POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INTERACTIONS BETWEEN SPANIARDS AND INDIANS:
ARCHEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES
OF THE MISSION SYSTEM IN FLORIDA
LANA JILL LOUCKS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
After the astringency of dissertation style, writing acknowledg-
ments is relatively pleasurable. As one counts up the various persons
and organizations one wishes to thank, the realization dawns that it is
wise to write one's dissertation as early as possible lest the
enumeration become totally unmanageable.
I would like to express my gratitude to Owens-Illinois, Inc., ow-
ners of the property on which this research was carried out. Mr. Harry
Bumgarner, Manager of Southern Woodlands, has been particularly
cooperative in allowing me and many others to work on Owens-Illinois
property. The Wentworth Foundation of Clearwater, Florida, Mr. William
Goza, President, funded the 1976 field research performed by Dr. Jerald
T. Milanich and a University of Florida Archeological Field School. The
National Endowment for the Humanities funded the 1978 field research and
the grant has supported myself and another graduate student during the
analysis and writing period.
There are several Suwannee County residents who, perhaps unwittingly,
have provided information which I have used in this dissertation. I
would like to thank Mr. Lynne Johnson, Mr. Edmond Montgomery, Mr. Howe
Land, and Mr. Leon (Lex) McKeithen. Mr. McKeithen was extremely helpful
in providing information and making introductions. He also allowed the
1978 crew to live on his property in Columbia County.
I thank Mr. Rick Stokell most heartily for serving with me as the
1977 survey crew. The days spent finding no sites, the thrashing through
smilax thickets in the late afternoons, and the cautious trudging
through rattlesnake territory would have been unbearable without his com-
panionship, dedication, and interest. Several people put in a day or
two on the survey, and I thank them, but Rick was there through prover-
bial thick (undergrowth) and thin (site distribution).
The 1978 field crew who participated at Baptizing Spring was small,
enough that I can thank them individually. William Easton, map librarian
and hockey manager at Illinois State University, Vicki Bagnell, Wade
Hannah, and Woody Meiszner comprised the more or less permanent crew.
David Stern, Patricia Vazquez, Renee Andrews, and TammieHearn were the
faithful weekend volunteers who kept coming back time after time and
who made the extra trips back and forth to Gainesville well worth my
while. I owe a special thanks to Woody Meiszner, another graduate
student, who was my "right-hand man" in the field and who, with his back-
ground as an accountant, offered advice on personnel management and time
budgeting (none of which I think I ever implemented). He was also a
good friend whose inquiring mind kept my own thought running at a lively
pace. Ms. Virginia Hanson also contributed to the field work but, more
importantly, continued the analysis of ceramics which I had started. I
owe her a debt of gratitude for her perserverence and commend her strong
belief in the responsibility for carrying out one's commitments.
At the end of one's structured educational career, the benefits owed
to numerous professors come rushing back in an overwhelming flood of
memories. There is not enough space to thank all of them. Very generally,
I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the Department of
Anthropology and at the Florida State Museum. Those whom I have ever
come in contact with have been very good to me and I hope that I may be
a credit to their time and efforts. Dr. Art Hanson inspired my interest
in economic anthropology and spent extra time discussing my project with
me during its incipient stages. Dr. Leslie Sue Lieberman has been not
only my employer but my friend as well. I sometimes believe that she
rescued my sanity when the hours.at night became too long. Dr. Prudence
Rice is a demanding professor, a fact I can appreciate since it makes
one's accomplishments that much more satisfying. She has brought ceramic
technology to the Department and Museum, and I hope they both remain.
Dr. Jack Ewel, fondly remembered from my course in ecosystems, opened
new vistas and the other students in that class were such that I was
sorry to see the last field trip end. Dr. William Maples, Curator of
Social Sciences at the Florida State Museum, has always kept my interest
in human osteology and forensic science at a keen level. He has allowed
me several privileges at the Museum and his caustic remarks regarding
the ineptitude of archeologists have kept me amused; I have too much res-
pect for him to suffer indignation so I have simply tried harder not
to be ignorant.
Mrs. Lydia Deakin, our principal secretary and over-worked trouble-
shooter, has gone out of her way to help me in many situations and has
proved to be a most benevolent conspirator. She has also taken a per-
sonal interest in my life and times, and my gratitude is best expressed
in saying that I cannot express it.
The members of my committee will always be special people, if only
because they comprise my committee. Dr. Michael Gannon has been very
interested in this project and provided me with information on what
historians expect to have as information. He also made me realize that
persons not familiar with Florida might even want to read this report.
Dr. Cannon also bolstered my spirits by being the first to say that he
thought my work did make a contribution to Florida mission research.
Dr. Elizabeth Wing allowed me freedom in the Zooarcheological
Laboratory of the Florida State Museum. I do not feel that I know her
well but the inferences are clear that she is a remarkable person. She
has always taken an interest in my work, considered my schemes and ideas,
has volunteered information, and stimulated my curiosity. One can expect
to work hard to please Dr. Wing, but it is extremely rewarding to do so.
I have very special feelings for Dr. Kathleen Deagan as she was the
first archeologist I ever worked with. Her field techniques are
meticulous, her intellect keen, and her personality marvelous. She has
been such a pleasure to be associated with. I known that anything I,
or others, have written will receive honest and thoughtful criticism
Dr. Jerald Milanich provided me with my first introduction to
Florida prehistory and I've been hooked ever since. He found money for
me to carry out the survey and assented to our living at the Florida
State Museum field camp during our summer season. Conversations with
him, especially the longer ones, are always thought-provoking and
stimulating. He is an excellent critic (a fact I usually appreciate
two or three days after the initial shock) and having him on my com-
mittee has been invaluable.
Everytime one of Dr. Charles Fairbanks' students graduates, there
is a real problem in trying to say something about him that has not al-
ready been said. Like all others, I find myself in this quandry. As
my chairman, he has read completely each chapter as it issued from my
typewriter. His knowledge on a myriad of subjects is astounding (and
sometimes depressing). He takes personal and professional interest in
every student who comes to his office. For Dr. Fairbanks, office hours
tend to be a mere formality and I sometimes think we, his students,
often take advantage of his generosity and patience. Of all the things
I have learned from him, the most important have been concerned with
professional ethics, responsibility to one's colleagues, and how to be a
teacher. I am grateful to have known him and to have worked under his
There are numerous peers who have enlightened my viewpoint and
added several dimensions to my personality. We are all cohorts who have
lived in a basement somewhere and I want to thank them for providing
entertainment and moral and intellectual support, not to mention know-
ledge in areas where I am lacking. Robin Smith, Nicholas Honerkamp,
Theresa Singleton, Betsy Reitz, Nina Borremanns, Brenda Siglar-Lavelle,
Sue Mullins, Ann Cordell, Mimi Saffer, Virginia Hanson, Malinda
Stafford, Jere Moore, Gerry Evans, and Arlene Fradkin are only the most
important few that immediately come to mind. I would particularly like
to acknowledge Robin Smith as a person whose intellect and sensitivity
I admire and whose friendship I cherish.
Arlene Fradkin voluntarily analyzed the faunal material from the
summer season at Baptizing Spring. Betsy Reitz found, and took it
upon herself to analyze, faunal material from another mission site as
comparative data. Betsy has finished her dissertation a little ahead
of me and I have benefited by being able to compare "notes" on the
processes and frustrations involved. She is a veritable wealth of
information regarding faunal analysis and excells in numerous other
areas. I admire her greatly and I have been the one to profit from our
Brenda Siglar-Lavelle and I have had many conversations concerned
with our research, which overlap after a fashion, and just as many that
have had very little to do with the academic side of graduate life. I
usually come away impressed with my own ignorance and, luckily,
stimulated to do something about it. She is a very bright and gutsy
lady and deserves more recognition than I can possibly provide.
Two former doctoral students, who successfully completed their de-
grees and have moved on to other "pastures," provided me their minds as
great reverberating sounding boards. Ray Crook, with whom I think I
was somewhat harsh concerning the relevance of archeology, gave me plat-
ters of food for thought. Tim Kohler, a very special friend and con-
fidante, is a man whose consideration, thoughtfulness, humor, generosity,
and intellectual brilliance I can never adequately acknowledge. He
helped me through some very hard times and rejoiced in my minor triumphs.
A distance of 4000 miles has not made him any less accessible, even
though I have gotten him out of bed on Sunday mornings to discuss corn
(Zea mays) over the telephone.
It ought to be obvious to anyone who is particularly fond of mul-
ling over "acknowledgements" that there are an inordinate number of good
people and scholars all gathered in the same arena.
One's parents and family, if one is lucky, are supportive, generous,
kind, and interested. I am extremely fortunate in having parents who
have dragged me out of the basement lab for weekend excursions, who have
kept me provisioned with food (and sometimes money just when I needed it
most) throughout my graduate student existence, and most importantly,
have been interested in what I've been doing. Connie and Bob Loucks have
always been extremely proud of me, praising me beyond my blushing worth.
1 would like to say that I have been extremely proud of them, for they
are industrious, caring people who excell in their own fields and in-
terests. My brothers have worked industriously and without compensation
to keep my car in running order. We have never talked very much but
there is not always the need (and it is embarrassing) when siblings
become as close as we have grown. I think of them a great deal. I
also would like to say, with regard to my relatives still in Canada,
that I am just as pleased as punch that my graduation has been a topic
of conversation and pride among them. I am very glad to be one of the
clan, for an anthropologist and an archeologist can appreciate what it
means to have time depth in one's life.
In the face of all these acknowledgements, it is somewhat presump-
tuous to assume final responsibility for this dissertation. No matter
what others have given, however, it has all come together (or flown
apart) within my own head. The final product is my own responsibility
and any deficiencies are of my own making. Writing a dissertation, or
any major work, is like painting a good picture: the result is usually
a surprise to the artist who feels that it must have been executed by
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . .. .ii
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . xi
LIST OF FIGURES . . . .
. . xiii
ABSTRACT . . . . . .. .
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION . . .
Acculturation . . . .
Archeological Acculturation Studies .
Specific Goals and Assumption of this Study
CHAPTER TWO: CONCEPTS OF ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY
AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION . . .
Modes of Exchange . . . . .
Exchange Spheres . . . . .
Economics, Prestige, and Power . . . .
Economic Archeology .. . . . . .
CHAPTER THREE: PROTOHISTORIC TIMUCUAN AND SPANISH
MISSION PERIOD ECONOMICS . . .
Modelling Timucuan Economics . . . .
Peninsular Economic and Demographic
Conditions (1482-1700) . . . .
Spanish-Indian Interaction (1564-1650) . . .
Priests, Soldiers, Civilians, and Indians: 1650-1675 .
1675 1704 . . . . . .
Economic Interactions During the Mission Period . .
Hypotheses . . . . . .
CHAPTER FOUR: ARCHEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS OF SPANISH-INDIAN
LIFE AT FLORIDA MISSIONS . .
Mission Archeology (1948-1977) . .
Interpretations, Inferences, and Hypotheses
of Previous Research . . . .
The Utina . . . . . .
Baptizing Spring . . . . .
CHAPTER FIVE: STRUCTURAL REMAINS AND MATERIAL
CULTURE AT BAPTIZING SPRING ..
Structures at Baptizing Spring . .
Lithic Artifacts . . . .
Spanish Artifacts . . . .
I I 1 I I I
f I I I I
Indian Manufactured Ceramics . . ... .185
Faunal Remains . . . . ... .221
Floral Remains . . . . ... .233
CHAPTER SIX: ARCHEOLOGICAL INDICATORS OF SOCIAL
AND ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS . . 237
Ceramic Diversity . . .. . 238
Similarity and Correlations . . 251
Distribution of Non-ceramic Prestige Goods ... .267
Weapons and Subsistence .. . . 268
Artifact and Structure Associations . ... .281
Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring . . 288
Comparison of Mission Period Sites . ... .293
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSIONS: SPANISH-INDIAN
INTERACTION . . . ... .317
A. EXCAVATION DATA AND DETAILED
FEATURE DESCRIPTIONS . . . .329
B. COMPLETE RAW DATA FOR LITHIC.ARTIFACTS ... .337
C. ANALYSIS OF CORNCOBS FROM THE BAPTIZING SPRING
SITE, FLORIDA ..... .... . .. 340
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . ... .350
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . . ... .365
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Gifts and Trade Goods Exchanged between
Indians and Europeans . . . ... .43
Table 2. Flora Local to Baptizing Spring Vicinity . .106
Table 3. Worked Lithic Tools . . . . 158
Table 4. Utilized Lithic Tools. . . . .163
Table 5. Debitage by Form Group . . . 166
Table 6. Non-ceramic Spanish Artifacts . . ... .168
Table 7. General Distribution of Identifiable
Spanish Ceramics . . . . 175
Table 8. South's Mean Ceramic Date Formula . ... 183
Table 9. Raw and Relative Frequencies of Aboriginal Ceramics 186
Table 10. Summary of Lip and Rim Forms for Selected Ceramics 210
Table 11. Species and Classes Represented in Structures A
and B, Aggregated Spanish Area (A+B), and the
Village: Number and % by Fragments . ... 224
Table 12. Class Percentage by MNI of Fauna . ... 226
Table 13. Summary Descriptive Statistics from 1979 (Kohler,
Appendix C) Analysis of Carbonized Corncobs ... .235
Table 14. Aboriginal Ceramic Categories Used in Calculation of
Shannon-Weaver Diversity Index . . .. 248
Table 15. Aboriginal Ceramic Diversity . . ... .250
Table 16. Weighted Ceramic Group/Type Counts . ... .257
Table 17. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between
Spanish and Indian Structures ... . .. 260
Table 18. F Values of One-way Analysis of Variance between
Structure Pair A-C and Pair A-D by Ceramic Type/Group 262
Table 19. ANOVA Table for One-way Analysis of Variance between
Structure C and Structure D . . .. 263
. White-tailed Deer (Odocoileus virginianus)
Element Distribution . . . .
. Faunal Species and Elements from Spanish Structures
(White-tailed Deer excluded) and Village . .
. Worked and Utilized Lithic Artifacts from
Structures C and D . . . . .
Identifiable Aboriginal Ceramics Collected from the
Surface of Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring .
Distribution of Spanish (or European) Ceramics
versus Aboriginal Ceramics.at Three Mission Period
Sites . . . . . .
SClassified Majolica Types and Diversity for Nine
Florida Mission or Visita Sites . . .
Aboriginal Ceramics from Eight Florida Mission
Period Sites: Aggregated by Design . . .
Cultures Represented by Identifiable Aboriginal
Ceramics at the Eight Florida Mission Period Sites
Non-ceramic Spanish Artifacts Compared between
Spanish Mission Period Sites in Florida . .
Floral and Faunal Remains Preserved at the
Different Mission Sites Reported in Florida .
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. General Geomorphological Areas of Florida and
Location of Certain Eastern and Western Timucuan
Tribes and the Apalache . . .... 22
Figure 2. Hypothetical Flow Chart of Prehistoric/Protohistoric
Timucuan Economic System . . ... .36
Figure 3. Location of Selected Excavated Mission Period Sites 82
Figure 4. Contour Map of Vicinity Around Baptizing Spring .101
Figure 5. Sites Adjacent to Baptizing Spring . ... 110
Figure 6. Baptizing Spring Site Plan .. . . .. .120
Figure 7. 1978 Excavations and Location of Transit Stations
and Bench Marks .
. . . . 123
Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure B
Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure A
Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure D
Excavation and Floor Plan of Structure C
Clay-lined Feature . . .
Profile of Clay-lined Feature . .
Cultural Features in Central Portion of T
Simplified Examples of Use Wear . .
Generalized Lithic Artifact Forms .
Coral Core Gouging Tool . . .
Copper and Glass Ornaments . .
Religious Medallion Found in Structure C
Ichtucknee Blue on White Plate . .
Santo Domingo Blue on White Handled Bowl
. . 136
. . 141
. . 144
. . 147
. . 147
ench #1 148
. . 152
. . 155
. . 171
. . 177
. . 179
Lip Profiles . . . . . 191
Surface-Scraped and Impressed Ceramics ...... 194
Loop Cross Motif Complicated Stamped Ceramics .... 196
Solid Cross Motif Complicated Stamped Ceramics 197
Rectilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs 198
Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motifs 201
Curvilinear Complicated Stamped Design Motif
and Cross-Incised Sherd . . ... .203
Identifiable Paddle Variations: Groups of More
than One Sherd Each for Cross Motif Complicated
Stamped . . . . . 207
Jefferson Ware Pinched Rims . . ... .212
Miller Plain Bowl from Structure A . ... 217
Colono-Indian Ceramic Forms . . .. .219
Colono-Indian Ceramic Sherds: Basal Profiles .. 220
Partial Pig (Sus scrofa) Carcass . . .. .229
Bone Counters or Gaming Pieces . . .. 232
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INTERACTIONS BETWEEN SPANIARDS AND INDIANS:
ARCHEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES
OF THE MISSION SYSTEM IN FLORIDA
Lana Jill Loucks
Chairman: Charles H. Fairbanks
Major Department: Anthropology
There has been no published archeological research which has inves-
tigated both Spanish and Indian sectors of mission villages in Florida.
It has either been impossible to distinguish these areas or the reports
of such possible investigations have been very preliminary. This study
was designed specifically to examine acculturation processes and Spanish-
Indian interaction during the mission period in northern Florida (ca.
1606-1704). Concepts from economic anthropology and organizational
theory were employed in examining ethnohistoric data in order to for-
mulate a model of political and economic change in Timucuan society.
Hypotheses relevant to archeological investigation were generated on the
basis of this model.
Prior to Spanish arrival, the Timucuan politico-economic system
appears to have been based largely on balanced, reciprocal transactions
and share-out and mobilization forms of redistribution. Early Spanish-
Indian interactions seem to have conformed to this system but, as time
progressed, interactions became increasingly unbalanced. Owing to
dramatic demographic disruptions and the decreasing ability of Spaniards
to meet native economic and behavioral expectations, the mission system
declined rapidly. Ultimate collapse of the Florida mission system was
probably due more to internal factors than to external ones.
Archeological research at Baptizing Spring, a Utina mission site
in Suwannee County, Florida, was carried out to investigate hypotheses
relating to Spanish endorsement and perpetuation of native politico-
economic roles. This site may have been the early 17th century mission
of San Augustin de Urica (ca. 1610-1656?).
Patterns of Spanish and aboriginal artifact distribution between
two aboriginal and two Spanish structures suggest that Indians obtained
primarily ornamental items from Spaniards. European-origin and
aboriginal prestige goods, hypothetically identified in the model and
through previous research, were found to cluster in one of the Indian
dwelling areas. This suggests that native prestige goods maintained
their symbolic significance and that European goods of similar types
provided Spanish reinforcement of aboriginal roles and status. In ad-
dition, it was found that Indians had access to introduced domesticates
but that these may have been restricted to high-status individuals. Ar-
tifact assemblages differed significantly between Indian-Indian and
Indian-Spanish structural areas suggesting that Spaniards had restricted
access to certain food resources, non-local, and locally manufactured
goods. Data also suggest that demographic upheaval and ,population shifts
may be represented in the archeological record.
The Baptizing Spring site was compared to other excavated mission
period sites in Florida. On the basis of these comparative data, it
appears that this mission site did not enjoy the relatively greater
wealth of larger, more important missions in Apalache and coastal
Northeast Florida. Necessary information is not available from these
other mission period sites to substantiate or reject the hypothesis
that introduced technological items were dispersed among Indians rather
than restricted to Spanish or Spanish-supervised usage at haciendas,
ranches, and missions. Such items were not found among artifacts at
Baptizing Spring where basically traditional technological, subsistence,
and social patterns appear to have been retained. The only evidence of
the presence of European weapons -- firearms -- was recovered from the
postulated high-status Indian dwelling.
Research concerned with Spanish-Indian interaction in Florida has
suffered from a lack of clearly stated theoretical basis. The study of
acculturation is usually mentioned as a working objective but by itself
acculturation is little more than a general term which describes a par-
ticular kind of culture change. It is the processes, the means by which
change is initiated and reactions to these means, that dictate the direc-
tion of culture change. There is little doubt that a concerted program
of directed change brought native-Floridians into the Spanish colonial
system. The degree to which Indians were acculturated, however, has
been argued and the actual kinds of interactions which took place have
not been examined in detail.
A Spanish mission site was discovered in Suwannee County, Florida,
in 1976 following clearing and bedding activities for pine planting by
Owens-Illinois, Inc.. Considerable exposure of the site left it open to
local collectors,who are extremely active in this area,and to erosion.
Hasty excavation of the two presumed Spanish building areas was performed
by Dr. Jerald T. Milanich of the Florida State Museum. In the ensuing
two year period, fairly limited documentary research was undertaken with
the intent of continuing excavation at the site. In 1977, a survey of
the surrounding area (Loucks 1978a) revealed six sites within 500 m of
the mission. These sites were partially surface collected using various
sampling techniques as it was hoped that they could be temporally and
functionally linked with the mission site.
Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks of the Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida, applied for and received a grant from the National
Endowment for the Humanities. Further excavation in the aboriginal sec-
tor.of the mission village was planned in order to examine the lifeways
at a Spanish-Utina mission and the material correlates of acculturation.
The aims in the proposal were to construct a general picture of the
shared influences on material culture of both Spaniards and Indians and
to examine the processes by which acculturation was accomplished.
Excavations in both Spanish and Indian living areas had never been car-
ried out at a single mission site in Florida, therefore no statements
could be made concerning the functioning of a mission as a whole unit.
This dissertation focuses on the Baptizing Spring site (8 Su 65) as
the testing ground for certain hypotheses concerning interactions between
Spaniards and Indians. The theoretical orientation derives largely from
anthropological economics and its related fields of interaction, social
exchange, and organizational theory.
Conceptually, acculturation entails both processes and results of
contact between cultures. In practice, it is difficult to study because
to do so requires an holistic approach. This is especially true when
formulating models to implement directed culture change.
Acculturation studies have been associated primarily with British
and American functionalism (Plog 1977:26). American interest was
sparked by the growing conviction that diffusion did not fully explain
sociocultural change. In England, the problem was enhanced through an
awareness of forced cultural changes in colonization efforts. In 1936
the American Anthropological Association held formal discussions
regarding the subject's suitability for anthropological investigation.
Agreement on central issues was necessitated by involvement of
anthropologists in American Indian administrative problems. Later,
World War II provided impetus to acculturation awareness as forced cul-
ture contacts occurred and post-war issues of decolonization had to be
faced (Bee 1974:94, 95).
In view of the contemporary concern with applied anthropology at
most research institutions, it is difficult to realize that it was
necessary to formally recognize contact culture change as an appropriate
topic for anthropological attention. Acculturation studies have figured
in sociocultural research for at least forty years; in anthropology
these studies have been primarily ethnohistorical and ethnological in
nature. Such works include Bohannan and Plog's (1967) Beyond the
Frontier, Everett Rogers' (1969) Modernization Among Peasants, and the
well-known volumes by Linton (1940), Foster (1960), and Spicer (1961)
which spurred and provided concepts for acculturation study.
Many studies have concentrated on the pressing problems brought
about by economic development: Nash's Machine Age Maya (1958) and
Salisbury's (1962) study of technological change in New Guinea are two
such examples. Impacts of political and economic change and the in-
troduction of new technologies, health care and education programs,
changed food crops and material goods have all been studied either before
or after the fact. Directed change, both at home and abroad, is a
major governmental preoccupation.
R.L. Bee (1974:98-106) has summarized four distinct facets of accul-
turation studies: cultural systems, contact situation, conjunctive
relations, and acculturation processes, Each culture system participating
in contact situations exists as a separate, independent entity prior to
contact. Within these systems, certain properties act to maintain
independence. Physical or "subtle" boundary-maintaining mechanisms
exist, internal structure is flexible within a culturally prescribed
range, and self-correcting mechanisms affect the ways in which forces of
conflict are balanced by forces of cohesion.
The contact situation, as defined by Bee (1974:102), involves
ecological and demographic parameters which influence the outcome of
acculturation. Technological capabilities and environmental limitations
of the recipient group are major features that determine which tech-
nologies and goods will be accepted. ,If new techniques and practices
are not adopted, the explanation may be that the cost of doing so is too
great, rather than that the recipient's behavior is too conservative
(Schneider 1974:192). Demographic variables concern the number of
people or groups involved in the interaction, their ages, and their sex.
In some contact situations, interaction is limited to males in a certain
age group (e.g. fur traders). In other situations, primary interactions
may be between males of the superordinate group and females of the subor-
dinate group. Such was the case in St. Augustine where Spanish men,
largely soldiers, married Indian women (Deagan 1974).
Bee's "conjunctive relations" (1974:102-103) are composed of two as-
pects: (1) structural limitations and (2) "filtering" of information.
The-former refers to the limitations placed on interactions by the con-
text of the interaction, be it religious, economic, militaristic, or a
combination of these. Viewing contact in this manner enables the
definition of paired relationships such as "buyer-seller" and "missionary-
convert." The recognition of these paired relationships facilitates
the study of acculturation using a transactional orientation which can
simplify model formation.
The second aspect is similar to features in Foster's description
of conquest culture situations. Only a small part of the totality of
traits and complexes that comprise the donor (superordinate) culture
are introduced. These are further diminished in the geographical
region of the recipient (subordinate) culture (Foster 19.60:227).
Priests, for instance, participated in a limited part of Spanish culture.
Regular order priests acted within monastic spheres entirely different
from the public sphere of the secular priests. Each group had their dif-
ferent tasks and roles defined by the Church. In Florida, as in other
parts of New Spain, military and secular officials added a further dimen-
sion of Spanish culture which was restricted to males of differing ethnic
and economic backgrounds. The recipient culture also may present only a
partial rendering of the total system. Certain activities may be hidden
from outsiders or only superficially represented.
The final facet of acculturation studies involves the processes
themselves, several of which have been subsumed under the general
categories of diffusion, evaluation, and integration (Bee 1974:104).
Different responses of populations to contact situations are seen in
terms of a typology of processes or outcomes: cultural creativity,
cultural disintegration, reactive adaptation, progressive adjustment
(fusion and assimilation), and stabalized pluralism (Plog 1977:29).
Spanish colonization was a directed contact encounter: "societies
[were] interlocked in such a way that participants in one culture
[were] subject not only to sanctions in their own system but also to
those operative in the other system" (Spicer 1961:520). Directed con-
tact is characterized by effective control of some type and degree by
members of one society over members of the other with certain behavioral
changes sought by the superordinate group. Changes which occur, however,
are determined by both cultural systems (Spicer 1961:520).
Archeological Acculturation Studies
Plog (1974:8) has argued that the area in which archeologists are
best able to employ their talents is the study of change. Basically,
four paradigms have dominated this field: evolutionism, cultural
ecology, behavioralism, and acculturation (Plog 1977:25). In prehistoric
archeology, culture contact studies have been approached through the
effects of trade and conquest/population movements. It has been dif-
ficult, however, to distinguish changes brought about by different kinds
of contact. A particularly appropriate example concerns the appearance
of complicated stamped ceramics that reflect Georgia design motifs and
styles in northern Florida during the late prehistoric/protohistoric
period. It is not known whether the appearance of these ceramics is
related to diffusion of techniques, trade, or actual population mixing
The study of acculturation processes can be carried out at sites of
known contact situations but such studies have been relatively few. Con-
sidering the rich colonial history of the United States, this gap in
archeological research is somewhat surprising. One can guess, however,
that there is some feeling that contact sites are less exotic than
prehistoric sites and more bothersome than strictly colonial European
or American sites. Particularly because archeologists attempt to
understand cultural process from the examlnntion of material objects,
the European-Indian sites would seem to provide excellent opportunities
for the study of culture change. These sites hold the physical results
of two or more very different cultures coming in contact and coexisting
for a usually discoverable period of time. The introduction of goods
can be related to their function and the contact situation (e.g. French
fur traders who had sporadic contact with Indians and were not interes-
ted in precipitating specific social changes versus Spanish missionaries
who had very definite plans for changing Indian life). Thus, hypotheses
concerning their impact and the cultural processes which accompanied
introduction and acceptance can be made. Supplied with a substantial
historical and anthropological background, these hypotheses can be for-
mulated prior to field research and tested.
Perhaps contact sites have received less attention than fully
prehistoric sites because historic archeology is of relatively recent
interest. Many historical archeologists have yet to agree on, or
realize, what it is that they should or could be doing (Moran 1979).
There is also a theoretical dichotomy between those who think historic
archeology should be historical versus those who feel it should be an-
thropological. A recent symposium on acculturation studies held at the
1979 Society for Historical Archaeology Conference revealed that, with
few exceptions, these archeologists are still describing material cul-
ture, reading documents and probate inventories, and making little or
no attempt to view their findings in anthropological terms or to offer
processual interpretations. Exceptions included Keeler's (1979) attempt
to apply systems theory to changes among the Chinook Indians (although
he wasn't exactly sure how to go about it nor what to do with his data),
Baker's (1979) study of Colono-Indian pottery and Catawba culture
change, and Brown's (1979) study of French and Indian interaction in the
Lower Mississippi valley. One of the few historical archeological works
which has proposed and tested hypotheses of acculturation processes is
that by Deagan (1974) wherein she examined the role of Indian women,
married to Spaniards, as the primary agents and affectors of both Indian
and Spanish material culture change.
Specific Goals and Assumptions of this Study
It is invalid to assume that two transacting groups reach an
agreement on the basis of identical understandings, values, and expec-
tations (Salisbury 1976:42): ". common membership in a single moral
community can be seen as providing the sanctions that prevent the terms
[of a transaction or interaction] from becoming too disadvantageous for
the less powerful" (Salisbury 1976:44). The major assumption of this
study is that two groups with different cultural and value systems have
differing expectations of interaction behavior. In situations marked
by disparity of power and cultural complexity, the donor group changes
its behavior in some degree but the major changes occur in the recipient
group's behavior (Foster 1960:7). If, however, cultural complexity and
power are not greatly disparate one might expect less behavioral change
and greater conflict as both groups act to maintain their own systems.
Conflict will arise when either side refuses to yield over a situation
where values and behavioral expectations clash. Some changes will be
superficial if practices and beliefs of both groups are similar. A
relevant example is the substitution of Catholic saints and religious
figures for aboriginal ones in Mesoamerica. On the surface, Catholicism
replaced native religion yet Amerindian statuary, beliefs, and behavior
remained, for the most part, unchanged. If negative reinforcement
is a factor, the behavior in question may simply "go underground" and
appear to have been removed as in the case of kiva ceremonialism among
the Rio Grande Pueblo (Dozier 1961:95). The working hypothesis of
this study is that Spanish and Indian behavior and expectations of
behavior on the part of each group did not change and that this lack of
change created conflict and contributed strongly to the internal col-
lapse of the mission system in Florida.
It was earlier stated that the study of acculturation requires an
holistic approach. Archeological and historical information, however,
present only a fragmentary picture of past cultures and it is usually
impossible to perceive every aspect of a cultural system. Since
economics ties together political, religious, economic, and social or-
ganization, an anthropological economic approach was adopted. Another
factor which dictated this approach is the obvious truism that artifacts
and their distribution are the physical results of economic activity:
production, transaction, distribution, and consumption. Viewing contact
situations in terms of paired relationships (see above) also involves
economic theory which deals specifically with interpersonal and inter-
The following chapter develops the theoretical basis -- derived from
economic anthropology and organization theory -- for the hypotheses.
Chapter Three presents ethnohistoric data on the Timucua during the early
contact period and throughout the mission period. Economic and political
conditions in Spain are briefly discussed and models of pre-contact
Timucuan economic systems and mission period interactions are proposed.
Changes, or lack thereof, In inter;cti onal behavior and expectations
throughout the Franciscan residency at the Florida mission (1573-1704)
are discussed. Finally, hypotheses formulated from the documentary
evidence and theoretical data are presented at the end of this chapter.
Chapter Four reviews mission period archeology in Florida and offers
a discussion of inferences and conclusions reached by previous inves-
tigators. Information known about the Utina Indians is presented and the
Baptizing Spring site is very tentatively identified as a documented
mission of the first half of the 17th century. In addition, an overview
of the 1977 survey near Baptizing Spring and excavation data from the
1976 and 1978 field seasons are discussed.
Chapters Five and Six detail structural and artifactual data (ex-
cluding material from surface collection at Baptizing Spring) from the
mission site and survey sites. The mission data are described in Chapter
Five and interpreted in light of the hypotheses in Chapter Six. Also in
this latter chapter, the survey sites and other mission period sites are
compared to Baptizing Spring. Chapter Seven presents a brief summary of
the goals, hypotheses, and tested outcomes of the research project. A
description of Spanish-Indian interaction as perceived archeologically at
mission sites, especially at Baptizing Spring, is presented.
The ethnohistorical analysis presented in Chapter Three is an in-
tegral part of this thesis since it established the research framework
employed in the study. Only selected aspects, however, are testable in
an archeological situation. Through documentary analysis it was found
that (1) economic and political controls were major cohesive factors of
the Floridamission system, and (2) the mission system in Florida col-
lapsed largely because of internal dissension brought about by the
failure of Spanish agents to meet Indian expectations of "proper"
behavior and their economic demands, not because of external forces in
the form of Yamassee and Carolinian raiders. The archeological thrust
of this research, also based on documentary evidence, was that Indians
and Spaniards attempted to maintain traditional political subsystems
by differentiating access rights to European goods.
CONCEPTS OF ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
A material transaction is usually a momentary episode in
a continuous social relation. The relation exerts gover-
nance: the flow of goods is constrained by, is part of,
a status etiquette (Sahlins 1965:139).
The above statement embraces the essence of economic anthropology:
the study of exchange embedded in the study of social relationships
between groups or individuals. Herein lies the primary difference
between economists and anthropologists. The former deal largely with
material goods and services -- measurable entities -- while recognizing
the importance of unmeasurable social "preferences." The latter em-
phasize the intangible social aspects of exchange. As stated by Firth
(1970:4), the material dimension of an economy is a basic feature but
the significance of an economy lies in the transactions of which it is
composed and in the type of relationships which these transactions
create, express, sustain, and modify. Although many economists working
in anthropology downplay "social invisibles" (Pryor 1977:95) such as
love, prestige, and status, many anthropologists working in economics
agree that these intangibles are just as important as quantifiable
A recent development along these lines is the appearance of what
has been dubbed "transactional" or "social exchange" theory. Social
exchange theorists include human animate values along with inanimate
and animate non-human objects in their analyses (Schneider 1974:20).
Social exchange describes a transaction of material or social value
in return for obligations expressive of subordination (subservience,
deference, clientship, or respect) or alliance manifested by expressions
of respect and friendliness if the social exchanges off-set each other
(Schneider 1974:148). The outcome, then, is determined by the value of
the material or social element exchanged.
Some of the distance between economists and anthropologists can be
lessened if the distinction between material and social is replaced by
the more general idea of "property" where property is defined as rights
in things rather than things themselves. If this is done, economics
would be definable as the study of allocation of property (Schneider
1974:148, 152). Economics, however, is more than allocation. It also
entails management, production, distribution, and consumption of
resources. Social resources, in terms of access to goods and services
(Wilmsen 1972:2) as well as relationships, are just as critical as
Modes of Exchange
Since Sahlins (1972) defined and popularized the three states of
reciprocal interaction, the terms and their descriptive foundations
have been argued and reworded ad nauseum. It is probably true that no
major theoretical strides have resulted and that reciprocity is basically
conceived of in the same light as previously. True to his economic
background, Pryor defines reciprocity as exchange in which the forces
of supply and demand are masked (as opposed to market exchange where
these forces are overt). He precludes possible balancing with "social
invisibles" and limits reciprocal interactions to situations including
counterflows of goods and services of more or less equal value (Pryor
1974:186). Sahlins invited argument primarily by describing a
"negative" reciprocal transaction since in doing so he contradicted the
very meaning of reciprocity: flow and counterflow. His selection of
the term negative, however, pertained to the social context and function
of a particular type of transaction, "the attempt to get something for
nothing with impunity" (Sahlins 1972:195). Examples of such behavior
include theft, gambling, stealing, and bargaining. Schneider (1974:154)
attempted to describe negative reciprocity in more lucid terms as ex-
changes which lack governing norms. Even this is incorrect, however,
as there are socially prescribed situations in which negative reciproc-
ity is acceptable or unacceptable. In this study the concept of negative
reciprocity will be preserved intact, recognizing the terminological
ambiguity but accepting it as a concept with which most anthropologists,
even opponents, are familiar.
Generalized reciprocity is subject to norms which dictate sharing
of wealth and resources without resort to rational calculation of value
or gain (Schneider 1974:154). The unmodified form would describe "free
gift giving" and other variants include generosity, hospitality, and
helpfulness, in which there is neither immediate nor future expectation
of return (Sahlins 1972:193). Return to the giver, however, consists
of .the social theorists' manifestations of subservience, indebtedness,
The "true" mode of reciprocity, balanced transactions, is simply
exchange with its implied characteristic of counterflow of goods and
services from one party to another (Pryor 1977:27). Balancing con-
notes exchange of equally valued elements but it must be remembered
that "balance" depends on the range of socially accepted exchange ratios.
Cultural norms serve to ensure peaceful and honorable behavior in trans-
actions (Schneider 1974:154). Balanced reciprocity is also subject to
value and time limits which may terminate further interaction pos-
sibilities (simultaneous exchange of the same type of goods) or may
guarantee future exchange -- time-lapse between counterflows of unequally
valued goods (Sahlins 1972:194-195). 'Some economic anthropologists
feel it is preferable to view "balanced reciprocity" as successive
transactions (Salisbury 1976:48).
Exchange or transactional spheres are composed of differing material
items and/or services and may be further distinguished by differing modes
of exchange. Each sphere is distinct from each other sphere by virtue
of the goods or services it encompasses and the exchange modes operative
within it. Cultural classification of material items into subsistence
and prestige categories usually indicates the presence of at least two
different spheres (Bohannan and Dalton 1965:5-6). Prestige sphere is a
phrase covering a multitude of individual and group transactions,
ceremonies, and goods which are "honorific" because they symbolize
position, status, rank, reputation, and power (Dalton 1971a:14). Items
in a prestige sphere are segregated from transactions concerning ordinary
goods such as those within a subsistence sphere (e.g. foodstuffs) except
in emergencies such as famine when valuables may be sold to outsiders
(Dalton 1971a:15). In the latter case, prestige goods may become
"devalued" as other necessary goods suffer crucial scarcity.
The significant characteristic of exchange spheres is that, under
usual circumstances, only goods within the same sphere are exchanged. It
seems to be universal that various spheres are hierarchically ranked
on the basis of moral evaluation. Institutionalized situations exist
in which spheres are "over-ridden, situations in which items are 'con-
verted' from one sphere to another." Conversions are regarded as morally
good or bad, converting "up" or "down," rather than as skillful or un-
skillful (Bohannan and Dalton 1965:8).
Economics, Prestige, and Power
Probably the most important "social invisible," and the one which
Pryor believes he has shown to have inadequate causative power in deter-
mining economic activity, is prestige. The position of individuals in
power is established, continued, and constantly reinforced by prestige
that derives from elaborate display and consumption of economically
valuable goods (Herskovits 1965:462). This belief embodies the economic
act of conspicuous consumption yet Herskovits emphasizes intrinsic value
rather than social value, and the two are not always synonomous. Dalton
(1971a:14) maintains that prestige goods are "intensely social because
they rearrange [emphasis mine] one's position in society, one's rights
and obligations." This is tantamount to saying that it is goods which
decide status and role rather than one's access to prestige goods which
validates rank and prestige (Schneider 1974:147). Recognizing patterns
indicative of differential access to and distribution of goods is a
common goal of archeologists studying ranked societies. Although in-
heritance patterns may accord individuals rights to certain goods, it
is these rights which validate position and the goods themselves function
as symbols of these rights of access. The right of acquisition determines
the nature of the result, not the acquisition or ownership per se.
Two types of politico-economic interactions need to be discussed
but it is first necessary to distinguish between power and authority.
Power entails the ability to forcefully control or influence a second
party and this power resides in control of valued items (Emerson in
Hall 1972:205). Power relations arise out of both positively and
negatively balanced exchanges and also out of unbalanced transactions
and open conflict (Whyte 1971:172). Authority, on the other hand,
lacks force: directives or orders are followed because of the belief
that they ought to be followed (Hall 1972:207). Authority, then, is
positively reinforced by society while power is negatively reinforced
by the governing group or individual. Prestige goods validating power
and authority may be different: goods exacted through tribute payments
on fear of punishment for failure to render symbolize power whereas
other prestige goods accorded on the basis of respect, rank, or in-
heritance rights reinforce authority.
The effective establishment of authority obviates a need for overt
sanction in daily activities since authority is sustained by creating
social obligations. If a superior commands voluntary obedience from
subordinates he need not induce them to obey by promising rewards or
threatening punishment. "Use of sanctions undermines authority" (Blau
1971:160,161). Authority involves the exercise of social control which
rests on willing compliance of subordinates with certain directives of
superiors (Blau 1971:158). The linkage between authoritarian control
and economic activities is succinctly provided by Mary Douglas' concept
of licensing in which authority serves to protect vulnerable areas of
an economy. Political-economic "license," although often tacit (i.e.
unsanctioned), creates monopoly advantages for those who receive the
benefits of it, both superiors and subordinates (Douglas 1970:131).
In her words, "both parties become bound in a patron-client relation
sustained by the strong interests of each in the continuance of the
Previous archeological and prehistoric economic studies have dealt
primarily with ecological and geographical models of interaction. The
European "school," in general, includes (1) the development of agricul-
ture, (2) settlement pattern and land use at different periods,
(3) seasonality, and (4) trade and its motivation among current themes
in archeology (Sieveking 1977:xv). Social exchange models used are,
those derived from geographical theory: central place, locational, and
network analyses (Sieveking 1977:xxi). Higgs' edited volume Paleoeconomy
(1975) equates economy with resource exploitation and, although topics
include ethology and human exploitation behavior, the articles concen-
trate on environmental description and exploitation, site catchment, sub-
sistence, settlement patterning, and territorial and ethological analysis
of animal resources.
North American and Mesoamerican interests in prehistoric economics
also have concentrated on trade networks and resource utilization. The
sophistication of analytical techniques such as neutron activation and
petrographic analysis have enabled delineation of interregional trade
networks but the inability or unwillingness to hypothesize and test
behavioral elements of exchange from presence and distribution of ar-
tifacts has resulted in the exclusion of a basic feature of any economic
system. Granted, it is often difficult if not impossible to extract
human behavior from material remains, but this is the proposed goal of
numerous archeologists. It is no longer valid to offer excuses on
the basis of lack of models when such studies as Salisbury's (1962)
on technological change in New Guinea, Barth's (1970) "Economic
Spheres in Darfur," Bohannan's work on the Tiv (1955), and Dalton's
numerous studies of market systems, to mention a very few, provide
several case studies of economic processes and concepts illustrated by
changes and patterns in material culture. This is particularly true
when ethnohistoric data are available on which to build hypotheses con-
cerning economic systems.
It is pointless to list and discuss the numerous archeological
endeavors in describing and modelling economic interactions. A brief
glance through American Antiquity, archeological textbooks, and other
sources reveals that much of the work done has been concerned with trade.
Perhaps the advocation of regional studies and the increasing number of
surveys have been influencing factors. Rarely, however, is one able to
find articles which deal with actual social and behavioral attributes
of economic interaction. Exceptions include a considerable amount of
,work done on the significance of the distribution of prestige goods.
Peebles (1974) was able to define several status groups on the basis of
differential distribution of elite goods associated with burials.and
on the basis of burial placement in ceremonial center mounds, smaller
mounds in villages, and beneath house floors. Settlement patterns and
features have also been used to define periods of conquest and expansion
and to infer levels of economic development (Sears 1968:147). In the
southeastern United States, William Sears used attributes of artifacts,
particularly ceramics, to propose presence of craft specialization which
reflected wealth and organization within societies (Sears 1961:22) and
status hierarchies reflected in "sacred and secular" dichotomization
(Sears 1973). Recently, Kohler (1978) used changing patterns of trade/
elite and utilitarian ceramic distribution to delineate different
status-associated living areas within a Weeden Island period ceremonial
center village. In historical archeology, Otto (1975) measured ceramic
type and vessel form diversity, as well as differences in house plan
and diet, to show correlations between status and access to goods.
Social and economic implications of differential interaction are
not usually studied; rather, they are taken as given. A study by DeGarmo
(1977:157), however, concentrated on discovering social groupings as
defined by archeological measures of variability in behavior. He used
distribution of certain artifacts to delineate production and dis-
tribution groups within a single settlement and to identify three inter-
pretive "possibilities" relative to manufacture and consumption of goods.
Even going this far, the behavioral correlates and social significance
were not discussed.
In Chapter Three it will be seen how ethnohistoric data can be used
to place past cultural economic systems into anthropological perspective
and how models of economic behavior and culture change can be con-
structed. The nature of the sites under study and the existence of his-
torical records facilitates the kind of analysis advocated above and it
is recognized that this approach is not always possible. Given more
interest in social exchange theory by historical ,archeologists, it may
someday be possible to apply formulated models to prehistoric sites.
PROTOHISTORIC TIMUCUAN AND SPANISH MISSION PERIOD ECONOMICS
Many subgroups composed the larger Timucua group. The Saturiwa
and Agua Dulce were included among the Eastern Timucua and the Yustega,
Utina, Potano, and Ocale comprised the Western Timucua. Primary dif-
ferences between the various tribes appear to have derived from environ-
mental situation. Eastern Timucua occupied lower, marshier, and
geologically younger (less fertile) soils than did their inland counter-
parts. The coastal saltmarsh (especially along the northeastern Florida
coast) and estuarine habitats, however, were fertile beyond any natural
soil configuration in Florida. Western Timucua inhabited more fertile
soil districts in the Central Highland region, a strip which corresponds
roughly with the 100 foot contour (Figure 1).
North Florida aboriginal political organization was a chiefdom (as
defined by Service 1975:80) characterized by hereditary inequality,
primogeniture, permanent leadership, and hierarchical authority. Chief-
doms have been identified as redistributive societies (Service 1962:144).
A patron-client relationship is well-established between superordinates
and subordinates and the former concentrate power independent of that
allocated by the general populace (Adams 1975:228). The concept of
redistribution can be described in terms of centric, or focused, trans-
fers (unbalanced) characterized by the high degree to which they radiate
to or from a single individual or single community-wide institution.
This community-wide focal point is the distinguishing feature of centric
L.... .APAL CHE
El COASTAL LOWLAND
E CENTRAL HIGHLAND
D TALLAHASSEE RED HILLS .' '..
Figure 1. General Geomorphological Areas of Florida and Location of
Certain Eastern and Western Timucuan Tribes and the Apalache.
transfers which can be one-way or two-way. Centric transfers are
usually regressive in that goods and services flow from the poorer to
the richer (Pryor 1977:34, 250, 280, 286). Recently, the concept of
redistribution has been separated into four organizational forms col-
lectively viewed in the past as "redistribution." Briefly, these are:
1. levelling mechanisms -
institutionalized behavior that
counteracts the concentration of
wealth by individuals or groups
(e.g. ceremonial obligations,
potlaching); these mechanisms
have no single formal structure
but are distributive in their
pooling and general consumption
of goods produced under division.
of labor characteristic of a
allocation of goods produced by
cooperative labor to participants
and owners of the factors of
recruitment of goods and services
for the benefit of a group not
coterminus with the contributing
members (Earle 1977:215)
To "share-out" can be added the allocation of goods to an "insurer,"
one who insures, at least in the minds of.the people, present and
future yields on production. Redistribution in the form of mobilization
is basic to ranked and stratified societies and should be interpreted as
an essential mechanism used to finance the political and private ac-
tivities of the elite population (Earle 1977:216, 227). As will be
shown, Timucuan society manifested both share-out and mobilization redis-
tribution wherein goods, services, and information were the "goods"
Timucuan social attributes included clan distinction, linked
clans, and warrior/non-warrior distinction (Garcilaso de la Vega 1962:15;
Swanton 1922:369). There were a limited number of primary chiefs whose
influence was regional and a greater number of secondary, village chiefs.
Both were generally referred to as "caciques" although tribal af-
filiation was often designated through use of the most powerful cacique's
name. "Nobles" were set apart from "commoners" by dress, behavior, and
location of dwellings within a village. Copper ornaments, featherhead-
dresses, and tatooing were common symbols of high status. Feather head-
dresses also distinguished warriors from non-wariors during times of
war (Garcilaso de la Vega 1962:15; Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:24). High-
ranking individuals were carried on litters during state affairs and
special benches or shelters were prepared for them when they alighted
(Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:93). According to Garcilaso de la Vega (1962:
170-171), a cacique's residence was larger than others and placed on a
natural or artificial mound. Nearest to him, sometimes her, and around
a central plaza lived other high-status persons. Lower status families
lived further away from the central area. Unfortunately, Garcilaso de
la Vega should be invoked with caution since his information was not
first hand. Among the Eastern Timucua, however, Le Moyne (in Bennett
1968:62) described a similar village patterning although the cacique's
dwelling was centrally located within the village; higher status in-
dividuals did live nearest him.
Public meetings which were presided over by the cacique, shamans,
and elders, have been described in detail elsewhere (see Swanton 1922:
359; Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:60). Prescribed seating arrangements aid
formalized order of presentation and ritual drinking of cassina (Ilex
vomitoria) were characteristic of these meetings. A cacique enjoyed
considerable power and authority; few early accounts failed to note
his "nobility," eloquence, and pride. Le Moyne, Laudonniere, and later,
Father Pareja (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972), bore witness to his ability
to.command tribute and obedience through fear of punishment.
The Timucua were semi-sedentary, central-based horticulturalists
and hunters and gatherers. Two crops of maize, the primary vegetable
staple, were planted each year during the late spring and summer. Other
produce included beans, gourds and other squashes. Maize was grown in
communally farmed fields under direction of the cacique or his rep-
resentative. Other crops were grown in gardens adjacent to individual
dwellings (Ribault 1964:73). All, or most, villagers worked to clear,
sow, and harvest the "cacique's field." Swidden techniques of clearing
were employed and fields were used for consecutive plantings until fer-
tility declined below productive levels (Covington and Falcones 1963:
148; Laudonniere in Sauer 1971:205). Late fall and winter months were
spent in the forests, hunting and foraging (Le Moyne in Bennett,1968:44).
Wild foods such as nuts, persimmons, wild plums, berries, and others
probably added considerably to both winter and spring-summer diets.
Foods were dried and/or smoked to be saved for winter rationing.
Early explorers, biased by the need to understand political under-
pinnings, generally concentrated on interactions between different status
groups, principally on the level of elite versus subordinate. When no
rank was differentiated and the Indians were treated as an ethnic entity,
Father Escobedo (writing ca. 1589-1600) noted that within a village,
Indians treated each other with generosity (Covington and Falcones 1963:
143, 148, 151). This reflects an ideal (Eastern) Timucuan concep-
tualization of behavior since stealing was common although supposed to
go undetected (Le Challeux in Lorant 1946:94, 96). To'refuse a request
was dishonorable; food was freely distributed among the "poor"; a
cacique must never act "greedy" (Covington and Falcones 1963:143).
Nothing is known about kinship ties and the obligations entailed.
Generosity may have pertained to all goods but, acknowledging the res-
tricted possession of prestige items, it is probable that generosity
operated only in terms of food, and, possibly, basic utilitarian goods.
Food is the one material good most usually linked with generalized
reciprocity and hospitality (Sahlins 1972:216).
Food was given freely to outsiders, Europeans, or was traded (Le
Moyne in Lorant 1946:36; Ribault 1964:77, 81). Exchange of food for
non-food items may.have been restricted to interactions between outsiders
and villagers as it is often considered improper to make such exchanges
with one's kin. Items given freely between kin do not carry the same
significance as items given outside the kin realm. Food distribution is
particularly sensitive to injunctions for or against its sharing and
trading (Sahlins 1972:216). Reciprocity, especially in its generalized
form, reflects the imbeddedness of particular transactions in long-
term relationships (Salisbury 1976:44) and blood ties may be stronger
than simply long-term relational ties. It is noteworthy that foods
prepared for winter provisioning were not available to the French at any
rate of exchange (Le Moyne in Swanton 1922:359). Food exchange with
outsiders may have been restricted to occasions when villagers lacked
calculable reason to conserve or when a show of hospitality was
politically expedient. There is little doubt, however, that Indians
sought to gain from provisioning the French. Le Moyne (in Bennett 1968:
98) reported that they stopped bringing in provisions as soon as they
realized that the French had no more goods to exchange.
Father Pareja's 1613 Confessionario (Milanich and Sturtevant
1972), although written after the French had come and gone from Florida
and the Spaniards had been established for roughly 50 years, has been
used as a valued source of ethnographic information regarding aboriginal
practices and behavior. Since the main purpose of Pareja's book was
to provide questions which would reveal the continuation of non-
Christian, Indian practices, the author considers it as a pertinent
source to be used in this section. It is interesting that after more
than half a century of contact with Europeans, the Eastern Timucua still
retained many of their beliefs and continued in many of their obviously
incompatible roles (e.g. sorcerers, shamans).
A second "native" trait was gambling/stealing (Milanich and Stur-
tevant 1972:33; Le Challeux in Lorant 1946:94, 96), both of which fall
under Sahlins' definition of negative reciprocity. Gambling, however,
is a neutral transfer and does not systematically affect the distribution
of goods in society toward or away from greater equality (Pryor 1977:
255). The major cost of these transactions was prestige loss on one
side and prestige gain on the other (Covington and Falcones 1963:148-
149). Neither stealing nor gambling was considered immoral by the
Timucua. Either activity may be seen as a means of earning prestige,
particularly during peace times when excellence in battle was not an
open means of attaining it. The actual winnings or material gains were
symbolic of the acheived prestige. Ownership of certain items may have
been shared by kinsmen with bundles of rights attached. One does not
know which goods were stolen consistently and which were not, nor what
social ties linked culprit to supposed victim. The question of stealing
may be one of European ethnocentricity rather than negative reciprocity.
Elite versus non-elite interactions include those transactions
between patient/client and curer/sorcerer and commoner and elite. The
former are included under the assumption that sorcerers definitely,
and curers and herbalists possibly, participated in a higher ranking
than the average villager. Remittance for curing and spell-casting,
although insured and inflated through threat of witchcraft, may be
viewed as one flow in a balanced reciprocity (see Milanich and Stur-
tevant 1972:30, 31). The initial flow issued from the curer or sorcerer
in the form of the service or "good" purchased -- health, a marriage
ceremony, or a spell. The test of balanced reciprocity is intolerance
to one-way flow (Sahlins 1972:195). Intolerance is obvious on the part
of the sorcerer or curer but must be hypothesized for the client.
Presumably a client or his relatives could avenge a job poorly done:
a spell or cure that failed or exacerbated the situation. A sorcerer
could suffer prestige and clientele loss or be threatened by a competitor.
It is difficult to believe that negative reinforcement was one-way.
A cacique, with the inherited authority to receive tribute and
obedience, and power to obtain it if challenged, reciprocated through the
management of production and share-out redistribution. Supernatural
confirmation of allocative rights supported through his shaman and social
acceptance by his people allowed the cacique control over public
granaries (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:23-26, 31, 34). The authority
structure, composed of chief and shaman, not only organized and directed
labor in horticultural production but also ensured fertility in return
for obedience and part of the yield. Control over maize fields and pub-
lic storehouses would have reinforced chiefly position.
The presence of public fields and granaries fostered village
solidarity and subsidized labor, war efforts, feasting, provisioning of
the "poor," and entertaining guests. Shamans who "tasted" the first
corn and prayed over the lakes, arrows, forests, and fields (Milanich
and Sturtevant 1972:23-26) further reinforced the dependence of low-
status individuals on the elite. Furthermore, since a shaman or chief
alone could open the granary, dependence was doubly insured. This
mutually agreed upon interdependence constitutes licensing, as defined
in Chapter Two (Douglas 1970).
Additional services performed by:the cacique included alliance
formation, arbitration of disputes, revenging war deaths, arranging
marriages, and organizing war efforts. For these corporate utilities
and because of his importance as a leader, provider, and distributor,
the cacique could expect respect, obedience, and yearly tribute pay-
ments of "pearls and other moneys made of shell and chamois [dressed
hides,]" (Canzo 1600). Escobedo stated that a cacique was supposed to
be generous but, as Sahlins (1972:210) notes, in chiefly redistribution
the flow between chief and people is fragmented into independent, small
transactions. A cacique may accumulate many goods but is required to
give out more or. less. Accounts of aboriginal distribution do not
indicate lower limits being exceeded to the point that a cacique lost
his authority. The situation at the end of the mission period, however,
suggests that such limits were recognized by Indians and that failure to
distribute quantities of goods within prescribed limits could result in
loss of position and concomitant authority. The loss of ability to en-
force, however, had no little effect on loss of authority.
Interregional interactions are poorly known. Garcilaso de la Vega
(1962:253-254) gave the impression that there was a special group of
long-distance traders dealing in common and/or elite goods. Ribault
(1964:74-75) mentions getting gold and silver in trade with Indians
south of the mouth of the St. Johns River but these metals could have
been scavenged from shipwrecks. Le Moyne (in Bennett 1968:104-105)
knew that the Caloosa near Tampa Bay were getting precious metals from
wrecked treasure fleet vessels but contended on the basis of what he
was told by the Saturiwa and Utina, that the Eastern Florida tribes
received gold and silver from Indians in the Appalachian Mountains
(Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:95, 99). He does not, however, mention long-
distance traders among the Indians. It has usually been recognized that
much, if not all, of the gold and silver obtained by Indians came from
salvaging wrecks (Bushnell 1978:45). Since copper was a prehistoric
trade item, however, there exists the possibility that some of the
precious metals traded to Europeans did come from distant places.
Whether or not there was an organized group of specialized traders can
not be determined.
In order for such a group of traders to have existed, there would
have had to have been pan-Southeastern sanction of their activities so
that safe passage through hostile territories would be insured. The
prehistoric and early historic Southeastern Indians were well-known
for their propensity for belligerent behavior. There are several pos-
sible explanations: (1) these "merchants" were actually links in a sys-
tem of trade partnerships; (2) as outsiders, not belonging to a par-
ticular tribe, they existed outside the realm of inter-tribal hostility;
(3) their activities provided scarce and valued items; and (4) traders
might have acted as spies. None of these need be mutually exclusive and
quite possibly there were several reasons why traders were allowed to
travel through many different regions; however the third reason is
probably the most important. Mobilian, a trade jargon or kind of
lingua franca, was reportedly spoken by all the tribes east of the Mis-
sissippi. The Apalache were the only Florida tribe listed among those
using the language (Haas 1975:257-258). The presence of a trade language
would certainly suggest that trade interactions occurred over the Gulf
States, at least, and there is no reason to think that such activities
would be absent. It is interesting that the Apalache were the only
group mentioned as speaking the language. Could this be an oversight,
or lack of information, or could the Apalache have excercised some con-
trol over trade goods coming into Florida proper? It certainly suggests
that when the Indians told Le Moyne the gold and silver came from:
"Apalatcy" (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:84) they could very well have meant
that it came from Apalache not the Appalachian Mountains as Bennett (1968)
interpreted. The problem does remain, however, that there are no moun-
tains in Apalache (western Florida).
One final level of interaction that can be examined is loosely
termed transactions between human and supernatural, the propitiation
of natural elements which provided sustenance being the primary example.
One of the most, if not the most, important shamanistic functions was
the insurance of successful yields from lakes, fields, forests, etc.
For their services, shamans received half the catch of fish, the first
deer killed, the first corn, and so forth (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:
23-26). These transactions represent a cyclical flow wherein shamans
acted as intermediary agents between humans and supernatural forces.
Supplication of the latter was returned as yield in resources to the
people who returned part to the shaman in recognition of his role, thus
regenerating and maintaining the cycle.
Modelling Timucuan Economics
On the whole, aboriginal modes of exchange related to political
and maintenance organization appear to have been characterized by
balanced reciprocity. Generalized reciprocity was typical within kin/
village contexts and seems to have been a feature of initiatory inter-
actions between Indians and Europeans as well. The question arises as
to whether or not "free" exchange was precipitated by mutual good
wishes or if Indians were merely attempting to supplicate recognized
superior power. In the latter case, then, the "gift" would have been
balanced by intangible elements such as peace and freedom from ret-
ribution. Trade with the French, at least, seems to have held no awe
for the Eastern Timucua who had no qualms about refusing to trade.
From documentary sources, the only goods which were consistently des-
cribed as gifts given by Indians were foodstuffs and possibly other items
used in every-day household activities.
Negative reciprocity was reflected in activities such as gambling,
possibly stealing, and most assuredly warfare. The ultimate motivation
was the garnering of material items symbolizing prestige. War booty
would not only add to a man's wealth but would also have added to his
status. In all other activities exchange was more or less balanced,
characterized by two-way flow of material and/or non-material elements.
Determination of exchange spheres can only be hypothetical although
it is highly probable that such spheres existed (cf. Bohannan and Dalton
1965:6). The obvious division is between subsistence and prestige/
luxury goods. The former would include all foodstuffs as well as food
procurement and processing items such as hoes, digging sticks, bows
and arrows, fishing paraphernalia, axes, knives, grinding stones, pot-
tery vessels for cooking and storage. Weapons, which have dual func-
tions in warfare and food procurement, might entail special injunctions
concerning dispensation. Even when given in balanced transactions only
goods within this sphere would be exchanged under normal circumstances.
In emergency situations (e.g. bad harvest, crop destruction during war-
fare), non-food items may be exchanged to obtain food or, if food is
plentiful it might be traded with outsiders to acquire desirable ar-
ticles which may indicate prestige ("conversion up"). The last case
might cause the outsider to "lose face" while augmenting prestige for
Goods in the hypothetical prestige sphere would have included fish-
bone counters (only on the East Coast?) and "green and red stones"
(greenstone and hematite?) -- gamblingwinnings (Le Challeux in Lorant
1946:94) -- pearls, chamois, shell, cassina, feathers, metal ornaments,
and litters. Although they were not exchanged, litters are included
because they were important symbols of high status. Tobacco, which was
smoked in curing ceremonies (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:42) and on other
ritual occasions, may also be included as a prestige item although res-
triction of its usage is not certain. The same may be said for cassina;
it was a ritual substance used in political meetings, ceremonies, and as
harvest payments. Both maize and cassina could be classified as ritual
items, the latter because it represented the cacique's authority, village
solidarity, and supernatural favor.
Prestige items were of at least three kinds: some goods reflected
authority position in that they were restricted to high-status in-
dividuals who had rights of access by virtue of their ascribed status.
In so far as cassina and tobacco were ritual substances, they may have
been associated with high-status usage more so than with usage by com-
moners and, therefore, might be included under "authority" prestige
goods. Other prestige items, principally those received by the cacique
as tribute, reflected power. Lastly, acquisition of certain goods such
as gambling winnings and war booty, including slaves and scalps, sym-
bolized achieved status. Distribution of achieved status goods might
not exhibit unequal distribution among the populace since, theoretically,
anyone could gamble or kill. Presumably, however, goods acquired as war
booty would be restricted to males, possibly within a certain age group.
Copper ornaments were available only through trade networks and
were restricted to high-status individuals ("authority-prestige goods").
Pearls, shell dippers, and dressed hides must have been physically
available to anyone but were eventually accumulated by the cacique via
tribute payments -- "power-prestige goods" associated with mobilization
redistribution. Feathers were also available, in the physical sense, to
anyone but usage was restricted to elite persons and warriors, represen-
ting both ascribed and achieved rank. Feather headdresses were worn by
warriors only (?) during wartime; at other times they would have been
used by high-status groups. Perhaps during war the latter displayed ad-
ditional symbols of status associated with their inherited positions.
Certainly, behavior would have set elites apart from common warriors.
The only good which definitely would have been limited due to non-local
availability was raw or ornamental copper and possibly gold and silver.
Except on the east coast of Florida, pearls would also have been non-
local in origin.
Figure 2 illustrates a simplistic view of material flows. In this
diagram, traders are included parenthetically to indicate that their
status as a group is uncertain. It is obvious that some prestige items
and tribute goods had to be acquired by all individuals, or only those
adults (males?) in a position to get them, but that these were
monopolized by the cacique thus preventing competitive accumulation.
These goods would be assigned prestige value only after acquisition by
the cacique. Prior to that event they did not allocate prestige to the
tributary. Additionally, these tribute goods plus other high-status
items such as ceremonial whelk dippers, cassina, and gold and silver
could be traded within or between regions allowing the cacique and
other elites direct control of trade in luxury items.
Wealth inheritance would have given nephews (and sons) of the elite
a congenital advantage. Primogeniture would preclude dispersal of ac-
cumulated wealth, concentrating material wealth and prestige within a
relatively small group. "Young nobles" may also have had special oppor-
tunities to build their positions as it was fairly common for heirs of
caciques to act as special messengers and to acquire prestige through
special "noble deeds" (se Garcilaso de la Vega 1962:125-126, 145, 154-
Peninsular Economic and Demographic Conditions (1482-1700)
Between the years 1482 and 1700 Spain suffered serious population
decline and major demographic changes. During the reign of Ferdinand
and Isabella, all areas experienced considerable losses through emi-
grationwith the exception of Castile where population increased (Vicens
Vives 1969:291). Nationwide population drop over the 200 year period
has been estimated at 30% to 40% -- from nine or ten million to six
B WAR PLUNDER
H RESTRICTED HIGH
N NON-LOCAL GOODS
P PRESTIGE GOODS
Figure 2. Hypothetical Flow Chart of Prehistoric/Protohistoric Timucuan Economic System.
million (Moses 1894:125) -- or a loss of three million between the end
of the 16th century and 1723 (Davies 1961:158). Excepting Andalucia,
all major Castilian cities experienced serious population reduction
from 1594 to 1646. By the latter date, almost all these cities had
lost at least half of their population, many as much as 75%, most of
whom moved to inland cities particularly in northern Spain. By 1680,
Seville had undergone serious demographic and economic retrogression
There were several reasons for this drastic population reduction,
emigration being the major cause usually cited. Not only were some of
the "best elements" being drawn off to Spanish armies and conquest
(Davies 1964:23), but forced emigration of Moors and Jews, who were
the primary agricultural workers and craftsmen and financiers, had ad-
ditional impact on demographic and economic conditions. There are no
reliable estimates of the number of conversos who left Spain in the
aftermath of the Inquisition. Suggested figures put the total for
the whole country at 500,000: 150,000 Jews and 300,000 Moriscos after
the revolt of 1502 (Vicens Vives 1969:291).
More than 80% of the Spanish population were peasants; urban
workers constituted 10-12%, urban middle class merchants, citizens,
and ecclesiastics 3-5%, and less than 2% nobility. Peasants, unable to
make a living from the soil, moved to urban centers to become beggars
and vagrants (Davies 1964:273; Vicens Vives 1969:293). Movement to
cities and emigration of Moors precipitated a shortage of agricultural
workers. Spaniards, who despised agricultural work as a job previously
performed by the Moors, refused to take up the task (Davies 1964:273).
The ranks of public officials and ecclesiastics swelled and in the
mid-1600s the government declared it would no longer support the in-
creasing numbers of priests and monks (Davies 1961:102). Circa 1500,
1.5% of the population (the nobility) owned 97% of the Peninsula and
during the 16th century the religious class, about 2% of the national
population, monopolized almost half of the national income (Vicens
Vives 1969:293, 340).
Until roughly 1540, sheep raising for wool and the textile indus-
try dominated economic perogatives (Davies 1964:23; Vicens Vives 1969:
302). They became so important that a-special management board was es-
tablished and agricultural production was severely hampered by national
interests, loss of land to pasture, and more enticing incentives to con-
centrate on sheep raising. Textile manufacture flourished in the
beginning of the 16th century but around 1540 began to decline. Impor-
tation of gold and silver from America had caused significant price in-
creases (400% during the 16th century) creating the desire to buy in
foreign markets and a concomitant decline in the quality of Spanish-
produced goods (Davies 1964:266; Moses 1894:129). Added to this, the
flow of bullion from the New World also began to drop off during the
first quarter of the 1500s (Davies 1964:263). By the middle of the cen-
tury, Spain no longer exported textiles but actually needed to import
them to meet her own demands (Moses 1894:129). Perhaps related to this,
the importation of hides from Buenos Aires, Cuba, and other parts of New
Spain, became important (Davies 1961:150; Moses 1965:267; Vicens Vives
1969:357, 403). Spain then exported these hides or leather to other
countries (Vicens Vives 1969:357, 358-359).
Philip III began debasing coinage, which had already been debased
to copper, in 1600. He further reduced the weight of coins in 1602 and
required that all payments be made with copper. By 1605 very little sil-
ver was to be found anywhere in Spain and the premium on it rose so
high that continental trade was stifled (Davies 1964:266-267). During
the reign of Charles II (1665-1700), Spain was sunk in deep economic
depression. Very little was sent to America during the last decade of
the 17th century except wine (which could not legally be made in the New
World). Many goods were exported to the colonies from foreign countries
under pretext of coming from Spain. These goods primarily included wax,
spices, paper, cloth, and mercury. American exports to Spain consisted
of hides, "chinaware" (Aztecan and Chinese), grain, tobacco, tropical
drugs, copper, and mostly gold and silver (Barozzi e Berchet in Davies
Spanish-Indian Interaction (1564-1650)
The topic of Spanish and Indian interactions is the hardest to
arrange since insights to economic and social transactions are scattered
over numerous sources, both primary and secondary. It appears, however,
that three general periods can be defined on the basis of topics covered
by those sources which were reviewed. Letters and cedulas included in
the Ethnohistory Index (P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History) that con-
tain information on Indians concentrate on gifts made to Indians prior
to about 1650. After that date, very little mention of "gifts" is made
at all. During the last two periods used here, 1650-1675 and 1675-1704,
priests, visitadores, and government officials spent more paper des-
cribing actual situations and conflicts between Indians and Spaniards.
Data are presented topically and chronologically In an attempt to show
continuation of or changes in policy and attitudes. It was impossible
to confine discussion to the Timucua, especially after the mid-1600s,
since references to this group are relatively few. Latter 17th century
accounts are basically concerned with the Apalache in western Florida
(for reasons that will be discussed later). Until the early 1600s, con-
tact with Western Timucua was sporadic; missions had not been established,
therefore description of early interactions must be garnered from
sources describing the Guale and Eastern Timucua. Although the Indian
groups differed to some extent, it does not seem likely that Spanish
policy would have been enacted differentially.
The beginning date of the construction of Fort Caroline by the
French (1564) near the mouth of the St. Johns River is given as the
starting date for this evaluation since the French settlement spurred
Spain to the first successful attempt at colonization. Most data,
however, will extend from 1573 onward, after the Franciscans took over
the mission field from the Jesuits.
Pope Alexander VI issued a papal bull in 1501 giving the Crown a
grant of ecclesiastical tithes in all newly found regions under the con-
dition that sovereigns made themselves responsible for the introduction
of Catholicism and maintenance of the Church and for the instruction
and conversion of Native Americans. In 1508, Pope Julius II issued
another bull conferring full patronage on Ferdinand and his successors
It is popularly well-known that Juan Ponce de Leon landed in
Florida and officially proclaimed it as property of the Spanish Crown in
1513. Two of the most famous entradas, that of Panfilo Narvaez (1528)
and that of Hlernando de Soto (1539), brought Spaniards in contact with
interior tribes. The results were disastrous, especially those which
arose out of de Soto's policy of brutalizing the natives and destroying
their villages and fields.
Pedro Menendez de Aviles, who expulsed the French (1565) and became
the first long-term governor of Florida (1565-1574), undertook the
colonization of Florida for several reasons, the most important of which
were the promise of economic gain and increased social position.
Revenue to the Crown and the priveleged adelantado, good defensive
location against enemies, and guaranteed profit from trade and agricul-
ture were among the primary reasons for establishing the colony (Lyon
1976:45). The adelantado's agreement with the Crown included his res-
ponsibility tobring natives to the Christian faith and loyal obedience
of the king. The 1563 ordinances indicated that an adelantado was al-
lowed to create two-generation repartimientos of Indians in each es-
tablished village. They also provided that three-generation encomiendas
could be granted to other settlers in areas aside from ports or main
towns (Lyon 1976:50).
Since the French had conceived good relationships with the Indians
of the northeastern Florida coast, tensions were high between Indians
and Spaniards. When the latter took control of Florida in the mid-l s,
relations were primarily based on trade. Menendez was, however, to
receive tribute from caciques in the name of the king. Serious
evangelization was to wait for a more propitious time (Lyon 1976:118-
Missions were to serve dual purposes along the Florida frontier:
they were to be agricultural and religious schools (Haring 1963:183) as
well as nodes in a defensive network which, it was thought, would serve
as a buffer against French and British encroachment from the north.
Indians were to supply the labor force necessary to construct physical
defenses (such as the fort in St. Augustine), roads, and bridges. They
would also provide the bulk of the subsistence support. Promotion of
self-sufficiency supported by native cultivation was among the primary
objectives (Rogel in Gannon 1967:33).
There is no doubt that Spaniards regarded their duties to Church
and God with utmost respect. Population decline in Spain (and the
threat of Protestantism) made the duty of conversion more pressing in
order to maintain the Catholic religion as an important source of power
and enlightenment. The fact remains that Church and State were closely
aligned and shared access to a great deal of potential wealth. Mission
Indians provided bodies and souls which could encourage the realization
of that wealth.
Gifts and Trade
Since the earliest peaceful attempts of the Spanish to win over the
Florida natives, gifts had been offered as tokens of their friendship.
Father Luis Cancer de Barbastro offered gifts which, although of little
value to Europeans, "were highly prized by them [Indians] and much ap-
preciated" (in Cannon 1967:11). Spaniards gave gifts not only to open
relationships but also to placate (Geiger 1936:3). Brother-in-law and
chronicler of Menendez, Solis de Meras (1923:184) reported that Guale
Indians who arrived in St. Augustine in 1566 to receive gifts and food
went away declaring war if they did not receive them. Expenses for gifts
to both.Christian and "heathen" Indians were authorized by cedulas in
1593 and 1615 (Father Moreno 1654). Table 1 summarizes gifts and trade
goods given and received by Indians.
Table 1. Gifts and Trade Goods Ixchanged between Indians and Europeans.
clothes, flour, tools
blankets, knives, fish hooks,
scissors, hatchets, glass beads,
mirrors, knives, scissors, bells,
and "things highly prized"
garments, beads, hatchets, machetes,
(given to "principal Indians")
corn, hoes, (given to Indians south
of St. Augustine "to increase their
estimation of us")
Governo Canzo, 1597
Covington and Falcones, 1963
(Father Escobedo, original
Solis de Meras, 1923
(original ca. 1566)
Solis de Meras, 1923
Governor Ibarra, 1605
European Trade Goods
jewelry, knives, scissors, axes
Covington and Falcones, 1963
deer hides (painted and unpainted),
meal, little cakes, roots (sassafrass?),
gold, silver, copper, pearls, beans,
fish, shellfish, meat
maize (flour, roasted, ears), smoked
meat, wild roots (medicinal and other),
Captain Ribault, 1964
Le Moyne in Bennett, 1968
(chronicler for Laudonni'ere,
Indian Trade Goods
ambergris, maize, smoked meat, fish
Covington and Falcones, 1963
* Many of these gifts were also traded items.
It appears that gifts were sometimes, if not always, given to
caciques (Canzo 1597, 1599; Cedulario San Lorenzo 1593). Whether or
not the cacique distributed these goods among his village is not known.
'Presumably, some of the goods were at least distributed to other elite
individuals. Caciques, as leaders of the villages, received special
Spanish attention. The goods given to "principal Indians" listed by
Solis de Meras (1923:148, 127) differ from those he indicated as general
gifts. There is only one specific reference among the numerous sources
reviewed which indicated that caciques, those who were obedient and good
converts, received special compensation. In this case, Governor Canzo
(1600) awarded 150 ducats to Dofa Maria, cacica of Nombre de Dios just
north of St. Augustine, and 200 ducats to Don Juan, cacique of San Pedro
on Cumberland Island, Georgia.
It is impossible to ascertain how important cash actually was to
Indians. Father Escobedo, stationed at Nombre de Dios from 1589 until
about 1600, wrote that food was scarce and "unfaithful" Indians took
advantage of festival days to hunt and then sell ducks (1 real), turkeys
(15.5 gold reales), and rabbits (2 reales) to those who had stayed in-
doors. Leather "moccasins" made to order out of deerskin sold for three
ounces of Mexican silver (Covington and Falcones 1963:143, 144).
Escobedo also ranked Eastern Timucuan preferences for trade goods: fish
hooks, axes or hatchets, knives, scissors (in descending order). Glass
beads apparently "delighted" all Indians (Covington and Falcones 1963:
Labor and Taxes
Writing for Governor Salinas, Ramirez (1622) noted that it was cus-
tomary for Indians to come to St. Augustine from Guale to cultivate the
"savannas." Caciques were required to send up to 50 Indians from each
village, dependent on its size. Soldiers were sent to issue orders for
labor and were supposed to provide necessary provisions and passage
money for the journey. Upon arrival in St. Augustine, Indians were to
receive gifts and to be paid (probably in goods) for their work. If
caciques did not send Indians, Salinas warned, they were to be severely
punished. Thus, the colonial system of repartimiento also found a place
in Florida. In 1637, Governor Horryutiner reported that Indians were
required to carry provisions for the priests from St. Augustine to
Apalache (Matter 1972:253). The use of Indian labor continued through
the mission period even though the Crown constantly ordered against it.
Native Floridians retained the practice of paying tribute to
caciques in traditional goods and, in addition, they were required to
pay tribute (or tithes) in corn to the government (Bushnell 1978:38;
Royal Officials 1605). The corn, and probably other foodstuffs, was used
to provision soldiers stationed at St. Augustine (Governor Marques, 1579,
in Conner 1930:229). Prior to 1600, each "friendly" Indian and cacique
was taxed one arroba (roughly 25 pounds) of maize per year. In 1600,
this tax was reduced to six ears of corn because of the hardship caused
by the earlier tax and the poverty of the Indians (Canzo 1600).
Mission Politics and Economics
Each mission priest lived at a more or less centrally located,
primary village doctrinea) and administered to nearby sub-stations
visitsas. The priest either visited these outlying villages to teach
doctrine and perform baptisms (Geiger 1937:69), or Indians came into
the doctrine on Saturday evenings, or evenings before holy days, and
stayed overnight to hear mass the next day (Geiger 1936:14). Villages
that lacked a resident priest supposedly competed with each other to
build the best church and residence for a future priest in the event
that they should ever be allotted one (Ore 1936:104, 107).
Franciscans, as mendicants, were dependent on alms begged from the
community for their support (Ore 1936:79). Due to the general poverty
of Florida, especially in its early settlement period, priests were
supported by the Crown along with the soldiers and secular officials.
The situado, royal subsidy, was shipped from Spain, Cuba or the Mexican
Peninsula. Perishables were generally of poor quality and spoiled;
all subsidy goods were extremely expensive. The reality' of Florida
poverty has been questioned by many and it is generally felt that
reports issuing from priests, treasurers, and governors to the Crown
were exaggerated in attempts to obtain more goods. Bushnell (1978)
has studied the St. Augustinian and general north Floridian'economic
conditions in detail and the kinds of goods she cites, particularly
those enjoyed by the hidalgos, do not hint at an overwhelming poverty.
Recent zooarcheological research carried out on St. Augustinian
material also suggest that poverty might have been exaggerated (Reitz
1979). If the data from St. Augustine have been intentionally biased,
it is also possible that information regarding poverty at the missions
might also have been overstated. Certainly, the level at which the
Spaniards were used to living was drastically different in Florida and
the fact that they probably went without things to which they were ac-
costumed may have prompted many feelings of poverty. As long as there
were Indians to hunt and farm, food should not have been very scarce.
Since Spaniards were, in general, uninspired over agricultural
duties, the mobilization of Indian labor to provide for garrison, town-
dwelling, and mission personnel was extremely important. Although
livestock management was more in line with the Peninsular activities
they were accustomed to, farming does not appear to have been a par-
ticular skill enjoyed by Spaniards. Neither, it seems, were they
satisfied with the nature of Native Floridian farming techniques.
Governor Salinas (1620) asked the king for permission to import 20-30
Indians from Honduras or New Spain who would teach the Indians how to
farm. Four Franciscans also asked for about 30 people to settle and
farm near the priests (Pesquera et al. 1621). Periodically, from
1620 through the 1670s, governors made requests to the Crown to fur-
nish them with Indians from Campeche or Honduras who would either
teach the natives to grow indigo and cochineal, cash crops, or grow
them themselves (Consejo de Indias 1623; Cedulario, Madrid 1623;
Francisco de la Guerra y de la Vega 1673; Cedulario, Madrid 1673).
According to Bushnell (1978), these were merely proposals and the enter-
prise was never funded or carried out. Whatever the truth of the matter
may be, most accounts impress the reader with an overall subsistence
sufficiency. In later periods, there was enough maize, beef, and hides
to allow exportation to Havana and illicit trade.
Cedularios of 1641 and 1663 awarded regular clergy annual sub-
sidies of flour, wine, oil, vinegar, salt, blankets, robes, dishes,
candles, paper, and other items (Tepaske 1964:179). Father Pareja's
(in Ore 1936:105, 107) famous and astringent letters, however, attest
to extreme poverty at the missions. Furnishings for the church were ob-
tained despite poverty because Indians brought deerskins to buy wax
(candles) and to pay for burial of their dead. At some missions, he
reported, pigs and arrobas of maize were used to purchase small bells.
Hides brought to the priests were probably sold or traded (by the priest)
to obtain requisite fixtures. Judging from the list of Spanish imports
from America and exports to other countries, hides and leather goods
were probably a good medium of exchange, especially if cash was not on
hand or simply not allowed to be used by Indians. On the east coast of
Florida, south of St. Augustine, ambergris was collected by Indians and/
or representatives of the governor. This substance turned a very high
profit in Spain and also for the Indians who traded it. In St.
Augustine, at least, ambergris was definitely used instead of cash money
Priests supplemented royal subsidies with alms of maize, beans, or
toasted flour received from Indians (Ore' 1936:105). In many cases,
everything priests obtained from their charges was justified as alms
since Franciscans were subject to vows of poverty.
Soon after the Spaniards began intensive missionizing activities,
native populations were "reduced" into centralized villages, either
missions or visits. Centralization of Indian populations was a major
objective from the outset (Geiger 1936:16) and was necessary not only
to provide control over the Indians but also to provide a conveniently
available repartimiento labor pool.
By 1597 Guale mission Indians were peaceful in the aftermath of
death and destruction of villages and fields precipitated by the revolt
of mission Indians along the Georgia Coast. Governor Marques informed
the Audencia de Santo Domingo that he hoped Indians would become good
Christians but that adults, who had their own religion and did not want
to convert, were preventing their children from being taught (Connor
1930:224-229). Within 20 years this situation had altered drastically
and at S;n Junn del Puerto at the monLth of the St. Johns River, Father
Pareja (1602), reported that natives assisted at high mass and vespers.
All was not well between priests and their converts, however, nor
between caciques and their villagers. Pareja (1602), who served in the
Florida mission field for almost 40 years, asked the Crown to order
governors to threaten to punish Indians so that natives would do as
their caciques told them. Once caciques became Christians, their subor-
dinates no longer obeyed them. The general consensus on the friars'
part was that it was the duty of the governor to punish Indians. Father
Lopez (1605) stated that the priests should be seen as "loving fathers,"
not the governors. The continuous rivalry between secular and religious
personnel and the inability to divide jurisdiction (a fault built into
the Spanish system) was to plague Florida throughout the mission period.
The one major change in political organization was the breakdown
of tribal level organization characterized previously by intervillage
alliances (Milanich 1978:67). After 1633, Milanich states, there were
no references to major regional chiefs, only to caciques of individual
villages. At the Timucuan missions visited by Rebolledo in 1657, how-
ever, it appeared that visit or village caciques were subordinate to
caciques of primary regional villages where missions were located
(Pearson 1968:97). The position of the cacique was maintained and
priests attempted to enhance this role since the chief could be an im-
portant avenue through which to work conversion (Pearson 1968:67).
Settlement and Demographic Changes
Aside from the temporary shift of work details to St. Augustine
and reduction, both important factors, there is little mention in the
documents of this period which concern .demographic change. Pareja
(in Geiger 1937:145) wrote that some Potano had left their own villages
to settle in Christian communities and it is possible that centralization
was forced or made highly desirable by promises of economic, and
The role of disease and epidemics has not been widely reported but
this may be a bias resulting from selection of sources. Between 1614
and 1617 epidemics brought about many deaths and completely depopulated
some villages (Geiger 1937:251). According to friars' estimates, which
may be exaggerated, half the Indian population in Florida was killed
Priests, Soldiers, Civilians, and Indians: 1650-1675
This is a rather arbitrarily assigned period but it begins at about
the same time as major political and economic problems in Spain were
occurring and it ends roughly at the time when Spanish Florida had to
turn its attention to British and Indian ally encroachments. A further
dimension was added to frontier Florida economy around 1655 when
civilian or military cattle ranching had begun to be important. The
cattle industry reportedly did not become extensive until around 1700
(Arnade 1965:6) but earlier accounts of cattle ranches, and the problems
they were creating, do exist.
Gifts and Trade
The Royal Treasurer Jose' de Prado (Moreno 1654) advocated that gifts
to Indians be eliminated because they constituted a heavy drain on St.
Augustine funds. He suggested, instead, that Indians should be fed when
in St. Augustine or when sick but that gifts only be given when a new
governor was installed. There is a notable lack of accounts of gift-
giving which may be a reflection of decreased amounts of gifts to
give or simply documentary sample bias. More interesting, in any event,
are the other exchanges Indians participated in. Indians had many items
to offer which Spaniards wanted: sassafrass (which brought a good price
in Spain), ambergris, deer and buffalo (?) skins, nut oil, bear grease,
tobacco, canoes, storage containers,and, most of all, food. Indians
wanted whatever the Spaniards had: weapons, construction and cul-
tivating tools, nails, cloth, blankets, bells, beads, church ornaments,
and rum (Bushnell 1978:13). The problem was to supply enough of what
the Indians wanted. Governor Rebolledo had 60,000 pounds of pig iron
beaten into tools to barter for ambergris with the coastal Indians south
of St. Augustine. When the Indians offered him more of this precious
substance, he melted cannons and arquebuses. For 600 ounces of ambergris
(worth 15,000 pesos), Rebolledo gave Indians 500 pesos worth of iron in
the form of hoes, an anchor, mortars, cannons, muskets and arquebuses
which the governor claimed were worthless (Bushnell 1978:13, 43). Sol-
diers also traded muskets to the Indians (Bushnell 1978:13).
Just after the Timucuan revolt, Rebolledo made a visitation of
Timucua and Apalache (in 1657) in order to report on present conditions
and to determine the cause of the revolt. In Apalache, priests had
required Indians to go to Apalachicola and "Chactos" territories, both
hostile to Apalache, to trade for skins and other "esteemed items."
Indians complained that no payment for this service was made except to
the cacique (Pearson 1968:71, 84). What exactly the priests did with
these goods was not explained'but Indians were suspicious and claimed
that friars prevented-them from selling their goods to ships' crews to
earn money. Priests then bought Indian goods (probably foodstuffs
and skins) at low prices and turned a good profit by selling them to
soldiers (Pearson 1968:73). Similar complaints were made at San Martin
de Tomoli and San Joseph de Ocuya in'Apalache. Father Juan de Paredes
(San Martin) took excess yields from a plot cultivated for him to
provide for laborers on the church and other Indians and shipped most
of the food out of the province. Of course, Spaniards expected that
the missions would provide for the ranches and military but Indians
resented not only losing their produce but also having to transport it
without being paid. Father Sanchez (San Joseph) simply took part of
the harvest ostensibly to buy ornaments and other things for the church,
none of which were ever seen (Pearson 1968:96, 98).
Soldiers and Indians appeared to enjoy good relations, much to the
chagrin of the missionaries. Indians felt obliged to offer food and
shelter to soldiers (or Indians) passing through their villages and all
claimed they did this voluntarily, an act for which they were punished
and humiliated by friars (Pearson 1968:72, 80, 92). It must be remem-
bered that these complaints leveled at missionaries and the praise for
the military were presented to the governor. One might suspect bias,
protective on the part of the Indians, or sheer embellishment by
Rebolledo himself for benefit of his position and laying the blame for
the revolt on a group other than the military.
Labor and Taxes
Manuel, the cacique of the Yustega village of Asile'in 1651, ex-
pressed unhappiness with the Spaniards in general: military officials
tried to take their land and they were forced to work on plantations
and cattle ranches without compensation (Milanich 1978:65). This
grievance occurred over and over: either forced by the clergy to carry
trading goods or private property (Pearson 1968, above; Moreno 1654),
ordered to fix roads and build bridges (Pearson 1968:11), forced by sol-
diers to carry goods to St. Augustine (Pearson 1968:157), or forced to
work on the castillo in St. Augustine. In 1651, Governor Benito Ruiz
stated that Indians in Apalache were fleeing into the woods because they
were being required to carry goods and to labor for the haciendas. A
few years later, Governor Diego de Rebolledo wrote that he considered
the use of Indian labor to be a practical necessity even though the
Crown forbade the use of Indian bearers (Matter 1972:256, 258). The use
of Indian labor to work fields in St.-Augustine was also continued.
Repartimiento Indians cleared land and planted the communal and private
maize fields with digging sticks and hoes. In St. Augustine, everyone
who was important had their "service Indians" (Bushnell 1978:184). In
addition to working gardens and plots, Indians were used to "fill gaps"
in the infantry. Governor Francisco de la Guerra y de la Vega (1673)
wrote that 200 Indians from Apalache were brought to the capitol;
50-55 from Timucua stayed until the end of October and 45-50 from Guale
were also conscripted. Caciques, although they organized the work crews,
were exempted from all such services (Bushnell 1978:49).
Indians at San Luis de Xinaica claimed that priests sometimes came
to the village and requisitioned Indians without permission. This caused
hardship since it took away people essential to the economic livelihood
of the village. The cacique requested that Franciscans use Indian labor
only with permission from and under supervision of the village cacique
for fear that failure to do so would undermine the cacique's authority
Other stories of misfortune reached Rebolledo throughout Apalache.
An Indian from San Juan de Aspalaga, who had been too ill to carry a
vessel to the Timucuan village of Arapaja, had sent someone else and was
whipped by the priest who had asked him to go (Pearson 1968:94). It was
this kind of behavior, Rebolledo asserted, that had precipitated the
uprising in Timucua (Pearson 1968:116-124, 141, 152). During the 1656.
rebellion, however, Timucuans had killed both priests and soldiers and
had burnt churches (Pearson 1968:143). Other sources lay the blame on
Spanish rancheros whose cattle were destroying fields and who forced
Indians to work on their properties (Arnade 1965:6).
This author failed to come across any specific references to tax
payments but it is possible that some of the "loads" carried to St.
Augustine represented a tithe or tax of some kind. Bushnell (1978)
does, however, discuss taxation and tithing in great detail and it is
evident that taxes of various kinds were required from everyone.
Mission Politics and Economics
It has been impossible to discuss the other two sections without
reference to political and economic conditions at the missions. Many of
the problems arose in Apalache, rather than Timucua, since there were
very few Indians left in that latter province. Epidemics between 1649
and 1659, years of famine, and the rebellion had left the Timucua scat-
tered. In 1672 there were so few Indians in central Florida that
Spaniards gave land away in Timucua to anyone who would open a cattle
ranch (Bushnell 1978:20).
The Apalache did not receive permanent missions until 1633, 27 years
later than Timucua. In the late 1600s, it is apparent that many
traditional practices and beliefs were still intact. Several caciques
beseeched the governor and priests to permit them to continue playing
their ballgame and performing their ceremonies. The degree to which
certain traditional activities was allowed or punished appears to have
been subject to the personal whim of the soldiers and/or priests in-
volved (Father Paiva 1676).
Tepaske (1964:194) claimed that most Franciscans overcame
traditional native behavior patterns by providing exemplary models of
Christianity and personal conduct. In fact, it seems that many.of the
friars assigned to Apalache were particularly prone to the administration
of physical abuse. Whippings and beatings meted out to elite and com-
moner alike humiliated the former and caused them to lose the respect of
their subjects (Pearson 1968:83, 93). So much was this a problem, and
so important was it to maintain the cacique's status, that Rebolledo
ordered that caciques and other elites who broke civil or religious
regulations could be punished only by the governor (Pearson 1968:77).
One can imagine how the religious felt concerning this usurpation of
Indians attempted to trade with soldiers and ships' crews putting
into port (in Apalache). Their right to do so was unquestioned by the
governor although priests forbade the practice and tried to maintain
the sale of goods and trade as their own perogative. Some Apalache were
trading illicitly, however, with foreign ships after the soldiers were
removed from that province in 1648 (Pearson 1968:130). Caciques and
friars in both Apalache.and Timucua shipped wheat, rye, and barley to
Havana to make a profit on it rather than have it confiscated by the
governor for use in St. Augustine (Bushnell 1978:40). At the end of this
period, Indian trade with the English,who offered rum and firearms in
return for allegiance against the Spaniards, was not uncommon (Tepaske
1964:193). During the late 17th-carly 18th century, Spaniards were also
involved in illicit trade and the Suwannee River became an important
artery for shipping goods out of Florida (Boniface 1968:207).
Priests apparently attempted to facilitate conversion and/or
strengthen their own positions by appointing "ensigns" of their own
choosing to act in native festivals. Constitution XIV of the 1684
diocesan synod (Statutes Relating to Florida n.d.:13) reiterated injunc-
tions against Franciscan appointments issued in 1672 and 1678 cedulas.
The statute also stated that priests were to disinvolve themselves with
Indian confraternities and not bother them about debts during their fes-
tivals. Villages had town governments in which the caciques were alcaldes
mayors, leaders of the community and festivities (Bushnell 1978:156).
As mentioned above, a series of epidemics (typhus or yellow fever,
small pox, and measles) between 1649-1659 had caused significant reduc-
tion of population in Timucua (Bushnell 1978:20). The Timucua rebellion
had also resulted in death and scattering of populations. In 1675 an
estimated 81% of the 10,766 Indians under Spanish rule in Florida were in
Apalache (Bushnell 1978:20). Early in this period, the Council of the
Indies in Madrid (1654) also noted a decrease in the number of priests in
Florida. St. Augustine had experienced an influx of Indians brought to
the capitol to work on the castillo and orders were sent out to supply
more priests for that city in order to serve the Indians (Cedulario 1673).
Governor Pablo de Hita Salazar (1674) reported that Indians brought to
the capitol to work on the fort were dying or were needed in their own
villages,therefore, he asked the queen, could they import slaves from
Cuba to augment and stabalize the work force?
Only one piece of evidence regarding village relocation was noted
by the author although, presumably, other instances occurred. Rebolledo
granted permission for the Timucuan village of Santa Maria to relocate
half a league away from their current site because the village was an
old one, fields had lost their fertility, harvests were poor, and the
forests had been cleared so thoroughly that it was difficult to get fire-
wood (Pearson 1968:80).
This final period actually represents a continuation of the preceding
one: there was increasing strife, dissension, and dissatisfaction; more
Indians were leaving missions, and secular and religious hands were
tightly about each other's political throats. The peaceful scenario
depicted by Bishop Calderon in 1676 contrasts sharply with most other
views and the conviction grows that either certain people chose to
closely edit final reports to the Crown and various councils or that
Indians (and priests) could be extremely shrewd actors. Part of
Calderon's report notes the following: in January Indians burn the
undergrowth from their fields in preparation for planting. Wheat is
planted in October and harvested in June. In April they begin to sow
corn. All work in common to plant the "lands of cacique and of charity"
(i.e. alms plots for the priest and "needy widows"). Everything, plant
and animal, is given to the cacique to be divided; he keeps the hides and
gives the best part of the hunt to the priest "to whom the Indians are
greatly subjugated." Indians do not covet riches nor gold or silver and
do not use these for money. Rather, they barter. The most wanted and
used articles are knives, scissors, axes, spades, small hatchets, large
bronze bells, blankets, trinkets, and all woven cloth. Before entering
the church, each Indian gives the priest a bundle of firewood or a
log (Calderon 1676; also in Wenhold 1936:13).
Calderon perceived that all worked in common for the good of the
village but mostly for the good of.the priest who had his gardens
planted, received the best meats, and had his firewood delivered. Failure
to covet riches is probably a reflection of their scarcity in Florida
at this time and of the fact that, as good Christians, they were not sup-
posed to covet wealth, however wealth was expressed. Bushnell (1978:15)
reported that soldiers seldom even saw money and that Indians never
used it. This may have been true during the later mission period but
during the early part goods had been sold for cash money and cash rewards
had been offered. It is extremely unlikely that Indians did not desire
wealth although their manner of reckoning it probably differed from the
Gifts and Trade
Rarely were gifts given except to non-Christian neighboring Indians
in attempts to form alliances (Quiroga y Losada 1688). Indians had
enough problems trying to retain their property and goods and with the
shortage of food and necessities which were not supplied by Floridians
(Tepaske 1964:195). These conditions prompted the following orders from
Governor Zfii.ga regarding Indian activities in Apalache: (1) Indians had
the right to raise swine and fowl, which were not to be taken from them,
and to attend the market in St. Augustine to sell bacon, lard, swine,
hides, and skins which they raised or acquired; (2) trade with the
Apalachicola (Creek) would be allowed only for "customary goods," not
British ones (Boyd 1951:31, 34). As in Spain, trade with other countries
was theoretically suppressed but carried out none the less. Apalachicola
could provide British goods whereas Spaniards could not even supply
necessities. Ziiiiga, however, had his own rules concerning trade with
the Apalachicola. Horses could be given in exchange only for guns which
the English provided. The English, on the other hand, wanted pack
horses from the Apalachicola in exchange for the guns. Since one group
had to first have what the other group could provide in order to begin
the exchange, a stalemate arose creating a great deal of hostility on
the part of the Apalachicola. They formed a peace treaty with the
Apalache and invited four Indians to their village to cement relations.
Three of those four were murdered and then the mission of Santa Fe in
Timucua was raided and burned (Zufiiga, 1702, in Boyd 1951:36-37).
No specific mention of taxes is made in the documents reviewed but
the pattern of forced, uncompensated labor continued (Council of the
Indies 1676; Boyd 1951:25, 27, 28, 29; Cabrera 1686; Pearson 1968:194)
and more often resulted in Indians leaving the missions to join British
allies or to go elsewhere. In 1676, Father Alonso del Moral (1676)
asked the king to aid Indians forced to work on the castillo in St.
Augustine. He reported that 300 natives from Apalache, Timucua, and
Guale were yearly brought to the capitol to work for the Spaniards. The
diocesan synod drafted the following statutes regarding Indian labor in
Many Spaniards, negroes, and mulattoes residing in St.
Augustine and other missions detain married Indian men
in their houses, who have their wives in other places
or who have gone to St. Augustine to work or dig but
are detained later to serve them this should not
be done because married persons should cohabit.
The wretched Indians, for being so, are none the less
Christians [nnd as such must be allowed to hear mass
!ilid not work on days of obligation. 1 [This was addres-
sed to] persons having Indians on their estates, even
as hired laborers (Statutes Relating to Florida n.d.:
The major concerns of the synod were aptly expressed: married people
should live together and Christians must attend mass and observe
regulations. The tone is somewhat less than sympathetic.
Mission Politics and Economics
In 1682, Bishop Juan de Palacios of Cuba asked the Crown to place
the missions in the hands of Jesuits or Dominicans because the Franciscans
"must be begged to fill parish and castillo [positions] in St. Augustine.
Also they always want some benefits as well" (Juan de Palacios 1682).
Governor Quiroga y Losada (1690) described some benefits enjoyed by mis-
sion friars: "priests lack for nothing because Indians sow their
cornfields, wheatlands, tobacco tracts they raise their chickens
and fatten their swine. [Indians] don't pay ovenciones [tithes?] in
money, but make up for this in deer, bear, cinola, otter and other types
of hides." Quiroga y Losada concurred with Calderon that missionaries
did seem to reap the greater part of material benefits and then continued
to make demands. Father Martorell in Apalache required his villages to
plant one-half or a whole arroba yield (of maize?) for each mission
priest. Later he insisted on four, six, or eight arrobas and the Indians
under his jurisdiction fled the village. In response, Governor Cabrera
(1687) ordered that Indians could give whatever they wanted to the priest
but they should not see this as an obligation.
Secular and religious authorities continued to clash over disputed
jurisdiction. Priests were subject "under pain of being chastized" to
outlaw ballgames (Statutes Relating to Florida n.d.:4) and keep strict
control over native festivities (Calderon 1676). Problems arose because
a lieutenant told Indians at San Joesph de Ocuya they could dance all
night as was their custom. The friar stated that Indians knew that by
giving soldiers tacalos de caecina cassinaa?), janepas, chickens, and
watermelons, as they did with said lieutenant, they could "be let to
live" (Cabrera 1682).
In an attempt to pave over fractional disputes, Governor Zuniga
insisted Indians owed allegiance and obligations to the Franciscans.
All converted Indians must have crucifixes and
images of saints on the walls of their huts.
Indians must obey the commands of friars and
attend to their needs.
No Indian could marry unless first pledged to
support his perspective bride.
Indians could plant only those lands designated
by the friars (Zuniga, 1702, in Tepaske 1964:194).
In return, Zuniga promised to provide for widows and orphans, to pay all
labor done by Indians in St. Augustine, and to give all Indians full
hearing before punishing them for their crimes (Tepaske 1964:194). As
might be expected, the setting down of rules did little to affect actual
The first good evidence of political organizational upheaval occurs
in documents of the 1670s. In Guale, Apalache, and Timucua individuals
were claiming rights to chieftainships which were disputed by other vil-
lagers (see Pearson 1968:206-216, 219, 220, 240) and military visitations
were made to the three provinces to make sure that Indians were agreed
on their caciques' right to lead, to reinstate those with legitimate
claims, and to see that rndhians obeyed their cactqques. In TLmucua,
the visitador Sergeant Major Domingo de Leturiondo created the office
of cacique for a man who would take his own and other families to a
place a good distance away in order to settle a town (Pearson 1968:273,
An additional burden and responsibility was added to mission set-
tlements after 1675 when Yuchi slavers launched raids into Apalache and
northern Timucua and Indians were given arquebuses and ammunition to go
in pursuit (Pearson 1968:189). Slave raids on villages continued and
were taken up by Yamassees, British allies, in the 1680s through the
final annhialation of the missions in 1704. In 1686 soldiers, officers
and officials, and even caciques were issued weapons as private
property (Bushnell 1978:186). Zufiga ordered that Indians should be
provided with all the supplies necessary for war operations (Boyd 1951:
32) but these seem to have been lacking in quantity since Spaniards had
to trade with their enemies to obtain firearms.
Population movements and depopulation became major problems during
the last quarter of the 17th century. Several events which caused the
Indians to "flee into the woods" or join British forces have already
been mentioned. Other groups were moving into mission districts known
or unknown to the Spaniards. One settlement of 248 Tocobaga was dis-
covered living on the Basis River in Apalache during the 1677 visitation
of Domingo de Leturiondo. It was decided that they could remain (Pearson
All Florida provinces suffered manpower shortages and Spaniards
passed strict laws against caciques allowing single or married men to
"wander around creating problems" hy imposing a fine of 12 doeskins or
the equivalent (Pearson 1968:246). At San Juan de inacnra (1677-78) on
the Suwannee River, Indlains asked for a canoe to use as a ferry since
they were supposed to operate one (Boniface 1968:177-178) and depended
on it for their livelihood. All able-bodied men had left because the
work was too hard and there was never enough food. Only 20 men remained
in the entire village (Pearson 1968:276-277) and they had not had a
resident priest for a long time. Caciques were enjoined not to allow
these wanderers to settle.in their villages although this rule was
lifted for San Antonio de Bacuqua in Apalache which was in sore need of
extra men (Pearson 1968:259).
Economic Interactions During the Mission Period
In Chapter One it was stated that introduced cultural elements are
reinterpreted within the conceptual and value systems of the recipient
culture and that two parties do not approach transactions with the same
understandings and expectations. It was proposed that if two cultures
did not differ greatly in their cultural complexity and power that it
would be difficult for the conquering party to evoke behavioral changes
and both cultures would tend to maintain their respective conceptual sys-
tems. Structurally, Spanish and Timucuan political and religious systems
were similar: both observed mutual reinforcing of political and religious
institutions (in fact, political and religious roles were inseparable);
political organization was hierarchical; wealth and status were determined
through descent; both leaders invoked power and authority to control
their subordinates; elite goods were accessible to a few; and tributes,
tithes, and/or taxes were exacted by politico-religious institutions.
The primary difference, aside from scale, was politico-economic.
Florida chiefdoms were redistributive in two senses: the elite mobilized
goods and services for the benefit of the elite but basic goods,
especially food, were "shared out." The Spanish monarchy, on the other
hand, consumed massive amounts of elite goods but did not itself par-
ticipate in insuring subsistence support for the populace. Spain had a
national market economy primarily directed towards protecting and sus-
taining the textile industry. Agricultural production for sustenance
was not one of its concerns. Traditional Catholic peasants paid tithes,
alms, and fines to the Church in produce, cash, or labor in return for
church services, sacrements at birth, death and marriage, and emergency
subsistence support and refuge in times of famine and war (Dalton 1971a:
21). It was, therefore, the Church's duty to provide services similar to
those provided by a cacique and his officials.
The major difference between peasant and tribal village economics in
the ordinary production of subsistence goods is in the form of land
tenure. Non-market land usage is acquired through social relations not
through purchase or rental. Socio-political superiors (e.g. caciques)
are "stewards of land allocation" who require return payments of material
goods, labor, services, and clientage (Dalton 1971b:222-224). Spanish
attempts to take or buy land were unsuccessful because, as the cacique
of Asile explained in 1651, caciques could not give or sell land since
it was owned jointly by sons, nephews, other lesser chiefs, and principal
men of the tribe. They could, however, lend it; that is, allocate rights
of usage (Milanich 1978:66). Spaniards tried to alter this situation by
breaking up intervillage alliances, placing pro-Spanish individuals in
positions of influence (Deagan 1974:12), giving control of land
allocation to priests, and assigning "hunting preserves" to each village
For the most part, Spaniards endeavored to maintain the native,
structural status quo although failure to grasp social embeddedness of
certain practices made this difficult. Prestige acquisition, and there-
fore the ability to reinforce status, was a major loss suffered by
Indians, particularly the elite. The Guale Revolt (1597) was precipitated
when priests imposed monogamy on young'caciques without understanding
that having more than-one wife was an indication of wealth and status.
Prohibition of gambling, ballgames, and intertribal warfare removed
(when they were successful attempts) important avenues to acheiving pres-
tige. The fact that Indians bribed soldiers to allow them to have their
dances and perform their ceremonies suggests that native Floridians did
not, as a whole, become absolute converts. Some priests permitted dances
but only under strict supervision and not for all night periods "as
was their [Indian] custom." Other efforts employed to maintain political
and economic position of the caciques included channelling labor con-
scription through the chief and holding him responsible for the behavior
of his subordinates. Spaniards also allowed the cacique to receive
tribute payments (in hides which were economically important to the
Spaniards as exports). Caciques were favored with gifts and probably
received-goods which other Indians did not (e.g. firearms). Spaniards
upheld the political position of the cacique by making him head of vil-
lage, native political affairs and by seeing that caciques were obeyed.
That maintenance of the caciques' position was important to caciques as
well as to Spaniards is evident from the documents.
The most obvious change in Indian economics was their participation
in a market/international system and cash economy. Exactly how wide-
spread Indian use of cash became is uncertain. It is probable that very
few Indians ever had cash and its presence may have been restricted to
the earlier period. Money, however, need not be of coin or paper.
Any regularly employed medium of exchange is equivalent with what one
today thinks of as "money." Common mediums of exchange in Florida ap-
pear to have been hides, ambergris (on the east coast), and corn. Amber-
gris was not important prehistorically and the desire to acquire this
substance was strictly owing to European demands. Likewise, corn was im-
portant prehistorically as a ritual and symbolic good but it was not used,
for instance, in paying tributes as it was later used for paying tithes
and taxes to the Spaniards. Requiringpayments in corn was a means of
insuring that the garrison in St. Augustine was fed and it would have
created a strong motivation to increase yields (by planting larger fields)
ifpunishment was meted out to those who could not pay their taxes. So
far, documentary evidence to this effect has not been discovered unless
one considers the account of Father Martordll in Apalache. The Indians,
however, simply fled from the mission in that case.
In Apalache, Eastern Timucua, and probably in Western Timucua,
Indians changed from inner-directed production for the village to outer-
directed production for the market and garrison. In many cases this
production was forced upon them but in some instances it appears to have
been by choice since Zidiga encouraged Indians to bring their produce to
the market in St. Augustine. Often these goods were confiscated by
priests or soldiers, however, so it is not clear what return Indians saw
on market goods. Indians, however, were still required to produce for
the village and the priest.
Cash, markets, kings, cities, and universal religion can destroy
reciprocity as delineated by Sahlins (Dalton 1971b:237) but the ideals
of reciprocal behavior may remain. In some respects one might consider
that Spain worked against its own ends by implementing the policy of
indirect rule, allowing caciques to "rule communities as in former
times" (Geiger 1937:10). Most certainly, the religious and military
factions worked against any common goal of the Spanish colonial empire.
Major impacts on Indian life were created and augmented by the coexis-
tence of market and superficially redistributive economies coupled with
traditional expectations of reciprocal behavior.
In the beginning, transactions were more or less generalized but
as the practice of "gift giving" declined and increased demands for
goods and services without compensation were made on Indians, interac-
tions became increasingly unbalanced. Spaniards not only failed to
sustain their alliances but also came to rely more heavily on force as
a means of imposing their will without offering any returns to Indians.
This paper argues against the proposition that religious salvation was
enough; to paraphrase, it is also necessary to keep body and soul
Spanish-introduced food items included wheat, figs, oranges and
other citrus, peaches, chickens, pigs, cattle, and (at San Juan del
Puerto, at least) sheep. Cattle raising appears to have been largely
restricted to ranches whereas pigs and chickens were raised for the
priest and, apparently, owned by some Indians at missions. In order to
care for livestock and meet new demands put upon them by Spaniards,
Indians were required to become sedentary and, probably, spend more
time on production than they had prehistorically. Sedentism posed a
real threat to continued settlement in any particular area. Except in
Apa lache, soil fertility is natural l ly poor In most reg ons of Florida.
Continued usage of old fields depleted fertility at an unknown rate.
Relocation of missions and villages, however,.did become necessary.
The degree to which domesticates figured in Indian diets is un-
known. Likewise, it is unknown what access Indians had to European
agricultural tools and if new techniques were universally employed.
Documentary evidence suggests that large numbers of hoes were distributed
to Indians but relative to the number of Indians receiving them, the
quantity may not have been substantial. In any event, European hoes
were not greatly different from native ones. The basic movements and
usage would have been similar. Oxen were present in some areas, par-
ticularly Apalache (Daniels 1975), but they may have been restricted to
Spanish-owned and operated ranches and haciendas. Documentary evidence
also contradicts itself. As late as 1675 Governor de Hita Salazar was
still writing about developing agriculture in Apalache and noting that
Indians were plowing by hand because oxen and plows had not been in-
troduced there (Pearson 1968:186). The fact that Spaniards periodically
wanted to import slaves and Mesoamericans to farm and teach Florida
Indians how to farm implies that native Floridians never reached the
level of agricultural development that Spaniards sought.
Calderon's description of agricultural activities in 1676 indicates
that actual techniques had changed very little. Communal fields were
still worked for the priest and for production of surplus to provide
for those in need. Goods preferred as trade items by both Spaniards)
and Indians were primarily subsistence-related. Judging from retention
of slash-and-burn horticulture and the complaints of poor harvests and
famine, it is doubtful that food production increased relative to the
augmented number of non-productive consumers. Indians were required to
plant and hunt not only for themselves but also for priests, soldiers,
Indian laborers working on construction projects, and for trade out-
side Florida. Depopulation resulting from epidemics, rebellion, and
population drains during sowing and harvesting periods precluded the
ability of Indians to meet demands. In St. Augustine as well as in
the missions and villages, people complained of insufficient food.
Spaniards were in a better position than Indians since they taxed,
tithed, and confiscated food from Indians, failing to return any..
(or returning only little) of the yield or profit. If public granaries
still existed, under control of priests and/or caciques, they would
have been severely pressured.
Indians continued to hunt for food and also to obtain hides and
skins which were exported items and tribute payment goods and gifts to
other Indian tribes. Prehistorically, or at the time of European con-
tact, deer skins were collected once a year by caciques. The increased
demand for skins and hides on a continuous basis during the historic
period may have exerted pressure on deer populations. Additionally,
if Indians were indeed restricted in their activities to village hunt-
ing preserves, the source of deer, not to mention other animals, would
have been rapidly depleted. The fact that priests required Indians to
obtain hides from the Apalachicola may be a reflection of decreased
animal (or human hunter) populations within village or tribal hunting
areas. The introduction of cattle would have provided food resources
for soldiers and St. Augustinians, and possibly mission populations, in
addition to another source of hides. Cattle probably roamed free range
since it is doubtful fences would have been erected over the country-
side and Indians had complained of cattle damaging their crops. Cattle
population density is unknown but it is conceivable that intermixing
with deer populations could have affected not only their food resources
but also might have increased the incidence of deer mortality due to
increased prevalence of parasitism. Modern researchers have found that
deer populations which share range with cattle can be severely affected
by parasite population increase, particularly the Lone Star Tick. Infes-
tation affects primarily the young and fawn mortality increases sig-
nificantly when the two species share the same territory (Hair 1968;
Bolte et al 1970). Unfortunately, the historical incidence of tick in-
festations in Florida have not been examined by the author.
According to Calderon, the village cacique received all of the food
which he then redistributed to the villagers, giving the best parts to
the priest. During the early period of mission activities, gifts which
included flour came to the cacique and priest; these may have been ap-
portioned to villagers. Spaniards saw it as their duty to provide for
sick Indians, laborers, "orphans and widows" but were unable to do so
because of the shortage of locally produced foods and the failure of
the royal subsidies. Illicit trade and smuggling out of Florida only
served to aggravate the situation. Numerous complaints from Indians
concerning nonrestitution of debts or lack of reimbursement for goods
and services indicate that they expected to be compensated. Traditional
Indian and Spanish practices provided support of the community in crisis
situations via the religious figurehead. Since public stores, if such
existed, were used to purchase furnishings for churches, were shipped
to St. Augustine or Havana, or were used for other purposes, there was
no adequate surplus available to Indians. Of course, this situation
may have arisen prehlistor call but it is likely that Indians would
have been just as dissatisfied with their leaders at that time as they
were during the historic period.
Priests usurped many of the responsibilities formerly apertaining
to caciques and native priests: land allotment, control of surplus
food, overseeing communal labor, provisioning of non-producers, and en-
dorsing marriages. Bonds between the community and the priest were en-
forced with injunctions against "wandering," settling in villages other
than one's own, keeping married persons together, and legalizing mar-
riages performed only by one's assigned village priest. The most im-
portant role.of the cacique became that of middle-man between Indians
of his village and the Spaniards. He or she represented Indian com-
plaints to visitadores and "wrote" letters (probably composed or writ-
ten by priests and signed by Indian caciques), channelled through the
priests, to the governor or king. The cacique's position was both
politically and economically necessary to the community and the Spaniards
but was not necessarily one which was inherited. Status became based
on Spanish support and force, not authority. The attempts of Spaniards
to see that villagers were agreed upon the right of their cacique to
rule, however, may indicate that his position was one which was validated
by inherited right. Status and authority, however, were probably still
upheld by acquisition of prestige goods but the nature of these goods
had shifted to those which symbolized Spanish backing.
Priestly authority rested only on divine right; they did not belong
to the same moral community (see Chapter Two) and, therefore, depended
on physical force and military support to maintain their positions.
When the latter was not forthcoming, which it rarely was unless wide-
scale revolts threatened the system as a whole, they essentially had no
authority. Indians simply left the missions.
Lack of military support constantly plagued mission friars in the
fulfillment of their religious and civil obligations but serious reper-
cussions went unfelt until the economic basis of their power began to
flounder. Increasing imbalance of consumption and reciprocity, not
to mention outright seizure of Indian property, were important factors
in the collapse of the mission system. Caciques would have had an im-
portant stake in upholding the mission system because they were
politically and economically tied into the Spanish organization. Chiefs,
as well as priests, complained over the decreasing supplies of goods and
necessities issuing from St. Augustine and, ultimately, the royal sub-
sidy. Over time, with loss of wealth and political power, ritual status
and authority gradually diminished (see Nash 1966:94). The political and
economic "license" simply expired; there was no longer a strong interest
in both parties to continuethe system, nor were they able to do so.
Of necessity, hypotheses and their implications which are testable
at archeological sites must be concerned with physical remains.
Material goods, however, are an integral part of any culture; their
manufacture and distribution reflect not only social behavior but tech-
nology, resource usage, and environmental limitations as well. These
variables work together to influence material assemblages associated
with cultural systems. Archeological contexts are the result of further
processes which have been described in detail by Schiffer (1972). The
roles which certain goods played in Spanish-Indian interaction have
been presented in the preceding sections of this chapter as they are
indicated in the historical documents. There are numerous aspects of
the evaluation of acculturation which cannot be archeologically inves-
tigated. Even if certain patterns of artifact distribution are en-
countered, one cannot be said to have-proved anything (without
repetitive testing at other sites), only that hypotheses have not been
disproved. By examining the material assemblage at Spanish mission
sites, particularly at Baptizing Spring where spatial aspects can be
differentiated and compared between Spanish and Indian living areas,
it will be possible to see what goods were introduced and how they
were distributed. Importantly, questions concerning what goods Indians
actually used and had access to can be examined. Analysis of the ar-
tifacts themselves may provide insights into changed manufacturing tech-
niques and resource utilization. The primary hypotheses to be tested,
however, dealt with distribution of particular and grouped artifacts on
the basis of the fact that distribution and consumption, as primary
economic activities, might be most indicative of social interaction
as interpreted from historical documents.
A minimum of two exchange spheres was proposed for prehistoric
Timucuan economy: a subsistence sphere and a prestige/tribute sphere.
The subsistence sphere would include such things as food and food
processing, procurement, and storage artifacts. The prestige sphere,
characterized by restricted flow to certain individuals, consisted of
authoritarian items (headdresses, garments, litters, high-status
housing, non-local metals and/or ornaments) and "power" items hides,
pearls. Unfortunately, many of these goods will not be preserved in
Many of the introduced European goods listed in the documents
were subsistence-oriented: domestic animals and plants, axes, hoes,
knives, fish hooks, sickles, etc. As mentioned earlier, goods which
served as weapons may also be associated with prestige. Additionally,
scarce items may serve to indicate prestige and/or favoritism in dis-
pensation. Non-subsistence items consisted of clothing, blankets,
beads, scissors, bronze bells, and religious paraphernalia. Not
specifically mentioned in historic accounts but recovered from
archeological sites are olive jar and majolica ceramics, glassware, clay
pipes, hardware, thimbles, copper, silver, and gold beads and pendants,
brass finger rings, lead beads and musketballs, glass buttons, mirrors,
crosses and crucifixes (Smith and Gottlob 1978:13-15).
The first readily identifiable indicator of status differentiation
may be that of dwelling/building location within the village. If Gar-
cilaso de la Vega was correct in describing location of elite dwellings
and important buildings around a central plaza and on a slight rise (a
pattern which has been identified in the prehistoric, stratified
societies of the Southeast) and this pattern was maintained during the
mission period as one similar to Spanish town arrangements, then the fol-
lowing hypotheses could be put forth.
1. Spanish buildings, as identified through
architectural features, would have been
located in central areas, possibly on a
rise, bordering on a plaza.
2. High-status Indians would have been
living nearest the Spanish area.
3. Decreasing status would be positively cor-
related with increasing distance from the
Spanish buildings and the plaza.
4. Status may be positively correlated with
dwelling size and elaborateness; ornamen-
tation of walls and use of European hard-
Artifacts' significance as prestige indicators may be shown through
correlation with aboriginal prestige goods if former high-status in-
dividuals maintained their rank and it was inherited by their descendants.
Such associations may not be found, however, given the fact that many
prehistoric prestige goods will not be preserved.. Restricted distribution
and differential access to goods will be assumed to correlate with pres-
tige and control. Scarce items, or those which were traded in or directed
toward priestly consumption, would be considered prestige goods within the
Indian sphere although not necessarily within the Spaniard's prestige
5. The following trade goods, being similar in
form and function to native items, would be
classed within the Indian prestige sphere:
clothing (especially that with elaborate
designs, buttons, etc.), beads, bells, and
6. The following goods, although technically
subsistence sphere goods, would also be in-
cluded within the native prestige sphere
because of their coloring, quality, and
novelty: storage jars, majolica, and glass-
a. Prestige items had restricted distribution
and/or.were limited in quantity.
Test 1. Distribution of prestige trade goods within
archeological contexts will be non-random,
concentrated in high-status areas.
Test 2. Prestige goods will be fewer in number than
subsistence goods and native-manufactured
goods in the Indian living areas.
7. European trade goods associated with prestige
will have supplanted aboriginal prestige items.
70. If Indian patterns of reckoning prestige and
its accouterments were retained, then native
prestige goods or European equivalents will
be found in high-status living areas within
the Indian sector of the village.
8. Indian goods retained within the prestige
sphere will be those which were also
valued by Europeans such as.hides, precious
or semi-precious metals, pearls, and high-
Test 1. Aboriginal and historic prestige items will
be found within the same household units.
Test 2. European prestige items may be more
numerous than prehistoric ones.
In order to have maintained or obtained rank within the new
Catholic-based hierarchy, Indians would have to have been good Christian
converts. If, as is common, religious medals and other symbolic parapher-
nalia were awarded for learning and observing catechism:
9. Religious items may be found more often in
conjunction with non-sacred prestige items
within high-status dwellings.
a. These items, if limited in quantity, will
tend to be concentrated in high-status areas
within the Indian village.
With regard to directional flow of non-food goods from Indians to
priests and Spanish government to priests:
10. If more Indian goods were given to priests than
European goods were to Indians, the ratio of
European to Indian goods would be higher for
Spaniards than for Indians, and
11. Cumulative total of goods per person would be
greater for priests, declining with decreasing
a. European goods distributed among Indians may
have increased significance as prestige items.
Otto (1975:161, 219), working with material from a Georgia Sea
Island plantation, proposed that artifact diversity would be correlated
with different status groups such as.slaves, overseers, and planters.
In particular, he examined the variety of ceramic types and forms and
faunal assemblages in three midden areas of these different groups.
Kohler (1978:27-29) re-examined Otto's data and calculated an index of
diversity for each of the plantation middens. He then hypothesized and
tested the idea that in prehistoric sites ceramic type diversity would be
greater in high-status middens than in.lower status middens. The op-
posite was found to be true at the plantation site. The reason for dif-
ferent diversity measures of artifact assemblages was defined as differen-
tial access to goods. On the basis of these data and the assumption of
differential access to goods, one might expect the diversity of ceramic
types to be higher in the Spanish living area than in Indian living areas.
Priests, with greater access to Spanish ceramics, might acquire "sets"
whereas Indians would have to either obtain cast-offs from priests --
representing smaller proportions of a greater number of sets -- or buy
their own ceramics during periodic trips to the market in St. Augustine.
Another possibility which yields the same results is that Indians only
obtained sherds, rather than whole vessels, and that these were used as
ornaments (Seaberg 1955:147), gaming discs, or were simply collected for
their color and novelty. Actual numbers of sherds of a single type
would be greater in the Spanish area if ceramics owned by priests were
broken there. In either case, one might make the following hypotheses:
12. Indians, with an eye for variety in their col-
lection of ceramics and/or sherds, will have
higher diversity of majolica types than will
priests who would have owned whole vessels
(yielding more sherds of a single type) and/
or preferred matching pieces over a variety
13. If Indians were receiving majolica sherds
there will be a low frequency of sherds rep-
resenting any single vessel and sherds from
a single vessel may be scattered over a wide
a. If majolica was a high-status indicator
among the Indian population, there will
be a greater number of these sherds in
high-status Indian areas.
Kohler (1978:31-32, 198-199) predicted and found positive cor-
relation between higher ceramic diversity and elite status areas at a
Weeden Island ceremonial site (McKeithen site) in Columbia County,
Florida. His hypothesis was based on the assumption that elite in-
dividuals had greater access to trade and high-status goods within a
chiefdom. During the mission period it might also be expected that
high-status Indians would have greater diversity of native-manufactured
goods within the Indian living area. In addition, if priests preferred
certain designs or forms of native-manufactured ceramics or if certain
individuals were producing vessels for their consumption, one might
predict that aboriginal ceramics in the mission buildings would exhibit
lower diversity than in the rest of the village.
14. Aboriginal ceramic type diversity will be
greater in the Indian sector than in the
Each of the hypotheses related to production and distribution of
subsistence goods has its null counterpart which will not be included in
the text but will be implied.
15. Spanish subsistence sphere goods were acces-
sible to all Indians regardless of status.
16. Introduced European food items such as cows,
pigs, chickens, peaches, oranges, etc.,
would have been restricted among Indians.
a. The above goods might have been available
only to priests who had greater access to
them through shipments from St. Augustine
or by demanding them as tithes/alms.
b. Cattle may not have been used as food
resources if they were not raised at mis-
sions or if their consumption was
primarily intended for soldiers and St.
Augustine where the market and slaughter
17. Priests and high-status Indians would have
received the best part (meatiest, most ten-
der) of hunted game plus proportionately
more of the domesticates than would lower
18. With their monopoly over production and alms
payments, priests' diets would have included
more European foods, been less diverse, and
of better nutritional value than diets of
19. If livestock raised by Indians went primarily
to priests and/or soldiers, chickens, pigs,
and cattle remains will be poorly represented
in or absent from Indian dwelling areas.
The next chapter will present a review of previous archeological
research carried out at Florida mission period sites, most of which
concerns missions in northwest Florida (Apalache). It will also in-
clude research carried out in Suwannee County which is pertinent to
this study and descriptive data regarding methodology and the history of
excavations at the Baptizing Spring site.
ARCHEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS OF SPANISH-INDIAN LIFE AT FLORIDA MISSIONS
Archeological data from other mission sites in Florida will be
examined in depth relative to findings at the Baptizing Spring site in
Chapter Six. This chapter presents a brief review of published works
relevant to mission archeology, summaries of previous hypotheses and
conclusions based on those data. The 1977 survey and excavation data
from Baptizing Spring are also presented.
Mission Archeology (1948-1977)
The earliest archeologically constructive interest in Florida mis-
sions was exhibited by Hale G. Smith. He defined and gave material sub-
stance to two historical archeological periods then called St. Augustine
(1565-1750) and Leon-Jefferson (1650-1725) (Smith 1948:313-319). These
periods had artifactual, temporal, and geographical parameters: the St.
Augustine period included the founding of that city and the ensuing years
until the extirpation of most Indians residing near the capitol. This
period applied only to the eastern portion of north Florida from the St.
Johns River eastward to the Atlantic coast. Ceramic types, on which most
period definitions are initially based, included the St. Johns chalky
wares and San Marcos ceramics plus Spanish ceramics.
The Leon-Jefferson period covered the time of mission activity in
the Apalache province (actually beginning ca. 1633) and, in fact, derived
its definition from excavation of the Scott Miller site near Tallahassee
in Jefferson County. Again, the period was defined on the basis of
material culture: Spanish ceramics and trade goods and the aboriginal
ceramic types Mission Red Filmed, Miller Plain, Aucilla Incised, Lamar-
like Bold Incised, Leon Check Stamped, Jefferson Ware Plain and Comp-
licated Stamped types, gritty plain, and Alachua Cob Marked.
The geographical parameters of these two periods left a great void
between the Aucilla and St. Johns Rivers. Between 1955 and 1976, this
void has begun to be filled but even considering that fourteen mission
sites have been excavated in northern Florida, there remains a con-
siderable lack of information. A general problem has been incomplete
investigation within mission villages (concentration on Spanish living
areas and cemeteries) or a common inability to ascertain exactly what
part of a village, of unknown size, was being excavated.
Scott Miller, the first excavated mission site in Florida, is
located approximately 37.0 km southeast of Tallahassee (Figure 3). It
is situated in an area marked with numerous limestone sinks, roughly
14.5 km west of the Aucilla River and 4.8 km north of the Wacissa
River. The site iteslf is at a high elevation (for Florida), 76 to 91 m
above mean sea level (AMSL), on a plateau in the Tallahassee Red Hills
physiographic region. About 3 km south of the site, the land drops off
sharply into the low, swampy, sandy Gulf Coastal Plain (Smith 1951:109-
110). The presence of burnt red clay wall and floor rubble in a freshly
plowed field made distinction of the two mission building remains unmis-
takable. It was, therefore, these two areas and an intervening borrow
pit that received the brunt of the investigation.
On the basis of location with respect to natural features and other
known mission sites, Scott Miller was tentatively identified as San
0 45 90
Figure 3. Location of Selected Excavated Mission Period Sites and Approximate Location of Utina Tribe.
Francisco de Oconee (Smith 1951:112). Smith noted that the entire 20
acre (8.1 hectnre) field showed surface evidence of occupation but
trenching failed to disclose other building remains or evidence of a
palisade. The remainder of Smith's report concentrates on architectural
features of the two Spanish buildings, artifact assemblages from the
three major excavation blocks, and a description of the Leon-Jefferson
period in terms of material culture.
The fort and mission of San Luis, 3.2 km west of Tallahassee, were
tested to locate remains of the fort (Griffin 1951:139, 143). The
material'assemblage was similar to that at Scott Miller although propor-
tions of ceramic types differed (Griffin 1951:155). As at Scott Miller,
the primary goals were to label the site with a Spanish name so that dis-
tances to other sites could be plotted and to describe the material com-
plex. Interpretation of acculturation situation was cursory although
both Smith and Griffin viewed this as of primary importance.
In 1966 the Florida Division of Archives, History, and Records
Management (FDAHRM) received approval to establish a mission study pro-
gram. Field research began in 1968 and continued for about four years.
During that'period, five missions were discovered in the Apalache area
(San Lorenzo de Ivitachuco, San Joseph de Ocuya, San Pedro de Patali,
San Antonio de Bacuqua?, and San Damian de Escambi) and two in the Wes-
tern Timucuan area (San Miguel de Asile and San Pedro y San Pablo de
Potohiriba)(Jones 1970a:1,3). San Damian (ca. 1633-1704) was partially
excavated in 1969. Portions of a burned, wooden building and a cemetery
containing approximately 143 burials were located (Jones 1970a:3; 1970b:
1). Within the building area, a large variety of brass and iron tools
and a broken bell were recovered (Jones 1970a:3).