supplied these
species to the St. Augustine market.
Many are best caught by untended or
mass capture techniques such as weirs,
nets, or set lines.

Diversity and evenness values present a
less precise pattern then might have
been expected. Grayson (1978; 1979;
1981), Casteel (1976-77), and Wing


FAUNAL EVIDENCE AT ST. AUGUSTINE


REITZ





(Wing and Brown 1979:118-121) have
discussed the relationships among bone
quantity, MNI, and species lists. The
conclusion is that samples containing
fewer than 200 individuals are likely
to present incomplete species lists and
to be biased in terms of species
importance. An examination of Table 5
demonstrates the significance of this
problem. The large samples (SA 26-1,
SA 34-1, and SA 36-4) are more diverse
and less equitable than the small
samples based on MNI. The large
collections and the small collections
also cluster together based on biomass.

Archaeologically this is predictable.
Features are basically single events
which do not represent the total
complex of human activity at the site.
Diverse samples include a variety of
discrete events which more closely
approximate overall behavior. If
subsistence patterns are the desired
end result, as they are here, then it
is necessary to have large sample sizes
and diverse proveniences. Archaeolo-
gists working in historic period sites
must be alert to the hazards of confin-
ing subsistence analysis to single
small features. This is not to say
that features are not of value for
other purposes. The diversity values
from SA 26-1, SA 34-1, and SA 36-4 are
probably more accurate than those for
the other samples. Speaking on the
basis of these four samples, the
apparent pattern was one of dependence
upon only a few major species with a
range of minor animals supplementing
the basic staples. The staples were
pigs, deer, cows, sharks, sea cat-
fishes, drums, and mullets. A variety
of other characteristics in addition to
the diversity values suggests that SA
26-1 (1976-77) was an upper status
household. Among these are the pres-
ence of caprines in the sample, a high
use of chickens and mullets (Reitz and
Scarry 1985) as well as the presence of
novel ceramic types (Singleton 1977).

Several factors were influential in the
formation of the sixteenth century


Spanish subsistence behavior. It has
been suggested by Bokonyi (1975:4) that
when people arrive in a new environment
they will try to maintain their origi-
nal husbandry system under the changed
circumstances. They will do this even
if it is unproductive, making up the
loss by increased use of wild foods
before incorporating different types of
domestic animals. Raising sheep and
goats was not productive in Spanish
Florida due to a number of factors
(Bonner 1964:30-31, 138-144; Clark
1947:129; Reitz 1983b). It was neces-
sary for the Spanish settlers to alter
their husbandry techniques to include
animals which could be raised effi-
ciently in the coastal environment.
Before pigs and cattle came to supplant
sheep, the gap was made up with wild
foods, especially deer and marine
fishes.

The role Native Americans played in
supplying the town, or in teaching
Europeans appropriate subsistence
techniques, was probably significant in
forming new Spanish foodways during the
initial years of European settlement.
Typical of soldiers in those times, the
Spanish settlers relied heavily upon
the local aboriginal population for
food (Bennett 1975:133-134; Connor
1927-1930; Lyon 1976:140; 1977:23;
Solis de Meras 1964). Native Americans
brought foodstuffs to St. Augustine or
the soldiers went out and got it.
Although Native Americans raised some
of the introduced livestock, particu-
larly chickens and hogs (Lanning
1935:77, 144), the large part of the
foodstuffs contributed to the Spaniards
was probably the typical aboriginal
fare of the time and locale, primarily
fish. They also supplied St. Augustine
and other parts of La Florida with
terrestrial game, especially deer, both
as hides and as venison (Lyon 1977:31).

Spaniards obtained foods by other means
as well. Hunters were employed by the
Spanish authorities, although these may
have been natives, and there was a
soldiers' partnership which sold


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)






venison in the town (Lyon 1977:22).
Private citizens could also have
hunted, especially since all of the
terrestial and marine species might
have been found very close in the
harbor or in the nearby gardens.

Both Spaniards and Native Americans
used some of the same capture tech-
niques and strategies. Coastal Native
Americans in the St. Johns River area
used weirs in their fishing activities
(Bennett 1975:20), as did the Spanish
soldiers (Garcia 1902:202). Nets were
also used by both groups. Three
chinchorros were sent to St. Augustine
in 1566, one of which was forwarded to
Santa Elena to be used by garrison
personnel there (AGI Contadura 422, No.
2, fols. 203vto, 208, 217 256vto-257,
265). Four attarraya nets were pur-
chased for Florida in 1569 (AGI
Justicia 1001, No. 2, Ramo 1). Conse-
quently the kinds of fish which are
found in the aboriginal and Spanish
archaeological records are those
species most amenable to such mass
capture techniques in the estuarine
setting. There are no pelagic species
such as would be found in Spain in the
1500s. Since little effort was re-
quired for this sort of fishing, it is
not surprising that fish supplied a
great deal of the animal food consumed.

Pigs and cattle quickly supplanted
sheep in importance. Menindez initial-
ly agreed to bring to Florida 100
horses and mares, 200 calves, 400
swine, 400 sheep, and some goats (Solis
de Meras 1964:262), reflecting the
original husbandry intent. These were
supposed to be left unconsumed for
their increase and it is possible that
sheep are not found in the archaeologi-
cal record because this commitment was
honored. Apparently some Europeans
could leave their domestic stock
unconsumed even in the face of starva-
tion. For example, Laudonniere report-
ed that even after months of hunger,
when his soldiers had their skin
pierced by their bones, he was able to


have sheep and poultry killed to feed
John Hawkins (Bennett 1975:142). In
fact, he had more than a hundred
chickens, the result of natural
increase in the brief year he had been
at Fort Caroline. Since this increase
would have been occurring even as his
men suffered from starvation, aspects
of this French account seem dubious.
It is more likely that the Spanish
sheep simply did not survive in the
sandy, forested conditions of the
Atlantic coastal plain where pastures
were scarce, predators common and
parasites abundant. Chickens apparent-
ly adapted very well to the new condi-
tions, if that part of Laudonniere's
testimony can be believed. More
substantial evidence is provided by the
fact that chickens contributed 4% of
the individuals in the St. Augustine
faunal assemblage.

The livestock which supplanted sheep
were hogs and cattle. Hogs quickly
adapted to the new environment, becom-
ing feral and abundant (Bonner 1964:30;
Gray 1933:206; Sauer 1971:204; Towne
and Wentworth 1950:70-86). Ribault
included wild swine among the native
animals of the land in 1562 (Sauer
1971:204) before there had been a
successful permanent European settlement
on the Atlantic coast. These wild
swine must have been survivors of
shipwrecks and unsuccessful European
efforts to establish outposts on the
coastal plain. Cattle may have had
more difficulty in the initial years
(Rouse 1977:73-77), but as the seven-
teenth century cattle ranches demon-
strated (Arnade 1965), they also
eventually came to do quite well. Even
before the large cattle herds developed
on those ranches, cattle were important
in the Florida diet, rivaling hogs from
the very beginning. Cattle and hogs
probably supplanted sheep for several
reasons. Among these might have been a
preference for the flat environment of
the coastal plain (Clarke 1947), an
ability to adjust to a sub-tropical
climate, their capacity to forage


FAUNAL EVIDENCE AT ST. AUGUSTINE


REITZ






without being herded, and wariness of
predators.



CONCLUSION

Newcomers in a strange environment
undoubtedly face hardships and the
Spaniards in La Florida during the
sixteenth century were no different.
They were reluctant to modify their
initial expectations of what were
suitable Spanish foods and tried to
maintain their familiar diet, but
change occurred rapidly. The evidence
for this situation is found archaeolog-
ically in the faunal record of St.
Augustine, where the earliest indica-
tions of a faunal use pattern which
endures today can be found. This
pattern represents a shift from an Old
World diet to one which incorporated
many of the resources of their new
surroundings. In many respects this
new Spanish-Floridian foodway resembled
the diet enjoyed by the Indians who
lived in the area. The new Spanish
diet, therefore, may represent both
acculturation as well as adaptation.

ACKNOWIEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Kathleen A.
Deagan for the opportunity to study the
faunal materials from St. Augustine.
Funding for analysis was provided by
the Florida Chapter of the Colonial
Dames of America, the National Endow-
ment for the Humanities (RO-32537-78-
1425), and the State of Florida. I
appreciate the assistance offered by
staff of the St. Augustine Historic
Preservation Board and the St.
Augustine Restoration Foundation, Inc.,
as well as that provided by Paul
Hoffman and Eugene Lyon. I wish also
to acknowledge the assistance Charles
H. Fairbanks provided and to thank
Elizabeth S. Wing for her support and
guidance during much of this research.
An earlier version of this paper was
presented at the 14th Annual meeting of
the Society for Historical Archaeology.


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Johnson, A. Sidney, H.O. Hillestad, S.F.
Shanholtzer, and G. F. Shanholtzer
1974 An Ecological Survey of the Coastal Region
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D.C.

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1903 The Poultry Book. Doubleday, Page, and Co.
New York.

King, Julia, and Fred Gaske
1980 Field Report of 1980 Excavations at the
Ximenez-Fatio Site, St. Augustine.
Project report submitted to the Colonial
Dames of America. Ms on file, Florida
State Museum, Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida.

Planning, John Tate
1935 The Spanish Missions of Georgia.
University of North Carolina Press,
Chapel Hill.


FAUNAL EVIDENCE AT ST. AUGUSTINE


REITZ







Larson, Lewis
1980 Aboriginal Subsistence Technology on the
Southeastern Coastal Plain During the Late
Prehistoric Period. University Presses
of Florida, Gainesville.

Linares, Olga
1976 Garden Hunting in the American Tropics.
Human Ecology 4(4):331-349.

Lyon, Eugene
1976 The Enterprise of Florida. University
Presses of Florida, Gainesville.

1977 St. Augustine 1580: The Living Community.
El Escribano 14:20-22. St. Augustine
Historical Society.

Mahood, Robert K.; C.D. Harris; J.L. Music; and
B.A. Palmer
1974 Survey of the Fisheries Resources in
Georgia's Estuarine and Inshore Ocean
Waters. Part 1. Georgia Department of
Natural Resources Contribution Series #22.

Marrinan, Rochelle
1975 Ceramics, Molluscs, and Sedentism: The
Late Archaic Period of the Georgia Coast.
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Florida.
University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.

McClane, A.J.
1974 Field Guide to Saltwater Fishes of North
America. Holt, Rinehart, and Winston,
New York.

Palmer, W.R.
1862 Preliminary Chart of St. Augustine Harbor,
Florida. U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey,
Record Group 23, Chart 456, Edition 1.
National Archives and Record Service,
Washington D.C.

Pearson, Charles
1978 Patterns of Mississippian Period Adaptation
in Coastal Georgia. Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Geogia. University
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Poe, Charles Boyce
In Prep. Status Variability in 18th Century
Criollo Culture. MA thesis, Department
of Anthroplogy, Florida State
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Gainesville.

Reitz, Elizabeth J.
1982a Application of Allometry to Zooarchaeology.
Paper presented to the 39th Annual Meeting
of the Southeastern Archaeological
Conference, Memphis.

1982b Availability and Use of Fish in Coastal
Georgia and Florida. Southeastern
Archaeology 1(1):65-88.

1982c Vertebrate Fauna from Four Coastal
Mississippian Sites. Journal of
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1984 Urban/Rural Contrasts in Vertebrate Fauna
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Reitz, Elizabeth J., and Dan Cordier
1983 Use of Allometry in Zooarchaeological
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THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


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E.S. Higgs, pp. 250-268. Praeger, New
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1977 The Archaeology of a pre-18th Century House
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Smith, Robin L., C.O. Braley, N.T. Borremans, and
E.J. Reitz
1981 Coastal Adaptations in Southeastern
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Solis de Meras, Gonzalo
1964 Pedro Menendez de Aviles. (Facsimile of
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1950 Pigs: From Cave to Cornbelt. University
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Townsend, Joseph
1814 A Journey through Spain in the Years 1786
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1969 An Economic History of Spain. Princeton
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1963 Vertebrates from the Jungerman and Goodman
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1979 Paleonutrition: Method and Theory in
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Elizabeth Reitz
Department of Anthropology
University of Georgia
Athens, Georgia 30602


FAUNAL EVIDENCE AT ST. AUGUSTINE


REITZ






THE USE OF PLANT FOODS IN SIXTEENTH CENTURY


ST. ADUSTINL

C. Margaret Scarry


Introduction


In 1565, Spanish soldiers and colonists
led by Pedro Mendndez de Avilds estab-
lished a garrison at St. Augustine. By
1600, the fledgling settlement had
experienced numerous hardships, includ-
ing Indian hostility, pirate attacks,
and hurricanes. Despite these misfor-
tunes, St. Augustine survived and,
after the abandonment of Santa Elena,
became the capital of Spanish Florida.

St. Augustine has proved to be a
fertile field of research for scholars
interested in colonial endeavors. The
main events in the early history of the
settlement are known in outline (Gannon
1965; Lyon 1976; see also Manucy this
issue) and continuing documentary
research is providing rich detail about
the political and economic under-
pinnings of the community (Bushnell
1981; Lyon 1976; see also Manucy this
issue). However, many aspects of life
in St. Augustine remain elusive.

To help fill the gaps in our knowledge
about the mundane activities of the
ordinary people in the town, a project
was designed to develop information
about daily life in sixteenth century
St. Augustine (Deagan 1981 this issue).
Under the direction of Kathleen Deagan,
coordinated archival and archaeological
investigations were initiated. Since
the foods people eat are central to
daily life in any community, investi-
gating the subsistence practices of
sixteenth century St. Augustinians was
a major thrust of the project. Floral
and faunal remains were collected and
analyzed to determine what resources
were utilized, and what strategies were
employed in obtaining them. The
resulting archaeological data were



Vol. 38 Numbers 1-2 Part 1


combined with documentary evidence to
reconstruct the colonists' foodways.

This paper summarizes information about
the utilization of plant food resources
in sixteenth century St. Augustine.
The picture presented depicts the
general pattern of plant consumption in
the community. Though it is possible
to speculate that this pattern would
vary between households of differing
status or ethnic affiliation, the data
are not yet adequate to address such,
issues.

Background

The decision to establish a settlement
at St. Augustine was a result of
political and military strategy.
French activity on the Atlantic Coast
of North America led the Spanish crown
to approve a colonial venture to
protect its claim to the region. St.
Augustine was founded to provide
concrete testimony to Spain's sover-
eignty over the disputed territory. In
addition, the settlement was intended
to provide military protection for
vital shipping lanes, render aid to
shipwreck victims, and serve as a base
for missionary efforts.

Although St. Augustine was settled for
military purposes, the colony was
expected to be economically self-
sufficent (Lyon 1977:23). When Pedro
Menendez de Avilds left Spain, he was
accompanied by not only soldiers and
sailors but also farmers, artisans,
priests, and administrative officials.
At least some of the colonists were
lured to the New World by dreams of
making their fortunes and establishing
Iberian style estates (Lyon 1981:277-
278). To this end, they brought to St.
Augustine the seeds and livestock



March-June, 1985


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST






appropriate for replicating traditional
economies (Solis de Meras 1923:262).

The attempts to employ familiar strate-
gies to achieve economic independence
were doomed to fail. The infertile
soils and hot humid climate of the
Atlantic Coastal Plain were too
different from those of Iberia. Some
Old World livestock could be raised in
Florida, but the animals that thrived
were not the preferred meat sources
(Reitz 1979, 1980, this issue). The
situation for crops was more drastic.
Some Old World fruits and vegetables
would grow, but the staple grains--
wheat, oats, rye, and barley-could not
be successfully produced at St.
Augustine.

Faced with the inability to pursue Old
World patterns, the settlers were
forced to modify their subsistence
practices. Documentary evidence
concerning the colonists' efforts to
adapt their foodways to the conditions
of the environment is fragmentary and
at times contradictory. Both rave
reviews and cries of privation can be
found in the records from the colony
(Arnade 1959:33; Connor 1925:99, 147-
149, 1930:227). There are reports
that list what crops were planted, but
they lack detail and disagree on the
success of the agricultural endeavors
(Arnade 1959:9, 37; Connor 1930:227;
Cumbaa 1975:115; Deagan 1974:39). Non-
domesticated plant resources are seldom
mentioned.

The goal of economic self-sufficiency
was never fully achieved. The colo-
nists depended on supply ships and
aboriginal trade for some provisions.
In 1570, the situado-an annual subsidy
and payroll--was instituted. The
subsidy included a variety of material
goods and food supplies. In reality,
situado shipments were highly undepend-
able and did not arrive at regular
specified intervals (Lyon 1977:22).
Although the advent of a situado ship
undoubtedly brought a temporary abun-
dance of desired foodstuffs, it is


debatable to what extent these supplies
contributed to the survival of the
town. Instead, the Spaniards seem to
have relied on food acquired from the
natives to augment the yield of their
own subsistence efforts.

Excavations at the sites of several
sixteenth century households in St.
Augustine have produced plant data that
help to clarify the picture gleaned
from contemporary accounts. Together
the historic and archaeological evi-
dence suggest the colonists incorporat-
ed food resources from both hemispheres
into a new and distinct subsistence
economy. The new subsistence system
seems to have emerged rapidly and
remained stable thereafter. Though the
goal of self-sufficiency was not met,
the settlers devised a system that
allowed St. Augustine to survive.


Data Base

Because the colonists' subsistence
practices were a major focus of the
sixteenth century project, floral
samples were systematically collected
using techniques designed to recover
even the smallest seeds. Beginning
with the 1979 field season, all closed
context, sixteenth century features
were sampled for plant remains.
Botanical materials were recovered by
water-screening small samples of
deposit through fine-mesh geological
screens. Once the soil was removed,
chemical flotation was used to separate
plant remains from other residue caught
in the screens. Floral materials were
also collected from the 6.25 mm screens
used to recover artifacts. However,
due to the severe size bias in plant
remains collected from such screens,
little information was gained from the
6.25 mm floral samples.

Using the procedures just described,
botanical samples were collected from
sixteenth century components at four
St. Augustine sites. Excavations at
SA-26-1, SA-34-1, SA-34-2, and SA-36-4


USE OF PLANT FOODS IN ST. AUGUSTINE


SCARRY






resulted in the recovery of plant food
remains from five households. These
remains were collected from a variety
of domestic deposits including wells,
refuse pits, and sheet midden. In the
following paragraphs, the contexts from
which the plant samples were drawn are
summarized.

The Lorenzo Josef de Leon site (SA-26-
1) appears to have been the location of
a household whose occupants had access
to a wide variety of European items.
Deagan (this issue) suggests the varied
assemblage reflects a higher than
average economic standing. In 1979,
excavations at this site disclosed
sheet midden, features, and two wells
and their construction pits. Plant
food remains were recovered from the
midden, three trash pits, both wells,
and one well construction pit.

The Trinity Episcopal Church site (SA-
34-1) may have been occupied during the
sixteenth century by a household of
moderate economic standing, possibly a
household of soldiers (Deagan this
issue; Manucy this issue). The site
was first tested in 1977. At that
time, a well and its construction pit
were excavated (Sites SA-34-la; Deagan
this issue). In 1980, excavations were
resumed at SA-34-1. Two additional
wells, their construction pits, and
several other features were encoun-
tered. Plant food remains were recov-
ered from 30 contexts including the
midden, a postmold, a wall remnant, 12
pits, 5 depressions, 3 wells, and one
well construction pit.

The Ximenez-Fatio site (SA-34-2)
appears, on the basis of its material
assemblage, to have been a high status
household in the sixteenth century
(Deagan this issue, Gaske 1982:18).
Beginning in 1979 and ending in 1983, a
series of excavations were conducted at
the site. This work focused on the
nineteenth century occupation, but
several sixteenth century contexts were
encountered and excavated. Plant food
remains were recovered from 15 contexts


including three midden levels, four
features, and four areas. Although a
small portion of a well construction
pit was excavated, SA-34-2 is the only
site, in this study, at which no
sixteenth century well was excavated.

The Francisco Ponce de Leon, or Palm
Row, site (SA-36-4) was occupied by two
sixteenth century households. Deagan
(this issue) suggests these households
were at the lower end of the economic
spectrum in sixteenth century St.
Augustine. The households were located
at opposite ends of the site and are,
for the purposes of this report,
designated SA-36-4 north and SA-36-4
south. Midden deposits and wells were
found in association with both house-
holds. The only plant samples from SA-
36-4 north were collected from a well
and its construction pit. Although
these remains constitute the smallest
plant sample in this study, the materi-
als from this well were of particular
interest. The well fill contained
considerable quantities of burnt timber
and daub. On the basis of its artifact
assemblage, it has been suggested that
this fill was deposited when the lot
was cleared after Sir Francis Drake
sacked the town in 1586 (Deagan person-
al communication). Within the well
fill was a solid mass of charred maize
cobs and kernels. The cobs had been
cemented together when the sugar in the
grains exploded. This mass, comprising
at least four cobs, is the best sample
of maize recovered from sixteenth
century St. Augustine. The household
on the south end of the site is only
slightly better represented by floral
samples than that on the north. Plant
food remains were recovered from a well
and two trash pits.

The floral remains recovered from these
four sites are the primary data for
this report. The inclusion of only
closed context sixteenth century
samples in the analysis produced a small
but nevertheless informative data base.
While plant food remains were not
abundant in the samples, the condition


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)





of the floral materials was generally
excellent.

Analysis of the plant remains followed
standard archaeobotanical procedures.
Samples were weighed, sifted through a
set of geological screens, then sorted
under a binocular microscope. All
remains larger than 1.4 mm were sorted.
Fragments smaller than 1.4 mm, were
scanned for small seeds but not other-
wise sorted. Seeds and nutshells were
identified using identification manuals
(e.g., Martin and Barkley 1961; Delorit
1970) and by reference to the author's
comparative collection. Wood charcoal
was weighed but not identified. The
non-wood remains in the samples were
quantified by count. These counts
represent the number of fragments in a
category; they do not necessarily
represent the number of whole seeds or
nuts in that class.

Before the results of the analysis are
presented, a brief discussion of
factors affecting the deposition and
preservation of plant materials is
required. Not all plant foods utilized
at a site will be preserved, nor will
they necessarily be preserved in
proportion to the intensity of their
exploitation. Many plant foods (e.g.,
berries, grains, greens) are consumed
in entirety and will be preserved only
be accident. Others have inedible
portions (e.g., nutshells, fruit pits,
maize cobs) that must be discarded.
Samples of archaeological plant remains
are generally biased toward these
latter foods. Moreover, plants are
normally preserved only if they are
carbonized. Here again bias is intro-
duced. Large, dense plant parts are
apt to carbonize when subjected to
heat. Fragile parts often turn to ash,
leaving no recognizable residue.
Occasionally, plants will be preserved
without being carbonized. This occurs
when extremely arid or wet conditions
prevent natural decomposition. Under
such circumstances, small fragile plant
parts have more equitable chances of


preservation. However, samples col-
lected from arid or waterlogged con-
texts are still biased toward food by-
products.

While the problems of differential
preservation need to be recognized,
they are not insurmountable. Since
human behavior is patterned, those
resources used most often are more
likely to be the subjects of accidents
that result in preservation (Yarnell
1982:4). Analyses of systematically
collected floral samples can yield
considerable information about what
resources were used and their relative
importance in the diet. Moreover this
information can be combined with
ecological, ethnographic, and historic
evidence to produce descriptions of
plant exploitation strategies.

St. Augustine presents a fortunate
situation in which both waterlogged and
carbonized plant materials have been
preserved. Waterlogged plant food
remains have been recovered from seven
barrel wells dated to the sixteenth
century. It appears that wells were
periodically replaced, and that old
wells were used for refuse disposal.
Artifact inventories indicate rapid
filling of abandoned wells, and suggest
that well deposits can be treated as
tightly closed contexts. The majority
of the floral data discussed in this
report were recovered from well fill.
Carbonized plant food remains are
generally scarce in the St. Augustine
deposits. This seems to be a product
of colonial trash disposal practices.
Deagan (1978:7) has noted that the
settlers generally "buried their trash
in small pits containing from a meal's
up to a few day's meal's refuse." If
trash was not generally burned, then
food remains would only rarely be
carbonized.

The samples of waterlogged and carbon-
ized floral remains from St. Augustine
complement one another. Taken togeth-
er, they give a fuller picture of plant


USE OF PLANT FOODS IN ST. AUGUSTINE


SCARRY





use than either type could if con-
sidered by itself. When the archaeo-
logical data are combined with historic
evidence, it becomes possible to
describe the basic pattern of plant
food utilization in sixteenth century
St. Augustine.

Results

In this paper, the plant food assem-
blage from sixteenth century St.
Augustine is treated as a unit and
discussed primarily in qualitative
terms. This approach results in a
composite view of plant food utiliza-
tion in the sixteenth century colony.
It is possible that quantitative
analyses would reveal subtle distinc-
tions in food use between households
within the community. However, the
effects of two different preservation
agents and the small data base make
quantitative analyses difficult.
Delineating variations on the basic
pattern described here will have to
await the accumulation of more floral
data.

The samples contained seeds, nutshells
and other non-wood remains from poten-
tial food resources. Table 1 lists the
scientific and common names of the
identified taxa. The assemblage
includes both domesticated (Table 2)
and wild plant taxa (Table 3). For the
purposes of discussion, the domesticat-
ed plants have been divided into three
categories. Indigenous cultigens are
plants grown by the local aboriginal
population before Spanish contact.
Exotic New World cultigens are plants
the Spaniards encountered in other New
World colonies and introduced to St.
Augustine. Old World cultigens are
plants domesticated in the Old World
and introduced to the New World by the
Spaniards. The non-domesticated plants
also have been divided into three
groups: nuts, fruits, and commensals.

The indigenous cultigens in the assem-
blage are maize (Zea mays), common bean
(Phaseolus vulgaris), and squash


(Cucurbita pepo). These cultigens were
also grown widely elsewhere in North
and South America and to a lesser
extent in the Caribbean Islands. The
Spanish settlers could have acquired
the seed stock and knowledge necessary
for raising these crops from either the
local natives or from other New World
colonies.

Both the archaeological evidence and
the documents indicate that maize was a
mainstay in the colonists' diet. Maize
cupules and kernels were the most
common plant food remains found in the
samples. A few cobs and cob fragments
were also recovered.

Although maize was grown by the aborig-
inal and Spanish populations on the
Atlantic Coast, it was also shipped to
the colonies from Cuba and the Yucatan
Peninsula of Mexico. Thus, the maize
remains in the samples could be from
either local or imported grain.
Fortunately, the indigenous Eastern
Flint maize can be distinguished from
Cuban and Mexican varieties by kernel
and cob characteristics.

All the maize in the assemblage appears
to be indigenous. The characteristics
of the maize in the samples were
compared to those of the major maize
varieties grown in the precontact
Southeast, Cuba, and the Yucatan, and
to a Mexican variety identified at
Santa Elena by Cutler (1980:91, 93)
(Table 4). It was found that the maize
remains from St. Augustine are more
similar to the indigenous Eastern Flint
maize than they are to the Cuban or
Mexican varieties. It is possible that
the archaeological maize was a hybrid
between Eastern Flint and a non-local
variety. However, the size and frag-
mentary condition of the samples
preclude adequate investigation of this
possibility.

While the maize recovered from St.
Augustine is probably of local origin,
it was not necessarily grown by the
colonists. The Spaniards were engaged


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)










--------A-------------A------ CONMON NAME TAXA CO-- -- -- 4ON NAME -


CULTIGE NS


Indigenous
Cucurbita pepo seed
Cucurbit rind
Cucurbit peduncle
Phaseolus vulgaris
Zea mays kernel
cupule
cobs

Exotic New World
Capsieum sp.
Cucurbita moschata
Phaseolus lunatus

Old World
Citrullus vulgaris
Ficus carica
Pisum sativum
Prunus persica


squash/pumpkin
squash rind
squash stem
common bean
maize kernel
maize cupule
maize cobs


chili pepper
squash
lima bean


watermelon
fig
common pea
peach


WILD RESOURCES

Nuts
Carya sp.
Quercus ap.

Fruits


Celtis sp.
Diospyros virginiana
Passiflora incarnata
Prunus sp.
Rubus sp.
Serenoa repens
Vaccinium sp.
Vitis sp.

Comensal plants

Amaranthus ap.
Chenopodium sp.
Eleusine indica
Euphorbia dentata
Lonicers sp.
Polygonum sp.
Portulaca oleracea
Sids sp.
Solanum sp.
Xanthlua sp.
Compositae
Fabaceae
Poaceae
Polygonaceae
Solanaceae


hickory nut
acorn




hackberry
persimmon
maypop
plum/cherry
blackberry
saw palmetto
blueberry
grape


pigweed
goosefoot
goosegrass
spurge
honeysuckle
knotweed
purslane
sida
nightshade
cocklebur
composite family
bean family
grass family
knotweed family
nightshade family


Table 1. Plant Taxa identified from sixteenth century St. Augustine.


TAXA ST. AUGUSTIE

SA-26-1 SA-34-1 SA-34-2 SA-36-4N SA-36-4S

Indigenous
Cucurbita pepo 2 11 1
Cucurbita sp. seed 9 3
Cucurbit rind 1 13 1
Cucurbit peduncle 1
Phaseolus vulgaris 1
Zea mays kernel 2 27 7 many 1
cupule 3 111 41 15
cobs 4+

Exotic New World
Capsicum sp. 1
Cucurbita moschata 12 5
Phaseolus lunatus 1 1

Old World
Citrullus vulgaris 3 9 2
Ficus carica seed 21 8
floret 1
Pisum sativum 1
Prunus persica 4 45 11 37

Table 2. Cultigens Identified In The Samples From St. Augustine.
Figures for all of the sites except SA-34-2 include both
carbonized and waterlogged remains.


- - - - - - - - - - - -


COMPON NAME TAXA


TAXA


COMMON NAME






ST.

SA-26-1 SA-34-1


AUGUSTINE

SA-34-2


SA-36-4N SA-36-4S


---------------------------------------------------------
Buts
Carya sp. shell 24 27 27 1
husk 3 1
Quercus sp. shell 1 9 2 2
meat 1

Fruits
Celtis sp. 1
Diospyros virginiana 18 1
Passiflora incarnata 14 4 7
Prunus spp. 2
Rubus sp. 2 1
Serenoa repens 4
Vaccinium sp. 3
Vitis sp. 1

Commensal Plants
Amaranthus sp. 1 43
Chenopodium sp. 25 1 8
Eleusine indica 3 7 1
Euphorbia dentata 1
Lonicera sp. 3
Polygonum sp. 1
Portulaca oleracea 66 35 540
Sida sp. 1
Smilax sp. 1
Solanum sp. 1
Xanthium sp. 3
Compositae 1
Fabaceae 1 1 1
Poaceae 2 3
Polygonaceae 4
Solanceae 3 3
---------------------------------------------------------------
All sites except SA-32-2 have both carbonized and waterlogged remains.

Table 3. Identified Non-Domesticated Plant Resources.



Row # Cupule Cupule Cupule Kernel Kernel
width height w/h surface height
mm mm am

INDIGEZOUS

Eastern Flint 8-10 9.5 4.4 2.0 smooth ?

CUBAN

Malz Criollo 12-16 5.2 0.8 6.5 smooth 10-12

Tus6n 14-18 5.7 0.8 7.1 dent 11-13

Canilla 10-16 4.0 1.7 2.35 dent 9-12.5

TUCATAN

Tuxpeho 12-14 7.5 3.7 2.0 dent 12.8

CENTRAL MEXICO

C6nico Elote 16 4.0 3.6 1.1 dent 11-16
---ST A S--TI 8-10 8.6 3.5 2.5 smooth 6.0
ST A]UGUSTIN 8-10 8.6 3.5 2.5 smooth 6.0


Sources for Ethnographic Varieties: Hat
1953:83, 96; Wellhausen et al. 1952:151.


heway 1957:21,


To compensate for distortion of the archaeological corn due to
carbonization, the cupule measurements have been adjusted upward
by 25% and kernel heights were decreased by 5% (Cutler 1956;
Pearsall 1980).

Table 4. Comparison of Maize Varieties Potentially Available in
Sixteenth Century Florida with the Archaeological
Samples from St. Augustine.


TAXA
------'----------------


26, 34;


Nickerson


- -- - - -- - - - - - - - - - - -






in lively trade with the aboriginal
populations. Considerable quantities
of maize were acquired by the settlers
through this exchange. There is no way
at present to distinguish the maize
produced by the Spaniards from that
grown by the natives.

The other indigenous cultigens--beans
and squash-occur in the samples in
small quantities. Beans and squash are
generally consumed in entirety, and
their remains are seldom found even at
sites where they are known to have been
used. It is difficult to determine
their relative importance based on the
quantities recovered. While beans and
squash were grown throughout the
Spanish territories, distinguishing
varieties of these plants is more
difficult than is the case for maize
and the archaeological samples are too
small for such purposes. Although it
seems most likely that these cultigens
were grown locally from indigenous seed
stock, the possibility that they were
either imported or grown from imported
seed stock cannot be eliminated.

Reports indicate that a variety of
exotic New World cultigens were both
shipped to St. Augustine and raised in
the kitchen gardens of the settlement
(Arnade 1959:9, 37; Connor 1930:227;
Cumbaa 1975:115; Deagan 1974:39; A.G.I.
EC 1024-A; A.G.I. CD 1174; A.G.I.
Patronato 19, Ramo 15). However, only
three exotic New World taxa occurred in
the sixteenth century samples. These
are a non-indigenous species of squash
(Cucurbita moschata), lima bean (Phase-
olus lunatus), and chili peper
(Capsicum sp.). Since these cultigens
were grown in the Caribbean Islands, in
Mesoamerica, and in South America but
not in the precontact southeastern
United States, they must have been
initially imported by the Spaniards.
Once introduced all three could have
been successfully grown in the colon-
ists' gardens.

The case of the Old World cultigens is
similar to that of the New World ex-


otics. That is, while a variety of Old
World cultigens are mentioned in
documents from the colony, only four
Old World cultigens were positively
identified in the archaeological
samples. These are pea (Pisum
sativum), fig (Ficus carica), peach
(Prunus persica), and watermelon
(Citrullus vulgaris). Peas and figs
can be dried and shipped but they can
also be grown in the conditions found
at St. Augustine. In contrast, peaches
and melons are unsuited to the rigors
of lengthy sea voyages and were almost
certainly grown in the settlement from
imported seed stock. These fruits were
among the most successful cultigens
the Spaniards attempted to introduce.
Both plants were well suited to the
soils and climate of the region and
both were prolific fruit bearers. The
plants not only flourished at St.
Augustine but were readily adopted by
the native populations and rapidly
spread beyond the area of direct
Spanish influence. In fact, peaches
and watermelons were so successful that
later European travelers thought that
the plants were native to North America
(Swanton 1946:279).

The archaeological evidence indicates
that the colonists gathered and used at
least some locally available wild plant
food resources (Table 3). The remains
of nutshells, fruit pits, and seeds
from a variety on non-domesticated
plants were found in the samples.

Shells from both hickory nuts (Carya
sp.) and acorns (Quercus sp.) were
recovered. Hickory nutshells were
second in frequency only to maize
remains. Acorns occurred in the
samples in much smaller quantities than
hickory nuts. However, the thinner
shells of acorns are not as easily
preserved as hickory shells and their
low frequency may only partially
reflect a lesser importance in the
diet. Hickories grow on the higher,
better drained areas in the flatwoods
around St. Augustine. Several species
of oaks also grow in various nearby


USE OF PLANT FOODS IN ST. AUGUSTINE


SCARRY






habitats. The settlers could have
gathered locally available nuts or
acquired them from the natives for whom
nuts were an important food resource.

Seeds from eight non-domesticated
fruits occurred in the samples. These
include hackberry (Celtis sp.), persim-
mon (Diospyros virginiana), maypop
(Passiflora incarnata), wild
plum/cherry (Prunus spp.), blackberry
(Rubus sp.), saw palmetto (Serenoa
repens), blueberry (Vaccinium sp.), and
grape (Vitis sp.). All the fruits,
except the saw palmetto berries, are
from successional plants that flourish
in disturbed habitats. The presence of
old Indian fields and activities of the
settlers probably encouraged the growth
of these plants thereby increasing the
availability of fruit around the
settlement. Saw palmetto is the
dominant undergrowth in pine flatwoods.
The berries from this plant would have
been abundant in the pinelands sur-
rounding the settlement.

The final category of non-domesticated
plants is the commensals. Such plants
colonize open ground and probably grew
in the yards, streets, and gardens of
the town. The commensal taxa are:
pigweed (Amaranthus sp.), goosefoot
(Chenopodium sp.), goosegrass (Eleusine
indica), spurge (Euphorbia dentata),
honeysuckle (Lonicera sp.), knotweed
(Polygonum sp.), purslane (Portulaca
oleracea), sida (Sida sp.), greenbrier
(Smilax sp.), nightshade (Solanum sp.),
and cockelbur (Xanthium sp.). Whether
these plants were utilized as food
resources is an open question. Given
their habitat preferences, it is
possible that the seeds in the samples
represent incidental inclusions rather
than exploited food resources. Howev-
er, many of the identified plants are
known to have been used for greens by
either the natives or Spaniards. It is
certainly possible that the colonists
gathered and used these readily availa-
ble plants to supplement other food
resources. One commensal deserves a


special note. Goosegrass is considered
by botanists to be an Old World plant
that was introduced to the New sometime
after European contact. The presence
of goosegrass seeds in the sixteenth
century St. Augustine samples suggests
that the plant was introduced early in
the historic period. Since it has no
known use, goosegrass was probably
accidentally transported to the New
World as contamination in seed stock or
livestock feed.


Discussion

The subsistence economy, which emerged
from the Spaniards' efforts to adjust
to their new circumstances, wove the
various available resources into a new
and distinct pattern. Since tradition-
al Iberian foodways relied on plants
that were ill suited to the ecological
conditions at St. Augustine, the
colonists radically changed the conste-
llation of domesticated plants that
formed the basis of their diet.
Documentary and archaeological evidence
indicate that the Spaniards adopted the
indigenous cultigens--maize, beans and
squash-as their staple plant foods.
The settlers added variety to their
diet by raising an assortment of Old
World and exotic New Wold fruits and
vegetables. The plant remains demon-
strate the Spaniards also utilized
locally abundant, wild plant resources,
particularly nuts and fruits. While
some foodstuffs were imported, unrelia-
ble shipments prohibited the settlers
from depending on such supplies for
their daily sustenance.

The impact of aboriginal subsistence
practices on the emerging colonial
foodways was substantial. The native
influence was both direct in the form
of supplies, provided willingly or
unwillingly, and indirect in the form
of seed stock and knowledge. The
exploitation of wild plants, in partic-
ular, seems to follow aboriginal
practices.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)






The changes the Spaniards made in their
subsistence practices did not produce
full subsistence independence. Uncer-
tain relations with the natives and
the poor soils of the Atlantic Coast
hampered the Spaniards' agricultural
endeavors. The settlers remained
dependent to some extent on supplies
from the Caribbean and the Old World
and to a greater extent on trade with
the Indians for provisions.

The archaeological evidence gives a
perspective from which to judge the
"feast or famine" portrayals that can
be found in the contemporary records.
Not surprisingly, the array of culti-
gens in the samples was more limited
than that reported in the glowing
accounts of the settlements' promoters.
On the other hand, all identified
cultigens could be locally produced.
This suggests that the colonists were
less dependent on food shipments than
some of the dire reports would lead one
to believe. Undoubtedly there were
times of privation. However, it seems
likely that supplies obtained from the
natives did more to alleviate shortages
than did unreliable food shipments from
Spain or the Caribbean.

Conclusion

The founding of St. Augustine extended
Spanish culture into an environment to
which it was not entirely suited.
Among other problems, the colonists
found that familiar foodways could not
be maintained. To survive, the set-
tlers modified their subsistence
practices, developing an economy more
suited to the conditions at hand. In
so doing, the Spaniards abandoned
traditional grain crops and focused
their agricultural efforts on indige-
nous crops. Produce grown locally from
imported seed stock and nuts, fruits,
and, perhaps, greens gathered from the
wild contributed variety to the colon-
ists' diet. Though provisions were
shipped to the colony, the native
population seems to have furnished most
of the food imported to the town. The


evolution of the new subsistence system
did not occur in a vacuum. The
Spaniards were in daily contact with
the native populations, and they
maintained sporadic communication with
other Spanish colonies and with their
homeland. All these interactions
played a role in shaping the colonial
foodways.



References Cited

Archivo General de las Indias (A.G.I.)
A.G.I. CD 1174.
A.G.I. Escribania de Camara, Legajo 1024A
A.G.I. Patronato Real, No. 19, Ramo 5.
Photostats in P.K. Yonge Library, University of
Florida, Gainesville.

Arnade, Charles W.
1959 Florida on Trial: 1593-1602. University of
Miami Hispanic American Studies 16.
University of Miami Press, Coral Gables,
Florida

Bushnell, Amy
1981 The King's Coffer. University Presses of
Florida, Gainesville.

Connor, Jeannette T., trans. and ed.
1925 Colonial records of Spanish Florida. Vol.
1, 1570-1577. Florida State Historical
Society, Deland, Florida

1930 Colonial records of Spanish Florida. Vol.
2, 1577-1580. Florida State Historical
Society, Deland, Florida.

Cumbaa, Stephen L.
1975 Patterns of Resource Use and Cross-
Cultural Change in the Spanish Colonial
Period. Ph.D. Dissertation, University
of Florida, University Microfilms,
Ann Arbor.

Cutler, Hugh C.
1956 Plant remains. In Higgins Flat Pueblo
Western New Mexico, by P.S. Martin,
J.B. Rinaldo, B.A. Bluhm, and H.C. Cutler,
Fieldiana, Anthropological Series
45:174-183.

1980 Corn from 38BU162A, A South Carolina Site
of about A.D. 1566-1587. Appendix A.
In The discovery of Santa Elena, by
Stanley South. Institute of Archaeology
and Anthropology Research Manuscript
Series 165. University of South
Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina.

Deagan, Kathleen A.
1974 Sex, status and role in the mestizaje
of Spanish colonial Florida. Ph.D.
Dissertation University of Florida,
Gainesville, Florida.

1978 The Archaeology of First Spanish period
St. Augustine 1972-1978. El Escribano
15:1-22.


USE OF PLANT FOODS IN ST. AUGUSTINE


SCARRY











1980 Spanish St. Augustine: America's first
"melting pot". Archaeology 33(5):22-30.

1981 Downtown Survey: The Discovery of
Sixteenth Century St. Augustine in an
Urban Area. American Antiquity
46(3):626-634.

Delorit, Richard J.
1970 Illustrated Taxonomy Manual of Weed Seeds.
Agronomy Publications, River Fall,
Wisconsin.

Gannon, Michael V.
1965 The Cross in the Sand. University of
Florida Press, Gainesville, Florida.

Gaske, Frederick P.
1982 The Archaeology of a Florida Antebellum
Period Boarding House; the Ximenez-Fatio
Site (SA34-2), St. Augustine, Florida.
Unpublished Masters Thesis, Department
of Anthropology, Florida State
University, Tallahassee.

Hatheway, William H.
1957 Races of Maize in Cuba. National Research
Council Publication 453.

Lyon, Eugene
1976 The enterprise of Florida. University
Presses of Florida, Gainesville.

1977 St. Augustine 1580: the living community.
El Escribano 14:20-34.

1981 Spain's Sixteenth Century North American
Settlement Attempts: A neglected aspect.
Florida Historical Quarterly
59(3):275-291.

Martin, Alexander C., and W.D. Barkely
1961 Seed Identification Manual. University
of California Press, Berkeley.

Nickerson, Norton H.
1953 Variation in cob morphology among certain
archaeological and ethnological races
of maize. Annals of the Missouri
Botanical Garden 40:79-111.


Pearsall, Deborah M.
1980 Analysis of an archaeological maize
kernel cache from Manabi Province,
Ecuador. Economic Botany 34(4):344-351.

Reitz, Elizabeth J.
1979 Spanish and British subsistence strategies
at St. Augustine, Florida and Frederica,
Georgia, between 1565 and 1783.
Unpublished Ph.D Dissertation, Depart-
ment of Anthropology, University of
Florida.

1980 Sixteenth century Spanish subsistence.
Paper presented at the 37th Annual
Meeting of the Southeastern
Archaeological Conference, New Orleans.

Solis de Meras,Gonzalo
1923 Pedro Menendez de Aviles. Translated by
Jeannette T. Connor, Florida State
Historical Society, Deland, Florida.

Swanton, John R.
1946 The Indians of the Southeastern United
States, Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 137. (reprinted in 1979).

Wellhausen, E.J. et al
1952 Races of maize in Mexico: their origins
charactistics and distribution. The
Bussey Institution of Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass.

Yarnell, Richard A.
1982 Problems of interpretation of archaeo-
logical plant remains of the Eastern
Woodlands. Southeastern Archaeology
1(1):1-7.



C. Margaret Scarry
y Bureau of Archaeological Research
Division of Archaives, History
and Records Management
Department of State
Tallahassee, FL 32301-8020


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)





NON-LOCAL ABORIGINAL CERAMICS FROM EARLY HISTORIC CONTEXTS


IN ST. AUGUSTINE

Bruce J. Piatek


Introduction


Excavations of sixteenth century sites
in St. Augustine, Florida under the
direction of Kathleen Deagan have
consistently recovered a variety of
aboriginal ceramics from sixteenth and
early seventeenth century contexts (see
Deagan this issue). Certain of these
wares do not correspond to either of
the dominant ceramic varieties known
for colonial St. Augustine, that is,
St. Johns ceramics (Goggin 1952) or the
San Marcos series wares (Smith 1948).
Such non-local wares had not been
encountered previously in the eigh-
teenth century contexts of the town
(Deagan 1583), and their presence in
the earlier deposits presented a need
to investigate their origin, functions,
distribution and significance in St.
Augustine.

This paper will attempt to examine
these ceramics and their distributions
in order to determine to what existing
types, if any, they might conform;
their temporal contexts in St.
Augustine; and changes in their occur-
rence through time as indicated by the
data from historic contexts in St.
Augustine. This analysis of non-local
aboriginal wares will be done through
the examination of presumably undis-
turbed archaeological contexts which
have been dated by associated historic
artifacts (primarily majolica) and
which contain non-local aboriginal
ceramics. This will reveal both the
temporal context for the non-local
ceramics as general group, and the
temporal trends of specific non-local
aboriginal wares.

This archaeologically derived informa-
tion will then be compared to the
historical record in an attempt to
explain the presence of non-local


Vol. 38 Numbers 1-2 Part 1


aboriginal materials in sixteenth cen-
tury St. Augustine. The availability
of documentary sources which reveal the
general patterns of Spanish-Indian
interaction in sixteenth century
Florida provide an independent measure
of control in interpreting the archaeo-
logical record of that era.

The association of well-dated historic
ceramics with these non-local aborigi-
nal wares furthermore should allow
their placement in time in a more
precise manner than is possible through
analysis of strictly aboriginal con-
texts. Because of this, it should be
possible to define and to explain
patterns of non-local Indian interac-
tion with Spanish St. Augustine.


Historical Background

Pedro Menendez de Avilds established
St. Augustine in 1565 under an arrange-
ment with Phillip II of Spain. This
arrangement, referred to as an adalent-
amiento (Lyon 1976:2) gave Menendez and
his heirs control of the wealth and
peoples which he could bring under
control in the New World. Men6ndez
retained complete control of the area
until 1570, when the Crown of Spain
relieved him of his responsibilities.
The adalentamiento was to have brought
Menendez wealth. However, the rigors
of a new colony required much in the
way of subsidy and returned little in
profits. Profits were intended to come
from tribute which Menendez extracted
from the aboriginal populations (Lyon
1976:118).

After taking responsibility for the
colony, the Crown began supplying the
colony in 1570 by means of the situado
or yearly government supply ship (see
Deagan 1983:34-38). However, this
government subsidy was not dependable


March-June, 1985





nor sufficient for the colony. This
resulted in a great deal of self-
sufficiency by the colonists and also a
considerable dependence on the aborigi-
nal populations in the area.

It should be remembered that St.
Augustine was not the only Spanish
colony on the east coast of the New
World. Santa Elena, located on
present-day Parris Island on the coast
of South Carolina, was also an
important colonial settlement.
However, it was in existence for little
more than twenty years between 1565 and
1587 (Lyon 1984). It is interesting to
note that, at the Santa Elena site,
South (1979) reports the presence of
"Chicora" ware-group Indian pottery.
This "Chicora" ware appears similar to
at least some of the design motifs of
Irene Incised, possibly Ocmulgee Fields
Incised, and some other types of the
Irene Series. This situation provides
some interesting clues regarding the
presence of Creek and Guale ceramic
types in St. Augustine. One possible
hypothesis is that with the fall of
Santa Elena in 1587 the tribute which
had been routed to Santa Elena began to
be routed to St. Augustine (Eugene
Lyon, personal communication, St.
Augustine, 1979). It could also be
that both colonies were extracting
tribute from the Creeks and Guale
populations simultaneously, or some
combination of these two possibilities.
Based both upon historical documenta-
tion (Bushnell 1982; Lyon 1976; Tebeau
1971) of contact between St. Augustine
and the surrounding aboriginal popula-
tions and on field observations of the
design motifs of the non-local aborigi-
nal ceramics, it is believed that most
of the non-local wares in sixteenth
century St. Augustine contexts conform
to historic Creek and Guale types.

Creek and Guale Ceramics

Newsletters of the Southeastern Arch-
aeological Conference (1939) and
Caldwell and McCann (1941) were used
for comparative descriptions of Creek


and Guale ceramics. The type descrip-
tions used included the Irene Series
(Irene Plain, Irene Incised, and Irene
Filfot), the Lamar Series (Lamar Bold
Incised and Lamar Complicated Stamped),
and the Ocmulgee Fields Series
(Ocmulgee Fields Incised). The speci-
fic attributes of each of these types
can be found in the sources cited
above. It should be noted that San
Marcos ceramics (Smith 1948) are also
associated with the Guale occupation of
the Southeastern coastal region (Smith
1948; Milanich 1977; Crook 1984:259;
DePratter 1980). San Marcos wares,
however, are a significant and consis-
tent component in the archaeological
record of Spanish St. Augustine from
the sixteenth through the eighteenth
centuries; and the examples from St.
Augustine appear indistinguishable from
those at the Guale sites. Because of
their apparently distinct distribution
in the Spanish contexts, the San Marcos
wares will be treated as a separate
category here, rather than as a compo-
nent of the "non-local" group.

Caldwell and Waring:

The Irene Complex appears to be
the latest in Chatham County.
There may be evidence of
historical contact between
attenuated types of this
complex and Spanish pottery
farther south on the coast
notably at Creighton's Island,
and the Barnett and Maxwellton
site on Colonel's Island. A
number of sites where this
complex occurs bear sherds
which resemble Spanish Olive
Jars, possible evidence of
European influence is seen in
some of the vessel forms
(1939:4).

Since that work, other archaeological
data have indicated that the Irene
period (sometimes referred to as the
Irene-San Marcos period) is a fully
historic period phenomenon (Crook
1984:259; Milanich 1977:140). Radio-


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)





carbon dates suggest a temporal range
of from about A.D. 1540 to A.D. 1680
along the Georgia coast (Crook
1984:259; Milanich 1977:140).

The Ocmulgee Fields Series is noted as,
"stratigraphically the latest pottery
type in the Georgia region. Occurring
in direct association with historic
levels at Kasita and Macon Plateau
Trading Post" (Jennings and Fairbanks
1939:8). The Lamar Series is also a
late ceramic type. Jennings and
Fairbanks note that Lamar Bold Incised
"may extend into historic horizons in
certain instances, together with Lamar
Complicated Stamped" (1939:5).

Data Base

The sample selected for analysis comes
from site SA 34-1, the Trinity Episco-
pal Church site. It should be noted,
however, that these non-local aborigi-
nal ceramics have been recovered from
other sites within the city of St.
Augustine (see Deagan this issue, Table
1). The Trinity Episcopal Church site
was selected on the basis of the large
quantity of non-local ceramics in the
assemblage and the availability of data
(Vernon 1980).

Although the SA 34-1 assemblage obvi-
ously does not include all of the non-
local aboriginal ceramics in sixteenth
century St. Augustine, it is the
largest group of such ceramics and the
most inclusive in terms of variety. It
is considered here as representative of
the entire assemblage.

The site is located on the southwest
corner of city block 34, lot 1. This
lot is framed by St. George Street on
the west, artillery lane on the north
and Cadiz Street on the south (see
Deagan this issue). This site has been
continually occupied from the sixteenth
century to the present. Two major
components are indicated archaeo-
logically by a concentration of fea-
tures dating to the sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries, and a second


concentration representing the Second
Spanish Period (1781-1821) (Vernon
1980).

The proveniences which were selected
for analysis were those recovered from
excavations in 1980 and limited to
archaeological contexts which had
remained relatively undisturbed since
the time of deposit. The sample
consisted of forty-five proveniences
with a total of 1658 aboriginal sherds
(Tables 1, 2, 3, 4). Aboriginal sherds
recovered from the site in 1980 totaled
10,186 and the sample of sherds ana-
lyzed for this paper was 16.2% of the
total (Vernon 1980).

Methods

The sample was analyzed to answer the
following specific questions:

1. Do these non-local aboriginal
ceramics conform to existing ceramic
types, and if so, to which types do
they belong? Analysis consisted of
comparing the sample sherds to the
published type descriptions for the
Creek and Guale ceramics (Caldwell and
McCann 1941; Jennings and Fairbanks
1939; Caldwell and Waring 1939). The
attributes of paste, surface finish,
decoration and form were examined on
each element of the sample and compared
to the Creek and Guale ceramic type
attributes. If the sample sherd
matched the type description then it
was designated as the appropriate type.
If a match was not evident, then the
sherd was described generically.

2. What is the temporal context for
each type? This was achieved by
examination of types within each closed
archaeological context. The contexts
were dated by stratigraphy and associ-
ated historic artifacts, primarily
Spanish majolica.

3. What is the evolutionary sequence
of these ceramics as manifest in St.
Augustine? This question was addressed
by combining all non-local aboriginal


NON-LOCAL ABORIGINAL CERAMICS IN ST. AUGUSTINE


PIATEK




THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


9 0


Miscellaneous non-local aboriginal wares from sixteenth century contexts
in St. Augustine, Florida. TOP ROW (l-r): Lamar-like bold incised,
Lamar-like bold incised, stamped and incised ware, Lamar incised, Lamar-
like incised. CENTER ROW (l-r): two unidentified incised and punctated
grit-tempered sherds, Irene Plain rim, Lamar Bold Incised, Ocmulgee Fields
Incised. BOTTOM ROW: unidentified incised sherd with rolled rim,
Irene Incised, Irene Incised.


Late 18th to Early 19th Centi

Mid to Late 17th Century

Late 16th to Early 17th


Mid 16th Century


3.9%


7.3%

59%


29.8%


Figure 2. Frequency of non-local ceramics as a single group through time.


U


centimeters


Figure 1.


L I


(38, 1985)


ke


r_17







trene )Ocmulgee ILamar I Heavy Grit| U.1.D.j St. Johns jSan Marcos Total JTotal All Ceramics


68.5N 113.5E Storage
Area 3 Jar post 5 3 24 19 61 82
1565

71.5N 115E Daub
PPM 9 post 1565 1 ______ 1 1

71.5N 115E Olive Jar
Fea. 15/16 post 1565 2 4 1 6 53 14 80 1 197

60.5N 106E Columbia
Fea. 26 Pl. post
1565 6 2 2 4 72 18 104 301

60.5N 106E Olive Jar
Area 16 post 1565 1 ___1 4 3 9 14

71.5N 115E Columbia
Fea. 25 PI. post
1565 11 1 2 5 3 94 19 135 358

71.5N 115E Pisan Ware
Area 11 L1 post 1565 3 1 ___ 4 26 6 40 89


Totals 129 6 5

Percentage of Aboriginal 6.7% 1.4% 1.1%

Percentage of Aboriginal of All Ceramics -- 41.2%

Percentage Nonlocal of Aboriginal ---14%


273

63.6%


89

20.7%


Table 1. Ceramic counts and frequencies for the mid-sixteenth century.


-I


., r t I ci ,.-.x,. *n U~.-,-. I~nial I rntal all rerasdcs


Provenience T.P.JP lrene u lqu e Lamar Hav.... 0 -

76N 115E San Luis B/W 5 1 6 3 52 31 98 138
Area 3 post 1575

Trench A Olive Jar 1 21 22 36
Sec.6,Area 1 post 1565

70N 115E Fig Springs 4 5 3 63 68 143 172
Area 10 post 1575

68.5N 113.5E St.Domingo B/W 13 8 10 21 4 275 107 438 666
Fea. 19 post 1565 _

70N 115E St.Domingo B/W 8 5 14 18 166 73 284 520
Fea. 24 post 1565

71.5N 115E Olive Jar 1 2 4 3 10 15
Area 5 post 1565


Totals 30 8

Percentage of Aboriginal 31 .8%

Percentage Aboriginal of All Ceramics 64.3%
Percentage Nonlocal of Aboriginal ----- 13.3%


2.71


581

58.41


282

28.4%


1547


Table 2. Ceramic counts and frequencies for
seventeenth centuries.


the late sixteenth and early


Percentage of Aboriginal 7.3% 24.4% 7.3% 61%

Percentage Aboriginal of All Ceramics -- 50.61

Percentage Nonlocal of Aboriginal ------ 31.71

Table 3. Ceramic counts and frequencies for the mid- to late seventeenth
century.


NON-LOCAL ABORIGINAL CERAMICS IN ST. AUGUSTINE


Provenience


T.P.Q.


I.____ I..^_.... ,-,, I


PIATEK








I

Late 18th to Early 19th

Mid to Late 17th Century

Late 16th to Early 17th

Mid 16th Century U




Late 18th to Early 19th I

Mid to Late 17th Century

Late 16th to Early 17th

Mid 16th Century

Figure 3. Evolutionary


rene

I 1%


Ocmulgee Lamar

|.5%


I

S3% .8%

6.7% 11.4%

St. Johns


17.

*2.1%

I 1.1%


29%

7.3%

58.4%

63.6%

sequence of each aboriginal


Heavy Grit

2.1%


.U.I.D.

45.7%

24.4%


4.6% 2.7%

M 3% 3.5%

San Marcos

61.7%

61%

28.4%

20.7%

ceramic type in the sample.


Provenience T.P.Q. Irene Ocmulgee Laar Heavy Grit U.I.D. St. Jons San Marcos Total Total All Ceramics
60.5N 106E Creamware 2 7 20 38
Area 15 post 1750

60.5N 106E Pearlware 2 2 26 43
Area 23 post 1780

71.5N 115E Pearlware 1 34 72 107 177
Area 1 post 1780

68.5N 113.5E Pearlware 25 37 47
Area 1 post 1780

Totals 2 1 4 11 56 119 193 305


Percentage of Aboriginal

Percentage Aboriginal of


61.7%


1i .5%

All Ceramics -- 63.3%


Percentage Nonlocal of Aboriginal ------ 3.6%


Table 4.


Ceramic counts and frequencies for
nineteenth centuries.

Mid 16th C. Late 16th to Mid to Late
Early 17th C. 17th C.
(Table 2) (Table 3) (Table 4)


the late eighteenth and early


Late 18th to
Early 19th C.
(Table 5)


Irene 29 30 0 2 61

Lamar 5 21 3 0 29

Ocmulgee 6 8 0 1 15
Total 105



Irene 61/105 X 100 = 58.1%

Lamar 29/105 X 100 = 27.6%

Ocmulgee 15/105 X 100 = 14.3%

Table 5. Comparative frequencies for the identified nonlocal ceramics.


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


Subtotal


(38, 1985)






types into one category and then
plotting this category's occurrence
through time (Figure 2). Furthermore,
each aboriginal type was plotted by
individual type frequency so as to
reveal the frequency of non-local
aboriginal ceramics to the total
aboriginal ceramic assemblage as it
evolved through time (Figure 3).

Results of Analysis

All of the non-local ceramics matched
the published type descriptions for
Creek and Guale ceramics, with the
exception of one group of sherds. This
group was separated into a category
called "heavy grit tempered." This
temper in these sherds was comprised of
a large grit to occasional quartz
gravel (0.18 cm 0.35 cm range).
These sherds were often surface treated
by cross simple stamping or simple
stamping, and in some cases an unident-
ifiable surface treatment which was
possibly an eroded simple stamping.
This heavy grit tempered group may be
an Irene variant, since Irene can
generally manifest the heaviest grit
temper of the Creek and Guale types
(Caldwell and McCann 1941:40; Crook
1984:251). However, it could also be a
variant of San Marcos with
extraordinarily large grit temper.
This possibility is supported by the
surface treatment evident on the heavy
grit tempered examples which is very
similar to that of San Marcos.

The non-local ceramics which did
conform to the type descriptions for
Creek and Guale ceramics were the Irene
Series (Irene Plain, Irene Incised, and
Irene Filfot) (58.1%), the Lamar Series
(Lamar Bold Incised, Lamar Complicated
Stamped) (27.6%), and the Ocmulgee
Fields Incised type (14.5%) (Table 5).
The Irene types predominated, with
Irene Plain and Incised being the most
common types within the series. The
Lamar Series was the next most numerous
series with Lamar Bold Incised the
predominant type in the series. The
least numerous series was the Ocmulgee


Fields Incised Series as represented by
the single Ocmulgee Fields Incised
type.

Analysis of the temporal context of
these non-local aboriginal ceramics
reveals that these types date to the
sixteenth and early seventeenth centu-
ries (Tables 1 and 2). The data
suggest a late sixteenth century date
for the majority of the types (Figure
2). It should be noted that after the
early seventeenth century only three
identifiable sherds of non-local origin
were present (Table 3). The low level
of occurrence of these ceramics in
these contexts may be due to redeposi-
tion of earlier materials in the pro-
cess of trash disposal. These findings
suggest that the presence of these non-
local ceramic types in historic St.
Augustine can be limited from circa
1570 to roughly 1630. This interpre-
tation is also supported by King's
analysis of seventeenth century
ceramics in St. Augustine, which
revealed a low percentage of non-local
aboriginal wares in post-1600 contexts;
and these were primarily of the
Apalachee-associated Leon-Jefferson
series (King 1984:78-79).

The heavy grit tempered sherds seem to
follow the same general temporal
pattern as identified for the other
types. Their presence in later con-
texts also appears to be due to
redeposition.

The third question in this study
involved the examination of each non-
local aboriginal type through time in
order to discern its temporal patterns.
The Irene Series was the most frequent
non-local ceramic ware in the mid
sixteenth century (6.7%) and shows a
significant decline in popularity to 3%
by the late sixteenth to early seven-
teenth century. It is absent altoge-
ther in the mid to late seventeenth
century. The presence of Irene wares
in the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries is probably due to
the redeposition of earlier materials


NON-LOCAL ABORIGINAL CERAMICS IN ST. AUGUSTINE


PIATEK





in the process of site formation. The
Ocmulgee Fields Series consists of 1.4%
of the total aboriginal ceramic assem-
blage in the mid sixteenth century.
Its popularity decreases in the late
sixteenth to early seventeenth century.
The Lamar Series reveals an opposite
trend from both the Irene Series and
the Ocmulgee Fields Series patterns.
The Lamar Series represents only 1.1%
in the mid sixteenth century, increases
to 2.1% in the mid to late seventeenth
century, after which it is not present.
The heavy grit tempered wares follow a
pattern similar to that revealed for
the Lamar Series. This group consists
of only 3% in the mid sixteenth cen-
tury, then increases to 4.6% by the
late sixteenth to early seventeenth
century, and peaks in the mid to late
seventeenth century at 24.4%. This
peak is followed by a sudden decrease
to 2.1% in the late eighteenth to early
nineteenth century. Figure 3 provides
a graphic illustration of the relation-
ships of each of the aboriginal cera-
mics in the sample proveniences through
time.


Conclusion

The Creek and Guale ceramics which are
present in St. Augustine suggest a
Spanish sphere of influence which
extended from St. Augustine into
central Georgia (Ocmulgee and Lamar
Series) and the Georgia coastal region
(Irene Series). This sphere of influ-
ence is also documented in the histori-
cal record (Lyon 1976, 1984; Deagan
1978). The frequencies of these
ceramics suggest that Spanish interac-
tion was the heaviest within the
coastal Georgia area, since Irene wares
are predominant. Creek and Guale
interaction with Spanish St. Augustine
appears to have peaked toward the end
of the sixteenth century and continued
into the early seventeenth century.
This corresponds quite closely with the
fall of Santa Elena in 1587 and the end
of the tribute system in the early
seventeenth century (Bushnell 1982).


The frequencies of the Ocmulgee Fields
and Lamar Series ceramics provide
support for a late sixteenth century to
early seventeenth century period of
contact with central Georgia groups.
The Lamar Series predates the Ocmulgee
Fields Series (Fairbanks 1954; Jennings
and Fairbanks 1939) and-Fairbanks
assigned Lamar a 1350 to 1685 date and
Ocmulgee Fields a 1685 to 1717 date
range. This was based on his work at
Mound C, Ocmulgee National Monument
(Fairbanks 1954:11). The date range
for Lamar fits well with the frequen-
cies and time periods revealed in this
study. However, Ocmulgee Fields
appears in St. Augustine in the mid
sixteenth century and continues into
the early seventeenth century. This is
somewhat earlier than the 1685 date
from Mound C.

This study reveals an increase in Creek
and Guale ceramics into St. Augustine
at the end of the sixteenth century,
followed by a sudden decrease in Creek
ceramics and the Irene wares after the
early seventeenth century. However,
Guale ceramics as evidenced by San
Marcos wares (considered here to be a
local type due to its consistent and
abundant presence in St. Augustine),
continue through the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries (King 1981; Deagan
1983). This suggests that the occur-
rence of non-local aboriginal ceramics
in sixteenth century St. Augustine was
due to the tribute system and,
therefore, the presence of these non-
local ceramics should fluctuate in
response to changes in the tribute
system (see Deagan 1981b). Future
testing of this hypothesis should
refine our understanding of how past
behavior is reflected in the archaeo-
logical remains of Spanish St.
Augustine.

Acknowledgements

The archaeological data upon which this
paper is based was recovered through
excavations funded under National
Endowment for the Humanities grant #RO-


THE FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGIST


(38, 1985)







32537-78-1425 and directed by Deagan.
The data for this paper were made
available to me by Dr. Kathleen Deagan
and the various versions of this paper
have benefited from numerous comments
by her. Responsibility for the con-
tents and conclusions, however, rests
solely with the author.


Jennings, Jesse D. and Charles H. Fairbanks
1939 Pottery Type Descriptions. Newsletter,
Southeastern Archaeological Conference
1:2.

King, Julia
1981 An Archeological Investigation of 17th
century St. Augustine, Florida.
Unpublished Masters thesis, Department
of Anthropology, Florida State
University, Tallahassee.


1984 Ceramic Variability in 17th Century St.
Augustine, Florida. Historical Archaeology
References Cited 18:76-82.


Bushnell, Amy
1982 The King's Coffer. Gainesville: University
Presses of Florida.

Caldwell, Joseph and Catherine McCann
1941 Irene Mound Site, Chatham County, Georgia.
Athens: University of Georgia Press.

Caldwell, Joseph and Antonio J. Waring, Jr.
1939 Pottery Type Descriptions. Newsletter,
Southeastern Archaeological Conference
1:6.

Crook, Morgan R.
1984 Evolving Community Organization on the
Georgia Coast. Journal Field Archaeology
11:247-263.

Deagan, Kathleen
1978 Cultures in Transition: Assimilation and
Fusion Among the Eastern Timucua. In
Tacachale, edited by J.T. Milanich and
S. Proctor. Gainesville: University
Presses of Florida.

1981a An Archaeological Investigation of 16th
Century Spanish Florida. Annual Perfor-
mance Report, National Endowment for the
Humanities. Ms. on file, Florida State
University.

1981b Indians and Spaniards in 16th Century
Florida. Paper presented at the South-
eastern Archaeological Conference,
New Orleans, Louisiana.

1983 Spanish St. Augustine: The Archeology of
a Colonial Creole Community. New York:
Academic Press.

DePratter, Chester
1980 Ceramics. Ih The Arnthropology of St.
Catherine's Island 2: The Refuge-Deptford
Mortuary Complex. Anthropological Papers
of the American Museum of Natural History,
56.

Fairbanks, Charles H.
1954 The Excavation of Mound C, Ocmulgee
National Monument, Georgia. Archeological
Research Series Number 3. U.S. Department
of the Interior.

Goggin, John M.
1952 Space and Time Perspective in Northern
St. Johns Archeology, Florida. Yale
University Publications in Anthropology
Number 47. Yale University Press.


Lyon, Eugene
1976 The Enterprise of Florida. Gainesville:
University of Florida Press.

1984 Santa Elena: A Brief History of the
Colony. Institute of Archeology and
Anthropology Research Manuscript Series
193, Columbia, South Carolina.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1977 A Chronology of Aboriginal Cultures on
Northern St. Simons Island. The Florida
Anthropologist 30:134-142.


SEAC
1939


Pottery Type Descriptions. Southeastern
Archaeological Conference Newsletter
Vols. 1-2.


Smith, Hale G.
1948 Two Historical Archaeological Periods in
Florida. American Antiquity 7(4):313-
379.

South, Stanley
1979 The Search For Santa Elena on Parris
Island, South Carolina. Institute for
Archeology and Anthropology Research
Manuscript Series 165, Columbia, South
Carolina.

Tebeau, Charlton W.
1971 A History of Florida. Coral Gables:
University of Miami Press.

Vernon, Richard
1980 Excavations at SA 34-1, Summer 1980
Preliminary Report. Ms on file,
Historic St. Augustine Preservation
Board.


Bruce J. Piatek
77 Magnolia Avenue
Ormond Beach, FL 32074


NON-LOCAL ABORIGINAL CERAMICS IN ST. AUGUSTINE


PIATEK







BOOK REVIEWS, CURRENT RESEARCH AND COMMENTS

Continuing Florida State Museum Withlacoochee River
Archaeology Council Citrus County Research


The Florida State Museum has been
conducting a 12-week archaeological
field school in eastern Citrus County
since January, 1985. University of
Florida students and volunteers from
the Withlacoochee River Archaeology
Council have extensively excavated
portions of the Tatham Mound (8Ci20), a
previously undisturbed Safety Harbor
period burial mound.

Initial excavations, directed by
Jeffrey M. Mitchem and Brent R.
Weisman, have revealed that the mound
was constructed in at least three
stages, resulting in a sand mound
approximately 2 meters high and 20
meters in diameter. Human burials were
placed in the central portion of the
mounds top, which is roughly flat.
Secondary (bundle) burials predominate,
but primary extended and flexed burials
are also present.

A large number of Busycon shell dippers
have been recovered from the top of the
mound, some placed in pottery vessels.
This suggests rituals were performed,
possibly involving the use of black
drink. The surfaces of the mound
slopes are littered with many sherds of
broken Pasco Plain vessels.

St. Johns Plain and St. Johns Check
Stamped vessels are also common at the
site. A few broken Safety Harbor
Incised and Englewood Incised vessels
and sherds have also been recovered.
These were concentrated primarily on
the original ground surface beneath the
mound. Other types of ceramics present
include cob-marked, Pinellas Incised,
and sand or limestone tempered check
stamped vessels. Several unique vessel
forms also have come from the mound.
In addition to the Busycon shell dip-
pers, nonceramic artifacts from the
mound include a shell gorget, a shell
celt, and numerous shell beads. One


Vol. 38 Numbers 1-2 Part 1


extended burial had three strands of
shell beads around the neck and two
glass trade beads which were apparently
worn suspended from the ears. These
two glass beads, along with a rolled
gold bead and a silver disc bead from
an adjacent unit, indicate that the
mound was in use in the sixteenth
and/or seventeenth centuries.

The fill on the slopes of the mound has
yielded large numbers of Pinellas pro-
jectile points, but few other arti-
facts. These points were spread
throughout the fill, suggesting that
arrows may have been shot or thrust
into the mound during its construction.

A faceted blue glass bead and a lead
shot found in the humus layer of the
mound may suggest the presence of
Seminoles in the area. One week of the
field school will be devoted to an
intensive, systematic survey of the
adjacent hammock in an attempt to
locate a nearby Seminole encampment
indicated by documents and previous
discoveries of Seminole artifacts.

Several weeks of the field school will
also be devoted to extensive excavation
of a midden site (8Cil97) along the
Withlacoochee River, which may be
associated with the mound. Initial
testing of this midden has revealed
excellent preservation of faunal re-
mains and ceramics which appear to date
from Safety Harbor times. Different
thicknesses of the midden suggest that
it may be possible to delineate separ-
ate household areas at the site. Flo-
tation and faunal analysis of column
samples from the site will be
undertaken to obtain quantitative
subsistence data.

The field school is under the general
direction of Jerald T. Milanich of the
Florida State Museum. It is part of a


March-June, 1985


m1r- ---r- ^\T\'r\^ *K'nmT T\^\ ^\^*~rCm






long-term study of the late prehistoric
and protohistoric cultures of western
peninsular Florida, with a focus on the
effects of initial Spanish-Indian
contact in the area, especially that of
the de Soto entrado.

Submitted by:

Jeffrey M. Mitchem
Florida State Museum
University of Florida
Gainesville, Florida 32611



COMMENTS: More on the Sowell
Mound (8By3)


In the last issue, FA 37(4), an article
appeared on the Sowell Mound (8By3) in
Bay County, Florida. That presentation
by Dailey and Morse focused on the
analysis of the skeletal remains, and
offered no discussion of the associated
artifactual remains. For those of our
readers conducting research on Weeden
Island mortuary complexes, it is worth
mentioning that a copy of an unpub-
lished report by Percy, et al. entitled
"Preliminary Report on Recent Excava-
tions at the Sowell Mound (8By3), Bay
County, Florida" (1971) is in the man-
uscript file of the Florida Department
of State, Division of Archives, History
and Records Management, Bureau of
Historic Preservation in Tallahassee.
This report was presented at the 23rd
Annual Meeting of the Florida Anthro-
pological Society in St. Petersburg,
Florida.

The artifact analysis by Percy, et al.
and interviews with Lamar Gammon lead
to the conclusion that at least a
portion of site 8By3 was not disturbed
by C.B. Moore or other prior or subse-
quent excavations. While this is a
different conclusion from the presumed
complete site disturbance suggested by
Dailey and Morse, it does lend further
support to their contention that


important data may yet be derived from
sitespreviously believed to be totally
excavated and essentially "destroyed"
by C.B. Moore and others. The reevalu-
ation of most of the Florida sites
recorded prior to 1965 is necessary if
we are to assess adequately their
significance and determine how best to
study, preserve or otherwise manage
Florida's and other states' valuable
non-renewable archaeological
resources. Unfortunately, it will
require an increased legislative
appropriation to provide adequate
staffing and travel funds for this
activity, unless a private endowment is
forthcoming.

Louis D. Tesar
Editor


COMMENTS


TESAR






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out of print: Volumes 1; 2:3-4; 5:1-4; 6:1,4; 7; 8; 9; 10; 11; 12:1-3; 13:1; 16:1,
3; 17:1, 2; 18:1, 3. Pt. 2; 20:1-2; 4; 21; 23:4; 24:1; 25:3-4; 26:1; 27:1; 30:1 and
35:4.

Volume 35, Number 4, the Third Bahamian Conference issue, is available for $10.00.
Orders for this issue should be sent to CCFL, 292 S.W. 34th Street, Ft.
Lauderdale, Florida 33315 and NOT to the Editor.

Copies of the FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS, a monograph series,
may be purchased for $7.00 each from the Editor. Mail orders include an added
$2.00 postage and handling charge. Checks should be made payable to the Florida
Anthropological Society. Numbers 6, 7, 8, and 9 are available. Numbers 1 through
5 are out of print.

Please allow six to eight weeks for delivery of mail orders. The Society offers a
resale discount for purchases of 10 or more copies of individual issues on a
quantity available basis. Inquiries should be addressed to the Editor.

Reprints of back issues may also be obtained for Johnson Repint Corp., 111 Fifth
Avenue, New York, NY 10003. Vols. 1-13 are available for $20.00 per volume,
$10.00 per double numbers, and $4.50 per single number. Numbers 1-5 of the
PUBLICATIONS are $5.50 per number.




FLORIDA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
POST OFFICE BOX 1013
TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA 32302
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INFORMATION ON ARCHAEOLO



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HELP PROTECT OUR ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESOURCES
Report site location information to:
Florida Master Site File Coordinator
Bureau of Archaeological Research
Division of Archives, History and
Records Management
Florida Department of State
The Capitol, Tallahassee, FL 32301-8020
and to your local FAS Chapter Representative. This information
will assist in better understanding our historic and prehistoric
heritage, and in the preparation of historic preservation manage-
ment plans. Your contribution is important. Site forms may be
obtained by writing the Florida Master Site File Coordinator.


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