Members of the institute
 Members' meeting
 Art and archaeology

Group Title: Journal of the Institute of Jamaica ...
Title: Journal of the Institute of Jamaica
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00024651/00007
 Material Information
Title: Journal of the Institute of Jamaica
Physical Description: 2v. : front.,illus.,plates,ports.,maps. ; 26cm.
Language: English
Creator: Institute of Jamaica
Publisher: s.n.
Place of Publication: Kingston Jamaica
Publication Date: 1894-99
Frequency: completely irregular
Subject: Periodicals -- Jamaica   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Dates or Sequential Designation: Vol.I-II. (1891/93-1894/99)
Numbering Peculiarities: Vol.I is composed of 8 parts; v.2 of 6 parts.
General Note: No more published.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00024651
Volume ID: VID00007
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 001366390
oclc - 05507203
notis - AGM7876
lccn - ca 05002337

Table of Contents
    Members of the institute
        Page 495
    Members' meeting
        Page 496
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    Art and archaeology
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Full Text



MARCH, 1899.



SLIST of those who have
been elected Members of
the Institute since the
publication of the last num-
ber of the Journal is given
below :-

HON. LOUIS J. BERTRAM, Auditor-General.

AW. H. STRACHAN, L.R.C.P., F.L.S., Lagos.

MRS. R. W. CARPENTER, Kingston.
R. S. GAMBLE, Kingston.
Rev. S. O. ORMSBY, Kingston.
Hon. H. R. PIPON SCHOLES, Attorney-
General, Halfway-Tree.
Miss A. M. LINDO, Rae Town.
J. H. DODD, Kingston.
A. J. CORINALDI, Kingston.
Miss M. M. BARROWS, B.A., Kingston.
N. A. HAY, Port Royal.
Rev. J. M. MORTON, Port Royal.
E. B. LYNCH, Spanish Town.
E. M. ROMNEY, Kingston.
H. E. A. ROMNEY, Kingston.
C. ROMNEY, Kingston.
A. B. McFARLANE, Mico Training College.

R1. RAIN, Kingston.
Captain DOWDING, R.N., Port Royal.
C. A. H. THOMsoN, Kingston.
E. ASTLEY SMITH, Kingston.
FRANCIS WATTS, F.I.C., Kingston.
H. L. NEVILL, R.A., Po;t Royal.
W. H. LUNDIE, Halfway-Tree.
Conimodore HENDERSON, R.N., Port Royal.
JAMES WOOD, Kingston.
ARTIUR J. STORY, B.A., Kingston.
Captain G. G. TAYLOR, Moy Hall.
W. R. WILLIAMS, Kingston.
,Rev. B. J. SHAUL, Cross Roads.
H. EGERTON EvKS, Arntully.
S. Louis JOSEPH, Kingston.
L. H. GUNTEIt, Kingston.
MRS. F. EVANS, St. Andrew.
Miss A. S. MARVIN, Shortwood.
ALFRED CORK, Kingston.
SAMUEL H. DAVIES, Annotto Bay.
E. S. SAMUEL, Kingston.
Dr. COPPINGER, Deputy Inspector-General.
Port Royal.
Captain A. A. BARTHORP, D.A.A.G., Up-
Park Camp.
Mrs. A. J. STORY, Kingston.





At the fifty-first meeting held at the
Institute on the 30th of March, 1898, the
Rev. Wm. Gillies, D.D, was in the Chair.
The Secretary of the Institute was also
Mr. J. P. Lathy read a paper on "Butter-
flies and Moths," of which the following is an
abstract; and Mr. Duerden read a paper on
" Relationships between the Sea-Anemones
and Corals"-of which an abstract is also
IN preparing this paper my chief object has
been to try and show the interest attached to the
study of butterflies and moths, scientifically known
as Lepidoptera, and the use to which a knowledge
of this branch of science may be turned.
It has always been a matter of surprise to me
since I have been studying exotic Lepidoptera,
that so few collections appear to have been formed
in the West Indies. For the last five or six years,
during which time I have worked at two of the
finest private collections of butterflies in England
and consequently was in touch with the principal
dealers of Europe, I have not seen a collection
from these islands. Occasionally some officer or
traveller would bring home a few specimens, but
there seems to have been little or no attempt at
systematic collecting. Cuba has been worked by
Prof. POEY. and some years ago a German col-
lector. Dr. GUNDLACH. obtained some very bean-
tiful objects, especially Papilio and (Ctopsilia,
from the province of Santiago de Cuba. A list
has been published of the butterflies of Trinidad.
I have seen a few things from this island in
some of the larger European collections. Papilio
homers, the great prize of Jamaica, is well
known to European Lepidopterists, though it is
not all of them who are fortunate enough to
possess it. Papilio sinon is in most collections,
but it is regarded as a rarity, Papilio pelaus and
Papilio thersites are by no means common Urania
sloanus, known here by the name of the Blue
Emperor," and commonly regarded as a butterfly
though in reality a moth, and Nyctalemon lunus
are very familiar. There may, however, be speci-
mens in Mr. Rothschild's collections, as they are
so vast, and during the last few years his time has
been largely occupied on a revision of the Papilio-
nide of the world, that he may not yet have had
time to work them out, However, I feel sure that
Jamaica has never been thoroughly worked by an
experienced entomologist; neither has there been
any single work published on Jamaican Lepidop-
This is very surprising as the island is easy of
access both from Europe and the States; and there
could be no safer country in the tropics for the
naturalist in which to carry on his work. The
climate is well known to be excellent, and the
:facilities for travelling are very great; besides

these advantages there are a good number of
English people here, and numbers of others con-
tinually passing to and fro. One would therefore
think that by this time the Lepidoptera of Ja-
maica would be well represented in European col-
lections, yet I have little hesitation in asserting-
that fewer specimens have been sent home from
here, and other West Indian Islands, than from
any other British Colony, excepting remote re-
gions in Africa. The only ways in which I can
account for this apparent want of interest in
Jamaican Lepidoptera are, firstly, the absence of
Sthe large and brilliant butterflies which are to be
found in many parts of South America and the
Indo-Australian region; and secondly, the simi-
larity of the common butterflies here to those of
Central America.
I will now discuss, and do my best to remove,
these two objections to the study, if objections
they may be called. Firstly, -though Jamaica is
not fortunate enough to be within the sphere of
the Morphas yet it is not only the large and showy
butterflies that are beautiful and interesting, many
of the smaller species are exquisitely beautiful, in
fact some of them show far more variety in
colouring, making. and form than do the large
Again, when this fascinating study has been
commenced, one does not confine oneself to
merely catching butterflies and admiring them
for their outward beauty alone. There is the
desire to know a little more about the insect, its
life-history, commencing from the egg, the various
stages of the caterpillar or larvme, and their food-
plants; and then there is the chrysalis or pupa.
Here there is plenty of room for work. Even
in Europe where entomologists are numerous, and
practically every species is known in its perfect
state, there still remains a great deal to be done
in this direction; but with regard to exotic
Lepidoptera this work is yet in its infancy. The.
eggs of Lepidoptera may look small and much
alike when viewed with the naked eye, but with
the aid of a microscope of ordinary strength this
idea is quickly dispelled. There is far more
variety among their eggs than those of birds, not
so much perhaps in colouring and markings as in
structure and shape. A few years ago I.examined
the eggs of several common British moths under
the microscope, and was greatly impressed with
the beauty of their structure, and the difference
between the eggs of the different species, even
though closely allied. The eggs that Iexamined
were those of some Noctuidue, and I remember
one, Miselia oxycantha, had over thirty longitu-
dinal ribs, and the spaces formed by these ribs.
were intersected by numerous smaller ones. In
shape and general appearance these eggs were
very much like the shell of the common sea-
urchin. The larval stage is perhaps the most
interesting periodin the life of a butterfly. From
the time it emerges from the egg, like a tiny
thread, till it is ready to change into the pupa it.
is a continual source of wonder. It is when one
begins to rear a few different kinds of larvae, that
one realizes how little is known of.Lepidoptera,
and what a vast subject for study it is.


I cannot attempt in a paper like this, for each
-species would require a paper to itself, to do more
than give an idea of the infinite variety of the hab-
its of larva. and theirnumerous forms and colours.
With regard to their habits. Their manner of
.living has brought them into disfavour with man-
kind in general, and not without cause, as a great
number of them are exceedingly injurious. Con-
spicuous among these offenders are those of the
.genus Tinea, to which belong the destructive
.clothes-moths, Cucullia dispar, known in England
as the Gipsy, attacks fruit trees in Europe, often
-completely defoliating them; this insect was im-
ported in some manner into the United States,
.and has since cost the Government of that country
many thousands of pounds, in the endeavour to
-check its ravages.
Cheimatobia brumata is particularly injurious to
the apple tree, feeding on the young leaves and
blossom. Clisiocampa neustria, another lover of
-fruit trees, the larve of which are gregarious, and
spin huge webs in the forks of the trees on which
they live; during the day they leave the nest, and
feed on the leaves until the tree is left a mere
skeleton ; at night they return to their web.
Sesia tipuliformis lives inside the growing stems
-of currant bushes feeding on the pith, thereby
.killing the young shoots.
The immense caterpillar of Cossus ligniperda is
known as the Goat, from the strange goat-like
-odour emanating from it. Thisis another internal
feeder, living inside the trunks of poplars and
willows, and eventually destroying them.
But al! larve are notinjurious. Numbers of them
feed on various weeds, trees of little use; lichens.
etc.; some are cannibals and will eat their own
species; some are fastidious in taste and will eat
only their own particular food-plant, and if this
cannot be obtained they will starve to death.
Others are not so dainty and will eat almost any
kind of foliage. They also vary in their meal
times, some feeding only at night, others in the
early morning sun, while some appear to feed all
.day long.
Some Australian larve have a most interesting
and curious manner of feeding. They form a
.cavity in the trunk of the tree on the foliage of
which they subsist. This cavity is protected by a
hinged flap, similar to that on the nest of the
trap-door spider. At night the larvm leave their
hiding place, and are busily engaged until dawn
in gnawing off leaves, and carrying them back to
their dwellings, where during the day they are
.able to enjoy their well-earned meal in perfect
rest and security. The period of duration in the
larval stage varies considerably, from three weeks
in the case of some of the Cuculliet to three years
in that of Cossus ligniperda. A large number are
.able to survive the rigouls of a northern Europe
winter. These hibernating larvae, especially the
.tree feeders, can exist without food for several
months, as, of course, in cold countries where the
leaves fall in autumn, they have no chance of
.obtaining anything till the following spring.
In form and size there is immense variety, from
the grub-like larva of the wood-feeding species,
to the beautiful hairy larvae of the tiger moths
and allied families. The Vanessa covered with
branched spines, 'and ,the smooth China-like Cn-

cullias, are beautifully coloured with black, blue.
green, yellow, and white. Several of the Geo-
metrae closely resemble pieces of twig; the mag-
nificent larva of Attacus atlas, the largest moth in
the world, is pale green, with numerous spiny
projections covered with a white pollen-like sub-
stance. Some of the larvae of large moths are as
long and thick as one's finger, while those of the
genus Lithocolletis are so tiny that they are able
to mine leaves, living on .the chlorophyll. Hairy
larvae, though they are more attractive than the
smooth varieties, are the only ones that are
directly injurious to man; most of these emit
their hairs when handled, and these working into
the skin cause intense irritation. One species is
particularly poisonous, this is C'vethocalmpa pro-
cessionea, found commonly in France. It is a gre-
garious larva forming immense nests in the vici-
nity of which countless numbers of their tiny
hairs are always floating around; it has been
stated that fatal effects have ensued from in-
haling these hairs.
The pupae or chrysalides are also interesting, not
so much on account of their beauty, though
some are very prettily marked with gold and silver
spots, as for their manner of pupation, which
differs much among different species. In some
cases the larva merely buries itself in the ground
and undergoes its transformation without further
trouble, others spin cocoons or coverings for the
protection of the pupae. Best known among these
are the various species of Saturnidae, to which
group the Silk Moths belong. The cocoon of
Attacus cynthia is a beautiful instance of the larva
preparing a safe cocoon for the pupas. It makes
use of a leaf for the foundation of the cocoon ; i
the course of nature this leaf would fall to the
ground, where the pupa would be far more exposed
to the attacks of its various enemies than' if it
remained on the tree, besides rendering the exit
of the perfect insect more difficult. To provide
against this the larva firmly secures the leaf to the
twig by a strong silken covering. I have known
a leaf so strongly attached in this manner, as to
be difficult to detach.
Most of the butterfly pupae are exposed, usually
being found on leaves, walls, fences, etc.; in some
Cases they are merely suspended by the tail; while
others have a thread stretched tightly around the
body, thus securing the pupa flat on its pabulum.
The larva of Cerura vinula, a common,European
moth, spins its cocoon in the crevices of the balk
of the tree on which it feeds. This cocoon is
nearly as hard as the bark itself, and so closely
resembles it in colour, that it is extremely difficult
to find.
With regard to the perfect insects, I think there
are few people who have not, at some time or other,
been struck by their beauty.
But here again interest does not end in beauty
alone; there are many other things that well
repay a closer investigation, such as protective
resemblance, and- protective mimicry. I have
already mentioned that several Geometrid larvae
closely resemble twigs, and in the perfect state
there are many beautiful instances of resemblance.
to surrounding objects for protective purposes.
The butterflies of the Genus Kallima. found in
China, India, Ceylon, the Andamans, and some of


the larger islands of the Malay Archipelago are a
splendid example of this. The upper surface of
the wings of these insects is brilliantly coloured
with gold and blue. thus making them very con-
spicuous. but the underside is brown and marked
almost exactly like a leaf. The forewings are
pointed at the apex, and the hind-wings produced
into a short tail, which has the appearance of
crossing both wings. and growing narrower as it
reaches the apex of the fore-wings. This cor-
responds with the mid-rib of a leaf; and from this
central line smaller lines pass to the margin of
the wings.
Irregularly placed on the wings and varying in
individuals are numerous patches of black and
white, which give the appearan-e of a fungoid
growth; on each wing is a spot devoid of scales.
and therefore transparent; when the wings are
closed these spots meet, thus leaving an apparent
hole in the supposed dead leaf. To complete this
resemblance, the thorax is notched, allowing the
butterfly to draw back its head and antennae.
thereby concealing them between the folded
I am able to show a specimen of a common
Jamaican butterfly, Calist, langis, which, although
not nearly such a fine example of protective
colouring as the Kallimas is a very fair instance.
As will be observed the butterfly in its position on
the dead leaf might easily be passed over. I have
repeatedly noticed when in chase of this insect,
its habit of settling on dead leaves, thereby
escaping notice.
Protective mimicry is the superficial resemb-
lance of one group of animals to another, for pro-
tective purposes. It is well known that a large
number of birds live upon various insects, in-
cluding Lepidoptera. Some insects, however, are
free from their attacks, owing to the possession of
certain qualities, which have been proved to be
disagreeable to the birds, and other species which
do not possess these qualities, are protected by a
superficial resemblance to the non-edible kinds.
This similarity between two totally different fami-
lies is often so close, that it deceived many of the
older Lepidopterists, and species very different in
all other respect save colouring and form, were
placed by them in the same genus. In some cases,
it is only the female of the edible species that is
thus protected, but usually both sexes are equally
Papilio mterope, an African species, is an example
in which the female alone mimics the non-edible
Amatnuris niavius. Papilio merope, male, is a large
pale yellow butterfly, with black markings and
tailed hind wings; it is most conspicuous and is
edible. The female, however, is totally different
in shape and colour. She is black with the central
part of the wings white, and has no tail to the
hind wings. Anyone who was not well acquainted
with this species might easily mistake the female
for Amauris niavius, the non-edible butterfly. The
mimics, Papilio merope and varieties, are found in
East. South, and West Africa, also Madagascar and
Abyssinia. The genus Amawris occurs in East,
South, and West Africa, but not in Madagascar or
Abyssinia, and strange to say in the two latter
places.,where it would be of no advantage to the
females Papilro merope to assume the form of

Amauris, as the birds would not know the disa-
greeable qualities of that genus. they are exactly
like the male in form and colour,
I will now proceed to what is probably the
second reason why so few collections of Jamaica
butterflies have been formed: their similarity to
the Central American species.
This, no doubt, prevents European Lepidopterists
and dealers from sending their collectors to Ja-
maica and other West Indian Islands, as they
would not get a sufficient number of new species
to repay them, and as there are many other parts
of the globe practically unworked by the entomo-
logist, and certain to yield large quantities of new
and rare species it is only natural that any-one
who is going to the expense and risk of sending
out collectors should send them to places where
they are likely to get such things. However,
though it may not be worth while in a pecuniary
sense to pay a visit to this island, it is certainly
worth while for any resident interested in natural
history to take up this most interesting branch.
The Jamaica butterflies although in a good
many cases the same as the Central American
species, in other cases are slightly different, and
are local races. I will show two examples of these
local races, which are probably familiar to you. as
I have met with both very commonly during the
time I have been in the island.
Papilio polyerates is the West Indian form of
Papilio polydatmas, from which it differs in having
the light spots on the upper side of the hind-wing
greenish instead of yellow.
Anartia satlrata. This is a varietyof the main-
land Anartia jatrophoe, and distinguished by the
darker brown margin of the wings, and the more
conspicuous red lines on the underside. Even
when the species are the same as those from the
mainland, it is useful to record them, as the geo-
graphical distribution of Lepidoptera is of great
Apart from the interest attached to the collect-
ing of butterflies, moths, and the study of their
life-histories, such knowledge may often be of
practical use to the agriculturist. In the United
States there is a State entomologist whose busi-
ness it is to study the various insect pests, and
devise means to prevent their injurious effect.
In some instances a knowledge of the life-history
of one of the destructive insects, will show how
easily their attacks may be frustrated. For ex-
ample, the larva of Cheimatobia brumata I have
previously mentioned as being most injurious to
apple trees. The female of this species is wing-
less, and as the larva pupates in the loose soil and
among dead leaves at the foot of the tree, it is
obvious that the female on emerging from the
pupa has to crawl up the tree trunk, in order to
deposit her eggs near the buds on which the larva
A simple plan is adopted by European fruit
growers to prevent this. A band of straw is.
wrapped around the trunk of the tree, and then
well tarred, thus effectually barring the upward
progress of the female; such a remedy would cer-
tainly never have been thought of, had it not been
for the entomologist who studied the life-history
of ChIeimatobia brumata and discovered that the
female was wingless. It is not always that the


ravages-of injurious larva are thus easily checked,
even though their life-history may be known ; but
one thing is certain, without knowledge of their
various stages and habits, it is impossible to de-
vise any means of effectually preventing their
attack, but with knowledge, as I have just shown,
it may be possible.
Larve have great enemies in the Ichneumon
flies, and certain parasitic Diptera. These lay
their eggs in living lepidopterous larvae, and. on
hatching, the parasites feed in their interior,
eventually killing them. Sometimes the larva
thus attacked is able to assume the pupal
germ, and the entomologist who has perhaps been
carefully rearing the larva of some rare moth,
finds an Ichneumon emerge from the pupa, in-
stead of his anxiously expected treasure. In other
cases, however, the larva dies before attaining the
pupal form ; then the parasitic larvae emerge and
form a cluster of pupa around the empty skin, as
in the example shown.
These parasites assist greatly in keeping down
the numbers of certain lepidoptera. Some years
in England I have found about 80 per cent. of
the larvae of Pieris brassicm, the Cabbage Butter-
fly, attacked by them. This is one of the species
that the parasite kills before it reaches the pupal
stage, and the cluster of bright yellow cocoons of
the parasitic larvae often form a conspicuous
object on fences and walls in England.
I once saw a gardener carefully destroying all
these tiny pupe, and on asking him what he was
doing, he told me he was killing the grubs of che
Cabbage Butterfly-in reality he was destroying
ichneumon pupa, the Cabbage Butterfly's worst
* Many people have, at some time or other, be-
come acquainted with the destructive qualities of
Lepidopterous larvm. I know that a lady hardly
ever sees a small moth without suspecting it of
sinister design on dresses, etc.. that have been
carefully packed away. But the Lepidoptera, as
well as other orders of insects, play their part in
the fertilization of flowers. Darwin mentions no
fewer than 23 species of British Lepidoptera on
whose proboscides he found the pollinia of a
common orchid. So butterflies and moths should
not be regarded as either entirely useless or inju-
Perhaps, now. a few hints on collecting may
not be out of place. Firstly, the outfit: this need
not be expensive. The things absolutely neces-
sary are as follows: a good net, killing bottle, a
few setting boards, entomological pins, forceps,
store boxes, and a collecting box. The store
boxes, setting boards, and pins should be obtained
from some dealer in England, the other articles
can easily be made; there is not much need to
explain the construction of a net, as anybody can
make one; but there should be no corner in it.
The bag must be rounded, otherwise insects may
get into the corners, and will probably be con-
siderably damaged before they can be secured.
A killing bottle can be prepared by obtaining a
wide mouthed bottle, such as French plums are
packed in, and placing a few pieces of cyanide of
potassium at the bottom, and then covering them
with a paste made of plaster-of-paris. This bot-
tle should be kept tightly corked or stoppered

otherwise the poison will soon lose its strength.
A collecting box can easily be made out of a
cigar box, lined with sheet cork. A water-proof'
satchel and a lantern are also useful, as well as a
few chip-boxes which may always be carried in
the pocket; one may come across a rare insect at
any time, and it is not always possible to go about
fully equipped for collecting. The total cost of
this outfit including a good supply of setting
boards, and half-a-dozen store boxes should not
exceed 3. Those who intend forming a collec-
tion to take or send home, may dispense with
setting-boards and store-boxes, the two most ex-
pensive items in the outfit, as the safest way of
packing Lepidoptera is by papering them, and,
keeping the papers in biscuit tins or cigar boxes. I
have patterns of 1 hese papers with me which I shall
be pleased to give to any one who desires them.
The wings of the butterfly should be closed over
its back, before being placed in the paper. One
other very necessary article is napthaline, a little
of which should be placed in every box contain-
ing specimens to prevent the attacks of mites,
etc. Camphor should never be used as it evapo-
rates very quickly and tends to make the insects
greasy. Napthaline may be procured at any gas-
works. Some people may prefer to keep their
collections in cabinets instead of store-boxes;.
they are of course much better, but they are very
expensive, a good cabinet costing at the rate of
from a guinea to 25s. per drawer.
Now, as to collecting itself, it can be divided
under two heads-day-collecting and night-col-
Day-collecting is the simplest. There are gen-
erally plenty of butterflies to be seen, and one
might imagine there need be nothing said under
this head; but a few hints may be of use. Night-
flying moths may be taken during the day, as
well as butterflies and diurnal moths. To this
end, tree-trunks, walls, fences, etc., should be in-
vestigated in the hopes of finding them at rest;.
bush may, with advantage. be beaten with a stick
in order to dislodge any insects that may be con-
cealed among the foliage. Flowers, sap exuding
from trees, decayed fruit, and moist places should
all be carefully watched, as they prove attractive
to many butterflies; and some of the swift-flying
varieties are extremely difficult to catch except
when in the act of feeding.
The best known method of night-collecting is-
by means of artificial light. It is also the easiest;:
nothing more than placing a good lamp near
an open window, and, on a favourable night,
moths will come in myriads. Generally the best.
nights for this work are hot, dark, and still; bright
moon-light, cold, and windy nights usually being-
of little use. Sugaring is another favourite plan.
The process is as follows: take equal weight of
sugar, the coarser the better, and black treacle,
boil them together, and add a little beer until the
mixture is of the thickness of a cream. This
mixture should be laid by means of an ordinary
paint brush on tree trunks, posts, or other con-
venient objects in streaks about a yard long and
a couple of inches wide. Just before using the
sugar, a little rum should be added, about a table-
spoonful to the quart. The sugar should be ap-
plied a little before dark, a quart being sufficient


for 50 or 60 trees. By the time the last is done
it is time to light up a lantern and pay a visit to
the first in order to see results. Some moths are
nearly sure to be at the side of the patch of
sugar, eagerly dipping their long tongues into it.
It will usually be found sufficient to hold the
killing bottle underneath the specimen, and as
the effects of the rum have probably reduced the
moth to a state of helpless intoxication, it will
fall into the bottle on being touched; some kinds,
however, are not so easily overcome, and for
these the net must be used.
Flowers. especially sweet scented, white varie-
ties, should be carefully worked both at dusk and
.dark, and many insects may be captured while
visiting them.
With regard to collecting larve, they are so
varied in habits and food, that it is impossible to
enter thoroughly into the subject here, but 1 can
just make mention of two good methods of cap-
turing them. Beating is perhaps the best; the
apparatus required for this being an umbrella, a
stout stick, and a few boxes in which to place the
larvae. The umbrella should be inverted and held
under some foliage, which should then be sharply
beaten with the stick, in order to shake off any
larve that may be feeding on it; these will fall
into the umbrella, and may be secured at leisure.
The second method is searching different plants
at night with the aid of a lantern, when usually
good numbers of larvm may be found feeding.
Pupse may be found anywhere, and there is no
special method adopted in collecting them, except
by digging over and thoroughly searching the soil
near various trees. Eggs are best obtained by
keeping a female in captivity. She should be
placed in a good-sized, well-ventilated box, and,
in case of diurnal insects, well lighted and fed by
means of a small piece of sponge soaked in syrup.
Various objects may be put in the box on which
to induce her to.lay her eggs. such as little screws
.of paper, pieces of sponge, bark of trees, etc., and,
if known, a sprig or two of the food plant.
The rearing of larvms is another subject that I
have no time to enter into now. They require a
-great amount of care and attention, and the treat-
ment of various species is often widely different.
There are one or two little works published on in-
-sect collecting and larva rearing, which are very
useful to the amateur collector; they deal only
with collecting in England. but much of the in-
formation also applies to other countries.
In conclusion I wish to mention that I am now.
.getting together material with a view to publish-
ing a descriptive list of Jamaica butterflies, with
notes < n their habits and distribution, and that I
shall be glad of any information concerning even
the commonest species.
The function of the Institute is that of the en-
-couragement of Literature, Science and Art.
Under the second term it has, up to the pre-
sent, mainly attempted to develop only the so-
callednatural sciences, including Zoology, Botany,
and Geology. This restriction i has been perhaps
somewhat accidental, and perhaps partly deter-

mined by the fact that natural history lends itself
more readily to the display of interesting and
instructive objects. But there is no a priori rea-
son why, as Jamaica advances, other, and, from a
commercial aspect, more important subjects, such
as the products and applications of Agriculture,
Chemistry, and Mechanics, etc., should not be
afforded the same assistance as has been given to
natural history.
In the furthering, however, of the natural
sciences of our Island, I take it that the encour-
agement of original research should be well recog-
nized, and that it should be one of our chief duties
to make known our animals and plants, both those
of to-day and of the past. An enlightened and.
generous people is not satisfied to be assisted at
every turn by foreign workers, without in some
measure endeavouring to contribute in return its
quota to human knowledge.
So vast, however, has the knowledge relating to
any section of natural history become, that to
master such and then be in a position to add to it
presents very considerable difficulties ; and, at
any rate, practically necessitates the restriction
for the time being of one's limited capacity to a
very prescribed range. Previous circumstances
having been favourable to my acquisition of a
specialist's knowledge of the lowly marine ani-
mals known as the Zoophytes, I have, for the past
three years, where time for original research could
be afforded, devoted myself to this particular
In carrying out research upon any group of ani-
mals, various aspects of the one subject may be
undertaken. The first and simplest is that of the
systematist, who merely collects, names, and des-
scribes his specimens. Although very important
and primarily essential, the work is but an accu-
mulation of facts, and requires further elaboration
before its utmost value can be appreciated. The
facts require marshalling into some order, and
comparing with others, before their full signifi-
cance is realized.
In the prosecution of my work I have already
obtained from our shallow waters over thirty dis-
tinct species of anemones, a considerable number
for the limited areas studied. Their great inter-
est, however, to any but a few specialists, rests,
not so much in the individual species, as in the
larger and broader principles they illustrate; and
it is in this respect that the study of any one
group of animals may be raised beyond the sphere
of the systematist. pure and simple, and the re-
sults be utilised in the mass of higher human
knowledge. Thus, by comparing our anemones
with those already known from the other West
Indian islands, and also with those living on the
other side of Central and South America, I have
been able to show, in a recently published paper,
that they afford evidence of a former connection
between the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean
Sea. that is, that the two Americas were at a geo-
logically recent time separated by the sea and the
marine animals able to migrate between one ocean
and the other. Again, our Jamaican forms have
enabled one to demonstrate that the allied species
inhabiting the Indian and Pacific Oceans show in
several respects a greater complexity of structure
than do those of the Atlantic, pointing to more


favourable conditions for Actinian development in
these former regions.
It is in the discovery during one's work of such
facts as these, and in the elaboration of the prin-
ciples underlying them, that the greatest interest
and satisfaction is felt by the investigator, and
his results are most likely to be appreciated by an
educated public.
One of the most obvious facts underlying ani-
mal structure is that certain animals are more
closely related to one another than to others. In
the discovery and correct correlating of these
relationships, as exhibited both in the developing
and adult animal, the philosophic zoologist attains
his highest eminence.
While working out for systematic purposes the
structure of our anemones, I have come upon
a number of details which to my mind seem to in-
dicate a closer relationship between them and the
coral-forming animals than has previously been
recognized; and it is a few of these that I purpose
briefly to lay before you this evening. Many of
the details are of a very specialized nature, but
even if they can not be fully understood on such
an occasion, I trust that their main significance
and importance may be.
On examining a living anemone alongside one of
the animals which construct the masses of coral
we in Jamaica are so familiar with. we find that
they possess very similar characters. Each polyp,
as an individual animal is termed, has a long or
short column, terminated above by a flat disc.
Towards the margin of the disc is situated a
number of cycles of finger-like bodies known as
tentacles; in the centre of the disc is the slit-
like mouth.
If we dissect the animals and compare their in-
ternal structure we find the resemblance still
continued. The mouth leads into a tube or funnel,
open at both ends. The lower opening communi-
cates with the body-cavity of the polyp, which is
full of a liquid kept in constant circulation and
containing food particles. This cavity is sub-
divided by vertical partitions, known as mesen-
teries, which are attached to the base and column-
wall. To the free edge of these mesenteries.
coiled thread-like bodies, known as mesenterial
filaments, are attached.
Throughout its whole extent the body-wall is
made up of three layers: an outer and an inner,
each formed of several kinds of cells, and a middle
layer of a jelly-like nature.
All these fundamental features then are com-
mon to both the anemones and the corals, and,
although they have been for a long time recog-
nised as bearing this close relationship, how much
closer it is has never been thoroughly demon-
strated. It is only of late years that the soft
fleshy part of the coral polyps have been much
studied. Zoologists have satisfied themselves with
a knowledge of the skeleton-the hard stony
masses known as coral-rather than of the animal
which.produced it. There is no zoologist, how-
ever, who has a large specialist's acquaintance
with the anatomy of both the anemones and the
coral polyps, such as can be obtained from the
material in Jamaican waters.
Taking now the most obvious of the external
characters we find that corals are nearly all colo-

nial, that is, a large number of individuals are
united by a common tissue, while anemones are
mostly solitary. The colonies are formed as a re-
sult of a primary polyp reproducing by send-
ing out, buds, or by dividing along its length.
Usually only one mouth occurs on the disc. as
limited by the cycles of tentacles. Many corals,
however, have numerous mouths belonging to
really only one individual. This is a result of im-
perfect division; the disc has only partly divided,
and the column not at all. Nearly all anemones-
have pointed or blunted tentacles, while knobbed
tentacles are more characteristic of coral animals.
Occurring in Jamaican waters and distributed,
throughout the Caribbean Sea, I have found three-
very different species of anemones, which, in
the external characters just enumerated, are de-
cidly more like corals than anemones. Ricordea
florida and Rhodactis Sancti-Thom' e are met with
in great abundance in the region of coral-growth.
their aggregations often forming large carpet-like
masses. Of all the anemones known to me, these-
are the only two which permanently exhibit seve--
ral mouths on one disc. I have counted as many
as seven mouths on one specimen, and the multi--
oral condition is certainly more frequent than is-
the simple state. In every case the polyps with
only one mouth are small ones. Further, these-
two species show a very sharp line of demarcation
between the disc and stomodmal tube, a feature-
common to many corals, but no. met with in any
other anemone I know.
A third species of anemone, belonging to a cos-
mopolitan genus, and to which, for the purpose of
the present discussion, I attach the greatest im-
portance, is Corynactis myrcia. In it we have, as
it were, the last relics of a colonial condition,
such as is usual with the corals. The polyps may
reproduce by fission, but. instead of completely
separating at the base, many of them remain con-
nected for some time by a strip of tissue. Fur-
ther, the knobbed tentacles recall those of many
of the coral polyps more strongly than do those of'
any other anemone. ,
Passing now to the interior of the animals, and
examining their structure by means of microscopic
sections. we discover still more reliable evidences-
of relationships The coiled threads occurring
along the free edges of the mesenteries are com-
plex structures. In nearly all anemones their sec-
tions are made up of three lobes, while, all coral
polyps yet investigated. possess only a single lobe,.
which corresponds with the middle lobe of the-
A ctinian filament. Now, it is most significant
that in the three anemones we have been discus-
sing, namely: Rhodactis, Ricordea, and 'orynactis,
the mesenterial filaments are simple.
Still another important agreement. All the ani-
mals constituting the great group to which the-
anemones, corals, and a few others belong, possess-
what are known as stinging threads. These are
usually long threads coiled up in a swollen termi-
nation, and are found in different parts of the-
body of t'e animals, and capable of being thrown'
out as defensive or offensive weapons. In ane-
mones they are usually very small, but may, be-
long and narrow, while in corals generally very
large ones are met with. Of all the anemones I
am acquainted with, the three species we are dis--


cussing are the only examples in which are found
such large stinging cells.

Finally, the middle jelly-like layer, or mesogloea
.of the anemones almost invariably contains distri-
buted throughoutits thickness numbers of small iso-
lated cells, which give to the layer a characteristic
:appearance when stained and viewed under the mi-
croscope, In corals, however, the layer is quite
clear and homogeneous, and is scarcely distinguish-
able from the clear field of the microscope.
Strange to say, the only anemone in which I have
found such a condition of the mesogloea to occur
is Cory/actiis. The arrangement of the muscles
also in this genus is much more coral-like than

I have now very briefly described some of the
,most important features by which I consider we
are able to unite, more closely than has ever
before been the case, the anemones and the coral-
polyp. It is not so much in the presence of an
isolated common character, as in the tout en.-
.semble of each of the three genera to which I at-
tach the greatest significance. Any one of the
characters may be present in other species. but in
no other example, is there so much combined
.evidence. We can now safely say that there is no
difference at all separating the two groups, except
such as is concerned with the production of the-
stony skeleton of the corals. It may not yet be
possible to place any of the anemones and corals
in a common- family, but it is certain that the
only difference between them is in the absence or
presence of a calcareous skeleton.

The question may be raised, in what light are
we to regard the genera Corynactis, Ilicordea. and
Rhodactis; whether, as coral-polyps which at one
time formed but have now lost the power of se-
creting a skeleton, or as anemones from which
coral-forming animals originally branched off.
The three present very considerable differences
amongst themselves, and Corynactis belongs to a
very different stock from the other two. In some
respects, such as in the tentacles, these latter have
very specialized features. For the present, 1 am
inclined to regard all three as coral-polyps which
have lost the power of secreting a skeleton.
Corynactis would approach much closer to corals
likeCladorora and Caryophyllia, in which the indi-
vidual polyps are distinct from one another ex-
cept for the possession of a common basal mem-
brane; while Ricordea and Rhodactis more resem-
ble corals like 1Mussa, Manmcina, and laewandrina,
in which the vegetative reproduction is not so
In any case, these discoveriesare bound to shed
some light upon this important question, and may
direct attention to similar features which may
occur in other species.
It certainly behoves ns here in Jamaica, sur-
rounded by the favourable condition of tropical
waters, to do all in our power to contribute what
we can to science and to higher knowledge,
the striving for which and the possession of which
helps to raise man above the cares and troubles
of the struggle for a mere existence.

At the fifty-second Members' Meeting
held at the Institute of Jamaica on the 5th
of May, 1898, the Rev. Win. Gillies, D.D.
was in the chair. Mr. Vendryes was also
present. Mr. F. Nicholas read the following
paper on
Among the applied sciences economic geology
occupies an important section, and there is pro-
bably not a single hour of our existence that does
not require for its maintenance some product of
the natural inorganic resources of the earth. The
subject is so broad in its application that there is
probably no section of the world in which the geo-
logical resources cannot contribute to the necessi-
ties of its people, and I am sure Jamaica is no
Before entering upon the question it will be
well to consider for a moment what has been done
in regard to geology in Jamaica. You are fortu-
nate indeed in having so excellent a reference as
that found in the results of the geological survey
conducted by Sawkins. The work is very com-
plete, and is read in connection with Tropical
American Geology all over th world. Unfortu-
nately. it is rather the custom at present among a
certain class of scientific workers to attack, point
out errors, and discredit what has been done in
the past.
Geology is particularly unfortunate in this re-
spect Probably no descriptive work can be writ-
ten to which something may not be added or in
which points for revision cannot be found, and
Sawkins' "Geology of Jamaica" is no exception;
but this is no reason for in any way discrediting
that very able work.
For example, I had the good fortune to discover
in the Cretaceous Limestone certain fossils which
had previously been overlooked. This is simply
an addition to what had been done, and it is quite
probable that further discoveries and additions
can still be made. The results of classifying and
comparing all the new species that I found are
not as yet fully worked out, but it will probably
place most Jamaica rocks within the period of
development known as the Mexican Cretaceous;
but the Jamaica strata will always have a special
interest of their own.
This is simply a slight correction in stratigraphic
classification, and will be an addition to the gene-
ral comparisons between the European and Ja-
maica formations as they are presented by Saw-
kins, while they do not assign any very definite
place to Jamaica stratigraphical development.
One other slight point may be noticed: a type of
Nerinea not as yet thoroughly worked out, may
have been overlooked by Sawkins, or classed as a
(cerithipnm, which it very much resembles. This
may result in assigning to the Cretaceous a larger
surface than that given on Sawkins's maps, and
the result will be that a new scientific name will
be given to certain limestone formations in Ja-
These discoveries are interesting scientifically,
though to note them is a digression from my sub-


ject ; my object is to show how a Geological Sur-
vey once made can be built upon until every de-
tail has been worked out without in any way dis-
crediting the original production.
In my subject-economic geology-the first and
most important question in regard to any sample
submitted is: How much of it have you ?" If 3on
have a mine of the baser metals it must be so big
you cannot mistake its presence; in regard to the
precious metals greater care is necessary, but even
with these one could hardly intelligently overlook
them if in quantities capable of forming a work-
able mine.
Small deposits of minerals of all kinds are found
scattered about among many different formations,
but such are not mines. To secure valuable de-
posits of minerals the ends of the earth are being
ransacked and all sorts of privations and hard-
ships are endured in the eager search. The
reason is that the improbability of mistaking a
good mine is so well known that it is inferred
that in well explored regions all have been taken
up and that only in distant places are great pro-
perties still to be had.
Still the value and importance of a good mine
is always so great that it is well for property
owners to bear in mind that discoveries are possi-
ble even where most unexpected.
Like every profession or calling, geology has its
unscrupulous members who are always ready to
pick up an improper fee, and care very little how
they make it. A property owner has a specimen
from his land which, if there were enough of it,
would be very valuable. The quality of the spe-
cimen is reported to him ; it may lead to a very
great fortune; an examination would cost only
fifty or sixty pounds; why not have it made and
know exactly what there is ? And so, encouraged
from one expense to another, the owner goes on
till finally disgusted lie gives it up. and there is
one more to say that no honest man ever made
anything out of a mine "
But for all this mining and geological products
are worthy "of serious consideration, and this
brings me to the questions that I wish to present
especially to your attention, an outline of the
conditions under which such products are found
anda statement of their possible development in
It is a common mistake to suppose that a mine
is richer the deeper it extends; the fact is,
the lower portions are generally poorer. A mine
is usually composed of three sections: the upper
or oxidized zone where the native metals and
easily worked ores are found: the zone of enrich-
ment where the luchings of the oxidized zone
have collected ; and the zone of sulphides where
the mattered product is found. It is at this last
stage that most mining operations come to an
end, though not necessarily so. because many
great mines are operated entirely in this lowest
zone, but the lower unaltered ores must always be
considered as the final worth of the mine.
SAs to the methods by which minerals were
deposited volumes have been written, and there is
much still to be said.
According to the researches by Prof. J. F. Kemp,
ore deposits can be classed under three general
heads, which are subject to further sub-division.

The general classification will be sufficient to il-
lustrate what I have to say in regard to minerals
in Jamaica. This classification is as follows :-
lst.-Basie developments, in fused and cooling
magmas. These include the great bodies of mag-
netic and titaniferous iron ores, found among in-
trusive igneous rocks.
2nd.-Deposits from solution. These include
nearly all the mineral veins, cavity and contact
deposits filled by mineralizing currents, that is,
waters super-charged with calcium or silicious
materials, with gold, copper, or other mineral in
3rd.-Deposits from suspension. These include
the placer deposits and residual formation from
the decomposition of rocks, particularly of lime-
Mineral springs are, in a small way, examples of
deposit from solution, but the endless dissention
as to how the mineral was brought into solution,
whether by lateral secretion or infiltration by
ascension, need not be considered. It is sufficient
only to note the well established theory that
mineral deposits found filling veins and other
cavities have been deposited from mineralized
waters These are frequently heated and generally
originate in regions of tremendous volcanic acti-
vity, of the magnitude of which we have probably
but little comprehension. These mineralizing
currents then have passed for ages through fis-
sures and cavities of the earth's crust, gradually
forming the minerals as we know them to-day;-
and in considering such deposits we look not so
much at the assay value or beauty of the actual
specimen presented, as at the geological forma-
tion, whether they indicate conditions favourable-
to mineralizing currents.
Minerals themselves are variously classified:
sometimes according to their physical relations to
each other, the groups in which they are precipi-
tated, or their chemical similarities.
The order in which I will present them to your
attention is purely arbitrary: 1st, those which I
consider of little importance in Jamaica; and
2nd. those which frcm my explorations I consider
of some possible economic value to the island.
Mineral products that I believetobe of little im--
portance here are iron. chromium, nickel, zinc. tin.
lead. silver, antimony, bismuth. mercury, the
platinum group, arsenic, sulphur, coal and the pe-
troleum series, the -alkalies, asbestos, and mica..
This is along list and the geological reasons against
there probable development in Jamaica must be
considered very briefly.
Iron. The more valuable .deposits are found
under the first and third section of the general
classification of ore deposits, but formations from
solution are also worked, especially in England.
The immense basic developments in igneous rocks,
are not found here, because the intrusive forma-
tions of Jamaica are not very extensive, nor are
they favourable to such formations. The residual'
iron ores so extensive in the Silurian and Cam-
brian limestones are not found in Jamaica, because
these formations have not been developed, but a-
very interesting surface deposit of residual iron
ore is found to some extent, and illustrates how
the change has taken place in the older limestones;
what may happen, some millions of years .from.


now, as a result of the decomposition of Jamaica
limestone formations is more than I can say.
The black band found in the coal measures
:and the purer deposits of siderite. the carbonate
.of iron, are hardly to be expected here because
they generally belong to a period more remote
.than the formation of Jamaica. Deposits of limo-
nite, the hydrous oxide, similar to those found in
the Swedish lakes are metwith to a limited extent
in Jamaica, not in sufficient abundance to be im-
portant, but affording an interesting proof of
former lakes and bogs of which St. Thomas in the
Vale is an illustration; globules of limonite and
red earth impregnated with iron being found as a
shallow surface deposit over a large section of
that district.
An iron mine to be profitable in these days
must yield the finest ores and be so big that it
must have been noticed long ago if one were to
be had in a settled country like Jamaica.
Chromium. The usual ore is chromite, a com-
,bination with iron. Deposits usually under the
third division in the general classification, and is
.a segregate formation in rocks altered to serpen-
tine. A type not abundant in Jamaica, and I
would not look for a mineral that is peculiar to
formations not common to this island.
Zinc. The mineral is deposited usually from
solution. The common ores are sphalerite, the sul-
phide,a dark resinous looking mineral; Smithsonite,
.the carbonate, and calamine the hydrous silicate,
.crystalline minerals often in beautiful groups of
very small crystals, and frequently tinged with
:green. Willemite the silicate is sometimes veined.
It looks like a compact dull coloured feldspar, and
usually has calamine associated with it on the
surface. Zinc is one of the very cheap base
metals, and if there were workable deposits in
Jamaica they would have been found long ago,
because they must be too large to escape
The most productive regions are among the
.older limestones where mineralizing currents have
been present. Sphalerite is a common associate
in mines containing the precious metals, and when
.so found is considered a nuisance.
Tin. Deposited from solution and by fumerole
:action. The common ores are Cassiterite, the
.oxide, a black shining crystalline mineral very
hard and sometimes found as pebbles in streams
and gravel banks; and Stannite, an impure sul-
phide, sometimes an important one looking very
much like fine iron pyrites. This belongs to
the older crystalline formations or to regions
where intrusive granite has caused fumerole action.
.altering the upper levels to quartz and mica and
.depositing the cassiterite along with topaz and
tourmaline as common associates. Such rocks
.and geological conditions are not found in Ja-
maica, but if tin should be present it would be
.easy to have overlooked it as such deposits are
not very closely indicated.
Lead. Deposits from solution, usually caused
by mineralizing currents coming in contact with
.a limestone. If there had been a violent volcanic
.action in the Blue Mountains at the close of the
Miocene period to start mineralizing currents to
flow among the limestone formations this would

have been a great mineral country, especially in
lead and its associates.
Such conditions certainly did not exist, and
therefore I do not look for lead ores in Jamaica.
though the Hope mine is a small indication of
what might have been had the action been
more extensive.
The common ores of lead are galenite, the gray
sulphide, and its altered products; anglesite, a dull
compactheavy, hardy mineral; andimpurecerussite,
a heavy earthy material easily distinguished by
its weight.
Silver. Closely associated with lead and found
in all galenite. Deposits from solution in contact
with limestone as for lead.
The other common ores of silver are argentite,
the heavy black sulphide; pyrangyrite, the sulph-
antimoniate or ruby silver, so called because of its
red streak; stephanite, the black sulph-antimoni-
ate, and cerangyrite, the chloride, a dark coloured
dull mineral soft and lighter colored when found
protected from the air. All these ores except
cerangyrite are easy to distinguish. but they belong
to regions of volcanic activity quite different from
any thing found in Jamaica.
Antimony. Deposited from solutions of alkaline
sulphides under conditions hardly to be expected
in Jamaica A very fine specimen of stibnite, the
sulphide of antimony, was taken from the Hope
mine and recently submitted. If there were much
of it the property would certainly pay for re-
opening. But as to the antimony itself it is my
opinion that very little of the pure mineral as
submitted in the sample could be had. The ore
is probably a mixture of lead, silver, and antimony
sulphides, difficult to work and not very much of
Bismuth. Deposits from solution and an asso-
ciate of silver ores, and not to be expected in
Jamaica because there are scarcely any indica-
tions of the silver with which it is usually found.
Mercury. Deposited from heated solutions arising
from intrusive igneous rocks.
The presence of bitumen is considered a pro-
bable precipitating agent. The principal ore is
cinnabar, found associated with calcite and iron
pyrites, and belongs to regions of volcanic activity
and recent igneous intrusions quite different from
what has been noted in Jamaica.
The Platinum Group. Usually in placer deposits.
Serpentine is supposed to have been the mother
rock, and these rare minerals are not probable for
Nickel. Usually from solution and in combi-
nation with pyrrhotite, a form of iron pyrites
found principally among igneous intrusive rocks,
particularly along contacts with gabbro or diorite
against other rocks.
The silicates and other ores sometimes worked
for nickel are usually associated with serpentine,
and though nickeliferous- deposits- are rather ob-
scure at times and could easily remain unnoticed
the brilliant greens of some of the ores would
have probably attracted attention, but the rocks
of Jamaica are not favourable, and I do not ex-
pect to see developments of nickel here.
Arsenic. An associate of iron in arsenical iron
pyrites, and is a by-product in many smelting
works, as it is more or less associated with numer-


ous ores. The principal supplies come from Cana-
da, though it is found all over the world. Arseni-
cal pyrites is a common mineral, and probably
specimens can be found in Jamaica, but there is
no reason to expect discoveries sufficiently large
to be of economic importance.
Sldplhr. Found as native sulphur in recent
volcanic regions, and in great deposits of sulphur-
ous earth in sedimentary formations where it has
been deposited after being decomposed out of
gypsum. The conditions in Jamaica do not ap-
pear favourable, but sulphurous earth may be
found almost anywhere among recent formations,
but would probably be overlooked except one
were accustomed to its appearance.
77te Coal and Petroleum Series. These demand
more attention because they are frequently con-
sidered. I have examined numerous small depo-
sits of a mixed clay and lignite, but these are of
very recent origin, and are hardly worthy of
serious consideration. They are mostly in clay
and shale and represent periods during which
vegetable material was brought down and deposi-
ted along with the sediments, a condition that
might have formed lignite beds had it continued
long enough. These narrow seams of carbona-
ceous material are found in many sedimentary
clays all over the world, but they do not in any
way represent the great masses of vegetation
which by rapid growth, developing and accumu-
lating before the fallen masses had time to decay,
formed the great deposits out of which coal was
gradually developed. Nor do I find in Jamaica
any geological indications that the surface was
once favourable to such growth and accumulation,
but a great extent of the surface of the island is
covered over by limestone. Coal, as well as other
minerals, might be found in underlying forma-
tions but would be probably quite inaccessible.
In regard to the coal prospects near Lucea, in
Westmoreland. it might be possible to find a pay-
ing deposit, though the chances are very much
against it; yet, if I were passing that way with a
boring machine, I might be tempted to sink a
prospect or two, though I would certainly not go
to the expense of taking a machine there for that
The petroleum series, comprising natural gas,
petroleum, naptha, asphalt, asphaltic coal, ozoke-
rite, and graphite are present to some extent in
almost all rocks, but only in a very limited
amount. Natural gas and petroleum probably
originate in volatile and oily matter in vegetable
and animal material accumulated in remote pe-
riods and where conditions are favourable.
Asphalt is a product of petroleum in which the
molecules haveundergone a re-arrangement owing
to evaporation or some external cause. Naptha is
simply a soft asphalt, and asphaltic coal is simply
a harder asphalt. These can be expected to some
extent in almost all limestone, and graphite, the
final stage of the petroleum series, is found in
many crystallized rocks.
I do not look for the petroleum series in Jamai-
ca, though, of course, isolated specimens of the
asphalts are to be had. If they should be found
commercially it will be in the lower levels of
limestone regions, at or near the contact with un-
derlying formations.

The Alkalies. These are found in volcanic and
arid regions, and are deposited from solution.
They are not probable in Jamaica, the conditions-
being entirely unfavorable. Nitrate of potas-
sium, originating in animal material protected
from the air, might be possible. but I see no reason
for expecting it.
Abrasives. Hard materials such as corundum,
garnets, etc., or a soft gritty stone that will wear
away rapidly and not become smooth from use.
The conditions are not favourable for hard abra-
sives in Jamaica, but a good grindstone might be-
found among any sandy sedimentary formations,
yet the conditions here are not favourable.
Asbestos. Found either with serpentine or among
the older crystalline rocks. The conditions in Ja-
maica are not at all those in which this mineral
could be expected.
Mica. Found among crystalline rocks cf a kind
that I have not seen in Jamaica. It belongs to
the older formations and there seems no reason to
expect a commercial product here, though in
small flakes it is one of the most common of mine-
rals, but in this form it has no value whatever.
Precious Stones. Pure crystals found in igneous
rocks or among vein materials. There seems no
general rule for their surroundings, though some
rocks are more favourable than others; but I do
not see any indications of them on the island.
This closes the consideration of products that I
do not expect to hear of in Jamaica. that is. com-
mercially; but I have described some points in
relation to each one, because, if they should be
found, it might be useful to have a little data for

In regard to those minerals that are more pro-
bable here, I must state that from all appearances.
this is not a country favourable for mining; the
geological conditions to cause the formation of
ore deposits are, for the greater part, quite absent.
The minerals that I consider more probable are-
copper, manganese, cobalt, alumninium, gold, clay,
and kaolin, times and cements, phosphates, gysIsuNms
and fertilizers; nohres, sienna. number and barytes.
Copper, which I will refer to first, is said to
always hang out its flag on the slightest provoca-
tion, and a small amount of malachite, the green.
carbonate, will stain a quantity of rock and
make things look like a big mine. People are-
always discovering them and picking out little-
bits that show big assay values, but they are-
almost invariably disappointed.
Copper is deposited from solution, and a mine'
to be profitable must be very large. Yet copper
can be found anywhere, in any geological age.
and in the most unexpected places. For this
reason it is always well to be on the look out for
it. The common ores are chalcopyrite, the copper
and iron sulphide. a mineral looking like common
pyrites, but of a richer yellow, often shaded with.
dark colours; chalcocite, a dull sub-metallic min-
eral, often -shaded green or blue, and carrying a
high percentage of copper; tetrahedrite, the gray
sulph-antimoniate of copper; malachite, the green
carbonate; and native copper.
The ores need not be rich, two or three per-
cent. of the metal would be a very great mine,
provided there were enough of it. that is, a small
mountain, in which every ton of rock contained-


two or three per cent. of copper, or about seven to
ten per cent. of chalcopyrite which would yield
that amount of pure copper.
Where a body of rich ore is found accessible to
transportation, a small copper mine can be worked
to advantage, and it frequently happens that so
small an amount as a few tons can be profitably
Chalcopyrite is found among all sorts of rocks;
malachite will be plainly seen along the exposure
of all copper deposits; tetrahedrite will be found
in veins and isolated bodies; and native copper is
frequently found among igneous intrusive rocks
and along their contacts; its precipitation is pro-
bably due to chemical changes in the rocks sur-
rounding it.
llanganese. A number of independent traces
of manganese appeal in Portland, though the Ma-
roons who own the property admit that the women
took buckets full of the ore and threw it about in
-order to make a better show on the surface, but I
found traces at points that I do not think were
"'salted," and several times the black shales of
Portland gave me manganese reactions. It seems
to me that this is a fair prospect and worth look-
ing up, but not at very great expense, because,
even at the best, the chances are always against a
manganese prospect. Manganese originates as a
concentration in residual clays; but it does not
follow that all such ore must he found directly in
the clay, which being softer may have been
washed out, and the harder nodules of manganese
left behind, and then covered over by other mate-
rial. No fixed rules can be given in prospecting
for manganese, but regions of residual formations
and subsequent erosion are the most favourable.
Cobalt. Found generally as an associate with
other minerals, and produced as a by-product at a
number of mines. The hydrous arsenate, erythrine,
which has been reported from Jamaica is at times
a productive ore, and it is possible that small
amounts might be shipped from Jamaica. I have
not examined these prospects, but the geological
formations of the island are not particularly un-
favourable to it.
Aluminium. Deposited from solution. The ores
are corundum, the oxide; cryolite, the sodium
.aluminium fluoride; and beauxite, the hydrate of
.aluminium and iron ; this last may be possible in
Jamaica. It looks like a hard white clay contain-
ing nodules and stained pink and brown. If
:anything answering this description were found
among the clays of Jamaica. it would be well to
submit samples, and as to how much there is in
sight can be easily answered without the aid of
.an expert.
Beauxite is deposited from solution brought
about by acid iron waters attacking formations
containing aluminium, and this solution meeting
with calcium carbonate is deposited as an iron-
alaminium hydrate, along with various impurities.
There are iron pyrites to form acid iron waters
in Jamaica, formations containing aluminium to
be attacked by it, and no lack of calcium carbon
ate to act as a precipitating agent, and for these
reasons, and the fact that such deposits would be
.easily overlooked, I think that beauxite may pos-
sibly be found in Jamaica. but as yet I have seen
no traces of it.

Gold. Deposited from solution and found asso-
ciated with mineral ores of other metals. There
are also extensive deposits from suspension in the
great placer mines -that have attracted so pnuch
It is always possible that gold may be found,
and old miners have a 'saying that "gold is
where you find it". But, in spite of this, there are
certain rules that can be safely considered in
looking for this precious metal, and volumes have
been written in regard to its various forms of de-
posit. It has probably originated from heated
solutions passing for ages through fissures and ca-
vities adjacent to regions of great volcanic acti-
vity. These solutions contained ferrous sulphate
which was deposited as iron pyrites; and the
same agents that have dissolved the gold have
also attacked silicates, so that quartz is the com-
mon associate of gold, and with it many other
minerals have been deposited. forming the various
materials found as vein matter.
The conditions to form mineralizing solutions
and fissures to be filled up are certainly not indi-
cated in Jamaica, and large mines can hardly be
expected, but smaller deposits have, at times,
proved valuable, and in regions of intrusive igne-
ous rocks gold has been found in irregular veins
and as segregations due to decomposition of such
rocks which have caused cavities to be formed,
and started mineralizing currents. Parts of St.
Thomas may be taken as an example, but unfortu-
nately those waters do not contain any gold.
It seems most probable that the very beautiful
specimens that are at times found in Jamaica
have originated in that way. Mines of this kind
are very unreliable and can only be trusted as far
as one can see them. But, if the rocks have been
exposed, ordinary intelligence can form some idea
of how big a cavity or vein has been filled, and a
thinking person could hardly be deceived by a
little strip of quartz perhaps two inches wide and
one to a dozen feet long. If it is rich in gold,
take out what you can see, and then don't go dig-
ging into the country rock expecting to make a
big strike or think that you have a mine.
There is a formation of fine white quartz found
almost everywhere, which at rare intervals con-
tains gold. sometimes so beautifully exposed as to
be cut along with the stone for gems. 1 have seen
such specimens from Jamaica; old miners call it
"Hungry quartz," and it is considered very un-
favourable. Gold is one of the rarest, yet most
thoroughly disseminated of minerals ; it is found
associated with nearly all sulphides of the metals.
Iron pyrites usually contains a little, and there is
hardly any region in which more or less iron py-
rites is not found, and consequently the present
discussion in Jamaica is common to almost every
portion of the earth. The finding of gold even in
New York city has been gravely discussed by
American papers; and in many places where
there are crystalline rocks these discussions always
cause more or less interest.
I do not say that any region is absolutely bar-
ren of gold, and that paying deposits may not be
found in the most unexpected places, but a half
ounce fragment of white quartz containing gold,or
a little bit of rich pyrites isolated in a rock form-
ation is hardly sufficient to warrant mining oper-


nations; but for all this either may cause the unfor-
tunate discoverer considerable expense before he
is satisfied that he has not secured a good thing.
However, if a sample containing gold is found,
it is always well to give it careful consideration;
but mining and excavations or expensive expert
opinion should not be tried till one's common
sense indicates that more has been discovered
than a small isolated .deposit, such as are found
all over the world. The question, "How much
have you in sight and how big a cavityis indicated
by the surrounding rocks ?" can usually be an-
swered without the aid of an expert, but having
become satisfied as to these points, secure proper
advice, otherwise you will almost certainly make
grievous mistakes Gold placer deposits are sim-
ply gravels originating in auriferous rocks. They
-can be tested by washing out a small quantity
taken from the lowest point in the deposit. No
special description is needed except that the
gravel bed must be a large one. much larger than
any that I have seen in Jamaica.
This ends the discussion of the metallic ele-
ments, but other minerals are perhaps of more im-
portance to your country, and I will now present
these to your attention.
Clays and Kaolin. Throughout the interior there
is a great abundance of good clay for brick-mak-
ing and ordinary pottery, and I think that in
time Jamaica can supply all her needs for such
.articles by the industry of her own people.
I have not. as yet, seen the purer hydrous alu-
minium silicate, kaolin, but it may be found here
in sufficient quantity and suitable for the finer
,grades of pottery. Kaolin is usually associated
with sedimentary clays and must be washed from
impurities. It is a white or a grayish col(ur, of
fine texture, and often quite compact. If a large
deposit of white or gray clay is found, it is always
well to submit samples, but the extensive lime-
stone deposits in Jamaica are very much against
favourable developments of potter's clay.
Limes and Cements. These are certainly of in-
terest in Jamaica, and experiments with the great
masses of chalky limestones near Keudal, the red
dirt, and a little aluminous clay from the interior
will probably yield a good rough cement at a low
As to lime. the island can never he in want of
it; yet. only two or three days' sail to the south,
.along the coast of South America, divers are at
work each day breaking off large pieces of coral
from the surrounding reefs; these pieces they sell
.at prices to yield fair wages for a day's work. At
present this supplies the, want in lime of that re-
gion, but at a high price. The demand is not
sufficient as yet to warrant shipments from Ja-
maica, but a development is beginning in those
-countries. I think that quicklime will find quite
an extensive market, and the future development
-of the business is worth careful attention.
Pigments, Ochres,Sienna, and Barytes. Ochres are
simply fine sedimentary clays, coloured by iron.
They range from light buff to dull yellow or
brown, and from pink to various shades of dull
red. Usually, they must be washed before they
-can be used, and can be had to a greater or less
extent from all clays; but such products are very
inferior. It is in the fine materials found among
sedimentary clays that ochres are usually sought.

A clay bed needs but little description, but should
be of fine texture, well coloured, and not too com-
pact, with a tendency to form an almost impalpa-
ble powder in very dry weather that afterwards
packs under the horse's feet: such are only
valuable. I should say that excellent ochres can
be had among the clays of the Hollis Savanna, as
I think it is called, in the west portion of the
island. Certainly there should be enough to sup-
ply all the domestic wants of Jamaica at a very
low price.
Sienna is a peculiarly coloured ochre, associated
with iron; umber is an ochre associated with
manganese. Both have been reported from Ja-
maica, I think, and it is of course possible that
they may be found here though I have not seen
them myself.
Barytes, the hard white barim sulphate, has
been reported from Jamaica. If formed of even
texture and a very pure white it could be used
Fertilizers, Phosphates, and GypsunI. These are
found in Jamaica, and the formations seem, to
some extent, favourable.
Caclium phosphate rock might be found. It
originates from the phosphorus of decaying animal
matter in contact with a soft limestone. I should
not look for such formations along the sea coast
but among old drainage channels, particularly at
contacts of limestone and older formations, where
animal matter may have accumulated. The price
of phosphate rock has fallen so low that I hardly
think it worthy of much consideration at present;
and the apatite of the older crystalline rocks can
hardly be expected here.
In regard to fertilizers, the animal refuse from
the caves of Jamaica has attracted some attention;
the great difficulty with the product is that its
ammonia is so freely given off. Frequently a
sample has analyzed well when sent in a sealed
package to a chemist, but, when the product has
been shipped on the strengthof the report, it is
found to have lost nearly all of its value in transit.
I think it would be particularly interesting to ex-
amine the lime rocks in the floors of some of the
Jamaica caves. as it is quite possible that valuable
fertilizing material will be found combined with
them, and perhaps it may b- more stable than the
surface material; but. at any rate, adjoining proper-
ties would probably find it a valuable fertilizer.
Gyp.suin. When burned at a low heat is valuable
to spread on land and, if pile and in sufficient
quantity, can be used for making plaster. It is pre-
sent to some extent in Jamaica, and could be made
to serve some useful purpose, particularly near the
places where it is found.
SStructural materials. The limestones of Jamaica
are sufficient for ordinary building purposes, and
the island may certainly consider itself well sup-
plied. If a fine building stone were required to
any extent it might be had from some of the other
formations, but to start a quarry is expensive,
doubtful work.
As to materials for road building, Jamaica is
abundantly supplied, and if I ever had occasion to
write on the development of roads my examples
would certainly be taken from the excellent results
secured and maintained in Jamaica, which are not
equalled in any part of America.


Before closing I wish to refer to the water sup-
ply, one of the most important questions with
which economic geology has to deal. I see many
indications that all great masses of limestone in
Jamaica are interposed directly over harder forma-
tions, and that the contact is in many places above
the sea level, in which case waters that pass
through the porous limestone so freely find drain.
age plains at lower levels, and deep wells might be
successful to such an extent that some of the most
arid regions might be abundantly supplied with
water. Experiments in this direction are worthy
of serious consideration, but if undertaken they
must be conducted in connection with careful geo-
logical studies, and to simply sink a few drill holes
at any convenient point could hardly be expected
to give satisfactory results.
I feel that I must apologize for the rough way in
which I have presented these important and almost
boundless questions, but the fact that the notes
have been hurriedly put together, away from
my library, and without the aid of text-books,
must be my excuse.

MR. H. VENDRYES said he thought the meeting
ought to thank Mr. Nicholas for the very instructive
and valuable lecture he had given them. It had
served to dispel so many illusions about the gold
fever. If that were the only result or end of the
lecture they would have to thank him; still, al-
though, he (Mr. Vendryes) was not much of a
geologist, he had listened to the lecture very atten-
tively in the hope that he might be able to say a
word or two on some point which the lecturer had
not touched upon.
There was the question of gypsum,. He knew
operations with it had been tried here The late
Mr. Fife had made explorations in St. David's and
had started to burn it; but like most other experi-
ments, this was done without precautions. His
experiences were useful to future adventurers; but
his undertaking proved a gigantic failure. Plenty
of money was spent but little gypsum was obtained.
We could still find traces where excavations were
made in the hope of finding something, which, if
not gold, yet held gold. He thought the lecturer
had told them something very worthy of note when
he said he was able to tell by observing what others
had had to do by experimenting. He would like to
have heard something in connection with the rela.
tion of this island to the other West Indies. The
formation was very interesting.
SMr. Guppy and some otherprofessors had estima-
ted that similar species of fossils existed in Jamaica
to those that were in Trinidad and some other
places. If the lecturer would favour the Institute
with another lecture he might touch on the subject-
the relations of geology in Jamaica to the other
If they had had before any romantic ideas about
the minerals of Jamaica they would have been
completely dispelled after having heard that night's
lecture. It would be a great disappointment to
many of those who had been building up hopes on
the possible resources of the island from economic
It was for a long time supposed that gold was
only associated with certain formations, but the

lecturer had explained how they might find it more
abundantly existent than we had imagined, and
how it was possible to find gold here, there and
Mr. D'AETH had heard a good many lectures ana'
had read a good many papers, but he did not think
he had heard a more interesting or more valuable
one than that delivered by Mr. Nicholas. It had
been a source of wonder to him how in the days
when Sawkins's map was made and the Survey was
taken-about 30 or 35 years ago-Sawkins ever
got the information he did. It had to be re-
collected that in those days the island was very
unlike what it is now. The parts plain and open
to view at the present time were then simply bush
and forest growth. And it must have been exceed-
ingly difficult for Sawkins to prosecute his investi-
gations. There was one road from Spaldings to'
St. Ann which twelve years ago was in standing-
forest. It was true that in the middle of that road
there was a little patch of limestone which Sawkins
did not show in his map but he did not think that
detracted from the general accuracy of Sawkins.
While he bore testimony to the plan of Sawkins, he-
thought Mr. Nicholas would agree with him, it was
very desirable they should have further researches
and a revision of that survey.. Two years ago he
had brought the matter before the Institute and
the Board of Governors referred it to the Govern-
ment. One of the reasons he had used for the
argument in favour of the revision of the survey
was this: (he was not asking for it specially from
a scientific point of view but from an economic
point of view) that the chief thing we wanted in
this island, an island with more than 60 per cent, of
limestone formation where water might be supposed
to be abundant, was the discovery of water, espe-
cially in the arid districts of St. Elizabeth. He
had had occasion during the drought to look into'
the'subject and from the assistance he got from
Sawkins's survey and the investigations he himself
made, he had come to the conclusion that it was
useless in the Pedro Plains to expect to get any
water appreciably above the sea level. But at the
same time he was bound to add that the informa-
tion he had to go on was very vague, or rather,
insufficient. A further investigation might show
his conclusions to be wrong. With respect to the
lecturer's remarks on the clays, he would like to
ask what value were they when they had no coal to
burn them ? In Upper Clarendon there were some
fine ochres, very varied in colours, and he thought
they would give the very best results. The expen-
sive carriage from that district to the plains
would however probably discount their value and
perhaps we could import them as cheap from Great
Britain. He had been in Marshall Hall District
last week and if the deposits there of manganese
were valuable he believed further deposits might
be met with across that portion of the colony.
And that would be a reason for the construction of
a road there-then it could not be said, if they
found these deposits, that this road was an unpro-
ductive work. He seconded the vote of thanks to,
Mr. Nicholas.
MR. J. KENNEDY said one thing struck him in
the lecturer's observation that mines in order to be
useful must be big. Gold, to his knowledge, had
been washed out of the river on the Red Hills. He


had seen it itself. It was washed out by a gen.
tleman who was well known in Jamaica as a
taxidermist. This gentleman, about nineteen years
ago, washed out of a river which flowed, he believed,
from Mount Hatteras on the Red Hills. from the
other side of the ridge, about 6s. worth of gold in
a morning. If it was possible to do this out of a
:stream, it signified to his mind that there was gold
further up. The stream had come down; and
with it the gold. And there was this evidence that
this gentleman had picked up mineral which was
-very rich in gold. We had got many people of
repute who had reported that gold had been found
here. Now if it had been found, although in small
-quantities, there was no reason why, if the strike
were followed up, there might not be more. They
-were told that the survey of Jamaica was a very
superficial one and that there was only a few sites
that were laid bare for a thorough examination.
He was of opinion that it was quite possible mines
-existed in Jamaica, not yet discovered.
Apart from the question of gold, he had been
employed for many years in one of the largest
machinery manufactories in the world; and he
could say he had seen many samples of the rocks
and stones in Jamaica which bore a very striking
resemblance to those which came to the factory, at
which he was employed, for experimenting. If
they had similar samples who was to say they might
not have the same minerals? Ochres, if they were
,properly prepared, should be of considerable value
to Jamaica for use in painting houses and ships,
and then leave a large amount for shipment abroad.
We imported hundreds of pounds of paints annually
that might be manufactured here in Jamaica. With
regard to the shipment, this could be done very
-cheaply in Jamaica, as in any other part of the
world. He heard 2s. a ton was paid for ochre, as it
lay on the bank. If it were taken and worked pro-
perly, it would be probably worth a matter of 3
-cents a pound. Then a large amount of labour
would be employed in shovelling it out of the bank
and in preparing, washing, and shipping it. He
thought Jamaica houses, if painted with her own
-ochres mixed with some of those imported would
present a very pretty effect. A judicious use of
imported colours would be necessary, and yet the
.great bulk of the ochre used might be Jamaican.
He himself had prepared colours for the painting
-of ships' sides; he had painted about 100 square
feet with local ochres and this had remained free
from barnacles for three months while the remain-
-der of the sides of the ship was covered with them.
The HON. REV. H. CLARKE said that from what
he could gather the lecturer did not give a very hope.
ful prospect for the finding of minerals in Jamaica,
and for his own part he thought it would be rather
a misfortune for us if we found a gold mine. 'If we
-did, how were we to use it ? A friend of his asked
him the other day- Why is gold the most valuable
.of all metals?" He began to think and he replied
"Because it is'the most useless." Well" said his
friend, you have just answered the question." If
we could get the labourers to take an American
steel fork and turn up the soil of Jamaica for a
-couple of feet he was quite certain they could take
as much gold of the earth in a week as they could
out of a gold mine. That was the sort of industrial
-geology we should address ourselves to in Jamaica.

It would always give a good result and we could
convert the proceeds into gold. When we had gold,
what use it could be put to he did not know.
THE CHAIRMAN said they were indebted to the
Rev. Mr. Clarke for reminding them, the best
bank was the bank of earth." In Jamaica we knew
we were wealthy on the surface whatever we might
be underneath. He was quite sure the superficial
wealth of Jamaica had not been brought out. Mr.
Nicholas had evidently eudeavoured to guard us
against entertaining high expectations. He felt
that the lecture had throughout been impressing
them with the emphatic monosyllable, don't".
Whatever minerals might enrich other countries,
the lecturer had seemed to tell them, don't try
them in Jamaica." Mr. D'Aeth had pointed out
that the geological survey required to be remade.
He (Dr. Gillies) was quite satisfied it would come.
He felt there was a great deal of interest attaching
to the things that were yet to be known about the
formation of this island. The lecturer had brought
to their notice a very interesting subject in a prac-
tical manner. He conveyed the cordial thanks of
the meeting to the lecturer.

At the fifty-third members meeting held
at the Institute, on the 19th of October,
1898, the Rev. Wm. Simms, M.A presided.
The Rev. Wm. Gillies, D.D., and the Secre-
tary of the Institute were also present.
Miss Barrows, B.A., read a paper on the
'Higher Education of Women,' of which
the following is an abstract:-
It is unfortunately true that the subject is one
which stills requires vindication, and the reason
for this must be sought in a survey of Women's
education in the past. Among the Greeks, the
most civilised of ancient people, women were
required to be domesticated, but were kept in
seclusion and their intellects were left unde-
veloped. Among the Hebrews, the domestic
ideal reached a much higher level, because some
scope was given to energy. But this domestic
ideal proved insufficient it itself, while it was
not supplemented on the intellectual side. It
tended, under these conditions, to reduce the
woman to the level of a drudge. An inevitable
reaction against the drudgery imposed by the
deteriorated domestic ideal came in the form of
a desire for accomplishments. This second
theory attained its full development in England
in the eighteenth century, and even at the pre-
sent day has many supporters. It is that ideal
of education which would give women some
knowledge, enough to make them pleasing com-
panions for men. The middle of the last cen-
tuary gave the development of the novel, and
women began to read. But for a long time, the
object of their reading was to equip themselves
with sentiments proper to be uttered by one
who would please the man. Fielding thought


that the knowledge of a classical language would
make a woman cease to be charming. Miss
Austen's heroines are fully furnished with sen-
timental reflections. In later days, even the
great master, Mr. Ruskin, in his beautiful work,
' Sesame and Lilies' supports this accomplish-
ment ideal. He says, 'a woman in any rank of
life ought to know whatever her husband is
likely to know, but to know it in a different way.
His command of it should be foundational and
progressive; hers, general and accomplished.
Speaking broadly, a man ought to know any
language, or science, he learns thoroughly,
while a woman ought to know the same lan-
guage, or science, only so far as may enable her
to sympathise in her husband's pleasures and
in those of his best friends.'
Such teaching does not ring true, for how
could a woman sympathize with the earnest life
work of her husband if she has been taught to
regard all knowledge as superficial, and no sub-
ject worth more than a smattering ? Unless a
girl's command of any knowledge can be found-
ational and progressive, she had better not be
taught at all. She could not understand what
mental work means nor how k nwledge assists
humanity in its development. Ibsen has pour-
trayed for us in Nora a woman ruined by super-
ficial accomplishments, and by his grim intense
power gives the conviction that a terrible trap
awaits her who has never been taught to develop
mental power in a right direction.
; Thus the domestic theory, although it may be
a lofty one, is insufficient in itself, while the
accomplishment theory not only lacks self-suffi-
ciency but is wanting in truth and dignity.
- A suggestion has been made that a special
curriculum of knowledge is more suited for
woman than that given to her brothers, and
that a Woman's University is desirable where
such a curriculum could be used. But know-
ledge has no male and female side, and imper-
fect as modern standards may be, the introduc-
"tion of a milder course of study, with the ac-
complishments suggested by its supporters,
would probably result in the eighteenth century
standards being set up again.:
Many healthy signs, however, encourage the
belief that it would be difficult to revert to the
old standards. Even subjects which were for-
merly taught as accomplishments only, music
and drawing, are now treated fundamentally
and progressively. Also the woman has more
leisure than of old. This desirable state of af-
fairs is due partly to the use of machinery in
the household and partly to the simplification of
furniture and-decoration as the outcome of the
teaching of William Morris.
What is this higher education which the
woman should receive? Dr. Harris classifies
courses of study into elementary, secondary and
higher. The secondary school period is that
when the pupil is born again and the second
time into life It is marked by a rapid increase

of mental and nervous energy. In order to-
meet this, the studies must be more and more
difficult, and must be made comparative and
reflective. The pupil realises the parts of pro-
cesses, their causes and results. In order that
all the mental powers may be harmoniously
developed, the psychologists determine that the
studies must fall into five groups, mathematics,
biology, history, literature and language. Also
the aim of secondary education is two-fold ;-
it is a process of intellectual training and per-
personal discipline conducted with special re-
gard to the profession or trade to be followed,
and secondly it provides resources for the man
or woman when the answer is demanded to the
riddle of life.
Higher education converts the knowledge of
processes gained by secondary education into
rules of action. It combines the comparative
method of study and gives an ethical bent to all
its branches. Since the minute study of any
portion of any subject is so infinite, it follows
that specialisation must be the rule; but the
comparative method will enable the worker to
avoid narrow or distorted views. For the rea-
son that higher education makes ethical insight
its first object, those who have received it hold
the place of spiritual directors to the communi-
ty. The highest facilities for it are given at
colleges, and there also it is aided further by
the mutual friction of a large number engaged
in intellectual persuits. The best colleges for
women are those to which both sexes are ad-
mitted, for the ethical relation needs the co-
operation of both. Higher education should
secure the ethical aspect of the will of the social
whole, and it is obvious that the latter must
comprise both men and women.
During the past twenty years very much has
been done in both Europe and America to de-
velope the higher education of women. The
majority of Universities in both countries open
their doors to them. Technical education in
handicraft, supplemented by organised science
teaching, is being given tentatively in a few
places. Women have been prepared for the
professions of teaching, law and medicine.
Others devote their time to philanthropic work.
In Jamaica much might be done by -the fur-
ther development of secondary and technical.
education. Possibly the higher education given
at universities must for a -long time hence be-
sought elsewhere.


At a Members' Meeting held at the Institute,
on Wednesday, the 9th of November, the
Rev. Win. Gillies, D. D., presided. There
were also present, Dr. G. C. Henderson, Mr.
Fawcett and the Secretary of the Institute.
The Chairman expressed the regret of the
Chairman of the Board (the Hon. S. C. Burk e)
at his inability to be present. The lecture r


of the evening, he said, hardly needed
introducing, as he was very well known through-
out Europe and America for his admirable work
in literature and war correspondence.
Twenty-eight years ago, he (the Chairman)
had the pleasure of making the acquaintance of
Mr. Robinson intellectually, through the me-
dium of his first book, In my Indian Garden"
-a small volume which had literary character
on every page, and had frequently given him
keen pleasure. The book led him to think that
the author was a man of sixty years of age who
had been very happy in his Indian garden and
was telling people in England, Scotland, and
other parts of the world how interesting it was,
but the author was then not even twenty-one
years of age. Hefoundthebooklight, bright, and
so correct and so interesting that he read it with
great delight. It happened now that he should
meet the author who since that time had been
writing extensively books and magazines in
Europe and America. Mr Cundall told him
(the speaker) that he was anxious to get Mr.
Robinson to give the people here a lecture ; and
suggested that he mighttryto help him to influ-
ence Mr. Robinson to comeforward andsay some-
thing here. He was very glad of the suggestion,
and now he was delighted to know that they
would have the pleasure of hearing that gentle-
man who had made a name and fame for himself
in the republic of letters-a republic which was
the freest in the world (applause).
Mr. Robinson then gave the lecture of which
the following is an abstract : -
The lecture would be more in the shape of a
talk, as one of the excellent local papers had said,
than of a set discourse. His remarks would,
however, be entirely original, for he had not
yet treated the subject of Shakespeare's influ-
ence upon the Natural History of Poetry in any
article or book, and he had not seen it treated
anywhere in the way he proposed to deal with
it. He hoped when he got home to amplify it
into a book, in which case they might come
across the lecture again and recognize it. He
would have been better pleased to have told
them something about war and his experiences
as a special correspondent. Mr. Cundall and
Dr. Gillies, however, were both of the opinion
that war did not fall within the province of the
Institute; being neither literature, science, nor
The reason why he had taken up this sub-
ject of "Poets and Nature" was that some few
years ago he had occasion to look up what
Shakespeare said about dogs, and was astonished
to find that he had not a single kind word to
give them in any of the plays. One might search
a volume of Shakespeare through from cover to
cover, and find the dog always referred to in
terms of indifference or contempt but never of
affection. Mr. Robinson gave a number of ex-
tracts from the plays to prove this. Shake-

speare never referred to a dog without contempt.
In "Timon of Athens" a character remarks
" vile dog" and yet said, he liked him to be a.
dog-a peculiar way of liking. This was the
stock quotation of those who insisted that
Shakespeare did not hate dogs. He proceeded
to say that some time ago an enthusiastic Shake-
spearean and a munificient patron of Stratford-
on-Avon, Mr. Flower, who had previously lec-
tured on Shakespeare as a lover of the horse,
announced that he would deliver a lecture upon
''Shakespeare as a lover of, dogs." But upon
looking up the matter, Mr. Flower found that
Shakespeare was not a lover of dogs. Con-
sequently there was no lecture. Mr. Robinson
then proceeded to show why Shakespeare hated
dogs, the reason given being that Shakespeare,
having been a butcher's assistant, had inherited
the butcher's antipathy to dogs and flies. It was
remarked that Shakespeare, from his butcher
experience, was an authority on wounds and the.
cutting off of heads, describing the changes of
colour, etc. He was an expert on seeing blood
Shakespeare disliked cats even worse than
dogs. This was strange because his great friend
Ben Johnson and all his contemporaries were cu-
riously well-informed as to Nature, and as a rule-
sympathetic. Above all, they loved dogs. Ben
Johnson loved dogs very much indeed, espe-
cially his own dog "Ringwood," which he more
than once introduced into his writings. Chaucer
and Spencer were also very fond of dogs, and
were far more correct than Shakespeare, in their
presentation of nature. Nowadays we thought
Shakespeare as something more than human.
Certainly his genius stamped him-it might be
said with reverence-as something almost divine.
There could be no doubt that his mind was the
greatest by far that had ever appeared in the
history of the world. His genius was supreme,
unapproachable; everything that passed through
the crucible of his mind came out purest gold.
But let them consider for a few moments what
the true functions and duties of the poet were.
He thought it was Blake who said :
What is a poet ? Show him, show him,
Muses Nine, that we may know him.
and the poet went on to say that the poet was a
man who got to the inner heart of nature and
knew the voices of the tiger, the lion, and all
beasts of the field. Faber said that a poet was
a man who went to the heart of the wild world,
and Cowper and other poets offered similar tes-
timony. This sympathy with birds and beasts,
this close communion with nature, was
claimed by them all as one of the distinguishing
marks of the poet. Why, then, should Shake-
speare have this extraordinary aversion to the
dog, who had been introduced into.literature
and art all through the ages as the faithful friend
of man 1 Shakespeare stood alone, challenging
the whole world in this matter. He (the lec-
turer) was forced to the conclusion that the


greatest of poets, for all his supreme genius and
wonderful command of language, was not an
.observer of animated nature. I am" said the
Speaker, "the first student of the poet who
has criticised Shakespeare from the standpoint
of an observer of nature," and he found that the
poet's natural history from first to last was very
peculiar, to say the least. Shakespeare was
quite conscious of his powers as a dramatist and
was quite careless as to his facts. It was then
contended that Titus Andronicus" -as not an
apochryphal work, as the common expressions
and idioms in it were used in his other works.
Reference was then made to the poet's disre-
gard of English trees, the trees mostly named
by him being the cedar, palm, and olive. There
was plenty of opportunity for the poet to ac-
quire correct information as London was then
near the country, Drayton mentioning that fifty
kinds of sea and water fowls could be shot at
Fleet Street end. He left his audience to guess
how many they could shoot there now (laughter).
Shakespeare had recourse to the works of
Brown, Gerard, and Du Bartas, the last
named, a Frenchman, who wrote a treatise
.on the circulation of the blood, the solar sys-
tem, the principle of gravitation; and in fact
there were few modern discoveries he did
not outline. Shakespeare did not introduce
into his works even the commonest objects
of the country side where he lived-the king-
fishers, the squirrels, the wood-pigeons, and
so on. It was incredible he should have filed
to do this had he been a lover and observer of
nature. It was as if a man should write a num-
ber of plays full of natural history about Ja-
maica and never mention the land-crab and the
turkey-buzzard, perhaps one of the most
:prominent features of the landscape (laughter).
Shakespeare derived all his natural history from
tradition, superstition, and country proverbs;
and consequently was betrayed into frequent and
ludicrous blunders. Bacon was a scholar and a
faithful student of Nature. He could not have
fallen into the mistakes which Shakespeare made;
so, whoever wrote Shakespeare, it was most cer-
tainly not Bacon.
The other poets blindly followed the natural
history of Shakespeare, copied his mistakes,
and adopted his unsatisfactory methods of
regarding nature. Wordsworth was a notable
,example of a poet who had broken through
the bonds of tradition and looked at nature
for himself and wrote truthfully what he saw.
Some of the poets made the strangest blun-
ders with regard to Nature. Cowper, for ex-
ample, libelled the ostrich by calling it-
The ostrich, silliest of the feathered kind,
And formed of God without a parent's mind.
'Thiswasbecause, when in a wild state, it covered
its eggs with sand instead of sitting upon them.
But if the ostrich did sit upon them in the
open desert she could be seen for miles around:
and the Arabs in the neighbourhood would soon
destroy both the bird and the eggs, their prey.

Cowper had libelled its parental instinct. The
vulture was regarded by the poets as the in-
carnation of all that is odious, and was supposed
to hunt down its prey with peculiarly hideous
screams. As a matter of fact, his audience knew
that theirown turkey-buzzard which belonged to
the vulture tribe, was a most characterless bird,
which never assaulted anyone and could not
scream at all. Most of the poets pictured birds at
night-fall flying homeward to their nests to sleep.
As every observer of nature knew, birds roosted
on branches and never slept in their nests, which
were usually occupied by dormice or rats.
Mr. Robinson enumerated some of the mis-
takes which English poets had made in regard
to birds. The Nightingale which sang, for
instance, was he and not she, and was not a
native of England ; the humming bird was not
tle minstrel of the feathered kind; the parrot
was abominated; and the vulture detested
through the odious name given to it by
Holy writ. They could not rely on Holy writ
for accurate natural history. In one passage
there was ''take the skins of vultures"- margi-
nal reading, badgers.
The modern poets showed a greater knowledge
of nature. There could be no doubt about the
tender heart of Burns, for example, towards all
animated nature. Byron was a man of the
world who sometimes made fun of Nature, but
when lie wished he could be true to her. Shel-
ley was not much concerned with natural his-
tory ; his bent was metaphysical rather than
natural, but his Ode to a Skylark" was one
of the finest poems on Nature.
This tendency to improve had reached its
highest point in Tennyson, whose natural his-
tory was beyond reproach, always correct and
Concluding, Mr. Robinson hoped he had suc-
ceeded in giving the audience some idea of the
mistakes regarding animated nature which ran
through English poetry and were nearly all due
directly or indirectly to the example and influ-
ence of Shakespeare. Whether a man was
writing prose or whether he was writing poetry
he ought always to do his best to be faithful to
nature. Fidelity to nature should be his sheet-
anchor. The poetry in nature was infinitely
more beautiful than the poetry out-side it, and
the facts of truth infinitely more interesting
than the facts of fiction. (applause).

DR. HENDERSON expressed the indebtedness
of the audience to the lecturer and the pleasure
he had personally derived from listening to Mr.
Robinson. He stated that the superstitious
idea relating to owls seemed to prevail in Ja-
maica as they had the duppy bird which had
been supposed to have some connection with
unseen powers. There was also a certain part
of Up-Park Camp where they could not get a
native soldier to stand sentry, owing to the hoot-
ing of owls. He might add that the Jamaica


turkey-buzzard was not quite so harmless and
moral a character as Mr. Robinson believed him
to be. He had a decided weakness for young
Aylesbury ducklings.
MR. A. CORK remarked that the lecturer had
not alluded to Shakespeare's undoubted love of
flowers. Probably the poets were inaccurate in
their natural history because their bent of mind
was subjective rather than objective.
In a brief reply, Mr. Robinson expressed his
pleasure at hearing from Dr. Henderson of the
turkey-buzzard's pecadilloes. He had thought
the bird quite characterless (laughter). He
agreed with Mr. Cork that the poet's mind was
subjective rather than objective.
THE CHAIRMAN, having spoken briefly, the
meeting was concluded by a vote of thanks to
Mr. Robinson
At the fifty-fifth meeting. held at the In-
stitute, on Wednesday the 7th of December,
1898, the Rev. Wm. Simms, M.A., was in
the chair, and the Rev. Wim. Gillies, D.D.,
and the Secretary of the Institute were also
Mr. Duerden, A.R.C.Sc., the Curator of
the Museum, read a paper on 'Gosse and the
Natural History of Bluefields," which, with
slight alterations, will be found amongst
the sketches of "Jamaica Worthies" fur-
ther on.
At the fifty-sixth Meeting, held at the
Institute. on Friday, the 13th of January,
1899, the Hon. S. C. Burke, F.R.G.S.,
Chairman of the Board, presided. The
Rev. Win. Simms, M.A:, the Rev. Win.
Gillies, D.D., Mr. Wm. Fawcett, B.Sc., Dr.
G. C. Henderson, M.D., Members of the
Board, His Grace the Archbishop of the
West Indies, the Hon. Thomas Capper, B.A,,
and the Secretary of the Institute were,
also present.
Ma. SIMnrs explained that he had adapted
the paper on -'Agricultural Education"
(which he had prepared as one of a course
being given at the Institute on "Some
Phases of Education"), to meet the re-
quirements of the West India Agricultu-
ral Conference, held at Barbados, on the
7th and 9th instant, from which he and Mr.
Fawcett and Mr. Watts had that day re-
turned. Tne following is the paper:-

The shortness of the time at my disposal com-
pels me to be brief, but with an audience like the

present much may be taken for granted. If bre-
vity makes me obscure, or any of my assumptions
seem disputable. the discussion to follow this,
paper will give opportunity for filling gaps and
correcting errors. It is well, too, to premise that
my experience of West Indian conditions is exclu-
sively of those in Jamaica. which must in some
respects differ from the other islands, and that
my statements and arguments have in mind dis-
cussions that have arisen in Jamaica. and may ac-
cordingly in some cases seem needless to those
who have not gone through the same discussions.-
I will begin with what seem to me the axiomatic
truths. on wnich our consideration of the subject
of Agricultural Education in the West Indies must
be based. They are as follows:-
1. Agriculture is, and must continue to be, the
occupation of the large majority of the people of
these islands.
2. Other occupations, both of brainworkers and
of handworkers, must exist side by side with that
of Agriculture.
3. Education must not simply look to the future
occupation, but must aim at producing a capable-
citizen able to adjust himself not only to his own
calling but to the moral, political and social acti-
vities of the life around him.
4. Education is in a transition state. Twoorthree-
generations ago the working class, not only in the
West Indies, but almost everywhere throughout
the world, early entered without education on a.
life of grinding toil, whilst the middle class passed
through a period of apprenticeship to their future
calling after leaving school; whereas now the-
working class is to be educated, and, the appren-
ticeship system having passed away, the school is
called upon to do what that system did in the way
of preparation for the future life.
5. Educationists are now agreed that education,
has rested too exclusively on books, and that,
quite apart from any consideration of its utility
on the apprenticeship side, some manual and
practical training is essential to the complete
education of the citizen.
6. It is impossible for children to receive tech-
nical education to any advantage or indeed to
take it in at all, until they have reached the age
of twelve and got a basis of sound elementary edu-
cation. Their apperceptive masses are not equal
to the strain. Elementary schools in the West
Indies at present find this educational basis more-
than they can successfully attain.
7. No subject can be really educational unless.
and until its teaching is reduced to proper peda.
gogic methods.
8. Agricultural training is at present, even in,
more advanced countries such as Germany and
the United States, in the tentative stage, and
there is a great scarcity of proper educational text-
books on the subject fit for school use.
9. Technical education is necessarily more ex-
pensive than book education ; the numerical pro-
portion of teachers to be taught must be much
greater, buildings and materials of all sorts more
expensive, and, at present at any rate, the pay of
competent teachers higher.
10. Secondary schools must continue their pre-
sent work of educating the professional classes
and must continue to meet the educational re-
quirements of the University and other examining.


Boards which practically settle the preliminary
education of those classes. In Jamaica at least
the large majority of the pupils in these schools do
now require, and will in the immediate future
-continue to require this training.
11. The time-tables of these schools are very
-over-weighted already, and new subjects can only
be added by reducing some of those at present
12. In small schools, such as nearly all those in
the West Indies must continue to be, the necessa-
rily limited staff can only teach a limited number
-of subjects, whether we consider the acquirements
of Ihe teachers or the calls upon their time. Boys
who drop some of the usual subjects taught to the
majority, and require new ones in their place, must
necessitate an increase of staff.
13. It is a great, mistake to introduce a subject
suddenly into the schools until you have teachers
fit to teach it. A new subject must therefore be
introduced at first on a small scale, and its teach-
ing mnst grow gradually.
.These axioms will, I think. be universally ad-
mitted by all who have a competent knowledge of
the subject; but the real difficulty lies in the
axiomata media, in the practical application, in
finding the line of least resistance among con-
flic.ing truths and claims.
Before attempting to deduce a system from the
.axioms laid down, I proceed to enquire how far
-we can be helped inductively by observation of
what is done in other countries. Here time for-
bids anything but a brief statement of the main
In England, in the elementary schools, agricul-
ture is now a specific subject; very few schools
take it up. and most of those do very poorly. In
the year 1895, only 24 students in the training
colleges took it up. In the evening continuation
-schools it is taken up by very few pupils. There
:are two or three old established agricultural col-
legeslike that at Cirencester which give an elabo-
rate and expensive education. The County Coun-
.cils are taking up the subject, and, in the agricul-
tural counties, have in some eases established
farm schools for boys over 16 and young men;
they have helped the secondary schools by sup-
plying them with laboratories and helping to pay
a teacher in agriculture or more commonly in
:agricultural chemistry, they have also tried to
train the elementary school teachers, and give a
good deal of itinerant teaching, principally in
dairy work.
In the United States, the Agricultural Colleges
are all connected with Experiment Stations; they
give a four years' course to a very few students,
most of whom become teachers, lecturers, news-
paper writers, etc., and very few actually take to
farming. There are short courses varying in
length from a few weeks to two years, which at-
tract a considerable number of the farmers and
are leavening practical work. In the elementary
.schools there was in 1896 no practical work (I
was told this by the Commissioner of Education
for the United States) and only here and there
any attempt at theoretical teaching. I learn from
the Secretary of Agriculture's report for 1898 that
anattempt made by Cornell University to teach
the common schools in Northern New York, of
which I saw the beginning, is to some extent suc-

ceeding. They hold strongly that you cannot
make a good agriculturist or anything else of an
uneducated man; that the children need all their
time for other work. and are too young to take up
this subject with advantage. In the secondary
schools I learn from the same report that there is
at present no agricultural teaching, but that the
department has applied for an extra grant to the
experiment stations in order to make an attempt
at giving it. One or two of the colleges (e.g. the
one in Minnesota) have farm schools attached to
them, bat the students are all above 16 years of age.
An attempt made by Mr. Booker T. Washington
at Tuskegee in Alabama to give the coloured people
an education based on practical teaching is ex-
citing considerable attention, and is so far con-
sidered a success.
In Canada, the college at Guelph is a highly
successful school for youths whose ages vary from
16 to 25; italso gives short courses to large num-
bers of farmers and their wives and families.
Agriculture is in Ontario a possible subject of
teaching in the training colleges and in the higher
classes in the elementary schools, but is not often
taken, the farmers, who govern the schools in the
rural districts, thinking that they can teach the
subject better than the elementary teacher. In
the high schools, agricultural chemistry is a sub-
ject which may be taught, but practically is very
rarely or never taught. No other agricultural
subject is taught at all.
In Prussia there is no agricultural teaching in
the elementary schools. It is taught theoretically
in the evening continuation schools, but is taken
up by very few students. It is not mentioned in
the elementary school code, and the object lessons
in specifying plants, mention tea, sugar cane, etc.,
rather than those cultivated in Prussia. Agricul-
ture is not a subject in the Realschilen or Ober-
realsckilen. There are some agricultural schools
and schools of forestry, etc.
In France, agricultural education is given in the
elementary schools, mainly theoretical, but with
experiments in pots and boxes. In the field or
garden where possible all may take a part in
watering and weeding, and in the observation of
tools, treatment of soil. rotation of crops, and the
effect of tillage and fertilizers, and a few of the
older children in grafting, etc.
In Ireland the subject has been taught theoreti-
cally in the elementary schools to some extent,
and somewhat more than one per cent. of the
schools have opportunities for practical teaching
in farms or gardens. Except in these schools the
witnesses before a recent commission considered
it a failure.
In Scotland, Professor Wallace and other agri-
cultural authorities discourage all teaching in the
elementary school beyond theoretical teaching
with pot and box and small plot experiments.
These facts justify my statement that the whole
subject of agricultural teaching is at present only
in the tentative stage, and is only in process of
oeing reduced to a form in which it can be bene-
ficially taught, the want of text-books on peda-
gogic lines being complained of in every college
that I visited in the United States and Canada.
As a matter of fact there is a general feeling that
something ought to be done, a good deal has been
done in Collegiate Agricultural teaching, but


-practically very little else-a little on the Guelph
lines but hardly anything in the ordinary elemen-
tary or secondary schools.
What are we to do in the West Indies ? What
in our Training Colleges and Elementary Schools?
What in our Secondary and High Schools ? What
for the population generally ? In Jamaica the
Board of Education has had two Tropical Readers
drawn up, which are being gradually introduced
into the higher classes in our elementary schools
(and which I use for the elementary science les-
son in the lowest class in the High School). It
has further given grants for elementary theoreti-
cal teaching illustrated (a) by pot and box experi-
ments, and (b) by actual plot culture. Very few
,schools have applied for grants under either head.
A Commission which has been sitting in Ja-
maica for some time and has just reported, advises
that Agricultural Instruction should be given to
boys and to girls "The objects should be to give
:sound theoretical and practical teaching. To help
them to earn their living. To teach them that
there is scope for trained intelligence in agricul-
ture, and to create a taste for agriculture. It
-should be practical and not laborious, and should
have special reference to the products of the dis-
trict in which the school is situated. It should
-only be given in schools in which the teacher has
been trained in the subject, and should be con-
fined to the ordinary school hours for one hour a
day or for four hours a week at least. Theoretical
teaching should be by object lessons and demon-
strations in the simple principles of plant life.
Practical teaching
(1). Should be on a small piece of land adjoin-
ing or near the school ;
(2). Or, if this is not possible, in boxes and
pots ;
(3). Should not be field work, and the teacher
should (a) set the example and work
with his own hands: (b) make the chil-
dren familiar with the use of imple-
ments: and (c) explain the reason for
every operation."
One of the Superintendents in the Department
-of Public Gardens has been set free from most of
his departmental duties (has been seconded, if
one may use the military phrase) to act as In-
structor to the boys of an Industrial School on the
Garden lands, and to give practical lessons to
small settlers throughout the country. The Agri-
-cultural Society assists financially in this arrange-
ment, and he is frequently accompanied on his
-teaching tours by its Secretary. The Jamaica
High School is close to the principal station of
the Botanical Department, and I have made ar-
rangements with Mr. Fawcett by which boys at
the school, dropping some.of our subjects, may re-
-ceive two hour's teaching daily by lecture and
practical work in the Gardens under this gentle-
man, or substitutes during his absence on his
country tours. Only one boy has applied to take
this course, but the number may very possibly in-
.crease when we get actually to work.
I think I shall best make my own recommenda-
tions definite by saying what I think should be
done in Jamaica, leaving others to apply the prin-
ciples, so far as they commend themselves to the
Conference, to the different circumstances of the
other islands.

I think that the whole agricultural teaching in
any one of these islands should centre round an
Experiment Station. to which should be attached
an Agriculturist who would conduct the actual
work of the station, and give lectures and practi-
cal lessons on agricultural subjects; the Island
Agricultural Chemist should have certain definite
duties both of teaching and experiment work in
connection with the station, being given an as-
sistant to help him in this part of his work: the
Head of the Department of Public Gardens would
be Director, acting as Chairman of the Station
Board, and lecturer on Economic Botany; the sta-
tion could probably also obtain lectures on agri-
cultural entomology, insecticides, fungicides, etc.,
from the Curator of the Museum of the Institute
of Jamaica. The station, if it is to have the ser-
vices of these officers, and to be able to do its
teaching work. must necessarily be within the
the area communicating with Kingston and the
Public Gardens by the electric car lines, although
this district is, on the experiment side, not a very
good one. As time went on. students trained at
it could become resident heads, experimenters
and teachers in subsidiary stations under the
direction of the staff of the chief station,
fixing the places of such stations so as at
once to serve the chief centres of population
and to attain the desideratum of being rnder dif.
ferent cultural conditions, and also different cli-
matic conditions of elevation, rainfall, etc. An
attempt should be made on a system similar to
that worked in Ontario and in the counties of
Northumberland and Durham in England to en-
list the services of practical agriculturists at pro-
per points in the island as assistant experimenters.
I do not think that such a station could at pre-
sent give any complete collegiate course of agri-
cultural teaching. It should offer teaching to
boys from the secondary and high schools, who
could reach it, and who would need a few hours
only each week, and should also give to the stu-
dents in the training colleges in or near King-
ston courses of a slightly different nature, which
might be given either for a few hours each week
during the whole of their period of training.or con-
tinuously for a few weeks at one period or possibly
two periods during their course. There might
also be students, including any holders of agricul-
tural scholarships, residing possibly at University
College or allowed to make their own boarding
arrangements, who would receive the entire teach-
ing given to the school boys, but give a much
longer time to practical work on the station. The
holders of agricultural scholarships should be re-
quired to reside in the college, and give half their
time or more to agricultural teaching, and half to
other subjects as is done in America. The teach-
ing should include questions of treatment of our
products, of storage, packing and carriage as well
as of cultivation. Teachers actually engaged in
teaching might, as in Ireland and some American
Sates, be allowed to close their schools whilst at-
tending a short course open to the training col-
lege students.
It should be clearly understood that a short
course would do very little good indeed, unless
the student was already acquainted with the ordi-'
nary agricultural methods, and -that any training
in scientific agriculture given at .% station postn-


lates previous or contemporaneous practice on an
ordinary estate or pen carried on for profit. The
course given to teachers or training college stu-
dents should be directed to shewing them what to
teach to elementary school children, how to teach
it, and how to illustrate it. and not to making
them complete agriculturists.
With regard to the teaching in the elementary
schools, whether we consider the laws of the
growth of the child mind or the numbers that
could be usefully supervised in practical work by
a single teacher, the pot and box demonstration
teaching might be given to all. but the practical
plot teaching should be given only to a few of the
older and more advanced children, say in their
last year at school, and in the ordinary single
teacher school should be given at a time when the
rest of the school was not in session. This latter
limitation would be needless in a large school
where a teacher could be set apart for this work,
whilst others were conducting the work of the
rest of the school. I believe that any attempt to
teach children by means of an agriculturist who is
not a trained teacher, would fail. Such a person
might help a teacher, so that he could take a few,
not many, more at a time, but for the moral effect
on the children it would be essential that the
teacher should himself lead in doing the work.
This scheme leaves much to be filled in as
time goes on; but I do not believe that more can
be done as a beginning, and my own study and
observation lead me to believe that this is the
best beginning on which any desirable and possi-
ble expansion can be based. The station would
also. not at first but gradually, absorb the present
attempts to teach the present proprietors on a
more developed system of the nature of the
Farmers' Institutes in Ontario or Wisconsin or
elsewhere. At first it would leave them exactly
on their present basis. Our higher agricultural
teachers must be for many years obtained from
without. The future planter, penkeeper or over-
seer could receive instruction as a schoolboy, or
later as an agricultural student. The teaching in
the elementary schools will only gradually become
at the same time practical and theoretically cor-
rect, as the students trained in the short courses
at the station take charge of schools. In ten
years, I believe that, even without any growth in
the station itself, it would revolutionize the teach-
ing in the elementary schools; it would also have
taught many practical agriculturists, and have
diffused a mass of information by means of the re-
sults of its experiments which would enormously
improve our agricultural products both as to quan-
tity and quality, and be a factor in the regenera-
tion of these colonies. I think such a method in-
finitely preferable to the mere attaching a single
instructor exclusively to any one of our existing
schools or colleges. The boy at a high or secon-
dary, school who needs such teaching would get it
without disturbing the training of his comrade,
who is going to take up a profession, and would
get it more efficiently than it could be given by a
single teacher. The science teaching all through
the High School could be given by the instructor
of the station, say for two hours a week, and bear
on agriculture whether on its physical, chemical
or biological side. The agricultural students, who
would be among the older boys, would give about

half their time to purely agricultural subjects, in-
eluding work in the chemical and physical labora-
tory and work in the field, which would be taught
by the station staff, receiving the rest of their
teaching from the school staff, and dropping
ancient languages and some other subjects. Much
of the agricultural work of the colony would enter
into relations with the station which would be im-
possible in the case of a school. The school teach-
ing could only grow in the direction of training
higher teachers by long courses, whereas the
station could grow if necessary on this side, but
also on any other where experience shewed that.
growth was needed.
I think I have been more practical by trying to
solve the Jamaica problem, the conditions of
which I know, and leave others to solve the pro-
blem elsewhere mutatis mutandis; only suggesting
that a group of islands easily accessible to one
another could join to have a single central station,
having as soon as possible the subsidiary stations,
which I have expected will grow up in the coun-
try districts of Jamaica, located in each island of
the group. I have made no suggestion, beyond
that as to the Director of the Station, as to points
of government and other details, though I have
in my mind the solution of such problems of detail
on the lines adopted in the American agricultu-
ral colleges 'and experiment stations, which are
nearly everywhere twin institutions worked toge-
ther, the station being subsidized by the federal
government, and the colleges by the separate
states, the staff of the station being generally pro-
fessors in the college.
My suggestion, if carried out, would attain the
following educational objects. Among the boys at
secondary schools in the Kingston area--probably
two-thirds of the total number at such school in
the island-those who required it could get a
fairly complete agricultural education so far as it
is wanted by the ordinary farmer class. The stu-
dents at the training colleges would be prepared
to give in the elementary schools the teaching re-
quired by the labourer class. The industrial
school system might be worked so as to give a
fairly complete course of teaching of the labour
sort. I should deprecate any attempt to force
agricultural teaching; beyond the elements I have
mentioned, on all high school boys, and the idea
that it is practicable on any possible financial
basis to give practical training in agriculture to
any but a few of the best children in ihe elemen-
tary schools.
Mr. Simms then said:-
That paper led to a very interesting discus-
sion. In speaking of the Barbados Conference,
the first thing he thought one should notice was.
the courtesy they received from everybody in
Barbados, and notably from His Excellency the
Governor. He spent the whole time, except
about a couple of hours, listening to the papers ;.
and certainly what he said to him about his
paper showed that he not only wished to be
pleasant to him but that he had listened to it.
He said that he thought Mr. Watts could con-
vince him of anything (applause), as he was
so clear and convincing. They arrived at Bar-


bados five hours late, and while the proceedings
were going on. It was a conference of 27 gen-
tlemen, including botanists, chemists, school
inspectors and schoolmasters from the various
West Indian colonies. The first paper which
was to have been read by Professor Harrison
was not read as he was unwell, but all the rest,
which meant a great deal, were read. Mr.
Fawcett and Mr Watts would speak of the
several subjects treated in the papers and dis-
cussions. As far as he could make out, nothing
would be got by Jamaica for anything but
teaching, but Dr. Morris was quite willing to
give the word 'r.- lunog" a rather wide expan-
sion as long as they did the teaching he required.
Another important matter, and one that the
agricultural people of this country would have
to take into account before much could be done
in the way of agricultural education, was the
great difficulty of the want of a career for
trained agriculturists. He thought his ex-
perience in Jamaica held good with the ex-
perience of other gentlemen from the other
colonies, that there were very few posts open
to tho-e who had a proper agricultural educa-
tion which were fit for such youths to take.
The result of that was shewn by the fact that
in Trinidad, though four scholarships had been
given yearly for the last thirty years, and it had
been open for any scholar to elect to hold his
scholarship at an agricultural college, they had
chosen colleges and technical schools of all sorts
but there had been no simple choice of an agri-
cultural college.
He thought Mr. Fawcett and Mr. Watts would
bear him out when he said that the general
opinion in the West Indies was that Jamaica
was a highly prosperous colony. In the other
colonies, they thought our education system
was so perfect that they were astonished to hear
that there was an Education Commission ap-
pointed. He was not speaking of outsiders, but
of teachers and professors.
Another refreshing thing to hear for a mem-
ber of the Board of Education was that our
"Tropical Readers" had been officially intro-
duced into the schools of Trinidad and British
Guiana, were described by Professor Carmody
as excellent text-books, and were handed round
by Dr. Morris to the members of the Confer-
ence as models of what was wanted.
He came back to the want of a career for the
youthful agriculturists of the island. It was all
very well for those who would succeed to a pro-
perty, or who could buy one; but if they
wanted young men of ability, who would be
likely to succeed as lawyers or doctors, etc., to
take an agricultural course, and qualify them-
selves as skilled agriculturists, it behoved the
proprietors in the island to welcome such men
and to satisfy them that their increased value
to their employer would be recognized by in-
creased salaries and a better position. A gra-
dual improvement on these matters must go on
side by side with the improvement in agricultu-

ral education or it would be hopeless to expect
young men likely to succeed in other callings to
give the time, money and labour requisite for a
full and sound agricultural training. That ques-
tion was at the very root of the matter of agri-
cultural education.
Mr. FAWCETT said that for some years past
there had been a good deal of talk in the West
Indies about agricultural education, but he was
able to show at the Conference that in Jamaica
they had actually been engaged in teaching
agriculture to a small extent.
The Public Gardens Department taught agri-
culture to two classes of students-boys and
adults. The boys were few in number, and
chiefly from the industrial school. These boys
had half an hour's theoretical teaching every
day, and most of the rest of their time-of the
bigger boys at any rate-was occupied in work-
ing in the garden.
With regard to adults, in 1891 the Legislative
Council passed a grant of 600 to send instruc-
tors throughout the island to teach the peas-
ant proprietors improvements in .... 1
methods, such as pruning their trees and curing
their cocoa. But Sir Henry Blake had very
wisely laid down the principle that nothing was
to be done unless the people wished for it. The
speaker had written to a number of gentlemen
all through the country on the subject, but the
replies were to the effect that the peasantry did
not want any help at all, and that they would
regard instructors as spies coming round to see
whether they could squeeze more taxes out of
them. Thie replies altogether were so crushing
that nothing more could be done until 1893,
when an application for help was received from
one who knew the wants of the people in his
district, and showed that through ignorance of
proper methods of cultivation of cocoa, they
were giving up the work as hopeless. On re-
ceiving an assurance from him that the people
would welcome an instructor, Mr. Cradwick
was sent to them to see what could be done.
His success was so great that it was concluded
that the system should be continued on the
same lines. More applications came in, and
ever since 1893 they had continued giving in-
struction not only to the peasant class, but also
to the owners of estates and plantations.
So far as the agricultural education of boys
went, the Education Commission had received
some evidence as to the value of teaching boys
agriculture, and they came to the conclusion
that the work at the Industrial School was suc-
cessful, and should be extended.
He did not altogether agree with Mr. Simms
and other educationists in the West Indies who
said that it was necessary for them first to find
a career for those trained before they began
teaching agriculture. In the elementary schools
great stress was rightly laid on the three R's,
but it was necessary also to have three A's-
agriculture, agriculture, agriculture.
He would make the same remark about a


career with regard to high schools and colleges.
The students should take up agriculture as a
fundamental subject, just as they take arith-
metic or latin without any idea of a future
career. If a boy liked agriculture, he would
make his own career.
MR. WATTS remarked that Mr. Simms's paper
on the educational side of agriculture was
listened to with great attention and respect at
the Barbados Conference, not only by the educa-
tionists, but by all the scientific men. Mr Simms
outlined in a very clear way the lines on which
agricultural education should proceed. In the
main he agreed with Mr. Simms. In other
countries where agricultural education was given
in elementary schools it was not pronounced to
be an unqualified success. That was the result
of Mr. Simms's review of the position existing
in most countries in the world. At present
there was a strong demand on the part of
the educationists for the teaching cf agricul-
ture in the elementary schools, and it was be-
lieved that if they could only do that the whole
matter of agricultural education would be se-
cured. Mr Simms's review showed that it was
not to be achieved merely by the wish to achieve
it. They had to build up a system which other
countries with all their knowledge had not yet
reached. There was something lacking in
the system of those countries, and which they
had to obtain. Mr. Simms had struck tlhe
key-note when lie told them that agricultural
education of all kinds must proceed through
-experiment stations. They might look at it
from a number of standpoints, but starting
from the experiment stations they were start-
ing on sound foundation. The experiment
station-or at that stage a better word for it
would be the demonstration station-would in
the first place receive those of all classes whom
they wanted to train. They could meet the
requirements of all classes of the population by
such a means. It would thus be a training or
educational centre. It became in its next step
the experiment station where new ideas were
worked out and where the agriculturists of the
country, who had not the necessary means or
skill to carry out things for themselves, would
have a right to demand assistance. So the
demonstration station would branch out on all
sides. It would give them the means of train-
ing the elementary teachers to teach agriculture
in the primary schools and it gave them the
means of training a limited number of labour-
ers. Therefore in starting on the experiment
station basis they would soon succeed, and he
thought it was for the want of commencing on
that basis that agricultural education had not
made the progress it ought to have done in
some countries. In the United States and
Canada, Agricultural Education hadmadegreater
progress than in most countries. In the United
States the funds for the agricultural colleges
were supplied from the states themselves while
the money for the experiment stations proceed

ed from the federal government. The question
arose, how were they going to carry into effect.
their wishes for agricultural education in Ja-
maica ? As lie had already said there were-
many sides to consider in the matter-the prac-
tical man, the boys who were passing out of the
schools and looking for higher positions and
those in schools looked after largely by the
Schools Commission. It seemed to him that
an experiment station would unite all the
different bodies, and would utilise the energies
of several institutions, viz., the Botanical De-
partment, the Laboratory, etc. As they existed at.
present, each institution had to go its own separ-
ate way, but there ought to be a stronger bond
of union. Therefore he urged upon all those who.
were anxious to see this matter carried forward
to deal with it promptly and not piecemeal, or
they would produce no results whatever. A
great deal had been said that evening about the
question of a career for the youths who were
being trained in agricultural work. There
seemed to be some reason for difficulties which
had been found to exist in the colonies and
which were emphasised at the recent Con-
ference. Several of the speakers told them
that young men had gone away from the colon-
ies to le trained in different countries and found
no career awaiting them on their return. It,
was a sad thing, but not unnatural. They had
been trained out of all relationship to the colony
from which they went. They were practically
strangers to the place when they came back. If
they wanted to get any growth at all they must
train young men distinctly and carefully in
relation to the life which they will fol-
low when they leave the institutions in which
they were trained. How could they find em-
ployment for a man who knew nothing about.
the local conditions existing where lie was, and
whose head was filled with theoretical condi-
tions and knowledge he had learned in a dis-
tant college? If they wanted to find this
career, it would be by training the men to
suit the conditions which existed in the
place. Since he had been in this colony
he had been frequently asked by men
to give instruction to their sons and others
whom they were interested in. He took it
that there was a demand for agricultural
teaching and most of those youths were in a
position to go into some work at once when
their training was completed. The consequence
of existing conditions was that the young men
who went on the estates and plantations had to
go through a severe period of drudgery because
they were learning. He thought this very
question of the career would be solved by turn-
ing out men trained in closer relationship to
the work that existed in the colony. All the
previous efforts which had been made in the
island to advance agricultural education had
been directed towards the strengthening of
existing departments and not uniting. The
next step should be to unite in the experi-


ment station, and thus bring agricultural in-
struction into closer contact with the needs of
the people.
MR. DAVID G. FAIRCHILD, Agricultural Ex-
plorer of the United States Department of
Agriculture, was then introduced to the meeting.
He said, when he was asked if he would speak
that evening on agricultural questions, he de-
murred as the subject was such a large and
complicated one that lie did not feel able to
discuss it. However, it gave him the greatest
pleasure to be present when the initiative step
was being taken by Jamaica along the lines
which had been proved to be immensely suc-
cessful in his own country (Applause). For
the establishment of an experimental station
in each State the sum of $15,000 was appro-
priated, and no station, with one or two ex-
ceptions, was to be established except in con-
nection with a pre-existing agricultural college.
'1 he different state legislatures had contributed
liberally towards the support and enlargement
of these institutions. He was a little surprised
to hear the statement that the average course
in the agricultural colleges of America
was two years and that few students took such
courses of agricultural training. In the colleges
of the States the course of agricultural training
consisted of four years, and some of these institu-
tions connected with agricultural training, a sys-
tem of manual training and engineering : such a
combination had been found to be very success-
ful. Two of these institutions, the Michigan State
Agricultural College and the Kansas College,
were types of the more advanced institutions and
each of them included a four years course not
exclusively agricultural but mixed with manual
training in farm and garden practice. In
fact, the teaching of agriculture, i.e. the manual
part of it, had proved to be a most difficult task.
The question as to an opening for trained agri-
culturists had been fully discussed in America.
Experience had taught that the student trained
in an agricultural school was fully as able to care
for himself as any other student-often better.
The conditions in America were of course quite
different in the main. The experimental sta-
tions in the southern states were surrounded
by conditions more nearly like those of Ja-
maica. The proposal to connect the agricul-
tural college with the experimental station
was considered as a very satisfactory one. He
could scarcely conceive of an agricultural col-
lege being successful unless it did experimental
work. The agricultural colleges in America
had begun to do experimental work before the
appropriation of the $15,000 was made. The
great success which has attended the work of
the various stations can only be realized by a
visit to those regions where their influence is
felt. They are accomplishing a great work for
American Agriculture.
It seemed to Mr. Fairfield, as an outsider, that
there were in Jamaica unusual possibilities.
The fact that they could grow-it was evidenced

on a visit which lie had made to Castleton,
Port Antonio, and other places of interest
in the Island-almost anything in Jamaica, in-
dicated to him the necessity, in the not distant-
future, that they should grow for the markets
of America a large number of fruits which were
now completely neglected. In a conversation
which he had with Captain Baker of the Boston
Fruit Company, he learned that such a fruit
as the alligator pear, was very seldom or not
at all exported. This fruit was selling in New Or-
leans at the rate of about 2,000 per week and
bringing large prices. lie was informed by
one of the fruit shippers in New Orleans that
he sold them for about ten cents apiece-on an
average, early ones bringing as high as forty
cents. The difficulty of prejudice or ignorance
regarding the fruit was of course a great draw-
back. A ship load of alligator pears landed in
New York to-morrow would be a great failure,
People must learn to use it first. It must be ad-
vertised extensively. In connection with this
scheme for the betterment of Jamaica or any
other of the West Indian Islands, this important.
factor mustbe taken into consideration Jamai-
cans had a wealth of material for which they only
required markets. No attempt had been made
on the part of the Government as far as he.
had been able to ascertain, to create new mar-
kets for the fruit or to advertise them : the his-
tory of the grape-fruit illustrated this fact too
well. The use of the fruit was discovered by the
"poor whites" or crackers of Florida. If they
had not been forced to eat it the grape-fruit
would have been to-day the curious fruit it was
in Italy where it was not very often used, and
then only as a kind of preserved fruit. He was,
sure that upon the establishment of an experi--
mental station and an agricultural college, the
agriculture of the colony would in large part
depend for whatever changes in the conditions
of farm practices were to be expected. He felt
that the tropics were in the end bound to pro-
duce the sugar and certainly many of the fruits
consumed by the peoples of the temperate
regions (Applause).
THE ARCHBIsHoP said the question was one
on which much could be said, but it could not
profitably be said at that hour. He was sure
they had all been interested in what Mr..
Fairchild had told them, especially in its bear-
ing on certain question of practical import-
ance to them. He hoped that his words
had fallen deeply into the heart of their
Chairman He was profoundly convinced that
they had in this country immense possibilities.
The only way of developing the country on the
new lines that were necessary for success,.
were those indicated by the previous speakers.
supplemented by the latest testimony, that
whatever else the Government may or may not
do, it must help to introduce their newer pro-
ducts into the markets that were required for,
them. He was very glad to hear that Mr.
Watts's representations and arguments had


had such a great effect on the Governor of
Barbados. He (the speaker) hoped that they
would have a similar effect upon the Governor
.of Jamaica. He was quite sure that Mr. Watts's
theories were sound. He sympathised very
much with one placed in the position of the
Governor in view of the real need for retrench-
ment .in many forms of public expenditure,
.and in view of the unjustifiable panic that had
,existed in Jamaica about the state of the colony.
They were greatly indebted to their present
Chairman for sounding the trumpet of economy;
.and, having apparently succeeded sufficiently in
that line, he hoped he would lead in the next
Council in the direction of development (Hear
hear). In speaking of Jamaica, lie did not take
that codletr de rose view of their education as
that which, as Mr. Simms reported, was taken
.at Barbados. But all the same, there had been
much more real progress in Jamaica than a
great many people were willing to allow. And
when they talked about these educational devel-
opments in the direction of agriculture, they
must remember that even the foremost coun-
tries were only about 17 years ahead of them.
There was a special reason why in Jamaica they
should do so much as Mr. Simms had indicated
in their primary schools, viz.:-that our peo-
ple had not got the advantage of those young
-Ontarian farmers that had been referred to, who
-could learn quite as much from their fathers
and mothers as any one else could teach them.
-Our people had never had from any source what-
ever, any kind of training in farming as it was
now required to be carried on. He felt that, if
to the extent already indicated as regards their
primary and other schools, and to the further
extent outlined in the proposed experimental
station, these new measures can be steadily
carried out a great change for the better will be
introduced into Jamaica. He was a thorough
believer in the special effect which would centre
in or result from this particular movement for
the experimental and teaching station, which
included in its conception all that was men-
tioned by Mr. Fairchild.
The last point that he wanted to refer to was
the question raised as to there being careers
op mn for those who might obtain the new agri-
cultural training. Jamaica differed from the
other West Indian colonies referred to in many
important particulars bearing on this question.
The only thing necessary, to enable any young
man, who might have been partly educated at
any of the middle class schools and then

passed into the Jamaica High School or Univer-
sity College and had alsa taken a two years
course at the proposed experiment and teaching
station, to find a career, would be a willingness
to accept any opening that offered, and put into
his work and methods of living half the energy,
self-denial and frugality that was necessary for
success in either the United States or Canada.
He would then be sure to succeed in Jamaica.
THE CHAIRMAN said he intended to ask other
gentlemen to address the meeting but owing to
the lateness of the hour, he did not think they
could go on much more. He desired to ask
them to join with him in a hearty vote of thanks
to the Rev. W. Simms for the lecture which he
had delivered at the Barbados Conference and
also to Mr. Fawcett and Mr. Watts for their
very instructive and intelligent remarks that
night, as well as to Mr. Fairchild for his valuable
Before putting the vote he desired to say a
few words. That this country was a purely
agricultural one no one would deny, and also
that the time had come when the people were
to be properly educated with a view of their
advancement in life and being able to make a
livelihood for themselves. They talked about
there being no career for the young men in
agriculture, but was there a career for the young
man in anything in a country like this with a
population of 800,000 people ? Unless the
education of the country was upon an agricul-
tural basis it would be a distinct failure. People
would be taught to look for higher things while
there would be nothing higher for them to get.
Therefore it was that the gentlemen who were
connected with agriculture in this island should
put their heads together and carry out that
plan which had been mooted and which would
do a vast amount of good for them. The time
had come when instead of their shipping a small
quantity of sugar and other produce, they would
ship in great quantities. Look at the banana
trade that was yielding half a million of money
a year. Was it thought of a few years ago?
They had lost their sugar trade to a certain
extent and they must endeavour to make up
for it in other respects. If the scheme was
taken up, they would have in a few years time
a proper system of agricultural education which
would be a blessing to the people.
The meeting then passed a vote of thanks to
the Rev. W. Simms, Mr. Fawcett, Mr. Watts
and Mr. Fairchild.



N the 19th March, 1784,
Captain Nelson was ap-
pointed to the command of
the Boreas Frigate, of 28
guns, and was subsequently
ordered to the Leeward
Islands station. The fol-
lowing is his own summary of his life there
in his "Sketch."
"This Station opened a new scene to the
Officers of the British Navy. The Ameri-
cans, when colonists, possessed almost all
the trade from America to our West India
Islands: and on the return of Peace, they
forgot, on this occasion, they became For-
eigners, and of course had no right to trade
in the British colonies. Our Governors
and Custom-house Officers pretended, that
by the Navigation Act they had a right to
trade; and all the West Indians wished
what was so much for their interest.
Having given Governors, Custom-house
Officers, and Americans, notice of what I
would do, I seized many of their Vessels,
which brought all parties upon me; and I
was persecuted from one Island to another,
that I could not leave my ship. But con-
scious rectitude bore me through it; and I
was supported, when the business came to
be understood, from home; and I proved,
(and an Act of Parliament has since estab-
lished it,) that a Captain of a Man-of-War is
in duty bound to support all the Maritime
Laws, by his Admiralty commission alone
without becoming a Custom-house Officer.
In July, 1786, I was left with the com-
mand till June, 1787, when I sailed for
England. During this winter H. R. H. the
Duke of Clarence visited the Leeward
Islands in the Pegasus frigate, of which he
was Captain; and in March, this year, I
married Frances Herbert Nisbet, widow of
Dr. Nisbet, of the island of Nevis; by
whom I have no children."
While preparations were being made to
start in the Boreas we find Nelson writing
to Capt. Locker and his brother, that in ad-

edition to the ordinary ship's complement
he is to have on board Lady Hughes, the
wife of the Commander-in-Chief on the-
Leeward Islands station, and her family
and a large number of midshipmen. He
was not very well pleased at having to
carry the former, and this was apparently
not only on account of "the inconvenience
and expense," as we find him not very gal-
lantly saying in reference to them "that he
will be pretty well filled with lumber." By
the time, however, that he reached Madeira
on the 1st June, he had found them to be
"very pleasant good people," but on account
of the "incredible expense" he said he would
not be sorry to part with them. His bro-
ther, the Revd. William Nelson, who after-
wards succeeded him as Baron Nelson of the
Nile, and was the first Earl Nelson, accom-
panied him to the West Indies in the capa-
city of Chaplain to his ship; he did not
however stay long in the West Indies as
his health failed him. He had once before
been anxious to try the sea in the capacity
of naval chaplain but apparently had been
dissuaded by his sailor brother at the time'
the latter was placed in command of the
Albemarle, Nelson stating at that time that
"50 where you are is much more than
equal to what you can get at sea." In the
last letter which Nelson wrote to Capt.
Locker before leaving England, he says
(14th May, 1784) that whenever he went
to. Dominica, Locker might be assured that
every circumstance relative to the latter's
estate should be enquired into, and added,
"Jamaica is the place I wish to go to." This
liking of Nelson for Jamaica crops out
every now and then later on in his corres-
Nelson had on board the Boreas on this
voyage about thirty midshipmen and naval
cadets (as they would be called now-a-days).
It is his behaviour to these youngsters on,
this trip of which Lady Hughes afterwards
speaks (in a letter, dated Clifton, June 24,
1806) in the following graphic manner,
which gives us such an insight into the-


great hero's character,.when dealing with
those \hom he affectionately called his
children .-
I was too much affected when we met at Bath
to say every particular in which was always dis.
played the infinite cleverness and goodness of heart
-of our dearly beloved hero. As a woman I can
only be a judge of those things that I c,,uld com-
-prehend-such as his attention to the young gen-
tlemen who had the happiness of being on his
-quarterdeck. It may reasonably be supposed that
.among the number of thirty, there must be timid as
wel! as bold: the timid he never rebuked, but
.al ays he wished to show them he desired no-
thing of them that he would not instantly do him-
,self: and I have known him say, "Well, sir. I am
going a race to the mast-head, and beg I may
meet you there!" No denial could be given to
such a wish, and the poor fellow instantly began
his march. His Lordship never took the least
notice with what alacrity it was done, but when he
met in the top, instantly began speaking in the
most cheerful manner, and saying how much a
person was to be pitied that could fancy theie was
any danger, or even anything disagreeable, in the
attempt. After this excellent example, I have
-seen the timid youth lead another, and rehearse
his Captain's words. How wise and kind was such
.a proceeding. In like manner, he eveiy day went
into the School-Room, and saw them do their
nautical business, and at twelve o'clock, he was the
first upon deck with his quadrant. No one there
-could be behind-hand in their business when their
Captain set them so good an example. One other
circumstance I must mention, which will close the
:subject, which was the day we landed at Barbados.
VWe were to dine at the Governor's. Our dear
*Captain said, 'You'must permit me, Lady Hughes,
to carry one of my Aide-de-Camps with me;' and,
when he presented him to the Governor, he said
'Your Excellency must excuse me for bringing one
of my midshipmen, as I make it a rule to introduce
them to all the good company I can, as they have
few to look up to besides myself during the time
-they are at sea.' This kindness and attention
,made the young people adore him; and even his
-wishes, could they have been known, would have
-been instantly complied with. It was your wish,
sir, to have the above particulars: an abler pen
might have described them better; but I hope my
:simple narration may, in a faint degree, describe
His Lordship's excellent manner of making his
.young men fancy the attaining nautical perfection
was much more a play than a task."
There are not any letters to Nelson's
friends between the 8th of June and 24th of
September, 1784, but the following inform-
tion is taken from the Boreas' Log:-
"'Saturday, 26th June. At 9 a.m. made the
Island of Barbadoes. Fired 3 guns and
hoisted a Union Jack at the main top-gal-
lant-masthead as a signal for Lady Hughes
being on board. Saw the ships in Carlisle
Bay. Saluted Admiral Hughes with 15
guns. At noon came to an anchor. At 1
p.m. came on board Admiral Hughes." H.

M. ships found at anchor in Carlisle Bay
were the Adamant with the Admiral's flag,
the Solebay, the Champion, the Unicorn, the
Zebra, and the Rattler. The Boreas re-
mained at Barbados until the 20th July.
"At 5 p.m weighed and came to sail. 21st,
P.M. came on board a boat with a French
Officer. At 5 anchored in Fort Royal Bay.
22nd. At 5 A.M. saluted the Fort with 15
guns which was returned. Fired two salutes
of 11 guns for the Governor coming on
board and going on shore. At 3 p.m. the
Fort saluted the Captain on his coming
from shore, with 11 guns, which we re-
turned. [Clarke and M'Arthur say that
when the Boreas was beating into Fort
Royal Bay the French officers -at the Cita-
del neglected to hoist the colours, and that
on Nelson asking for an explanation the
French Governor put the officer under ar-
rest and gave such other marks of his good-
will that Nelson pleaded for the release of
the officer]. Weighed and came to sail,
standing for the West end of the Island.
23rd. At 11 a.m. saluted the Fort with 15
guns, which was returned. At noon an-
chored. 24th, P.M. Weighed. 25th. At
3 P.M. anchored in Prince Eupert's Bay.
27th. Weighed. 28th, P.M. Anchored in
English Harbour, Antigua. 29th. Arrived
the Adamant, Rear-Admiral Sir Richard
Hughes Bart. Employed stripping the
ship. 31st. Arrived the Latona. August 1st
Arrived the Unicorn, Zebra and Fury."
Two days after he wrote the following,
which in 1845 was still in the possession
of Mr. Kerr's family in Antigua :-
English Harbour,
3rd August, 1784.
As the Captains of the Navy at this Port mean
to establish a Mess for the Hurricane months, by
their desire I write to beg that you will send us
round by the first opportunity the undermentioned
articles: viz. : one hogshead of port, one of the
best white wine that you have, twelve dozen of
porter in bottles, fifty pounds loaf sugar, one firkin
of good butter, two baskets of salt, two pounds of
black pepper.
I have the honor to be, your humble servant,
P.S.-As we only wait for these things to begin
our Mess, the sooner they arrive the better. Mr.
Druce, the Agent-Victualler, is a-going to send
Provisions round for the Fury, which will be a
good opportunity.
During the three years of Nelson's stay
in the Leeward Islands station we,find in


Nicolas (in addition to the one just printed)
90 letters and documents which Nelson
wrote, viz.: 3 from September to the end of
1781, 23 in 1785; 30 in 1786 ; and 34 from
.January to May, 1787. Of these ninety, 10
were addressed to his old Commander Cap.
tain Locker, 12 to his brother the Rev. W.
Nelson, 4 to his uncle W. Suckling, 15 to
his future wife Mrs. Nisbet and 2 to Cap-
tain Cuthbert Collingwood. These may be
termed private letters more or less. Then
there were 3 to his Admiral (Rear-Admiral
Sir Richard Hughes), 11 to the Secretary to
the Admiralty (Philip Stephens), 6 (all in
1787) to Captain H. R. H. I'rince William,
while the rest are official letters to Commis-
sioner Moutray (1), the Secretary of State
(3), the Attorney-General of Barbados (1),
the Directors of the East India Company
(1), the Commissioners of the Navy (I),
Lieutenant Schomberg (2), the Comptroller
of the Navy (1), the First Lord of the Ad-
miralty (1), the Master of the Ordnance
(1), Commodore Alan Gardner (2). together
with a Memorial to the King and four docu-
ments or memoranda on official business.
We will now proceed to discuss this cor-
respondence, and first, Place aux Dames !
(for Nelson was always susceptible to the
charms of female beauty) we will take his
private letters, in which we shall first make
the acquaintance of an estimable lady (with
whom Nelson contracted a pure and lasting
friendship) and afterwards we shall be in-
troduced to the lady who became Nelson's
wife. When Nelson arrived at Barbados on
the 26th June, 1784, he found himself senior
Captain and second in command on the
station. -On the 24th September, from
English harbour, Antigua (whence a great
many of his letters are written), we find him
writing to Locker, that were it not for Mrs.
Moutray (wife of Captain John Moutray,
,Commissioner of the Navy at Antigua), who
was very very good to him he should almost
hang himself. His Admiral, he said, was
tolerable, but he did not like him as he
bowed and scraped too much for him, allu-
ding to his violin playing-elsewhere he
says the Admiral is an excellent fiddler-
and the Admiral's wife had an eternal clack,
-so that he went near them as little as possi-
ble. He said Captain (Cuthbert) Colling-
wood, who then commanded the Mediator,
was at Grenada, which was a great loss to
him, as (in Collingwood's absence) there
was nobody he could make a confidant

of. He had spent one day at St. Rupert's
Bay (Dominica) to wood and water, but
could get no information at that place about
Locker's estate in that island.
After succeeding Nelson in the San Juan
Expedition, Collingwood had been relieved
from the ('oast in August, 1780, and in De-
cember had been appointed to command the
Pelican, a small frigate of 24 guns. After
capturing the French frigate Le ('erf of 16
guns and recapturing, under circumstances,
we are told, of the highest credit, the Bland-
ford, a richly laden vessel from Glasgow,
the Pelican had been wrecked on the Mo-
rant Keys near Jamaica, of which we have
the following account by Collingwood him-
self-many years afterwards:--"In August
of the following year [viz.: 1781] there
was a severe hurricane, in which she was
wrecked, being cast on the rocks of the
Morant Keys, in the middle of a most tre-
mendous night. The next day, with great
difficulty, the ship's company got on shore,
on rafts made of the small and broken'
yards; and upon these sandy islands, with
little food, we remained ten days, until a
boat went to Jamaica, and the Diamond
frigate came and took ts off." Colling-
wood had been honorably acquitted in the
customary court-martial on the loss of the
Pelican, and in 1782 had commanded the
Sampson of 64 guns, in which ship he had
remained till she was paid off at the peace
of 1783. He had then been appointed to
the Mediator and sent to the Leeward
Islands station, where Nelson found him in
1784, and where he continued to serve with
Nelson for two years.
Soon after the arrival of the Boreas the
Revd. Win. Nelson was obliged to leave the
West Indies on account of ill health and
sailed for home in the Fury sloop on the
30th September, 1784. He also had evi-
dently become great friends with Mrs.
Moutray (as indeed had Collingwood and
most of the other naval officers on the sta-
tion) for we find that, in Nelson's first let-
ter to his brother after his departure, Hora.
tio says that lady desires her love to his
brother. In this same letter (24th October)
Nelson states that the weather had been
very hot since his brother left, and that
Nelson firmly believed that had his brother
stayed he would not have weathered the
fever which had carried off several of the
Boreas' ship's company, as well as a Mr.
Eliot, acting Lieutenant of the Unicorn.


Nelson had been living at and dated his let-
ter from "Windsor," the Moutray's house
in Antigua, while his ship had been paint-
ing, and he dined the day before he wrote
with Mr. Samuel Eliot* of that Island,
with whom the Admiral and his family
had been stopping. They were all to go to
a grand dinner on the Adamant on the 31st
and then were to go straight to Barbados to
get bread, as there was none at Antigua.
He was then to go to the Virgin Islands to
examine them; he supposed it was desired
that some good lands should be found for
the "poor American loyalists." In Novem-
ber he met Collingwood in English Har-
bour and sends the latter's remembrances
to Locker, saying that Collingwood pro.
mises soon to write Locker such a letter
that Locker will think it a history of the
West Indies. He says the Admiral and all
about him are great ninnies, but "what an
amiable, good man Collingwoodis! All the
rest are geese." Nelson was then on his
way to examine what was said to be a
splendid harbour in the island of St. John,
large enough to contain a fleet of men-of-
war during the hurricane season." He
subsequently made a chart of the harbour
in question and sent it to the Admiralty in
whose archives it now is, signed Horatio
Nelson. In November he was placed in
charge of a sub-station, viz : Montserrat,
Nevis, St. Kitts, Anguilla and the Virgin
Islands, with the Rattler sloop, Captain W.
Collingwood, under his command. In the
seventh volume of Nicolas the log of the
Boreas is given in detail from October
13, 1784, to July 14, 1787, (contained in
three pages of small print) but it is hardly
necessary in view of the fullness of his let-
ter to do much more than to extract an
item or two of which Nelson makes no men-
tion in the letters. We find, for example,
from the log that on the 22nd December,
1781, the Boreas fired two nine-pounders
shotted at the Fort in Carlisle Bay, Barba-
dos, for not hoisting their colours to the
French King's vessel (a Schooner-of-war)
going out to sea!
On January 15, 1785, having in the mean-
time been back to Antigua, where he had
again met Cuthbert Collingwood, he was at
Basseterre Road when he writes to Locker
on the subject of the latter's estate in Do-

*Eliot's second daughter, Elizabeth, married in
July, 1791, Thomas Lord Le Deapencer.

minica, (obtained from Locker's father-in-
law, Admiral Parry), and of Nelson's action
with regard to the Navigation Laws which
he said had made him unpopular with the
people. 'They have never visited me,' he.
said, 'and I have not had a foot in any house
since I have been on the station, and all for
doing my duty by being true to the interests
of Great Britain.'
On the 18th January, according to the
log, we find that the Boreas in Basseterre
Road fired a gun shotted at an American
brig for not hoisting her colours.
On the 20th February, 1785, from Car-
lisle Bay, Barbados, where he had gone
from St. Kitts, he writes to his brother after
hearing of his safe arrival in England. He
states that he left Barbados on the 1st No-
vember, the ships being then dispersed on.
their several stations, the Admiral to visit
all the islands. "My Lady and Miss left
under the care of Lieutenant Gregory who
took possession of Constitution Hill." He
then writes of Mrs. Moutray : "You may
be certain I never passed English Harbour
without a call, but, alas I am not to have
much comfort. My dear, sweet friend is
going home. I am really an April day ;
happy on her account, but truly grieved
were I only to consider myself. Her equal
I never saw in any country or in any situ-
ation. She always talks of you, and hopes,
if she comes within your reach you will
not fail visiting her." Further on in this
same letter it is that he says: "All my
children are well, except one, young An-
drews," who had been wounded in a duel
which had been forced on him. This was
a brother of Nelson's quondam lady-love in
France who had been taken by Nelson on
board the Boreas under the rating of "Cap-
tain's servant" as the custon then was.
Prof. Laughton says he went out in the
Boreas with Nelson, but this appears not to
have been so, for Nelson immediately (in
this letter) goes on to say : "He came out
in the Unicorn: do you remember him ?"
Andrews survived the serious wound he re-
ceived, which Nelson was afraid would end
fatally, in which case Nelson said that his
opponent and his second, who had been
placed in irons, would stand a good chance
of hanging, and became a Post-Captain in
1796, and is frequently mentioned in Nel-
-son's later correspondence, serving with
him in the Mediterranean. Nelson in this
long chatty letter to his brother goes on to


give him the gossip of the station and re-
lates to him "our love scenes," i.e., of the
-others on the station. He also says that "a
niece of Governor Parry's has come out.
She goes to Nevis in the Boreas; they trust
any young lady with me, being an old
fashioned fellow." Be this as it may-as
to which see an account given later on by a
friend to Mrs. Nisbet, before the latter met
Nelson-he at any rate exemplified one old
fashion by being susceptible to female
On the 16th March, at St Kitts, not hav-
ing had the opportunity to send the pre-
ceding letter, he adds a new cover, and
says, "My sweet, amiable friend sails the
20th for England. I took my leave of her
with a heavy heart, three days ago. What
a treasure of a woman. God bless her. She
always asks ofter you. She thinks you
should have stayed with Dorothea."
On the same day, the 16th March, from St.
Kitts, he writes to Locker giving him news
of his estate in Dominica, having, as he
says, reached with great difficulty the house
which Admiral Parry built upon his land,
or rather the site, as he says the house was
levelled with the ground. He said the
taxes due on it were far more than it was
worth in its present state, and that the soil
was bad, and that they had proclamations
in the island for giving the Loyalists land
gratis, so much did they want settlers. He
adds, "And now let me tell you a very extra-
ordinary anecdote of Dominica. When the
English first took possession of it, they
thought it a fine sugar Island; they built
by far the best works of any Island in our
possession, but time has proved that the
soil is not proper for sugar, as it takes some
hundred gallons of juice to make a hogshead
more than at any other Island. Cotton and
-coffee are the only commodities it will pro-
duce in perfection. 0 0 Moutray is gone
home a few days ago, so that I lose my only
valuable friend in these Islands. Every
,day convinces [me] how superior the Ja-
maica station is to this; everything is ex-
travagantly dear, and no comfort. All the
.Navy are very unpopular, from the Gov-
-ernor downwards, for hindering the Ameri-
can ships from trading to these Islands I
-seldom go on shore, hardly once a month.
Mr. and Mrs. Georges are the only people
I know upon this Island." The rest of the
letter is taken up in the gossip of the place.

On the 22nd April, at Barbadoes, Nelson
fired a gun shotted at a brig, for having
Irish colours hoisted (another injustice to
would Ireland!); and, to be done with these
shots, we find that the log also tells us that
while the Boreas was at Nevis a French fri-
gate went past and that, on this occasion, the
Fort fired at her !
On the 3rd May he writes to his brother
from St Kitts, apropos evidently of the de-
parture of Mr. and Mrs. Moutray, "Eng-
lish Harbour I hate the sight of, and Wind-
sor I detest. I went once up the Hill to
look at the spot where I spent more happy
days than in any one spot in the world.
E'en the trees drooped their heads, and the
tamarind tree died-all was melancholy,
the road is covered with thistles; let them
grow. I shall never pull one of them up.
By this time I hope she is safe in old Eng-
land. Heaven's choicest blessing go with
her." He then goes on to give his brother
a lot of gossipy news.
It is in this same letter, where he has
just spoken of the loss of Mrs. Moutray,
that we find, in a postscript, the first refer-
ence by Nelson to Mrs. Nisbet, his future
wife. He says, "I am just come from Nevis
where I have been visiting Miss Parry Her-
bert and a young Widow-the two latter
known to Charles Boyles." Nelson, here,
again, was hardly off with the old love
(platonic in this case) before he was on with
the new. That he did not always adhere
to this maxim later on in life forms the one
blot in the great hero's character. It was
no doubt the likeness in character (of which
he speaks later) of Mrs. Nisbet to Mrs.
Moutray that first attracted Nelson to Mrs.
Nisbet. Shortly before this, Mrs. Nisbet
had received the following account of her
future husband in a letter from a lady
We have at last seen the Captain of the Boreas,
of whom so much has been said. He came up just
before dinner, much heated, and was very silent;
yet seemed according to the old adage to think the
more. He declined drinking any wine; but after
dinner, when the President, as usual, gave the fol-
lowing toasts, 'the King' 'the Queen and Royal
Family' and Lord Hood' this strange man regularly
filled his glass, and observed, that those were always
bumper toasts with him; which having drank, he
uniformly passed the bottle, and relapsed into his
former taciturnity. It was impossible, during this
visit, for any of us to make out his real character;
there was such a reserve and sternness in his be-
haviour, with occasional rallies, though very tran-
sient, of a superior mind. Being placed by him,
I endevoured to turn his attention by showing him


all the civilities in my power; but I drew out little
more than 'Yes' and "No.' If you, Fanny, had
been there, we think you would have made some-
thing of him; for you have been in the habit of
attending to those odd sort of people."
Clarke and M'Arthur say that a few days
before Nelson met Mrs. Nisbet for the
first time, Mr. Herbert, her uncle,described
his meeting with the hero in the following
terms. "Good---I, if I did not find that
great little man, of whom everybody is so
afraid, playing in the next room under the
dining-table with Mrs. Nisbet's child," and
add that a few days afterwards Mrs. Nis-
bet was introduced to Nelson and thanked
him for his partiality to her child. In a
letter which Nelson wrote to his brother on
the 28th June, (where he fell foul of this
infernal climate !") there is to be found the
following postscript. Entre nous. Do not
be surprised to hear I am a Benedict, for if
at all it will be before a mdnth. Do not
tell." This would have been pretty quick
work, and Nelson would seem to have liked
dashing into love in the same hot way he
dashed into the enemy, because if we take
it from the letter preceding this one that
Nelson met Mrs. Nisbet for the first time
about the end of April his expectation in
this letter of the 28th June is that within
another month or say three months in all he
will be married! But perhaps he may
have meant to refer only to an engagement
to he married. Matters did not progress as
quickly as this however, but he had become
engaged some time before the lth Septem-
ber on which date. we find him writing a
letter to "my dear Fanny" condoling with
her on the death of her aunt Mrs. Herbert
the wife of the President of Nevis. This
letter is apparently the first which Nelson
wrote to Mrs. Nisbet after his engagement,
as in it he says he has received a letter
from Mr. Herbert "in answer to that which
I left at Nevis for him," and the following
portion of Nelson's letter may perhaps be
fitly transcribed in full-
My greatest wish is to be united to you; and the
foundation of all conjugal happiness, reol love and
esteem, is, I trust, what you believe I possess in the
strongest degree towards you. I think Mr. Herbert
loves you too well not to let you marry the man of
your choice,although he may not be so rich as some
others, provided his character and situation in life
render such an union eligible. I declare solemnly,
that did I not conceive I had the full possession of
your heart, no consideration should make me ac-
cept your hand. We know that riches do not
always ensure happiness; and the world is con-
vinced that I am superior to pecuniary considera-

tions in my public and private life: as in both in-
stances I might have been rich. But I will have-
done leaving all my present feelings to operate in
your breast:-only of this truth be convinced, that
I am, your affectionate,
P.S -Do I ask too much when I venture to hope
for a line? Or otherwise I may suppose my letters
may be looked on as troublesome.
It may be here noted that in writing from
English Haibour on the 4th September to
Locker, Nelson states that on the 24th
August. 1785, we had a most severe gale
of \ ind ; the mischief is great, but not so
much as might have been expected. The-
Men-of-War rode out the gale, but very
many small vessels are lost about the islands.
At Martinico, we have a flying report
almost everything is destroyed. From Bar-
badoes and Grenada we have not heard; I
should hope they have escaped."
In writing to his brother on the 23rd
September, 1785, giving him the gossip of
the station he says you may be married
[before the summer of 1 787, when he hoped
to be back in England] or, it is not impos-
sible, I may. or ten thousand other things
may happen," a remark which if not written
ironically, would go to show that he was
not so sure of getting married soon. If this
was so it was probably owing to his want of
means to which reference is made later. In
writing to (ollingwood on the 28th Sep-
tember, he says he had heard from Mrs.
Moutray and that the letter was all
goodness, like the dear writer" and he also
says My dear boy, I want some prize-
money" which is almost the only allusion
to any wish for prize-money to be found
in Nelson's letters, and was caused no doubt
by his desire to get married.
On the 14th November, from Nevis, he
writes to his uncle, William Suckling, a
similar request to the one we have already
found he made when he was attached to
Miss Andrews in France, and as this letter
contains the first, and a full, description of
Mrs. Nisbet and her family the first half of
it is here given; the second one is on
official business and refers to the Naviga-
tion Acts.
My Dear Sir,
Not a scrap of a pen have I by the last:
Packet from any relation in England; but, how-
ever, you see I don't think I am forgot, more es-
pecially when I open a business which perhaps you
will smile at, in the first instance, and say, this
Horatio is forever in love.'


,My present attachment is of pretty long stand- not be a rich couple, yet I have not the
ing; but I was determined to be fixed before I least doubt but we shall be a happy pair-
broke this matter to any person. The lady is a t e e a h p
Mrs. Nisbet, widow of a Dr. Nisbet, who died the fault must be mine if we are not." He
eighteen months after her marriage, and has left goes on to say that Miss Rosy ('your Rose'
her with a son. From her infancy, (for her father he calls her elsewhere-one of Admiral
and mother died when she was only two years of Hughes' daughters) was married to Major
age) she has been brought up by her mother's o t 6 a t ty
brother, Mr. Herbert, President of Nevis, a gentle- Browne of the 67th and that they live at
man whose fortune and character must be well St. Johns, and were they to stay there till
known to all the West Indian merchants, therefore doomsday I should not ride so far as to
I shall say nothing upon that head. Her age is visit them. I have the Leeward Station
twenty-two; and her personal accomplishment still but direct as usual to arbadoes We
you will -suppose Ithink equal to any person's I still'. but direct as usual to Barbadoes. We
ever saw: but, without vanity, her mental accom- are just in here [English Harbour] by bad
plishments are superior to most people's of either weather, having sprung our mainmast, and
sex; and we shall come together as two persons hurt the sh;p a good deal. We are all
most sincerely attached to each other from friend- well onboard, and everybody desires their
ship. Her son is under her guardianship, but board, and everybody desires their
totally independent of her. kind remembrance to the Bishop [which
But I must describe Herbert to you, that you apparently was his brother's nickname on
may know exactly how I stand; for when we apply board the Boreas]. You are still upon the
for advice we must tell all circumstances. Herbert Boreas as Chaplain. 0 o Herbert
is very rich and very proud,-he has an only
daughter, and this niece, who he looks upon in the President of Nevis, says you seem a good
same light, if not higher. I have lived at his house, fellow; he will make a cask of remarkable
when at Nevis, since June last, and am a great fine rum for you double-proof." On the 1st
favourite of his. I have told him I am as poor as January 1786, he again writes to his
Job; but he tells me he likes me, and I am de- n y, e wtes to s
scended from a good family, which his pride likes; brother to say he was well and as merry as
but he also says, 'Nelson, I am proud, and I must his brother could wish and adds:-" So I
live like myself, thereforeI cant do much in my must be, you will conclude, sitting by the
lifetime: when I die she shall have twenty woman who will be my wife; and every
thousand pounds; and if my daughter dies before evy
me, she shall possess the major part of my property. day am I more than ever convinced of the
I intend going to England in 1787, and remaining propriety of my choice, and I shall be
there my life; therefore if you two can live happily. happy with her. You will esteem her for
together till that event takes place you have my yourself when you know her; for she pos-
consent.' This is exactly my situation with him;
and I know the way to get him to give me most, is sesses sense far superior to half the people
not to appear to want it: thus circumstanced, who of our acquaintance, and her manners Mrs.
can I apply to but you ? The regard you have ever Moutray's. The Admiral lives in a Board-
expressed for me leads me to hope you will do ing-house at Barbadoes, not much in th
something. My future happiness, I give you my ing- o a Barbadoes, not much in th
honour, is now in your power: if you cannot style of a British Admiral. Lady H. with
afford to give me anything for ever, you will, I am her daughter, Mrs. Browne in St. John's
sure, trust to me, that if I ever can afford it, I will Antigua. They all pack off next May cer.
return it to some part of your family. I think tainly, and I hope most devoutly they will
Herbert will be brought to give her two or three th A wth t bt h
hundred a year during his life; and if you will take the Admiral with them, but he wishes
either give me, I will call it,-I think you will do much to remain another Station. He is too
it-either one hundred a year, for a few years, or much of a fiddler for me".
a thousand pounds, how happy you will make a
couple who will pray for you forever. Dont dis- On the 25th February, from English
appoint me, or my heart will break; trust to my Harbour he writes a short, affectionate let-
honour to do a good turn for some other person if ter to Mrs. Nisbet, in which he says his
it is in my power. I can say no more, but trust whole life will ever be devoted to making
implicitly to your goodness, and pray let me know h c w
of your generous action by the first Packet. her completely happy, whatever whims may
On the 15th December he writes to his sometimes take him; and on the 3rd of
brother that he is in a fair way of changing March "off the Island of Deseada" he
his situation. The dear object you must writes to her in terms which may perhaps
like. Her sense, polite manners, and to again be transcribed in full.
you, I may say, beauty, you will much Separated from you, what pleasure can I fee
admire; and although at present we may None, be assured: all my happiness is centred wi
thee; and where thou art not, then I am not happy.
Every day, hour, and act, convince me of it. With
He had known the lady about seven months, my heart filled with the purest and most tender
f Nelson was 26. affection do I write this: for were it not so, you


know me well enough to be certain, that even at
this moment I would tell you of it. I daily thank
-God, who ordained that I should be attached to you.
He has, I firmly believe, intended it as a blessing
to me; and 1 am well convinced you will not dis-
appoint his beneficent intentions.
Fortune, that is money, is the only thing 1 regret
the want of, and that only for the sake of my
affectionate Fanny. But the Almighty, who brings
us together, will, I doubt not, take ample care of
us, and prosper all our undertakings. No dangers
shall deter me from pursuing every honourable
means of providing handsomely for you and yours ;
and again let me repeat, that my dear Josiah shall
.ever be considered by me as one of my own. That
Omnipotent Being, who sees and knows what passes
in all hearts, knows what I have written to be my
undisguised sentiments towards the little fellow.
I am uneasy, but not unwell. Nothing but the
Admiral's orders to be at Barbadoes a a given time,
hindered me from coming down after my letters.
Sir Richard Hughes, I am certain, would have
overlooked my disobedience of orders, and have
thought I had served the friend, who had neglected
to bring my letters, very properly. But I cannot
bear the idea of disobeying orders: I should not
like to have mine disobeyed: therefore I came on.
However it was a toss-up I assure you.
On March 9th he had arrived (at Barba-
does apparently) and wrote as much again
in continuation of the above, which had not
been despatched, saying that he had got
one letter from her on his arrival and that
;she mt e must rite often, and long letters.
On the 5th March, off Martinico, he
wrote a long letter to Captain Locker, chiefly
about the Navigation Acts, in which he says
_ "This Station has not been over pleasant;
had it not been for Collingwood, it would
have been the most disagreeable I ever saw.
o o a: Sir Richard Hughes you know pro-
bably better than myself, and that he is a
.fiddler; therefore as his time is taken up
tuning that instrument, you will conse-
.quently expect the Squadron is cursedly
.out of tune. I don't like to say much against
my Commander-in-Chief; there has been
too much of that the late War; but as I
.only tell it to you as a friend, you will not
let it go further than you think right."
Nelson's uncle, William Suckling, having
-written to him a favourable answer to his
request for monetary assistance, which he
gave and continued to give for several years,
on the 9th March, Nelson wrote an affec-
tionate letter of thanks to him, giving the
following further particulars of Mrs. Nisbet
.and her family.
When Mrs. Nisbet married, Mr. Herbert
promised two thousand pounds with her; but as her
husband settled in the Island, where he died a few
months after, it never has been paid. Mr. H. told
me he had given, and should pay to the child one

thousand pounds when he grew up; and that he
should bring him up-at his expense, and put him -
in a way of providing for himself. Mr. Nisbet,
(the gentleman whose wife went astray) was a
brother. His estate, I understand from Mr. Herbert,
owes for money lent, and attending it as Doctor,
about 3,000 currency; but Dr. Nisbet dying
insane, without a Will, or any Papers which were
regular, has made this business rather troublesome,
as Mr. Nisbet wishes to pay as little as he can
help. Mr. Stanley, the Attorney General, whose
property is next Mr. Herbert's and who is his
particular friend, has undertaken to settle it for
She will not get much; but it must, I conceive,
make her little fellow independent. Her uncle,
although he is a man who must have his own way
in everything yet I believe has a good and generous
heart, and loves her and her son very sincerely;
and I have every reason to suppose is as much
attached to me as to any person who could pay
their addresses to his dear Fanny, as he always
calls her. Although his income is immense, yet
his expenses must be great, as his house is open to
all strangers, and he entertains them mount hospit-
ably. I can't give you an idea of his wealth, for
I don't believe he knows it himself. Many estates
in that Island are mortgaged to him. The stock
of Negroes upon his estate and cattle are valued
at 60,000 sterling: and he sends to England
(average for seven years) 500 Casks of sugar. His
daughter's fortune must be very large: and as he
says, and told me at first, that he looked upon his
niece as his child, I can have no reason to suppose
that he will not provide handsomely for her. I
had rather wish, that whatever he may do at her
marriage may flow spontaneously from himself."
He then goes on to say that he has not
an idea of being married till nearly the
time of his sailing for England in 1787.
On the 25th March from Carlisle Bay
(Barbadoes) he writes to Mrs. Nisbet say-
ing the inhabitants there are heartily tired
of his company and that he is ready to give
them his room as his heart, thoughts and
affections are far off, being upwards of a
month from Nevis. Before this he seems
to have written definitely to Mr. Herbert
on the receipt of the favourable news from
his uncle, William Suckling, becausehe says
he is anxious,yet sometimes fears to receive
Mr. Herbert's answer to his letter. By
this time he has come to regard his Admiral
more favourably, for he writes to say that
he had twice dined with Sir Richard Hughes
and that they were good friends nor do I
think I should soon disagree with him.
He seems ready to do everything I can
wish him, and only wants to be well in-
formed. 0 0 The Admiral is highly
pleased with my conduct here, as you will
believe by sending me such fine lines with
a white hat. I well know I am not of


abilities to deserve what he has said of me:
but I take it as they are meant, to show his
regard for me; and his politeness and atten-
tion to me are great: nor shall I forget it.
I like the man, although not all his acts."
It is in this same letter that he says For
the last week a French Man-of-War has
been here; and going about with them so
much in the sun has given me violent head-
aches," which is probably the French frigate
alluded to in the following terms in Captain
Wallis's `'* narrative, although from writing
twenty years after the event Wallis places
the transaction in 1785 instead of 1786.
After the hurricane months were over, and the
Boreas at anchor in Nevis Road. a French frigate
passed to Leeward close alongshore. Captain Nel-
son had information that this Frigate was destined
on a survey of our Islands, and had on board two
General Officers and some Engineers for that pur-
pose, which information proved correct. Captain
Nelson immediately determined to attend her,
and prevent their intentions: therefore he imme-
diately got under weigh and pursued her. On the
next day we found her at anchor in the Road of
St. Eustatia and the Boreas was anchored at
about two cables' length on the French frigate's
quarter. After a reciprocity of civilities, salutes
etc., had passed on all sides, Captain Nelson with
his Officers were invited to meet the French
Officers at dinner next day at the Dutch Gover-
nor's, whieh was accepted; and it was at this
dinner that Captain Nelson made known his in-
tentions to the Captain of the French Frigate.
He said that understanding he intended visiting
the English Islands, he thought it his duty to
accompany him in the English Frigate, that at-
tention may be paid to the Officers of His Most
Christian Majesty, which he was sure every
Englishman in the Island would be proud of an
opportunity of doing. This declaration did not
appear palatable to the French Generals, and was
politely refused by them as well as by the Captain
of the French frigate, saying that their intention
was only to take a cruize round the Islands without
stopping at any. However, Captain Nelson was
determined not to be out-done in (, .'.. and
strictly adhered to his purpose. The Frenchman
perceiving the English Commander's drift, in a
few days abandoned his project, got under weigh,
and beat up to Martinique. Captain Nelson
availed himself of the same opportunity, and
beat up to Barbadoes, by which he never lost sight
of the French frigate until she got into Mar-
tinique, where she came from."
On the 17th April, from Carlisle Bay we
find another letter written by Nelson to
Mrs. Nisbet, with an addition dated the
23rd in the latter of which he writes. On
Tuesday or Wednesday the Adamant sails
for Antigua with Sir Richard--so much for
the Flagship; I should be sorry to have

Then lieutenant in the Boreas.

one: a Captain in her is never his own
master. I am so much out of temper with
this Island, [Barbadoes] that I would rather
sacrifice anything than stay. I have been
upon the best terms with the Admiral, and
I declare I think I could ever remain so.
He is always remarkably kind and civil to
every one. I told him that no one could
think otherwise but you, and I hope you
would be angry with him for keeping me
away so very long." As he then goes on
to say that whenever he can settle about
his prizes he will sail directly for Nevis
it is apparent that he had been in luck's
way and was likely to get some prize-money
out of some seizures.
On the 4th May, he was however, still
at Barbadoes as, writing on that date, and
heading the letters 'Barbarous Island' he
says that he believes that never never shall
he get away from this detestable spot, and
that had he not seized any Americans he
would then have been with Mrs. Nisbet,
but that-in that case he would have neg-
lected his duty which he does not think she
would have wished him to have done.
"Duty", he says, "is the great business of
a Seaman. All private considerations must
give way to it, however painful it is."
On the 5th May he writes another of his
newsy letters to his brother the Reverend
William, in which he again refers to the
displeasure of the folks in consequence of
his conduct in not allowing them to con
tinue inimical to the Commerce of Great
Britain, One sends me a challenge;
another Laws me : but I keep them all off
nor have they been able to do the least
thing to injure me." He goes on : I am
not married yet. In England you think
these matters are done in a moment. If
you had considered I was a sailor, and what
should I do carrying a wife in a Ship, and'
when I marry I do not mean to part with'
my wife."
On the 5th July, from Nevis, he writes
to William Suckling :-
I wish I could tell you I was well, but I am far
from it. My activity of mind is too much for my
puny constitution. I am worn to a skeleton, but
I trust that the Doctors and asses' milk will set me-
up again. Perhaps you will think it odd if I do-
not mention Mrs. Nisbet;-I can only assure you
that her heart is equal to her head, which every
person knows is filled with good sense. My affec-
tion for her is fixed upon that solid basis of esteem
and regard, that I trust can only increase by a,
longer knowledge of her."


On the 18th August from English Har-
bour, Antigua, he writes to Mrs. Nisbet a
letter, which was continued on the 21st
and again on the 23rd. This is a most
affectionate letter, in which the following
are a few of the sentiments. My heart
yearns to you-it is with you; my mind
dwells upon nought else but you. Absent
from you, I feel no pleasure: it is you, my
dearest Fanny, who are everything to me.
Without you I care not for this world; for
I have found lately nothing in it but vex-
ation and trouble. These you are well con-
vinced are my present sentiments; God
Almighty grant they may never change."
He says he has not been able to get even a
Cottage upon a hill and has been kept
'here' most woefully pinched by mosqui-
toes, for his sins perhaps, so the generous
inhabitants of Antigua think I suppose : not
one of them has been here, or has asked me
to leave English Harbour," on account, he
goes on explain, no doubt of his being a
faithful servant of that Country which most
of them detested and to which all their
actions were inimical. On the 21st he adds.
As you begin to know something about Sailors,
have you not often heard, that salt water and
absence always wash away love? No, I am such a
heretic as not to believe that Faith; for behold,
every morning since my arrival, I have had six
pails of salt water at daylight poured upon my
head, and instead of finding what the Seamen say
to be true, I perceive the contrary effect; and if it
goes on so contrary to the presumption, you must
.see me before my fixed time. I am alone in
the Commanding Officer's home, while my Ship is
fitting, and from sunset until bedtime, I have not a
human creature to speak to : you will fe'l a little
for me, I think. I did not use to be over-fond of
sitting alone. The moment old Boreas is habita-
ble in my cabin, I shall fly to it, to avoid mosqui-
toes and melanancholies. Hundreds of the former
are now devouring me through all my clothes.
He goes on to say that he is better,
although the heat was intolerable and that
he enjoys English sleep" always barring
mosquitoes which all the care of his ser-
vant Frank Lepee with his net cannot keep
out, also that a neighbour Mr. Horsford
had called upon him, as well as the Comp-
troller of the Customs, the latter with fine
speeches, but "he may go back whistling
if he pleases." It was with the Officers of
the Customs that he had so many alterca-
tions relative to the Navigation Act.
On some day later in the month of
August he writes again most affectionately
to Mrs. Nisbet. In this he mentions that
Mr. Lightfoot had invited him, with apolo-

gies for not having done so before on
account of sickness, and that he had slept at
Mr. Lightfoot's the night he dined with
the Governor Sir Thomas Shirley. This
great attention made amends for his long
neglect and I forgot all anger; I can for-
give sometimes you will allow." With
regard however to another gentleman
(whose name even in 1845, Nicolas omits)
he says I have also seen the great Mr.
- ; he says, he understood and believed
I was gone to England- whistle for
that !" In this letter he says he is better,
that he has no more complaint in my lungs
than Captain Maynard" and not the least
pain in his heart.
On the 23rd September, English Har-
bour, he writes a short note to Mrs. Nisbet,
saying that on the 9th of October, barring
something extraordinary, she will certainly
see H. N. again. On the 25th he writes to
his brother William saying that he cannot
have an idea of the plague and trouble he
had had with these Governors and people"
but that he had smoothed the way for
those who might come after him. He did
not know when he was to go home, but
took it for granted it would be before the
Spring as it would be cruel to give stewed
mortals, a winter's passage. He was to leave
English Harbour on the 9th of October-to
Nevis, naturally first, if he was Commanding
Officer, and then, to every Island in these
Seas. The Rattler Capt. (Wilfred) Colling-
wood was at Grenada, therefore he had
been in 'this vile place' without a creature
near him. At Barbados they had had a
little gale, which drove some ships on
shore, but he had not heard of damage
anywhere else.
Two days after he writes to Captain
Locker, and i. writing of the Navigation
Act business he says :-" God knows there is
not a Custpm House Officer, Governor, etc.,
that I have met with, who have done their
duty." He says he has laid in a good
supply of rum and that Locker shall have
any quantity he pleases, and in the following
words we find some more details of the
illness he had lately suffered from. "I have
been since June so very ill (till lately) that
I have only a faint recollection of anything
which I did. My complaint was in my
breast, such a one as I had going out to
Jamaica: the Doctor thought I was in a
consumption, and gave me quite up; but


that Great Being who has so often raised
me from the sick bed, has once more res-
tored me, and to that health which I very
seldom enjoy."
Early in November, 1786, Her Majesty's
Ship Pegasus, under the command of H.R.H
Prince William Henry, arrived at English
Harbour and came under the command of
the Senior Officer on the Station, Captain
lNelson, who thus renewed the acquaintance
with the Prince which had been begun in
the visit of both to Jamaica in 1783. Before
this, in August, Sir Richard Hughes had
:gone home, and his successor, Admiral Sir
Richard Bickerton had not yet arrived on
the Station. After returning home from
.Jamaica in the Fortune in June 1783,
Prince William had spent the next two
years in a continental town. He went
back to England in the spring of 1785,
passed as lieutenant on the 17th June, six
years after entering the service as midship-
man, and being then not quite twenty years
old, was appointed third lieutenant of the
lebe, Frigate. In April 1786, having pre
viously risen to be Second Lieutenant he
was removed to the command of the Pegasus
in which ship he left the North-American
Harbour for a winter's cruise in the West
On the 12th December, off Antigua, Nel-
son writes of the Prince in the following
manner to Mrs. Nisbet :-
Our young Prince is a gallant man: he is indeed
volatile but always with great good nature. There
were two balls during his stay, and some of the
old ladies were mortified that H. R. H. would not
dance with them; but he says, he is determined
to enjoy the privilege of all other men, that of
asking any lady be pleases.
Wednesday. We arrived here this morning at
daylight. His Royal Higlness dined with me,
and of course the Governor. I can tell you a
piece of news, which is, that the Prince is fully
determined, and has made me promise him, that
he shall be at our wedding; and he says he will
give you to me. His Royal Highness has not yet
been in a private house to visit, and is determined
never to do it, except in this instance. You
know I will ever strive to bear such a character,
as may render it no discredit to any man to take
notice of me. There is no action in my whole
life, but what is honourable; and I am the more
happy at this time on that account; for I would,
if possible, or in my power, have no man near the
Prince, who can have the smallest impeachment
as to character; for as an individual I love him,
as a Prince I honour and revere him."
On the 29th December, English Harbour,
he thus writes of the Prince to his brother
William. You know before this that His

Royal Highness Prince William is under
my command; and I wish that all the Navy
Captains were as attentiveto orders ashe is."
and to Captain Looker on the same day he
adds "I shall endeavour to take care he
[the Prince] is not a loser by that circum-
stance. He has his foibles as well as
private men, but they are far overbalanced
by his virtues. In his Professional line, he
is superior to near two-thirds, I am sure, of
the List; and in attention to orders, and
respect to his Superior Officers, I know
hardly his equal : this is what I have found
him. Some others, I have heard will tell
another story. The Islanders have made
vast entertainments for him. But all this
you will see in the English papers." IHe
adds that he is in momentary expectation
of Sir Richard Bickerton, that the Prince
was to remain in these Seas till May and
then return to Nova Scotia, at which time
he (Nelson) hopes to set sail for Old En-
gland for he is heartily sick of these
On the 1st January 1787, he gives the
following account of a week's festivities to
Mrs. Nisbet.
I was in hopes to have remained quiet all this
week : but to-day we dine with Sir Thomas [Shir-
ley, the Governor], to-morrow the Prince has a
party; on Wednesday he gives a dinner at Saint
John's to the Regiment; in the evening is a
Mulatto ball: on Thursday a cock-fight, and we
dine at Colonel Crosbie's brother's, and a ball; on
Friday somewhere, but I forget; on Saturday at
Mr. Bryam's the President [of the Council at
Antigua and Judge of the Admiralty Court].
Nelson says that he hopes that the Com-
modore (Alan Gardner) from the Jamaica
Station will come down before all these
events come off, as this would apparently
relieve him of attendance at them, this
being one of the instances where 'it is
better to serve than command.' He says the
Prince often tells him he thinks Nelson must
be married already, for he has never seen
a lover so easy, or say so little of the object
he has a regard for. When I tell him that
I certainly am not, he says, 'Then he is
sure I must have a great esteem for you and
that it is not what is (vulgarly), I do not
much liKe the use of that word, called love.
He is right: my love is founded on esteem,
the only foundation that can make the
passion last. : o I never wished
for riches, but to give them to you; and
my small share shall be yours to the- ex-


From a letter to his brother on the 9th
February from English Harbour we extract
the followiiig.
I fancy the King's Servants and-the Officers of
my little Squadron will not be sorry to part with
me. They think I make them do their duty too
strictly: and the West Indians will give a Balle
Champetre uponmy departurure. They hate me;
and they will evsry Officer who does his duty.
Yon know I have the honour of having Prince
William under my command. In every respect
both as a Man and a Prince, I love him. He has
honoured me as his confidential friend: in this he
shall not be mistaken.
On the 9th February the Boreas was at
English Island, when Nelson wrote to
William Locker and continued the letter on
the 13th February from Mountserrat"
where he had arrived with the Pegasus
(Captain H.R.H. Prince William) and the
Solebay both of which ships had been
placed by the Admiralty under the com-
mand of Nelson. He said the Island had
made fine addresses and good dinners etc.
and the next day they were to sail for Nevis
and St. Christopher's, where the same fine
things would be done again. He said
II. R. II. kept up strict discipline in his
Ship and that, without paying him any com-
pliment, he could say that she was one of the
first ordered Frigates he had seen:
The following accounts of Prince Wil-
liam's tour are taken from other contem-
porary letters from the West Indies.
"Prince William Henry has been at Antigua
for some time past, repairing his ship,
where all ranks are vying with each other
in making grand entertainments for their
illustrious visitor. The prince is quite the
officer. He has not slept a night out of
his ship since his arrival in these seas,
until coming into English Harbour ; when
the ships heaving down obliged him to be
on shore. He shows the most amiable
disposition and condescension on every oc-
casion ; sees into the detail of the business
of the ship; and delivers his own orders
with the most minute attention to the duty
and discipline of his crew." (Dominica
20th Dec.).
"On the 11th arrived here the Pegasus,
His Royal Highness, Prince William Henry,
commander. He was received by the
Governor, the legislature, and the officers
of the 30th regiment, who paid him the
highest honours. Two french sloops are
arrived with the congratulations of. the
Viscount de Damas, governor of Martinico,

and of the Baron de Clugny. governor of
Guadeloupe, on his royal highness's ar-
rival in the West Indies, and a request
that he would favour these islands with a
By the 14th of February Nelson was at-
Nevis for on the 15th he wrote to the
Admiralty reporting the arrival there on
the previous day of the Maidstone, Captian
Henry Newcombe. On the 11th February
from Montserrat lie had written again
to Mrs. Nisbota short affectionate letter ex-
pressing his pleasure at being on his way to-
meet her. On the 28th February he writes
to her from no other address than 'Boreas.'
It is possible His Royal Highness may stop at
Nevis on his way up from Tortola. This however
shall be his own act, and not mine. To-day we
dine with the Merchants: I wish it over: to-
morrow a large party at Nicholas Town; and on
Friday in Town here. Saturday sail for Old Road;.
Sunday, dine on Brimstone Hill; Monday, Mr.
Georges' at Saudy Point, and in the evening the
Freemasons give a ball. Tuesday please God, we
sail. I did not like the cast of the day at Mr.-
and I cannot carry two faces. Farewell till to-
morrow and be assured, I am ever your affec-
On the 3rd March he writes another
letter to Mrs. Nisbet to say that the jour-
ney to Nicholas Town had made him ill,
but that he was then well and hoped to-
bear to-morrow and Monday,' tolerably
well, also to be at Nevis about the 8th.
From the Boreas, Sandy Point, 6th
March he writes his last letter to Mrs.
Nisbet before their marriage; which may
be inserted here in full.
Boreas, Sandy Point, 6th March, 1787.
How uncertain are the movements of us Sailors.
His Royal Highness is rather unwell; therefore I
have given up the idea of visiting Tortola for the
present. To-day we dine with Mr. Georges at his
Country-house. I am now feeling most awk-
wardly: His Royal Highness has been with me all
this morning, and has told me that as things here
are changed, if I am not married when we go to-
Nevis, it is hardly probable he should see me
there .gain; that I promised him not to be mar-
ried, unless he was present; that he wished to be
there to show his esteem for me, and should be
much mortified if impediments were thrown in
the way. He intends this as a mark of honour to-
me; as such I wish to receive it. Indeed His
Royal Highness's behaviour throughout has been
that of a friend, instead of a person so elevated
above me. He told me this morning that since-
he had been under my command he has been
happy; and that I should find him sincere in his.
friendship. Heaven bless yon; and I need scarce-
ly say, how much I am
Your affectionate,


Accordingly on the arrival of the Boreas,
Pegasus and Solebay at Nevis, Captain Ho-
ratio Nelson and Mrs. Nisbet were married
on the 12th March, 1787, not the llth
March, as erroneously given by some author-
ities, as is shown by the following extract
from a letter from Mrs.0 Nelson, written
from Bath on tne 11th March, 1797, imme-
diately after she had heard of the Battle of
St. Vincent: "To-morrow is our wedding-
day, when it gave me a dear husband and
my child the best of fathers." Prince Wil-
liam fulfilled his promise by giving away
the bride. Nelson says : '- Prince William
did me the honour to stand her Father upon
the occasion and has shown every act of
kindness that the most professed friendship
could bestow."
It' has often been stated that the mar-
riage ceremony took place in Fig Tree
,Church, situated about two miles from
Charlestown, the capital of the Island of
Nevis. From the following extract, how-
ever, from an illustrated article in a weekly
paper,- issued on the last anniversary of
Trafalgar, we learn that this was not the
case, although there is shown a reproduc-
tion of the leaf of an old Register in Fig
Tree Church which contains the record of
the event. A copy of this leaf has been
procured and is reproduced here. "The
-Church is a plain little building, and
*contains a tablet to the memory of Dr.
Nisbet, the first husband of the lady
who became Nelson's wife. It is true
that there is an old Register in the Church,
but the entry it contains of the marriage is
only a memorandum of the event, made
some time after the ceremony, by a later
incumbent. It reads as follows:-'1787,
March 11, Horatio Nelson, Esquire, Captain
of His Majesty's ship the Boreas, to Frances
Herbert Nisbet, widow.' There are no sig-
natures. The law in those days did not re-
.quire the signing of registers, and so neither
the gallant bridegroom nor his best
man' Prince William Henry (afterwards
William IV.) recorded his name for the de-
lectation of present day tourists. To com-
plete the disillusionment, you will be told,
last of all, that Lord Nelson's Church' is a
misnomer, for the great hero was not mar-

*Not yet Lady Nelson, as it was only on the 17th
March that Earl Spencer, First Lord of the Admiral-
ty, wrote to Nelson to signify the King's "intention
,of conferring on" him the Order of the Bath.
tThe "Sketch," 21st October, 1896.

ried in a church at all, but in a private
house, now in ruins!" It will be seen
That the page from the register in ques-
tion contains two entries in 1784, one in
1785, two in 17>7, one in 1789 and one in
1790, so that perhaps only the more im-
portant marriages were noted down in his
register long after the event; if not, and if
the register is the original one, the mar-
riages it will be seen were not frequent.
The extract contains at least one error,
when it states that Prince William was
"best man," for we have seen by an extract
from Nelson's own letter that the Prince
stood 'father to" Mrs. Nisbet, thus sup-
porting her rather than Nelson.
Frances Herbert Woollward was the only
child of William Woollward, Esq., Senior
Judge of Nevis, by Molly, sister of John
Richardson Ierbert, Esq., President of the
Council of that Island. She was born about
1763 and married first Josiah Nisbet, M.D.,
who died fifteen months afterwards, leaving
an only child. At the time of her marriage
with Captain Nelson, Mrs. Nisbet was twen-
ty-five years of age. She died on the 4th of
May, 1831, aged 68, without any children
by this second marriage.0
Her uncle Mr. Herbert died on the 18th
January, 1793, leaving an only child, Mar-
tha Williams, wife of Andrew Hamilton
of Nevis, Esq., who died without issue in
August, 1819; and in the following year,
Mr. Herbert's nephew, Magnus Morton,
of Nevis, Esq., pursuant to directions in his
will, assumed the Name and Arms of Her-
bert. He married Christian, daughter of

*She was a cousin of Commander John Cornelius
Woolward, R N, one of whose sons is Capt. Robert
Woolward, late of the Royal Mail Steam Packet
Coy.. who wrote "Nigh on Sixty Years at Sea, by
'Old Woolward.' It will be noticed that in this
branch of the family the name is now spelt "Wool-
ward," whereas Lady Nelson's name was spelt "Wooll-
ward." On the writer discussing this point with
"Old Woolward," the latter gave the following ac-
count of how one '1' came to be dropped out of his
father's name: "When father entered the Navy, his
name was asked by the Purser and given, 'John
Cornelius Woollward.' The Purser said. 'John, never
mind Cornelius, now how do you spell Woollward P'
The answer came, 'W, o o, 1 1, w' (double u, double o,
double 1, double u-). Here he stopped father, say-
in.g, 'D--n your double U's, and double 0's, and
double L's,' and wrote it Woolward, and thus it
has since been spelt."
A granddaughter of Commander John Woolward
is supposed to be like her relative the first Lady Nel-
son and in the writer's humble opinion a daughter
(the remaining sister of 'Old Woolward') is also not
unlike the picture here reproduced.


George Forbes, of Bush Hill, in that Island,
who is mentioned in one of Nelson's letters.
The story goes that the day after Nelson's
wedding one of his naval friends said: 'Yes-
terday the navy lost one of its greatest or-
naments by Nelson's marriage. It is a
national loss that such an officer should
marry; had it not been for this, Nelson
would have become the greatest man in the
service." The marriage did not, however,
stand in his way, and he did become the
greatest man in the service.
Nelson's honeymoon was a short one,
lasting only one week, for we find that he
intended sailing for the Virgin Islands on
the 19th.
On the 21st March, while on his passage
to Tortola, Nelson writes to his old friend
Captain Locker giving him the news of his
marriage, which he says is the balance on
the other side to the illness and trouble he
has had on the station. He is married to
an amiable woman, and that makes amends
for everything: indeed, till he married her
he never knew happiness, and he is morally
certain she will continue to make him a
happy man for the rest of his days.
On the 14th April he was at Antigua for
a few days and by the 26th of April he was
back in Nevis where he apparently stopped
for a month until he set sail for Old
England,' the last paper on record in
Nicolas being an order dated the 20th May,
to Captain H. R. H. Prince William, to sail
for Jamaica. On the 3rd May he had the
misfortune to be the messenger of bad news
to his old chum, Captain Cuthbert Colling-
wood, whom he tells of the death of his
brother Captain Wilfred Collingwood, of
the Rattler. This ship had been refitting
at English Harbour and when Nelson
arrived there in the middle of April her
captain was a little complaining, and in a
few days Nelson perceived he was in a
rapid decline and goes on to say Dr.
Young told me to send him to Sea as the
only chance. He sailed on the Tuesday for
Grenada, when I was in hopes could he
have reached Mr. Hume's some fortunate
circumstances might turn out; but it
pleased God to order it otherwise. On
Friday the 21st of April, at ten at night, he
left this life without a groan or struggle.
The Ship put into St. Vincent's, when he
was interred with all Military Honours;
the Regiment President, and Council, attend-

ing him to the grave. I mention this cir-
cumstance to show the respect for his
character. It is a credit to the people of
St. Vincent's, which I did not think they
would have deserved. I have directed
Wallis ) not to suffer a thing to be disposed
of, but to have everything sealed up the-
moment he goes on board, and that I will
take them on board the Boreas, and carry
them home."
Nelson says that the esteem in which Wil-
fred Collingwood stood with Prince William
was great, as proved by the following re
marks of His Royal Highness. in a letter to
Nelson. "Collingwood, poor fellow is no-
more. I have cried for him, and most sin-
cerely do I condole with you on his loss.
In him, His Majesty has lost a faithful
Servant, and the Service a most excellent
Prince William never met Captain Cuth-
bert Collingwood in the West Indies, but
on the death of Nelson we find the Prince-
opening a correspondence with him, then
Admiral Collingwood, second in command
at Trafalgar, which correspondence con-
tinued during the rest of Lord Collingwood's
We may here add Prince William's ac-
count of Nelson at this time as given at an
interview after Nelson's death. "It was
then that I particularly observed the great-
ness of Nelson's superior mind. The man-
ner in which he enforced the navigation
act, first drew my attention to the commer-
cial interests of my country. We visited
the different islands together; and as much
as the manoeuvres of fleets can be described
off the headlands of islands, we fought over
again the principal naval actions in the
American war. Excepting the naval tuition
which I had received on board the
Prince George, when Rear-Admiral, G.
Keates was lieutenant of her, and for whom
both of us equally entertained a sincere
regard, my mind took its first decided naval
turn from this familiar intercourse with
Nelson." We can well fancy Nelson fight-
ing over again on the spot Rodney's great
victory off Dominica. Clarke and M'Arthur
say that during the whole three years the
Boreas remained upon the station not a
single officer or man of her whole comple-
ment died. This however is a mistake as
we have already seen from a letter to his
Lieutenant of the Boreas whom Nelson had ap-
pointed to assume acting command of the Rattler.


From a miniature tfainting in the possession of Mfrs. Eccles, Plymouth.

[7/Tcher' aates arc rt'protucred i'y fcrlnssion of l.rs. Eccles and of the irolrietors of "Nelson and Hi"s T/imcs.']


brother (the Rev. William) that Nelson
said some of the Boreas' crew had died
of fever. Clark and M'Arthur go on to
say that this good health, though mostly,
no doubt, imputable to a healthy season,
must, in some measure, be ascribed to the
wise conduct of her captain, and from Cap-
tain Wallis's memoir it would appear that
no commander ever studied more to render
the station agreeable to all classes of officers
and men than Nelson uniformly did. This
we also know was Nelson's practice in the
tedious blockade of Toulon many years
later during which he sustained with great
success the health and spirits of his
Fleet. The Boreas in the Leeward Islands
was always on the wing and whenever it
happened that there were other ships in
company Captain Nelson was continually
forming the line exercising the men and
chasing. He never suffered the ship to
remain more than three or four days at a
time at any of the islands except in the
hurricane months, and then when confined
in English Harbour he encouraged all kinds
of useful amusements, music, dancing and
cudgelling among the men, theatricals
among the officers and anything which could
employ their attention and keep their
spirits cheerful.
We come now to Nelson's official corres-
pondence during this period,which so far as
it is preserved to us, includes the following
subjects (I) the Navigation Laws, (2) the
Powers of a Commissioner of the Navy, (3)
a contravention of the East India Company's
privileges, (1) the admission of Spaniards
and Americans trading as Spaniards to the
British Colonies, (5) the case of Surgeon
Wm. Lewis, (6) the case of Lieutenant
Schomberg, and (7) Frauds on the Naval
Department. These illustrate Nelson's zeal
very fully. The first four relate to acts
which he took in the execution of his duty
entirely on his own responsibility and of
his own motion. The fifth and sixth only
are matters which would necessarily come
before him in purely official routine, while
the last matter, although it was certainly in
the first instance brought to his notice, was
taken up by him in that hearty manner
which always showed that in no perfunc-
tory way would he perform any duties
which might result in good to His Majesty's
The first matter, the putting in force the

Navigation Laws, was the most important
and will be deal with at some length later.
The next matter, the question whether a
Captain holding the position of Commis-
ioner of the Navy was entitled to the same
rank and authority as if he had been on full
pay in command of one of the Kings ships,
with power to hoist a broad Pendant, was
one of much professional interest at the
time, although not of practical moment now,
the same conditions not being present.
The question arose with Captain John
Moutray, the Commissioner of the Navy at
Antigua, who had been made a Post-Cap-
tain on the 28th December, 1758, and was
consequently twenty-one years Nelson's
senior. Moutray had on the 13th February
1781 been court-martialled at Jamaica and
pronounced to be responsible for the loss of
a convoy he had been carrying out to the
West Indies and sentenced to be dismissed
from the' command of his ship, the Ramilies.
He soon after however received further
employment afloat and in February 1783,
was appointed Resident Commissioner in
Antigua, a civil employment on half pay.
He and his wife were personal friends of
Nelson, and his wife especially, as we have
already seen, was held in very great esteem
by Nelson. In this matter, as-we shall also,
see in the case of the Navigation Laws,
Nelson really went directly against the
official orders of his Admiral, although in
his official letter to the Admiralty he only
admitted sailing very close to the wind.
Admiral Hughes was a man of some sei-
vice, but of weak character. He married
Jane, daughter of William Sloane nephew
of Sir Hans Sloane of British Museum and
Jamaica Natural History fame. In 1763
he had commanded the Boreas the frigate
of which Nelson was then in command and
which, bye the bye, a son of Lord Rodney
had also commanded in 1781.
Nelson appears always to have grasped
the kernel of the matter and gone straight
to the point in time of peace as in time of
war, but although he was right in his views
it cannot be held that he was right in so
acting on them. It takes a Nelson to be
able to do so with impunity. It seems
that on the 29th December 1784 Rear-
Admiral Hughes issued an order to all
Captains in his absence, or that of a Senior
Officer to Captain Moutray, to conform
themselves to his [Moutray's] directions


and to apply to him for all necessary orders
relating to the duty and business of the
Port, so far as the Ship under their several
-commands might be concerned, and to show
him all the usual marks of respect due to
an officer wearing a Distinguishing Pen-
dant" (referring to the custom in the
Navy-" that when a Captain arrives who
-is senior on the list to him who wears a
Broad Pendant, the Pendant is immediately
struck"). Now in February 1785 some
damages having happened to the Boreas
,she put into English Harbour to get them
repaired and Nelson found the Latona,
Captain Sandys, lying there with a Broad
Pendant flying under the directions of Com-
missioner Montray. and on the same day
the latter issued a written order to Nelson,
addressed to Horatio Nelson Esq., Captain
.of His Majesty's ship Boreas, and Second
Officer in Command of his Majesty's Ships
in English Harbour Antigua" to put him-
.self under Moutray's command. This Nel-
.son refused to do and did not think proper
to pay the least attention to the Pendant.
He did not, as one account makes out,
.order the Broad Pendant to be struck and
returned to the Dockyard, for the reason
that, in his own words, Mr. Moutray is
.an old Officer of high military character,
and it might hurt his feelings to be sup-
posed wrong by so young an officer."
Nelson's argument was that he had never
received official information that Commis-
sioner Moutray was appointed a Commo-
dore on the Station, or put in any commis-
sion but that of Commissioner of the Navy,
and that Moutray was not the second
*Officer in the Command on the Station, i.e.
:next after the Admiral. As Nelson argued
very forcibly, whatever Moutray had been
'before he did not know, but he regarded
Moutray as effectually superseded by the
fact that Nelson himself had sat as Presi-
dent of Court-Alartials when Moutray was
-on the spot in his naval uniform and acting
in an official capacity as Commissioner of
the Navy. The matter seems to have been
-coming to a head for some time as Nelson
received, after his arrival in English Har-
bour on the 28th July 1784 to lay up for
the hurricane season till the 1st November,
numerous orders from Moutray, as also on
-other occasions after the latter date. At
St. Kitts he seemed to have received the
order of the Admiral above referred to and
his reply to the Admiral was that if Com-

missioner Moutray was put into Commis-
sinn he should have real pleasure in serving
under him. He says (in his report of the
matter to the Admiralty) that he had no
doubt that Admiral Hughes believed that
Mr. Moutray was commissioned as a Com-
modore but that at the same time he trusted
that the Admiral thought that the officers
under his command knew their duty too
well to obey any half-pay Captain. Thus
Nelson wrote to Moutray on the 6th Feb-
ruary that he could not obey Moutray till
the latter was in Commission and according
to one account, which is extremely likely,
dined with him the same day, to show there
was no ill feeling; he never heard further
from him on the subject and was never
shown any Commission which he says
would have instantly cleared up matters
if it had been dated since Nelson had by
the Admiral's orders "executed the office
of Second in Command in English Har-
bour." Nelson wrote a long letter to the
Admiralty explaining his conduct in order
that it might "never go abroad into the
World I ever had, an idea to dispute the
orders of my Superior Officer: neither
Admiral, Commodore or Captain." Nicolas
in 1845 said that their Lordships' decision
upon the particular point had not been
found but they informed Nelson that he
ought to have submitted his doubts to the
Commander-in-Chief on the Station, instead
of having taken upon himself "to control
the exercise of the functions of his appoint-
ment." Nicolas says however that it is to
be presumed that Captain Nelson's view of
the subject was perfectly correct and that
unless (as was the practice in 1845) "a

Commissioner of the Navy be placed upon
full pay, by being appointed to the com-
mand of a Ship by the Admiralty, he is to all
intents and purposes an Officer on half pay,
and that no Admiral commanding a Squadron
or Fleet has the power to place him on full
pay or to give him his Naval rank and still
less to authorize him to hoist a Broad Pen-
dant." In the Dictionary of National
Biography however Prof. Laughton says
that the Admiralty replied that the ap-
pointment was abolished and it was there-
fore unnecessary to lay down any rule, and
that Moutray was accordingly recalled, and
in his life of Nelson Laughton says that
at the present time a superintendent of a
dockyard whether at home or abroad is
always an executive officer on full-pay. A


similar question could not therefore now
arise. For instance the Naval Commis-
sioner of Portsmouth Dockyard is now the
Admiral Superintendent, and the officer in
charge of Port Royal Dockyard is the Com-
modore on the Station.
On the 5th May, 178i, Nelson thinks it
desirable to write direct to the East India
Company to acquaint them of a circumstance
of very material consequence to their China
trade, which again could or rather need not
occur now, and an account of which in these
days of free trade i.e. of unrestricted trade
may be given in Nelson's own words, as an
interesting relic of the past.
"A Mr. William Robinson of London bought,
about two years ago, a twenty.gun Ship (which
was sold by [the] Navy Board) called the Hydra.
This Ship he fitted out in the Thames, loaded her
with a cargo of goods, and cleared her at the Custom
House, London, for New York. A Mr. Green,
late Secretary to Admiral Arbuthnot, is Super-
cargo of her. Instead of proceeding to New York,
he has been trading at the Coromandel Coast, at
Bengal, and at China, under American Colours
and Papers, and after a successful voyage arrived
at St. Eustatia, the latter end of March, where
she is dispersing her cargo of tea, saltpetre etc.,
etc. over the British West Indies. A Mr. Hamil-
ton of Nevis, I hear, has purchased upwards of
one hundred tons of saltpetre out of her.
I understand she intends returning to London,
and to play the same double game over again; to
prevent which I transmit you this account, and
that you may take such measures as you think
proper to prevent these iniquitous practices in
Nelson added that if his Ship had not
been removed to Barbadoes he would have
gone to St. Eustatia and demanded the ship
and cargo.
Nicolas prints three letters from Nelson--
one to the Commissioners of the Admiralty
and two to Philip Stephens, Secretary to
the Admiralty, on the subject of Surgeon
William Lewis.of H. M, Sloop Rattler, but
they need not be referred to further than
to say that they relate to improper letters
written by Lewis in September 1786, con-
sequent on his application to be invalided.
The Admiralty subsequently informed Nel-
son that they had recommended the Navy
Board not to re-employ Mr. Lewis until he
should have made a proper apology to
Nelson for the disrespectful expressions
contained in his letters. This was appar-
ently done as Nelson after his return to
England expressed himself satisfied and
said that he would not wish to keep Lewis
from employment.

On the 23rd January, 1787, Nelson as
Commanding Officer received a letter from
Lt. Schomberg of the Pegasus asking for
a court martial on him on account of his
Captain, Prince William, accusing him in
the General Order Book of neglect of duty
of which he did not conceive himself guilty,
The Order in question ran; "From Mr.
Schomberg's neglecting to inform me yes-
terday of his sending a boat on shore, and
Mr. Smollett doing the same, I think proper
to recommend the reading over of these
orders with attention, to the Officers and
Gentlemen ; as for the future I shall make-
them accountable for their conduct in dis-
obeying any command or orders I may from
time to time give out." Nelson in reply
stated that he would order a Court Martial
as requested and in the meantime ordered
Lt. Schomberg, under arrest, with such
restrictions and indulgences as his Captain
might think proper, and at the same time
issued a General Order that if any officer
should presume to ask for a Court Martial
on a frivolous pretence while there were
not enough Ships to bring them to immedi-
ate trial, thus depriving His Majesty of
their services by obliging him to confine
them, he would regard their conduct as a
breach of the 14th and part of the 19th
Articles of War and try them also for that.
In a private letter to Wm. Locker, Nelson
says in February, that the Prince has had
more plague with his officers than enough
and that his first Lieutenant will, I have
no doubt, be broke 0: in short
our Service has been so much relaxed,
during the War, that it will cost many a.
Court Martial to bring it up again." Schom-
berg, being still under arrest owing to the
absence of ships enough to try him, on
the 18th April wrote to Nelson asking
for the charges which would be preferred'
against him, saying that he feared his long
confinement must arise from some other
cause than the origirial one.
Nelson replied that lie had never been
more hurt than that an officer whom he so-
much respected should have done such an
improper act as to deprive His Majesty of
his services at a time they were wanted,
that there was no other charge against him
than the matter which Schomberg himself
desired the Court Martial to investigate,
and that the confinement had been his own,
as if Nelson had not ordered him under-


arrest he might then have charged Nelson
with having left him to be unjustly accused
as set forth in his original- letter. The
matter hung fire for nearly another month,
when on hearing from the Prince that he
was suffering from ill-health, Nelson dis-
cusses this and other affairs in a letter to
H. R. H. of the 7th May. As there was no
intelligence of any Comanding Officer com-
ing out Nelson asked the Prince to turn in
his mind about going to Jamaica' and says
that if the Prince supposes there will not
be sufficient ships there he will send the
Rattler with the Prince's ship Pegasus and
that then the Rattler can take from Jamaica
the Prince's despatches to England, but
that if the Prince does not think this
necessary he will send the Rattler direct to
England. In this letter Nelson also refers
to having sent the Maidstone to the Baha-
mas to look for some 'piratical fellow' who
appears from a letter of the next day to have
been defrauding Foreigners by the help of
the British Flag and whom Nelson conceived
it his duty to punish not only 'for the
fraud but attempting to disgrace the British
Colours.' In the former of these letters
Nelson adds that poor Collingwood's death
had lowered his spirits as he considered the
constitutions of himself and Collingwood
to have been nearly alike. On hearing
from Prince William in reply next day
Nelson says there is no chance of a Court
Martial "in these Seas" and again suggests
that the Prince should go to Jamaica where
he believes one could be held, which would
not be the case in America (the station the
Prince had come from and to which he
was returning).
The Prince expressed himself pleased
with this arrangement as Commodore Gard-
ner would give him "good advice" how to
pursue the riot made through this difficult
and disagreeable affair. 'I wish to God,' he
says, 'it had never happened, or that Schom-
berg had seen his error sooner.' Nelson
accordingly ordered the Pegasus to Jamai-
ca that Lieutenant Schomberg might have
the Court Martial he requested, sending an
official letter to Commodore Alan Gardner
to inform him of the circumstances and ex-
plaining to the Commodore more fully in a
private letter of the same date, 18th May,
thereasons which had influencedhis conduct,
the more particularly, he said, as His Royal
Highness stood in a very different situation
to any other Captain; 'his conduct will be

canvassed by the world, when ours would
be never heard of." The confidential ac-
count which Nelson gives of the matter may
be thus summarized. Nelson says that he
can only suppose that Schomberg in apply-
ing for the Court Martial was under the im-
pression that the Prince in his turn was
going to take the first opportunity to hold
a Court Martial on him and have him
'broke.' The day the matter happened the
Prince was dining in the country, with
Nelson in attendance, and had told Nelson
how unpleasant it was for Schomberg to act
in the manner he had been doing, more es-
pecially as the Prince had forgiven him only
a few days before (by releasing him from
arrest) but that if any person committed
faults in future he intended to enter it in
the Order Book, which he had done the
next day. On receiving Schomberg's letter
Nelson sent for the Prince and told him
that in the Prince's elevated situation the
world looked more to him than to any other
person, that Mr. Schomberg had neither
more nor less accused the Prince of putting
his name to an untruth, that although the
original matter in itself was so trivial Nel-
son thought it his duty to take Lieutenant
Schomberg from under the Prince's direc-
tions by suspending him from duty, other-
wise it might be said Nelson had left him in
a disagreeable position merely because he
served under the Prince. The Pegasus pro
ceeded to Jamaica and the matter was set-
tled there by Commodore Gardner without
a Court Martial, how, it does not appear
exactly. Nelson, however, in writing to
the Prince from Portsmouth on the 27th
July, 1787, after they had both arrived
home, says:-
"You have supported your character, yet, at the
same time, by an amiable condescension have saved
an Officer from appearing before a Court Martial,
which ever must hurt him. Resentment, I know,
Your Royal Highness never had, or Iam sure ever
will bear any one: it is a sentiment incompatible
with the character of a Man of Honour. Schom-
berg was too hasty certainly in writing his letter
but, now you are parted, pardon me, my Prince;
when I presume to recommend, that Schomberg,
may stand in your Royal Favour, as if he had
never sailed with you; and that at some future day,
you will serve him. There only wants this, to
place your character in the highest point of view.
None of us are without failings: Schomberg's was
in being rather too hasty; but that, put in compe-
tition with his being a good Officer, will not, I am
bold to say, be taken in the scale against him."
Nelson goes on to add that he had been
reprimanded by the Admiralty, to whom on


the 10th July he had sent a long letter ex-
plaining his reasons for allowing the
the Prince to proceed to America by way of
-Jamaica. His diplomatic reply to the Ad-
miralty was that their Lordships might be
assured that in future no consideration
-should ever induce him to deviate in the
smallest degree from his orders (without
admitting that he had done so in this in-
The correspondence concerning the al-
leged frauds in the West Indies again shows
now actively Nelson took up any subject
which he thought of moment to the service
of his country. In all there are preserved
four letters, of some length, which Nelson
wrote in May, 1787, shortly before he left
the station. As the frauds concerned other
Departments as well as the Navy, those let-
ters were addressed, three of them, to Sir
,Charles Middleton, Comptroller of the Navy,
Viscount Howe, First Lord of the Admiralty,
and the Duke of Richmond, Master General
-of the Ordnance, while the address of the
other, an autograph draft in the Nelson
Papers, is not given. This last however
gives the best and clearest account of the
matter and, with the exception of the con-
eluding paragraph, is as follows:-
Boreas, Nevis, May 4th, 1787.
As frauds in the different Departments of Gov-
-ernment are in a train to be discovered, and that to
a very large amount, I have thought it proper to
send all the papers and circumstances relative to
it, at once to you. On the 13th of April Messrs.
Higgins and Wilkinson, merchants in the town of
St. John's, in the Island of Antigua, gave His
Royal Highness information that Frauds had been
-committed upon Government. As His Royal High-
ness could not attend to this matter, he desired me
to do what was right in the business; since which
time I have endeavoured to make myself master of
this subject, and have examined a variety of books
and papers, particularly those of a Mr. Whitehead,
who appears as principal Agent. It is unnecessary
to observe that Higgins & Wilkinson were partners
-of Whitehead, under the firm of Whitehead & Co.,
but have now parted from him, and possessed
themselves of all his books and papers, from which
it appears that Government has been defrauded in
:a most scandalous and infamous manner. The
only emulation I can perceive is, who could cheat
most. That the fictions (sic) name of Cornelius
Cole stands for Antony Munton, his Majesty's
Naval Storekeeper, I really am so little versed in
Merchants' accounts, that I cannot assert (as these
-gentlemen declare) it does; but this circumstance
makes a strong impression, that all the credits of
Cornelius Cole are carried to the account of An-
tony Munton.
Vouchers have hitherto been deemed a sufficient
-check in the purchasing of Stores, that the market

price must be known: the Commissioners ap-
pointed to examine the Public Accounts of the
Kingdom, in their sixth Report, were the first who
doubted the credit of Vouchers. Although that
Report was founded on Army Accounts, yet the
same chain of reasoning will hold in the Naval De-
partments abroad; for there is not a merchant in
these Islands that does not always sign Vouchers
whenever they are brought to them: they say there
is no fixed price for anything in this country, that
an article is worth what it will bring. These gen-
tlemen have been in various employment in the
different Islands, under those employed in the Vic-
tualling, etc., and they assure me, that they are
certain they can discover frauds in Antigua to
near 500,000 ; St. Lucia, 300.000 ; Barbadoes,
250,000; and at Jamaica, 1,000,000. The sum
is immense. Whether they can make it out, time
must determine. However, they only wish to be
rewarded for what is actually recovered, and they
are both shrewd, sensible men; and must know
that they are forever ruined in this Country, if they
do not make out what they have so boldly asserted.
No. 1 is a letter to His Royal Highness; No. 2 is
their letter of terms; Nos. 3, 4, 5, account of the
Frauds; No. 6, a letter to me; No. 7, an account
of the method of cheating.
It appears from his letter to the Comp-
troller of the Navy that Nelson when he
was first left with the command had repre-
sented that abuses might occur by the re-
gisters in force but that he had been told
in reply that it was thought that the old
forms were sufficient. This reply, he says,
hurt him at the time, but he had of course
then to leave the matter alone.

On the 26th July, on his return to Eng-
land, Nelson also wrote to Mr. Pitt, enclos-
ing papers on the subject of these Frauds
and .was informed on the 31st July that
these documents were under the considera-
tion of the Treasury. The Comptroller of
the Navy on the 16th August said that the
matter should be taken up on Nelson's arri-
val in town, when he wished to see Nelson
and that he hoped Nelson would in the
meantime use every means to substantiate
the charge which he had little doubt was
well founded. There are nine other letters
printed which were written by Nelson on
this subject after his arrival in England,
some to Messrs. Wilkinson & Higgins, the
former of whom suffered at least indirectly
for his activity in the matter, by being
thrown into the gaol of Antigua by, he
stated, "a quirk of the Solicitor-General's."
Mr. Wilkinson complained bitterly of the
way in which that officer treated him, which
he attributed to his discovery of Mr. White-
head's frauds. That the Solicitor-General
favoured that person and that Whitehead


had acted fraudulently is shown by a Reso-
lution of the Antigua House of Assembly
on the 4th June, 1788, that Whitehead had
been guilty of gross imposition on the Com-
mittee of both Houses of the Legislature,
and of a flagrant attempt to defraud the
Public, the Resolution being passed by fif-
teen to two, one of the latter being the So-
licitor-General. 'Messrs. Wilkinson & Hig-
gins were subsequently summoned by the
Navy Department to come to England to
make good their charge, but it does not ap-
pear from Nelson's correspondence what was
the upshot of the whole matter, and whe-
ther anything was ever recovered in respect
of the past. Matters were, however, at
least put in train to provide against similar
frauds in future. Clarke and M'Arthur
say that prejudice was raised against Nelson
in the Admiralty which it was many years
before he could subdue, but they do not
give any authority for the statement, while
there is no doubt, as Nicolas points out and
we have seen, that Nelson himself received
from the Public Boards in 1788 and 1789
their warmest thanks for his zeal, and the
Duke of Richmond concluded a letter of
2nd June, 1789, in these words: "With
respect to yourself I can only renew the
assurances of my perfect conviction of the
zeal for His Majesty's service which has in-
duced you to stir in this business." That
there were great frauds of one kind or an-
other about this period, both at home and
abroad, appears indisputable. Lord Coch-
rane speaking of a time a few years later,
remarks as follows: "Abroad the condition
of affairs was infinitely worse, both as re-
garded the navy and army. The following
extract from the Annual Register at a pe-
riod when the press hardly dared to tell the
truth, will serve as a sample of the prac-
tices prevailing: 'The abuses committed in
the West Indies are said to exceed every-
thing that was ever stated in romance.'"
Nelson's action under the Navigation Laws
again introduces us to scenes quite novel in
these days of unrestricted trade. This was
the only matter which he himself thought
it necessary to mention in connection with
his service during his stay on the Leeward
Islands station, when writing his 'Sketch of
my Life' fifteen years later; the brief sum-
mary of the matter is already given in that
portion of the sketch prefixed to this period
of his life. It will be remembered that the
provisions of the Navigation Laws were

being violated by the citizens of the United
States, who, notwithstanding their separa-
tion from the Mother country, continued to-
trade with the West India Colonies, al-
though by law that privilege was exclu-
sively confined to British subjects. In this-
matter Nelson had the active co-operation
of his old chum Captain Cuthbert (after-
wards Admiral Lord) Collingwood and the
latter's brother Capt. Wilfred Collingwood,
but not only did he not have the assistance
of Admiral Hughes, but he had at one time
to contend with the active opposition of the
latter. In doing so he again took the re--
sponsibility of sailing perilously near the
wind in the direction of disobedience, al-
though it will be seen later that the special
thanks of the Admiralty were conveyed to
Admiral Hughes for the action which was
insisted upon, against his will, by his sub-
ordinate! Nelson, however, went straight
to the root of the matter and protected in
peace what he conceived to be the interests.
of his country, or at any rate put into exe-
cution the Laws of his country, with as
much zeal and activity a's ever he dashed
into the enemy in time of war.
There are fourteen official, many of them
lengthy, documents printed by Nicolas on
this subject, besides frequent references to
it in Nelson's private letters during these
three years. The fullest account is given
in "Captain Nelson's narrative of his pro-
ceedings in support of the Navigation Act,for
the suppression of illicit traffic in the West
Indies," apparently written towards tha.
end of June, 1786, and afterwards sent to
Prince William. In Nicolas this narrative
takes up about fifteen pages, a good deal of
it in small print, without including six let-
ters incorporated in it, printed earlier, and
several other documents not thought neces-
sary to be printed, and it obviously can not
be reproduced here. A brief precis of his
letters on the subject will first be given and
then one of the letters summarising the-
matter will be quoted in full.
On the llth or 12th January, 1785, he
replies to and comments on an order re-
ceived from the Admiral dated the 29th
December requiring him to cause foreigners
to anchor alongside His Majesty's ships,
except in cases of urgent distress, and if the
Governor shall, after consideration, give
leave for their admission not to interfere in
any subsequent proceedings. To answer
this Nelson had a delicate task before him.


He held that for Governors or any one else
to allow in these foreigners was an illegal
act, and while pointing this out to the Ad-
miral stated that as long as he had the
honour to command an English Man-of-War
he would never allow himself to be subser-
-vient to the will of any Governor nor co-
operate with him in doing illegal acts. Pre-
sidents of Council, he said, he felt superior
to. Understanding that the Admiral's order
was based upon an opinion of the King's
Attorney-General (for which Island is not
mentioned) he expressed his wonder that
this officer would conceive it right to give
an illegal opinion which Nelson asserted it
was, and concluded, "I know the Naviga-
tion Laws."
On the 18th January, at St. Kitts, he
writes the Admiralty on the subject, more
immediately as regards a correspondence
between Captain Wilfred Collingwood of
the sloop Rattler and Mr. Henry Bennett,
Collector of Customs at Sandy Point, in St-
Kitts, in which the latter held that he had
power to grant "Registers to American
ships to the prejudice of British ship-build-
ing, British subjects, and the Colonies of
Nova Scotia and Canada." On the 20th
March, 1785, he writes to Lord Sydney, the
Secretary of State, "not to criminate any
individual" but to vindicate his character
as an officer from the aspersions cast upon
it by the people of Nevis and St. Kitts, de-
tails to His Lordship his own action and
the subterfuges by which the Laws were
evaded, and concludes by stating that he
stood for himself, that no great connexion
would support him if inclined to fall, and
that therefore he must be "'very careful of
his good Name as a Man, an Officer, and an
On the 29th June Nelson considers it
necessary to send a Memorial to the King
in which, after relating the acts taken by
him, he states that writs for his arrest had
been issued, under the false pretence of his
having assaulted and imprisoned Masters of
American vessels, in respect of which dam-
ages were claimed to the extent of 4,000,
and that in consequence of this he
had to "keep his ship." In June Nelson
also forwarded through Admiral Hughes a
"Representation of the illegal trade which
is ,now carrying on between the United
States of America and the Island of St.
Christopher's; and also the practices of the
Officers of His Majesty's Customs to that

Island." About this time, in private letters
to William Suckling of the London Custom
House, Nelson treats of the matters in dis-
pute and asks Suckling to get him advice
from the Solicitorto the Customs. In one of
these letters, dated the 25th September,
1785, Nelson states that the Packet had
brought a letter from Lord Sydney, signi-
fying his Majesty's approbation of Nelson's
conduct and orders for the Crown Lawyers
to defend him at His Majesty's expense
from all Civic prosecutions. The Customs
Solicitor in London also said that he was
clearly of opinion that Nelson was war-
ranted in the seizure of the ships. On the
17th November, 1785, Nelson had occasion
again to write to Lord Sydney a lengthy
letter in consequence of an opinion given
by Dr. Scott (afterwards Lord Stowell and
Judge of the Admiralty Court) and the in-
ferences drawn from it by the Customs Of-
ficers at Basseterre, St. Kitts, viz.: that not
only had Captains of British Men-of-War
no right to seize British ships but that they
had no right to seize any (foreign) ships
for contravention of the Navigation Laws.
Nelson controverts this at length and thinks
that the opinion on which the latter infer-
ence is founded was made to refer only to
the former point in which he thinks it may
no doubt be correct. On the 4th February,
1786, he again writes to Lord Sydney giv-
ing the details of a particular register
granted to an American. Perhaps the most
interesting, popular account of these mat-
ters given by Nelson himself is to be found
in a lengthy private letter to Captain Wil-
liam Looker, of the 5th March, 1786, "off
Martinico," which runs as follows:-
"It was near the hurricane months when I ar-
rived in this Country, consequently nothing could
be done till they were over in November, when the
Squadron arrived at Barbados, and the Ships were
to be sent to the different Islands, with orders only
to examine the anchorages, and whether there was
wood and water. This did not appear to me to be
the intent of placing Men of-War in peaceable
times, therefore I asked Collingwood to go with
me (for his sentiments and mine were exactly
similar) to the Admiral. I' then asked him if we
were not to attend to the Commerce of our Country
and to take care that the British trade was kept in
those channels that the Navigation Laws pointed
out. He answered, he had no orders, nor had the
Admiralty sent him any Acts of Parliament. I
told him it was very odd, as every Captain of a
Man-of-Mar was furnished with the Statutes of the
Admiralty, in which was the Navigation Act, which
Act was directed to Admirals, Captains, etc., to see
it carried into execution. He said he had never
seen the Book, but having produced and read the


Laws to him, he seemed convinced that Men-of-
War were sent abroad for some other purpose than
to be made a show of. (The rebel Americans at this
time filled our Poits). Sir Richard then gave
Orders to all the Squadron to see the Navigation
Act carried into execution. When I went to my
station at St. Kitts, I turned away all the rebels,
not choosing to seize them at that time, as it would
have appeared a trap for them.
In December, to my astonishment, comes down
an order from him, telling us he had received good
advice, and requiring us not to hinder the Ameri-
cans from coming in, and having free egress and
regress, if the Governors chose to allow them; and
a copy of the order he sent to the Governors and
the Presidents of the Islands. The General Shir-
ley* and others began by sending letters not far
different from orders, that he should admit them
in such and such situations; telling me the Admi-
ral had left it to them, but they thought it right to
let me know it. Mr. Shirley I soon trimmed up
and silenced. Sir Richard Hughes's, was a more del-
icate business; I must either disobey my orders
or disobey Acts of Parliament, which the Admiral
was disobeying. I determined upon the former,
trusting to the uprightness of my intention, and be-
lieved that my country would not allow me to be
ruined, by protecting her Commerce. I first, to
Sir Richard, expatiated upon the Navigation Laws
to the best of my ability; told him I was certain
some person had been giving him advice, which he
would be sorry for having taken against the posi-
tive directions of an Act of Parliament; and that I
was certain Sir Richard had too much regard for
the Commerce of Great Britain to suffer our worst
Enemies to take it from us; and that too at a time
when Great Britain was straining every nerve to
suppress illegal Trade at Home, which only af-
fected the Revenue; and that I hoped we should
not be singular in allowing a much more ruinous
traffic to be carried on under the King's Flag; and
in short that I should decline obeying his orders,
till I had an opportunity of seeing and talking to
him, at the same time making him an apology.
At first, I hear, he was going to send a Captain
to supersede me; but having mentioned the matter
to his Captain, he was told that he believed all the
Squadron thought he had sent illegal orders, there-
fore did not know how far they were obliged to
obey them. This being their sentiments, he could
not try me here, and now he finds I am all right,
and thanks me for having put him right. I told
the Custom Houses I should, after such a day,
seize all Foreigners in our Islands, and keep them
out to the utmost of my power till that time; the
Custom Houses fancied I could not seize without a
Deputation, therefore disregarded my threats. In
May last I seized the first; I had the Governor,
the Customs, all the Planters upon me; subscrip-
tions were soon filled to prosecute me; and my
Admiral stood neuter, although his Flag was then
in the Roads. Before the first Vessel was tried, I

*General Thomas Shirley was appointed Captain.
General of the Leeward Islands in 1781, and in June,
1786, was created a Baronet; he died at Bath in

had seized four others,* and having sent for the.
Masters on board to examine them, not allowing
some of them to go on shore, I had Writi taken out.
against me, and damages laid for the enormous
sum of 4,000 sterling.
When the trial came on, I was protected by the
Judge for the day; but the Marshal was desired to
arrest [me], and the Merchants promised to in-
demnify them for the act; but the Judge having
declared he would send him to prison if he dared
to do it, he desisted. I fortunately attached my-
self to an honest Lawyer ; and dont let me forget,
the President of Nevis [Mr. Herbert] offered the
Court to become my bail for 10,000, if I chose to
suffer the arrest. He told them I had done only
my duty; and although he suffered more in pro-
portion than any of them, he could not blame me.
At last, after a Trial of two days, we carried our
cause, and the Vessels were condemned. I was a
close prisoner on board for bar eight weeks, for had I
been taken, I most assuredly should have been
cast for the whole sum. I had nothing left but to
send a Memorial to the King, and he was good
enough to order me to be defended at his expense,
and sent orders to Mr. Shirley to afford me every
assistance in the execution of my duty, and refer-
ring him to my letters, etc., as there was in them
what concerned him not to have suffered.
The Treasury, by the last Packet, has transmit-
ted thanks to Sir Richard Hughes and the Officere
under him, for their activity and zeal in protect-
ing the Commerce of Great Britain. Had they
known what I have told y d iyou (nd if my friends
think I may, without impropriety, tell the story
myself, I shall do it when I get Home). I don't
think they would have bestowed thanks in that
quarter and have neglected me. I feel much hurt
that after the loss of health and risk of fortune,
another should be thanked for what I did against
his orders. I either deserved to be sent out of the
Service, or at least have had some little notice
taken of me. They have thought it worthy of
notice, and have neglected me; if this is the re-
ward for the faithful discharge of my duty, I shall
be careful and never stand forward again ; but I
have done my duty and have nothing to accuse
myself of.

It thus appears that Nelson had gone
further than was shown in his official letter
to the Admiral above referred to (in which
he only hinted at what he would do) and
had actually refused to the Admiral to put
his order in force. This was probably
done in a private letter of which we have
no record.
It is stated that while Nelson was suffer-
ing the close confinement to his ship one of

*Clarke and M'Arthur say that these American ves-
sels, lying at Nevis, were flying "what are called the-
island colours"-white with a red cross. Those are
also known as the Jamaica 'Island colours.' This is
the St. George's Cross flown otherwise exclusively by
Men-of-War at the present day, and the authority
for it is not known to the writer.


his officers in speaking of the matter used
the word "pity" to him. "Pity," said Nel-
.son, "Pity (did you say) ? I shall live, sir,
to be envied, and to that point I shall
always direct my course."
With reference to General Shirley, Cap-
tain Wallis tells us that this Governor,
feeling irritated at Nelson's remonstrances,
said to him that old Generals were not in
the habit of taking advice from young gen-
tlemen, to which Nelson replied, "I have
the honour, sir, of being as old as the Prime
Minister of England, and think myself as
capable of commanding one of His Majes-
ty's ships as that Minister is of governing
the State." Tnere are several other letters
of a later date from Nelson to the Admiralty
on the general subject, but they do not
seem to raise any new matter with one ex-
ception, viz.: that a fresh obstacle had
been put in the way of the Captains of the
Navy, by heavy fees being demanded by
the law officers of some of the Islands, be-
fore the latter would take up the cases of
forfeitures. That this was of serious mo-
ment appears from a statement of Nelson,
that if fees had been demanded of him for
the advice he had been obliged to ask of
the Crown Lawyers of the Leeward Islands
(who did not press for fees) all his pay for
the station would not have sufficed.
On the general point as to this trade
with the Americans, there does not appear
to have been much difference of opinion
between the Leeward Islanders and the
people of Jamaica, for Clarke and M'Arthur
give the following foot-note on the subject:
So early as April, 1783, the Governor of Jamai-
ca directed the officers of his majesty's customs to
give every encouragement to American vessels;
which seems afterwards to have been counter-
ordered; for according to the Kingston Gazette,
in the October following, the honourable house of
assembly in Jamaica addressed the governor,
praying him to suspend the operations of his Ma-
jesty's order in Council, respecting the trade and
intercourse between that island and America, for
the space of nine months from the date of their
address. To which his excellency was pleased to
answer, in general, "that he was so closely tied
down by his instructions from the ministry, as
to be unable to comply with their request." Sub-
sequent to this, and not owing as it would seem,
to fresh instructions from the ministry, the opera-
tions of his majesty's order appear to have been
suspended: for in another article in the Kingston
paper, it is stated, 15th August, 1784, "that the
lieutenant governor by listening to the prayers of
a suffering people, and granting during pleasure a
free trade with the United States of America, for
provisions and lumber only, has gained a large

portion of well-earned popularity; and it is to be
hoped that this act of his honour's power, so dis-
tinguished for its humanity, will meet with the'
approbation of our most gracious sovereign and
the parliament.
Nelson, himself, however, drew a distinc-
tion between Jamaica and the Leeward
Islands, in one respect at least, as we shall
Clarke and M'Arthur add that it was
through Nelson that the register Act, 26
George III. c. 60 was passed, by which it
was established that after the first day
of August, 1785i, no vessel should be ac-
counted British unless she were built in
the British dominions or taken as a prize,"
and no ship built in the United States was
to be registered except on a special order
from the Privy Council, in consequence of
services rendered to the public by its own-
ers, also that the owners must all reside
in British dominions, unless some of them
were members of British factories abroad.
Clarke and M'Arthur also say that at about
the same time the French and Spanish
Governments, which during the war had
allowed or winked at similar irregular-
ities, again put into force, more or less
strictly, their similar restrictive provisions
in respect of their West India Colonies, by
which the Americans suffered in their trade,
as in the case of Nelson's action. Exactly
similar restrictions in trade are of course
no longer to be found amongst at least the
majority of civilized nations. But it is in-
teresting to note that, since this Paper was
first written, there has been mooted insthe
United States Congress a proposal to revive
the spirit of those Navigation Laws and
there has been adduced as an argument in
favour of this course the British practice of
a hundred years ago.
As has just been said, the old fashioned
Navigation Acts are entirely done away
with and the question of the Navy enforcing
their provisions could not arise, but the Mer-
chant Shipping Act and the Foreign Enlist-
ment Act are two laws under which both
the land authorities and the naval service
may be called upon to act: whether with
any chance of clashing the writer is unable
to say.
In connection with the subject of the
Navigation Laws, Nelson sent to the Admi-
ralty on the 27th August, 1786, from Anti-
gua, a long representation showing how-by
an evasion of a Treasury Order admitting


Spanish bullion to the Colonies, under which told of the transaction and that he vehe-
the West India :Cititbhs. had been admit- mently exclaimed "This affront I did not:
ting cattle, mules and stook brought by the deserve, but never mind, I'll be trifled with
Spaniards,-American vessels, tired of run- no longer. I will write to the Treasury and
ning risk of seizure by the Men-of-War, if Government will not support me, I am
procured temporary Spanish Registers from resolved to leave the country;" that he in-
the Island of Trinidad (then under Spain) formed the Treasury if a satisfactory answer
and came on to the British Islands under were not sent him by return of post he
the cloak of the Treasury Order in ques- would take refuge in France and that he-
tion in order thus to gain the benefit of accordingly made arrangements for Mrs.
ordinary trade. Nelson points out that Nelson's departure, but that on the 4th May
while the admission of the cattle from the he was told by Captain Pringle, that Mr.-
Spanish Main in order to encourage the Rose, the Secretary of the Treasury had said'
Spaniards.to trade in dry goods (which was to him "Captain Nelson is a very good offi-
in itself a very liberal extension of the cer, that he need be under no apprehension,
Order) was, of his own knowledge, a good for that he will assuredly be supported by
thing for Jamaica which did a large trade the Treasury.' Clarke and M'Arthur have
with the Spanish Main in dry goods, the assigned this affair to 1788 instead of 1790'
reasoning would not hold good in the Lee- and appear also to have mistaken and ex-
ward Islands in which this was not the aggerated the facts for the 'writ' was not
case. Nelson said he had seized one of served until the 26th April, and as we have
these 'American Spaniards' and might have seen the Admiralty had informed Nelson a
had some difficulty in condeming her month previously that they had recom-
had he notfound theAmerican Papers and mended that he should be defended by the
Orders of her owners for the transmogrifi- Crown. This was no doubt done, as we hear
cation. He had thus choked the illegal no more of the matter in his letters.
trade in one way, only to find another About the end of May, 1787, Nelson left
door being opened by the Custom House the Leeward Islands Station after a service
Officers to let in the foreigners, but he was there of nearly three years and arrived at
not to be outwitted, and promptly reported Spithead on the 4th July. His wife went
the matter after seizing one vessel, in a merchant vessel, we are told, and' ar-
Nelson's troubles in this matter did not rived about the same time, for on the 9th,
cease on his return to England. In April, writing from Portsmouth to Locker, Nelson
1788, he writes to Win. Locker that he was says that his dear wife is much obliged for
then under a prosecution by some Ameri- Locker's kind enquiries and that he (Nelsony
cans for seizing their vessels, that he had has rum and tamarinds for Locker in what
written them that he would have nothing quantity you wish, for I have abundance."
to do with them, that Government would, In another letter we find that Nelson had a
he supposed, do what was right and not sixty gallon cask of rum for Locker and
leave him in the lurch, and that they might half a hogshead of Madeira, besides tafmarinds
take his person, for if sixpence would save and noyeau; the'two latter articles Nelson
him from a prosecution he would not give said he would have to get smuggled, for duty
it. He says, in a letter of March, 1790, on the former was so enormous that no per-
to the Admiralty, that no seizure had been son could bear the expense On his return
made by him without the advice of the to England Nelson contracted such a violent
Chief Law Officers of the Crown on the cold that for some days he was so unwell as
spot, and he was informed in reply that the scarcely to be able to hold up his head. In
Admiralty had referred his letter to the another letter he gives further details, viz.:
Treasury with a recommendation that he that the rain and cold at first gave him a sore
should be defended at the public expense, throat and its accompaniments and that then
Clarke and M'Arthur's account of the mat- the hot weather gave him a slow fever. On
ter is that one day while Nelson was at a the 27th July he writes alongletter to Prince
fair, purchasing a pony, two men served a William, who had also arrived home from
writ or notification on Mrs. Nelson, on the Jamaica via Canada, from which we learn
part of some American Captains, who laid that Nelson had written to the Prince and
their damages at 20,000; that on Nelson's had sent a number of letters toJamaica
return, while boasting of his pony, he was before leaving the Leeward Islands. It is


not quite apparent whether these were all
for England by the quickest opportunity :
no doubt some were to old friends in Ja-
maica, which he always seem to have had'
a kindly remembrance of and to have kept
fresh and green in his memory. We have
already seen the favourable impression made
-on Nelson by Prince William as a sailor, soon
after the latter's arrival in the Leeward Is-
lands, which. Nelson confirmed when report-
ing his arrival to the Admiralty by saying
that he should be remiss in his duty did he
neglect to acquaint their Lordships that the
Pegasus was one of the first disciplined Fri-
gates he had seen and that his Royal High-
ness was the most respectful and one of the
most attentive obedient officers he'knew of.
In the long letter to the, Prince above re.
-erred to, Nelson states that when he goes
to town he will take care to be presented
to His Majesty and the Prince of Wales
that he may be in the way of answering any
.questions they may think proper to ask of
him and adds that nothing is wanting to
make the Prince the darling of the English
Nation, but truth. Another officer of high
reputation, Capt. the Hon. (afterwards
Admiral) Cornwallis, entertained a high
-opinion of the Prince as a sailor. In writing
to Nelson, in a letter dated Phoenix, Diamond
Harbour, 13th August, 1790, Cornwallis ob-
-observed, Our Royal Duke is, I hear, almost
tired of the shore, but how he will be able
to employ himself in time of peace at sea, is
not easy to determine. It would however
be a pity that any of the zeal and fondness.
he has so evidently shown for the Service,

should be suffered to abate, as there is every
.reason to believe that with his ability he
will one day carry its glory to a greater
height than it has. yet attained." The
Prince, however, never had the opportunity
of commanding a Fleet in battle and it was
Nelson who became and still is the darling
of the nation.
On the 14th October, 1787, Cavendish
Square, Nelson wrote to his Jamaica friend
Hercules Ross,,from whom he had received
two letters. He is exceedingly obliged by
that continuance of friendship which has
heretofore, subsisted between us. Mrs.
Nelson.will feelherself much honoured by
being known to Mrs. Ross. 0 Q 0) You
know myheart is replete with an ambition to
.10 iiiy di' tii st strictly ; but be assured it is
eve-r[i ., t. (4,: heca pfpity. A train of un-
f.t iin it.- >.-ir> ,;u iiii ne made the seizure of
poor Daniel's Vessels uinavoiddble, as I will
more fully explain' whien we meet. Having
so far done my duty, would feel myself a
beast, had I wished.to feed upon the pro-
perty of my friends" and he, goes on to ex-
plain that the seizure was on behalf of the
Crown, and that the if Crown gives up the
whole, no person has a right to complaint.
As a postcript.he adds, I do most solemnly
assure you, that no person ever attempted
to prejudice me against your brother; and
if they had I hope you believe I had too
much sense to be the dupe of any man."
Where this brother of Hercules Ross was,
whether in Jamaica, the Leeward Islands
or England we have not been able to ascer-


The second part of this paper ended with
the year 1787, the year in which Nelson
returned home after his three years service
in the Leeward Islands. This concluding
part will deal chiefly with Nelson's chase of
the French fleet to the West Indies in 1805
and his relief of the British West India Is-
lands, but before coming to this we will first
-deal with references to things West Indian
,or to persons connected with the West
Indies, which we can find in Nelson's letters
between 1788 and 1805. It was of course
in these years that he became world famous.
In January, 1788, Nelson went to Bath
and from that place paid a visit to Prince
William, at the latter's request, at Plymouth,

where the people, according to Nelson's ac-
count, seem to have come to much the same
conclusion as Nelson with regard to the
Prince's abilities as a Naval Officer. In
May, Nelson was at Exmouth Moor enjoy-
ing, as he says, the benefit of a quiet sum-
mer-to a West Indian no bad thing," and
here his health had "got, up again," after
the doctors telling him they could do noth-
ing for him. Dame Nature, he says, never
failed to cure him. His friend Ross, since
they had last met, had also got married to
" an amiable woman, the greatest bless-
ing" Nelson says Heaven can bestow."
But in another way Nelson says his friend
had got the start of him j Ross had given up


all the evils and anxieties of business,
whilst Nelson had still to buffet the waves.
In writing to Prince William on the 2nd
June, saying he was glad the Prince was
going a cruise with the squadron near
home, he refers to Mr Herbert (Mrs Nelson's
uncle) having been hard enough to with-
stand the Prince's solicitations and also hints
that a place for Mrs. Nelson in the Princess
Royal's household, shortly to be formed,
would not be unacceptable. It does not
appear what request of the Prince Mr. Her-
bert had refused. Prince William now
commanded the Andromeda Frigate, and
after a cruise in the channel again visited
the West Indies in this ship. In May, 1789,
he was created Duke of Clarence and of St,
Andrews in the Kingdom of Great Britain
and Earl of Munster in Ireland
Between the 26th September 1791 and
the 5th February 1792 (part of the time
Nelson was at home ashore) there are no
letters printed. In 1792 only three are pre-
served, one to his brother William and two to
the Duke of Clarence. We learn, however
that in October he wrote to Collingwood,
who also was on shore in idleness.
After serving with Nelson in the Leeward
Islands Station for two years and a half,
Collingwood in the Mediator had returned
to England in the latter end of 1786. For
a considerable period afterwards-four years
in Collingwood's case-he was, like Nelson,
unemployed and on shore. During this
time he was, he says, in Northumberland,
"making my acquaintance with my own fami-
ly, to whom I had hitherto been, as it were,
a stranger." In 1787 Collingwood wrote a
letter to a young friend in the Naval Service,
then at Jamaica, of which we may print the
following extracts, not only on account of
the references to Jamaica and the West
Indies but also on account of the general
interest in (as his biographer stated) "those
wise rules of conduct, by which, without
fortune or interest he ultimately won his
way to the highest rank and honour of his
London, Nov. 7, 1787.
It gives me great pleasure to find by your
letter that your situation is agreeable to you
and I hope it will always be so. You may de-
pend on it that it is more in your own power
than in any one else's to promote both your
comfort and advancement. A strict and un-
wearied attention to your duty, and a com-
plaisant and respectful behaviour, not only to
your superiors, but to everybody, will ensure

you their regard ; and the reward will surely
come, and I hope soon, in the shape of pre-
ferment ; but if it should not,. I am sure you
have too much good sense to let disappointment
sour you. Guard carefully against letting discon-
tent appear in you ; it is sorrow to your friends,
a triumph to your competitors, and cannot be
productive of any good. Conduct yourself so
as to deserve the best that can come to you;
and the consciousness of your own proper be-
haviour will keep you in spirits, if it should not
come. Let it be your ambition to be foremost
on all duty. Do not be a nice observer of
turns, but for ever present yourself ready for
everything; and if your officers are not very in-
attentive men, they will not allow the others-
to impose more duty on you than they should ;
but I never knew one who was exact not to do
more than his share of duty, who would not
neglect that, when he could do so without fear
of punishment. Read-let me charge
you to read. Study books that treat of your pro-
fession, and of history. Study Faulkner's Dic-
tionary, and borrow, if you can, books which
describe the West Indies, and compare what-
you find there, with your own observation *
* Remember, Lane, before you are five
and twenty, you must establish a character that-
will serve you all your life. I hear Bennett,
my dear boy Bennett, is with you at Jamaica ;
if he is remember me kindly to him : cultivate
his friendship, for he is a sensible and an hon-
ourable young man. *
Upon the expected rupture with Spain in
1790 Collingwood had been appointed to the-
Mlermaid Frigate of 32 guns, and had sailed
with her again to the West Indies. The
political horizon becoming clear Collirigwood
had again gone home to Northumberland,
where he married. Nelson received a reply
from his old chum on the 14th November
to explain his long silence, Collingwood say-
ing that his respect and veneration for Nel-
son's character he hopes and believes will
never lessen. God knows," he adds, "where
we may meet again; unless some chance
should draw us again to the Sea-shore." One
of Nelson's letters to the Duke of Clarence
was a long one on the subject of the poverty
of the Norfolk labourers. Early in 1793,
Nelson, after being without a ship for five
years, was appointed to the command of the
Agamemnon. In December, 1793 a curious.
thing occurred while Nelson was in the
Agamemnon off Toulon, under his old Ad-
miral, Lord Hood, which takes back one's
memory to Rodney's victory over the Count
de Grasse in the West Indies eleven years
previously. The French civil war was then
in progress and Nelson, writing to his wife,
says Everything which domestic wars pro-
duce usually, is multiplied at Toulon. Fathers


are here without their families, families
without their fathers. In short all is horror.
I have the Count de Grasse under my com-
mand in a French Frigate; his wife and fami-
ly are at Toulon."* Rodney on the former
occasion fought and conquered de Grasse;
Nelson on this protected him from the fury
of his own countrymen.
At this time Nelson had with him me-
mentoes of three of the lady friends, to whom,
as we have seen, he had become attached in
varying degree. In the Agamemnon he
had as midshipman, Josiah Nisbet, son of
his wife, and as lieutenant, George Andrews,
brother of Miss Andrews, to whom he had
paid his addresses in France, while serving
under him on shore was lieutenant Moutray,
son of Mrs Moutray, formerly of Antigua.
In writing to his wife on the 18th Angust,
1793, to tell her of the wound to his eyeon the
10th July, he says that Lieutenant Moutray,
who had been on shore with them was
likely to fall a victim to the climate and on
the 1st September he writes to her that
Moutray, who was second Lieutenant of the
Victory, was dead, but that he would have
been at that moment a Captain if he had
lived. Nelson in memory of olH times
and out of respect for the young officer
placed a stone with the following inscription
to Moutray's memory in the Church of St.Fi-
orenzo, a copy of which in Nelson's own hand
is among the Nelson papers.
"Sacred to the Memory of Lieutenant
James Moutray, R.N., who serving on shore
at the siege of Calvi, there caught a fever, of
which he died, sincerely lamented on August
19th, 1794, aged 21 years. This stone is
erected by an affectionate friend, who well
knew his worth as an officer and his accom-
plished manners as a gentleman. H.N."
On the 4th March, 1796 Nelson wrote to
his old Captain, William. Locker, How
unfortunate Admiral Christian has been I
hope our West India Islands will not suffer
more than they have done; but Mr. Wilber-
force is meddling again with the slave trade.
I feel very much obliged by Simon Taylor's
remembrances; pray do not forget me to
him when you write. Was I an Admiral
there is no station I should like so well in a
war, as Jamaica ; I think I could give satis-
faction by keeping the island free from pri-
vateers, which I know is the general com-
plaint against our Admirals." The circum-

*The italics are the author's.

stances calling forth this remark about
Admiral Christian were as follows: On the
16th November, 1705 Rear-Admiral Hugh
Clovery Christian, his flag in the St George,
98, sailed from St. Helen's, with a squadron
of ships of war, and 200 sail of transports
and West Indiamen, having 16,000 troops
on board to act against the French and
Dutch Settlements in the West Indies; but
two days after they sailed the fleet was dis-
persed by a heavy gale, in which many of
the transports and merchants foundered.
Here again we have some more of that
"feeding of the seas" sung of by Kipling.
Having repaired the damage the fleet sailed
from St. Helen's on the 9th December, but
it was again dispersed by a heavy gale of
wind, which compelled the Rear-Admiral
and some of the ships of war and merchant
vessels to return to Spithead. In a letter
to his wife on the 25th March, 1796, Nelson
states that he had just read in the papers
that "Admiral Christian has a red ribbon
and it has given me pleasure to see that
merit although unfortunate is not always
neglected Admiral Christian was invested
with the Order of the Bath on the 17th
February 1796, proceeded to the West
Indies soon after and died in November,
On the 16th of April, 1796, in a letter
which Nelson wrote to Collingwood, whom
he addresses as My dear Coll." we find the
following few words: From England, Royal
Sovereign just back, much damaged; a
Transport run on board her. The fleet gone
on under Captain Drury of the Alfred."
On the 29th February, 1796 Vice-Admiral
the Hon. William Cornwallis sailed from
Portsmouth, in the Royal Sovereign, and a
squadron of three sail of the Line and two
Frigates, with a convoy of transports and
merchantmen for the West Indies; but on
the 14th March the Vice Admiral returned
to Spithead in the Royal Sovereign very
much disabled, she having run foul of the
Belisarius transport in a gale of wind. The
transport had on board upwards of 300 per-
sons, 130 of whom got on board the Royal
Sovereign, but many fell between the ships
in their attempt to jump on board and were
crushed to death. Nelson went on to say
The abolition of the Slave Trade lost by
four," referring to the fact that Wilberforce'
attempted to enforce the resolution of the
House of Commons that it was expedient


to abolish the Slave Trade by moving that the
.abolition should take place on the 1st Janu-
.ary, 1796 but this was lost by a majority of
four. It appears that Nelson (adds Nicolas)
who had served long in the West Indies did
not approve of the measure.
On his arrival in England after the battle
.of St. Vincent and the attack on Santa Cruz
.at which latter place he had lost his right
arm, he asked (1st Sept. 1797) for permission
.of the Lords of the Admiralty to "go on shore
for the recovery of my wounds," and hav-
ing received permission to strike his flag he
proceeded to Bath where he joined his wife
.and father. The order to strike his flag is
given by Nicolas as being new to unprofes-
sional readers, and runs thus.
"We, the Commissioners for executing
the office of Lord High Admiral of Great
Britain and Ireland, etc. etc.
Whereas we think fit that you shall
.strike your Flag and come on shore. You are
hereby required and directed to strike your
Flag and come on shore accordingly. Given
.under our hands the 2nd September 1797.
Rear-Admiral of the Blue, on
board His Majesty's ship
Sea-horse, at Spithead.
By Command of their Lordships,
Nelson's old Jamaica friend and patron,
'Sir Peter Parker, was at that time the Ad-
miral and Commander-in-Chief at Ports-
mouth, and it was through him apparently
that this application was sent, as in a letter
to William Suckling, written while the Sea-
horse was off Scilly on the 30th August
Nelson stated that it was his intention to
"set off directly for Bath if the Admiral can
give me leave of absence."
On the 7th September, 1797, he wrote to
the Duke of Clarence a short letter stating
" I trust Your Royal Highness will attribute
my not having sent a letter since my arrival
to its true cause-the not being now a ready
writer. I feel confident of your sorrow for
my accident; but I assure Your Royal
Highness, that not a scrap of that ardour
with which I have hitherto served our King
has been shot away."
On his arrival in London soon after he
was attended by Mr Cruickshanks, the em-

inent surgeon, and his nephew Mr. Thomas,
by Mr. Jefferson who had been surgeon of
the Agamemnon, and at the request of
Mr Bulkely, one of the two surviving offi-
cers who had been on the San Juan expedi-
tion, Dr. Mosely, one of Nelson's Jamaica
friends and medical advisers at that time,
was afterwards called in. But the wound be-
coming still more painful it was also shown
to other eminent surgeons, and amongst the
rest to Mr Keate, who strongly recom-
mending that the cure should be left to
time and nature, it was accordingly prefer-
red to more violent methods."
In addition to the shower of public honours
bestowed on Nelson after the battle of the
Nile or Aboukir on the 1st August 1798,
he received numerous letters of congratula-
tion from his early friends, many of them
veterans of the navy well able to judge of
the services he had rendered his country.
Nicolas prints a selection of those received
which included letters from Lords Howe, St.
Vincent, and Hood, as well as the Duke of
Clarence, but we need only refer to those
from his oldest friends, whom we have
met with him in Jamaica, twenty yease
previously. Lady Parker, wife of Admiral
Sir Peter Parker, his oldest patron, dating
from Admiralty House, Portsmouth, 29th
October 1798, says she has not yet come to
her senses after his unparalleled victory, and
that she and Sir Peter had ever regarded
him as a son. Locker and Collingwood also
forwarded their warm congratulations. In
reply to Lady Parker Nelson asks what shall
he say to her and good Sir Peter for all
their goodness to him, "you who have known
me from my youth until now (1st February,
1799) know that Horatio Nelson is still the
same-affectionate in his disposition and
grateful to his friends." He said that after
the action he nearly went into a decline and
that they who could remember him always
laughing and gay would hardly believe
the change in him.
And in another letter to Lady Parker, of
the 13th April, 1799 Nelson says that hefeels
that every honour that he receives had its
origin in her and good Sir Peter's friendship
and partiality for him and, as in the case
of the other warm and affectionate letter t'o
her, he concludes with remembrances to "Sir
Peter, Admiral Parker and Miss Parker."
The Admiral Parker here mentioned was
Vice-Admiral Christopher Parker, eldest son


of Sir Peter Parker, who died a Vice-Ad-
miral of the Red in his father's lifetime in
May, 1804 and was father of the gallant
Captain Sir Peter Parker who was mortally
wounded near Baltimore in August, 1814.
Further details of this naval family have been
given in the first part of this paper. In reply
to Captain Locker, then Lieutenant Governor
of Greenwich Hospital, Nelson, on the 9th
February 1799, states that after twenty-
seven years acquaintance his old friend knows
that nothing could alter his attachment and
gratitude to Locker, that he had been
Locker's scholar and that "it is you who
taught me to board a Frenchman, by your
conduct when in the Experiment; it is you
who always told [me] 'Lay a Frenchman
close and you will beat him,' and my only
merit in my profession is being a good
scholar, our friendship will never end but
ivith my life." Soon after this we find the
last letter of the Locker Papers" from Nel-
son, which was dated the 15th July, 1799,
and in which he said lie was so ill that he
could scarcely sit up; but his old friend was
after all, as we shall see, the first to go. We
may incidentally note that it was after the
battle of the Nile that Lord Cochrane, who
was perhaps the most dashing and noted
sea-officer after Nelson, and who in some res-
pects rivalled Nelson, imbibed from the great
hero some of the sentiments we find in both.
In his Autobiography, Cochrane says he
never had the good fortune to serve under
Nelson, but that at Palermo he had oppor-
tunities of personal conversation with him,
and from one of his frequent injunctions
" Never mind manceuvres, always go at
them," he subsequently had reason to con-
sider himself indebted for successful attacks
under apparently difficult circumstances.
And, to bring down that continuity of which
we have already spoken to the present day,
we may add that the well-known late Ad-
miral Sir George Tryon served in his early
days on the North American and West In-
dian Station under Cochrane, then Earl of
On the 21st November, 1800, from Lon-
don, where he had taken his seat in the
House of Lords on the 20th, Nelson writes
to Hercules Ross at Rossie Castle, North
Britain. "My dear Ross. The remem-
brance of all your goodness to me is, perhaps,
stronger engraved on my mind, at this mo-
ment, than at any former period, because I
have seldom seen such true kindness as you

have for years shown me. 1 promise never
to visit Scotland without coming to you, etc."'
It does not appear, however, that Nelson
ever did visit Scotland.
Soon after this we come across another
Jamaica name for we find that Nelson on
the 20th December, 1800, accompanied by
Sir William and Lady Hamilton, visited.
William Beckford at Fonthill, although
we are not told the occasion of the acquaint-
Nelson's old friend and commander, Com-
modore William Locker, died on the 26th,
December, 1800, aged seventy, and on the
27th Nelson wrote to his son John condol-
ing with him on the death of his father,
"a man whom to know was to love and
those who only heard of honoured. The
greatest consolation to us, his friends
who remain, is that he has left a
character for honour and honesty which none
can surpass and very very few attain." On
the 29th Nelson writes again to the son to.
say that he will most assuredly attend-in
his own carriage-the remains of his dear
On the 29th January, 1801, from the San
Josef (one of the ships he had boarded and'
captured at St. Vincent) he again writes to
Hercules Ross saying that he believed his
destination was Northwards, but that he
would keep the letter for Ross' nephew in
case he went to the Mediterranean.
The squadron which afterwards went to-
Copenhagen under Sir Hyde Parker and
Nelson sailed from Yarmouth on the 12th
March, 1801 and included the Frigate Ja-
maica, 26 guns, Captain Jonas Rose. The
Jamaica was afterwards again with Nelson
in his defence of the English Channel
against Napoleon's flotilla of boats. In suc-
cession to this ship we do not find any
Jamaica in the Navy List at the present
time, although there is a Canada and an
Australia. In honour of this ancient and
loyal possession of the Crown it would not
perhaps be amiss to revive the name of Ja-
maica especially in view of the connection
with the island of later royal younger sons,,
also in the naval service, one of whom too
will be also like his Royal relative William,in
that he will, so far as we can see, reign over
the British Empire and give us another
popular Sailor King in the person of George
the Fifth.
After the battle of Copenhagen we find
Nelson writing again to Hercules Ross orf


the 23rd April, 1801. On the 21st May
1801 he in writing to Lady Parker says:
"Believe me, when I say that I am as sensible
as ever that I owe my present situation in
life to you and good Sir Peter's partiality for
me, and friendly remembrance of Maurice
To William Beckford, of Fonthill, whom
he had visited in the previous December, he
St. George Bay of Rostock, May 24th,
This day week was at Revel in the Gulf of
My dear Sir, I have to give many thanks
for your truly kind and friendly letter of
April 29th. It is'nt tiresome being congratu-
ulated on good fortune from those you believe
sincere, but it is far different if you know the
writers hate you, and wish you had miscarried ;
and as I have had so many proofs of your real
kindness for me I feel truly gratified by your re-
membrance, &c.
On the 9th June, 1801 "St. George Kioge
Bay" he writes to Hercules Ross :
You do me a great deal of honour in wishing
me to stand godfather for your next child ; I
accept the duty with much pleasure, and hope
that the future Horatio or a will be an addition
of happiness to you and Mrs. Ross.
On the 12th September, 1801, Amazon
Downs," he writes again to Hercules Ross:
I congratulate you most sincerely on the birth
of a son and heir, and from my heart I wish all
the wealth and happiness you possess, and all
the honours which have fallen to my lot may be
the young Horatio's You do not think me
capable of forgetting when your house, carriages,
and purse were open to me ;* and to your kind-
ness probably I owe my life, for Green Bay had
very often its jaws open to receive me. But as
money never was my object,so I am not much
richer than when you knew me, except by my
pension. No, the two Parkers + have had the
sweets of Jamaica, but I would not change with
On the 17th December 1801 from Mer-
ton, Surrey, he again writes to Hercules Ross
a cordial letter in reply to one about a Mr.
M'Donald a friend of Ross and we may
here complete the account of the Ross family.
Hercules Ross married Miss Parish, daugh-
ter of Mr. Parish of 'Hamburgh,' and died
on the 24th December, 1816, leaving three
daughters and one son, Horatio Ross, the
godson of Nelson, in 1845 "late M.P. for
Aberdeen and Montrose," who married in
*In Jamaica.
tAdmiral Sir Peter Parker and his son, Vice-Ad-
miral Christopher Parker.

1833 Justina, daughter of Colin Macrae Esq.,
and had five sons, "the eldest being of course
called Horatio." It will be remembered
that Nelson first made the acquaintance of
Hercules Ross during his stay on the Jamaica
station in 1777 to 1780 Richard Hill, in
his Week at Port Royal" already referred
to in Part I of this Article, speaks of Ross as
'the Coryphceus of Navy Agents in those
days," and he evidently prospered so-well
that, as we have seen, he was able to return
and go home to Scotland not long after Nel-
son left. -
In 1802 we find four letters to Hercules
Ross. In one in May Nelson said he
would certainly have seen Ross but for the
death of the former's father and that he
would be glad to see Ross at Merton, and
in another, three days later, Nelson said "we
shall be very glad to see you and Dr. Mosely
on Monday." This is the Dr. Mosely
spoken of in Part I. The next letter was to
the effect that he had forwarded Ross' let-
ter to Colonel Brownrigg (Military Secre-
tary to the Duke of York, Commander-in-
Chief) with one from himself. .He did not
know if he had any influence but he would
show his readiness to oblige Ross. The next
one a day or two afterwards said he was
sorry he could not be in Harley Street "this
morning" owing to business connected with
his new purchase (Merton).
In 1803 there are seven letters to the
Duke of Clarence but we need only refer
to the one in April in which Nelson agrees
with his Royal Highness "most entirely that
the son of a Rodney ought to be the prot4ge
of every person in the Kingdom and parti-
cularly of the Sea-Officers," referring to
Edward, the youngest son of Rodney.
In 1804 we find a letter, on the 11th
March, to Dr. Mosely stating that the day
before he had received the 4th edition of his
invaluable work on Tropical Diseases, &c.
This is the work referred to in Part I. as
containing a history of the San Juan Expe-
dition. In this letter Nelson refers to his
endeavours to keep the fleet healthy in the
blockade of Toulon. They had been at sea
since the 18th May, 1803, and not a ship
had been refitted or recruited except at sea.
His sight was getting very bad but I must
not be sick until after the French Fleet is
taken. Then I shall soon hope to take you by
the hand, and have further recourse to your
skill for my eye." It was however more
than a year after this before Nelson


put his foot on English soil and then
only for a few weeks, and when the French
Fleet was taken no doctor's skill was of any
avail to the great hero.
There are also in 1804 two letters to the
Duke of Clarence, in the latter of which
Nelson says (August) we have an uniform
sameness, day after day, and month after
month-gales of wind for ever," together
with one letter to Sir Peter Parker and one
to the Rev. Dr. Nelson (8th August) in the
latter of which is the celebrated reference to
the letter of the French Admiral La Touche
Treville which Nelson vowed he would
make La Touche eat when they met.
We come now to the famous chase of the
enemy across the Atlantic to the West In-
dies in April, May, June and July 1805,
for a proper consideration of which a brief
summary of the events which led up to it
will be necessary.
In May 1803 on the renewal of hostilities
with France, Nelson had been appointed to
the command of the Mediterranean with in-
structions to proceed to Toulon and take or
destroy the French Fleet if possible. He
reached Toulon on the 8th July and on the
30th re-hoisted his flag on the historic Vic-
tory. He then continued the well-known
and arduous blockade of the French fleet
in Toulon, which lasted for well nigh two
years. It is notable that as early as August,
1804 Nelson had expressed the opinion that
should the French Fleet get out of port and
past him he was determined to follow them-
to the Antipodes if necessary. By Septem-
ber 1804 Nelson had come to the opinion
that the French were meditating a dash on
the West Indies and wrote that if they did
so and took with them, as was expected,
7,000 men to reinforce those in Martinique
and Guadaloupe they would take the British
Islands in the Lesser Antilles and in that
case England would be so clamourous for
peace that we should humble ourselves."
While this blockade of the French fleet was
still in force, war was declared with Spain,
December, 1804. On the 19th January, 1805,
while Nelson was watering his little fleet at
the Maddelena Islands he heard that the
French fleet had left Toulon and was steering
southwards. Nelson immediately put to sea
in search of them. He was unable to find
them but he judged from information re-
ceived and from the continuance of westerly
gales that they had either gone to Egypt or
put' back into Toulon disabled. The latter

would mean that they were harmless for the
time, so he was free to follow them to
Egypt in case the former supposition was
the correct one and so he went to Egypt.
Not finding them there he at once returned
and learned at Malta on the 19th February
that his latter supposition had been the cor-
rect one, and that they had put back to
Toulon in a very crippled state. On the
13th March he writes to Collingwood I am
certainly near going to England; for my
constitution is much shaken, and nothing has
kept me here so long but the expectation of
getting at the French Fleet. I am told the
Rochfort squadron sailed the same day as
that from Toulon. Buonaparte has often
made his brags, that our Fleet would be
worn out by keeping the sea-that his was
kept in order, and increasing by staying in
Port; but he now finds, I fancy, if Emperors
hear truth, that his Fleet suffers more in one
night, than ours in one year." The British
Fleet having provisioned in the Gulf of
Palmas moved on the 1st of April to the
south end of Sardinia whence they sailed on
the 3rd. On the 4th May, they were met by
the Phoebe with the news that the French
fleet under Villeneuve (La Touche had died
and thus escaped Nelson) had again put to sea
on the 30th March.* At first Nelson thought
they would go to the eastward, but deter-
mined that he would "neither go to the
Eastward of Sicily or to the Westward of
Sardinia" until he knew something positive,
and accordingly covered the channel from,
Barbary to Toro with frigates and his fleet
of ships of the line. By the 9th he con-
cluded that they had gone westward and in
attempting to follow was delayed by a per-
sistent westerly wind and on the 18th he
learned that they had passed out of the
Mediterranean on the 8th with a fresh east-
erly wind. The luck so far had been all
with Villeneuve and against Nelson, who
continued to have a foul, dead foul" wind
so that it was not till the 4th May that he
was able to water at Tetuan, and on the 6th
he put into Gibraltar Bay to provision. We
can now resume our detailed consideration
of his letters.

*Nelson had left at Toulon to watch the Enemy's
movements the Active and Seahorse. The Captain
of the Seahorse was the Hon. Courtenay Boyle,
afterwards Vice Admiral Sir Courtenay Boyle, one
of whose grandsons is Mr. Cavendish Boyle, O.M.G.,
Government Secretary of British Guiana. (West-
ward Ho with Nelson.)


On the 19th April, 1805, "Victory at Sea"
he writes to the Admiralty concerning a
"black General and Servant" named Joseph
Chretien and Petit Desird respectively who
had been sent from St. Domingo by the
French early in 1803 and captured in the
Ambuscade by the Victory in the June fol-
lowing. The said black General volunteered
to serve with me during my stay in the
Mediterranean, or till I should have an Ac-
tion with the enemy when I promised
him his discharge." Nelson asks the
Admiralty to give them "the wages due to
them for the Victory" and to see that they
are sent to St, Domingo or Jamaica by the
first King's ships offering. Nelson adds:
" The particular attention shown the said
General may have a good effect, and here-
after be of great advantage, in case of dis-
turbances at Jamaica, or any other of our
West India Islands. At any rate it is but
justice that he should receive his wages;
and their Lordships will see the further
propriety of granting him and his
Servant a passage to St. Domingo or Ja-
maica. He is a very good orderly man,
and has done his duty as a Seaman on board
the Victory with great attention." It will
be remembered that the blacks in Haiti had
about this time risen against the French
and expelled them.
On the 4th May he writes "for I
cannot very properly run to the West
Indies without something beyond mere sur-
mise; and if I defer my departure, Jamaica
may be lost. Indeed as they have a month's
start of me, I see no prospect of getting out
time enough to prevent much mischief from
being done." On the 5th May "It is gener-
ally believed that the French and Spanish
Ships are gone to the West Indies. As far
as April 27th nothing was known of them
at Lisbon; therefore I am likely to have a
West India trip; but that I don't mind, if I
can but get at them." On the 7th May to
" my dear Davison. God only knows my
dear friend what I have suffered by not
getting at the Enemy's Fleet I
think it more than probable I shall go to
the West Indies; for, I believe, from what
I have yet heard of their course etc., that is
their destination, and there I hope to get
hold of them, and to save our valuable West
India possessions, and then I shall immedi-
ately return to England. But my health
or even my life must not come into consid-
eration at this important crisis ; for, how-

ever I may be called unfortunate, it never
shall be said that I have been neglectful of
my duty, or spared myself." To the Ad-
miralty on the 7th May (after detailing
what he had done and his hopes to meet
some Frigates with news) If nothing is
heard of them from Lisbon or from the
Frigates I may find off Cape St. Vincent's
I shall probably think the rumours which
are spread are true, that their destination
is the West Indies, and in that case think
it my duty to follow them, or to the Anti-
podes, should I believe that to be their
destination." On the 8th May to Captain
Keats, Superb, "Perhaps none of us would
wish for exactly a West India trip; but
the call of our country is far superior to
any consideration of self." On the 9th
May he writes to the Admiralty I shall
wait here [off Cape St. Vincent] until Ad-
miral Knight joins, and then proceed to
Barbadoes C 0 0 Should the enemy
not have gone to the West Indies I shall
return off Cape St. Vincent, and then act
as I may find orders." From a paper en-
closed by Nelson in this letter it appears
that 3,000 Spanish troops, amongst whom
there was a great number of cavalry, had
enbarked on board the Spanish meri of war
and 7,000 to 8,000 French troops were said to
be on board the French ships. On the 10th
May having been informed by Rear-Admiral
Donald Campbell of the Portuguese Service
that he considered the French fleet had
gone to the West Indies, Nelson definitely
decided to go after them, writing to Sir A.
J. Ball My lot is cast, and I am going to
the West Indies, where, although I am late,
yet chance may have given them a bad
passage, and me a good one, I must hope
the best." In another letter of the same
date to Rear Admiral George Campbell he
says "Disappointment has worn me to a
skeleton, and I am, in good truth, very, very
far from well." On this day he accordingly
sends off the Martin sloop (Captain Savage)
to Barbadoes with despatches for Rear Ad-
miral the Hon. (afterwards Admiral Sir)
Alexander Forrester Inglis Cochrane (uncle
of Lord Cochrane) to tell him of his approach,
and the Martin also carried a letter to Lord
Seaforth, Governor of Barbadoes request-
ing him, in case Rear Admiral Cochrane
should not be at Barbadoes, to open and
read the official letter addressed to the
Admiral, and recommending in that case its
being forwarded as expeditiously as possible."


Ae also earnestly begged that an embargo
might be laid on all vessels at Barbadoes,
that the enemy might not be apprised of his
arrival and thereby again escape from his
It has been very generally asserted and
believed that this run of the French Fleet
to the West Indies was a trap and that
Nelson was decoyed away from Europe. But
as Professor Laughton has shown, and as is
borne out by Nelson's letters, Nelson fell into
no trap and was not decoyed away. It is
true that Napoleon had conceived an auda-
cious plan whereby the three blockaded
French Fleets were to break out of Brest,
Rochfort and Toulon to rendezvous at Mar-
tinique and, returning in a fleet of fifty
sail of the line, to sweep the Channel and
open a way for the invasion of England;
but the plan also included instructions-
and this was an important part of it-to the
French commanders to harass, capture or
destroy such of the British settlements in
the West Indies as they could. Part only
of this scheme was executed by the French
without however any success worth noticing.
That is to say, the Rochefort Squadron
under Rear Admiral Missiessy succeeded in
getting away on the llth January; Ville-
neuve as we have seen made an abortive at-
tempt to do so in the same month, but did

*While this article was going through the press
(January 1899) the writer had the advantage of
reading Westward Ho I with Nelson by N.
Darnell Davis (British Guiana). The following, as
to the French plans in the West Indies, (with some
additional information) has been obtained from it.
' Whilst in the West Indies, the combined Fleets
were to injure the English settlements to the utmost.
They were to take Dominica and St. Lucia, and as
many prizes as they could; show the French Flag in
every roadstead in the Windward Islands, and
reinforce the city of San Domingo. Napoleon wrote
to his Minister of Marine, Decr6s, Let them
take St. Vincent, Antigua, Grenada, and why
not Barbados. 1 leave it with yourself to send
orders to retake Tobago and Trinidad." The Em-
peror had been greatly enraged by the capture,
in 1804, of Surinam, from his Dutch Allies, and
he instructed Villeneuve to re-take Surinam from
the English, as well as Berbice, Demerara and
Essequibo. After the Napoleonic fashion, His
Majesty even went so far as to appoint French
Governors for the Dutch Colonies in the hands of
the English. That the British Government should
be kept in ignorance of his intentions Bonaparte
confided his plans to his Minister of Marine alone.
The Admirals, who were to carry out those plans,
were merely instructed to get away to sea and steer a
particular course, when they were to open their
instructions in a particular latitude and to follow
them out. On the Fleets getting away from Europe,
the Emperor would announce, for the benefit of the
English, that the French Expedition had sailed
for the East Indies."

not finally get away from Toulon till the
30th March; while the blockade at Brest
was so close and of such strength that
Vice Admiral Ganteaume was only able to
make a futile demonstration on the 15th
April and then return to harbour. Missiessy
duly arrived at Martinique on the 27th
February and after waiting there the
prescribed time of 45 days for his brother
admirals returned to Europe without being
able to do much damage anywhere.A Ville-
neuve arrived at Martinique on the 14th
May but before being able profitably to
use, in attacking the British Islands, the
forty days he was required to wait for
Ganteaume, he had to be assured of the
command of the sea. The trap, if any,
had been to set on foot reports such as would
send Nelson off to Egypt and Collingwood
(from before Rochfort) to the West Indies.
Napolean industriously circulated such re-
ports but Nelson was too wily for him.
Nelson carefully waited for definite intelli-
gence before he started in pursuit of Ville-
neuve; his object was the Toulon Fleet and
he was determined to follow them to the An-
tipodes if necessary, as we have seen. Col-
lingwood too was prevented from going on
any wild goose chase by instructions from
the Admiralty (who had early news of the
escape from Toulon) to pursue Villeneuve.
As Nelson had already done this, acting on
his own unaided judgment, Collingwood sent
on a small reinforcement after Nelson and
remained in Europe keeping watch over the
the Spanish ships at Cadiz. Thus the pur-
suit of Villeneuve by. Nelson instead of
being the result of a decoy was the very thing
which utterly spoiled Napoleon's plans of
injury to Britain, both in the West Indies
and at home, for Villeneuve with Nelson in
hot chase at his heels was unable to do any
damage to the West India Colonies.
Before leaving he addressed the following
*Dominica was attacked by the French, and
Roseau was laid under contribution to the extent of
12,000; but the Island was preserved to Great Bri-
tain by the military skill of General Pr6vost, who,
after a gallant resistance at Roseau, retired to
Prince Rupert's Bay. During the attack on Roseau,
theAnglican parson, Mr. Audain -Fighting Jack, as
he was called-much distinguished himself, by di-
recting the British seamen, who worked two six-
pounders against the French when landing. Mis-
siessy harried Nevis, Montserrat and St. Kitts. He
carried most timely help to General Ferrand, at San
Domingo, who was sorely pressed by a besieging
force under Dessalines. Missiessy's Squadron con-
sisted of 5 Line of Battle Ships, 3 Frigates and 2
Corvettes. ( Westward Ho with Nelson).


letter to The Commander of any of His
Majesty's Ships or Vessels in search of the
Mediterranean Squadron "
Victory, in Lagos Bay
10th May, 1805
Most Secret.
Sir-I desire to acquaint you that I am proceed-
ing with the Squadron under my command, to
the West Indies, in search of the Enemy's
Fleet; and request that you, without a mo-
ment's loss of time, communicate the same to
the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty and
to the Commander in Chief of the Channel
Fleet, in the event of your falling in with him.
I am, Sir, &c. NELSON and BRONTE.
On the llth May Nelson set sail for the
West Indies in pursuit of the enemy's fleet
of eighteen Ships of the Line. He had with
him only ten Sail of the Line, and three
frigates viz. :

Ships. Guns. Commanders

Victory 110 j Vice-Admiral, Lord
Rear-Admiral, Murray
Captain T. M. Hardy
Canopus 80 RearAdmiral, T. Louis
( Captain, F. W. Austen
Le Tigre 80 Captain Hallowell
Donegal 80 Pultney Malcolm
Spencer 74 Hon. R. Stopford
Conqueror 74 I. Pellew
Superb 74 R. G. Keats
Belleisle 74 W. Hargood
Leviathan 74 H. W. Bayntun
Swiftsure 74 Rutherford



Captain Stewart

Many of these Line of Battle ships were
foul and some, especially the Superb,
scarcely seaworthy. Indeed only zeal for
the service, as in Nelson's case, had pre-
vented the Captain of the Superb taking
her home for repairs. On this day, prior to
starting, Nelson writes three official let-
ters and a private one to Lord Sidmouth,
in the latter of which he states : "Not-
withstanding my very very indifferent
*When he started he also had the Royal Sovereign
but this ship he detached the following day to
strengthen an expedition to the Mediterranean
which he met under Sir James Craig. (Westward
1o! qvith Nelson.)

state of health various other circumstances
(which I shall tell you when we meet) and
my leave of absence to go to England, I can-
not forego the desire of getting, if possible,
at the enemy; and therefore I this day steer
for the West Indies. My lot seems to have
been hard and the Enemy most fortunate;
but it may turn--patience and perseverance
will do much. I shall see you very soon
and, I hope, a Victor." On the 14th May
he writes again to the Admiralty A trip
to England would have been far more
agreeable, and more necessary for my state
of health; but I put self out of the question
upon these occasions. And although it
may be said that I am unlucky it never
shall be said that I am inactive, or sparing
of myself; and surely it will-not be fancied
I am on a party of pleasure, running after
Eighteen sail of the Line with ten, and that
to the West Indies." In another letter of
the same day we find that he had had his
leave from October 6th, 1804, a period of
over seven months. On the 19th May he
wrote to Captain Keats, of the Superb, one
of his Fleet, generously saying that as he
feared Captain Keats might think he (Nel-
son) did not think the Superb sailed as fast
as he (Nelson) would wish, he knew and felt
that the Superb did all that was possible for
a ship to accomplish. He adds that "we
have been from Cape St. Vincent very for-
tunate and shall be in the West Indies time
enough t', secure Jamaica, which I think
is their object." In a postscript, dated the
27th (as the opportunity on the 26th of send
ing the letter had been missed) he says that
while some think the object of the enemy is
Surinam, Trinidada, and others think that
the troops will be landed at the City of San
Domingo he still thinks Jamaica is their
object. He says he expects to be at Bar-
badoes on the 3rd or 4th of June, but that
he will not anchor there, that the enemy had
started thirty-one days before him but that
he hopes to gain fourteen days on them in the
passage, therefore they will only arrive
seventeen days before us at Martinico, for I
suppose them bound there." It was during
this voyage to the West Indies that (accord-
ing to Clarke and M'Arthur) Nelson drew up
his highly interesting Plan of Attack, the
spirit of which is to be gathered from the
opening remarks. "The business of an
English Commander in Chief being first to
bring an Enemy's Fleet to Battle, on the
most advantageous terms to himself (I mean


that of laying his Ships close on board the
Enemy, as expeditiously as possible); and
secondly, to continue them there, without
separating, until the business is decided."
o 0 "If the two Fleets are both willing
to fight, but little manoeuvring is necessary;
the less the better-a day is soon lost in
that business.""
As an instance of the intense anxiety of
Nelson during this pursuit of Villeneuve, the
following story is told by Commander
Crawford Pasco, R.N., son of Nelson's well-
known signal lieutenant at Trafalgar :-
While our fleet was in hot pursuit of the
French towards the West Indies, a most anxious
watch was constantly kept on the advance fri-
gate Eryaluts4 for the one-desired signal,
Enemy in sight.' So eager were all concerned
for that communication that the flags composing
it were ever present to the eyes of the signal
officers. One bright evening, running down the
trade, up went three flags on board the Eurya-
Ils. Instantly every glass on the poop of the
Victory was focused on the signal. The upper
and lower flags blew out clear, and were those
of the long-looked for signal; but the middle flag
would not show. Suspense and anticipa-
tion were too much to bear, till at last my father
decided that it could be nothing else, so he
cheerfully reported to Captain Hardy, "Enemy
in sight, Sir." Captain Hardy immediately
descended to the Admiral's cabin to report.
Then while my father watched the signal being
hauled down to confirm it, the middle flag un-
furled-but oh, horror and confusion the in-
troduction of a wrong second flag quite destroy-
ed the sense of the signal. But the mistake
was made, and at once confessed to Captain
Hardy, who said, Well, Pasco, you will have
to tell that to the Admiral, for I would not be
the one to do it."
With what preface he could contrive to
smooth the way, the flag-lieutenant endeavoured
to explain the mistake, just as the Admiral was
rubbing his hands with intense satisfaction at
the approaching realization of his highest
earthly hopes. A cold douche after a Turkish
bath could not be so great a shock, and, stamp-
ing his foot, he exclaimed, How dare you,
Sir, trifle with my feelings in that way.
On the publication of this story, however,
a correspondent pointed out in the "Times"
that the fortune of war had left the Admiral
with only one hand to rub !
Nelson's anticipations were realized, and
he arrived off Carlisle Bay, Barbados, at
*This Plan of attack was distributed among the
Fleet by the Frigate Amazon commanded by captain n
Parker the best Frigate Captain in the Service."
(Westward Ho! with Nelson).
tin A Roving Comranission published since this ar-
ticle was first written.
i If the list on p. 554 is correct there is a mistake
in the name of this frigate.

noon on the 4th June, 1805. The day be-
fore the Amphion had spoken two English
Merchant ships, from whom (according to-
Clark and M'Arthur) Nelson learnt that the
French Fleet was in the West Indies. Nel-
son immediately forwarded to the Admiralty
some letters of information which the Rear-
Admiral and Sir William Myers had re-
ceived from Dominica and from St. Lucia,
adding "There is not a doubt in any of the
Admirals' or Generals' minds, but that To-
bago and Trinidada are the Enemy's ob-
jects; and, although I am anxious in the
extreme to get at their eighteen Sail of the
Line, yet as Sir William Myers [Bart., Lt.-
General Commander-in-Chief in the Leeward
Islands] has offered to embark himself with
2,000 Troops, I cannot refuse such a hand-
some offer; and, with the blessing of God on
a just Cause, I see no cause to doubt of the
annihilation of both the Enemy's Fleet and
Army." In this letter Nelson enclosed the
following extract from the letter (which
proved such a delusion and a snare) from
Brigadier-General Brereton to Lt.-General
Sir William Myers, dated St. Lucia, viz. :
"Morning 29th May, 11 o'clock a.m.
P.S.-I have this moment received a report
from the Windward side of Gros Islet that
the Enemy's Fleet. of 28 Sail in all, passed
there last night. Their destination, I should
suppose, must be either Barbados or Trin-
idad. R. Brereton.' To the above extract
Nelson added this note in his own hand :
Written by Major Myers, Sir Williami
Myers's Secretary, and extracted from the
General's letter; and Major Myers has no
doubt but that the intelligence may be
relied upon. Nelson and Bronte. Victory
June 4th Carlisle Bay." Nelson writes
another (private) letter on the same day to.
the Secretary to the Admiralty asking him
to forward the enclosed; and I hope my
next letter will be worth all I have hitherto.
wrote." On the 5th June Nelson showed
his care for the comfort of the 2,000 troops
who he says had "been very much harassed
and fatigued in marching in so short notice
from the different outposts for the purpose
of embarking" by issuing an order to his
Captains that they should be victualledd at
full allowance of all species of provisions,
the same as your Ship's Company."
On June 5th, at 9.30 a.m. Nelson weighed
and made sail to the southward, with the
Squadron in company and at 2.15 p.m. made
the general signal to Prepare for Battle. On


June 6th, at 5.30 p.m. he was off the Mud
Fort at Tobago which he duly saluted and
a schooner making at 6. 10 p.m., the signal for
the enemy being at Trinidad, at 6.20 he
'- bore up." On June the 7th at 5 a.m. he
made sail to the westward towards the 'Bo-
caz of Trinidada,' and at 9 a.m he observed
Fort Abercrombie to be on fire and the
troops abandoning it; at 5.30 p.m. he re-
anchored in the Gulf of Paria, near the west
entrance of the "Bocaz of Trinidada" and
the Squadron anchored as convenient." At
7 a.m. on June 8th he weighed and made sail.
So the Victory's log. The alarm which pre-
vailed for the safety of Tobago and Trinidad
was very great. As we have seen intelli-
gence had been received from St. Lucia that
the enemy's fleet, consisting of eighteen sail
had been seen on the 28th May standing to
the south. Nelson was the only one who
doubted, saying If your intelligence proves
false, you lose me the French Fleet." But he
had felt forced to act upon the news and the
British fleet accordingly stood to the south.
It is said that Nelson, on account of the
strong lee currents which almost constantly
run there, had been recommended to steer
S. by E. from Barbados. The information
in question proved false and by another
curious mistake Nelson was again deceived
for a few hours into thinking the French
fleet was at hand waiting for his attack. We
have seen from the log of the Victory that at
6.10 p.m. on the 6th while off Tobagoa
schooner made the signal for the enemy being
at Trinidad and that Nelson accordingly
"bore up". This information was also false.
It so happened that a Tobago merchant had
sent his clerk out in a schooner to scout for
information asto the enemy's whereabouts and
that the signal which the clerk made agreed
with the signal arranged by Col. Shipley, of
the Engineers, to signify that the enemy were
at Trinidad. This was at the close of the day
as we have seen and Nelson accordingly stood
.-on. An American merchant brig had also
reported that a few days before he had been
boarded by the French Fleet off Grenada,
standing towards Trinidad, but this inform-
ation was probably purposely false. The
ships were ready for action before daybreak
.of the 7th, and Nelson anticipated a second
Aboukir in the Bay of Paria. If anything
more were wanted then to confirm the news
it was provided by the seeming conflagration
.at the hands of the enemy of one of our out-
posts in Trinidad seen at daylight, with a

party retreating towards the citadel.o But
no French Fleet was there and the disap-
pointment of Nelson was most intense.
At daylight on the 8th in the Gulf of
Paria an Advice-Boat arrived from Barba-
dos with letters from Captain J. W. Maur-
ice giving an account of the gallant defence
of the Diamond Rock against a French
Squadron of one Three-decker, four Seventy-
fours, three Frigates, etc. under (says Nico-
las) Rear-Admiral Missiessy on the 20th
February, 1805. On Villeneuve's arri-
val Maurice had been attacked again and
had been unable to withstand the Toulon
Fleet which succeeded in capturing the
Diamond Rock; and this little affair was
the only success gained by Villeneuve as
the result of his descent on the West Indies.
Captain Maurice was, as usual, tried by
Court Martial for the loss of his ship" (the
Diamond Rock) and "unanimously and most
honourably acquitted" in a sentence ex-
pressed in very eulogistic terms.t It will be
remembered that Kingsley took off his hat to
the Rock in passing it, in memory of the gal-
lant defence, and that Froude wrote an
eloquent description of the affair in "The
English in the West Indies."t Nelson wrote
a generous letter to Captain Maurice saying
that he had no doubt that every exertion
had been made for its defence and from this.
letter we learn that the surrender was made
on the 2nd of June.
In referring to the receipt of this informa-
tion about the Diamond Rock and the fur-
ther information at the same time that the
"French and Spanish Squadrons had not
sailed from Martinique" and the rumour
that the Ferrol Squadron had also joined
them, Nelson says to Lord Seaforth, pow-
erful as their force may be, they shall not
with impunity make any great attacks.
Mine is compact, theirs must be unwieldy;
and although a very pretty fiddle, I don't
believe that either Gravina or Villeneuve
know how to play upon it." On June the 9th
*It was due to General Hislop in the dark mis-
taking the British Fleet for the Enemy. We are
told that the General had been prepared to make a
stand and that the conduct of the coloured people of
Trinidad received honourable mention from him in
fIt was not however till January, 1809 that Maurice
obtained Post rank, and he subsequently distin-
guished himself by an equally gallant but more suc-
cessful defence of the Island of Anholt.
fThere is also an account of it in Westward Reo!
with Nelson and to this and Froude the reader is
referred for further details.


at 8.45 a.m, when he saw the Island of
Grenada N.N.W., Nelson sent a boat on
board a schooner and at 12.15 p.m. he hove
to in St. George's Bay, Grenada, and was
duly saluted by the Garrison; at 1.30 p.m.
they filled" and were off again.
On the next day, the 10th June, 1805, he
writes to his old friend Simon Taylor, Esq,
Jamaica In Part I. of this paper we first
came across Taylor's name; it does not ap-
pear whether Nelson had ever corresponded
with Mr. Taylor since he had left the West
Indies. no such letters having been pre-
served to us; but we have already seen
that Taylor had corresponded with Captain
Locker, and Nelson had sent messages to
him through Locker. The following is the
letter of the 10th June, 1805, which in a
Jamaica Journal may well be inserted in
My dear Sir,-I was in a thousand fears
for Jamaica, for that is a blow which Buona-
parte would be happy to give us. I flew to
the West Indies without any orders, but I
think the Ministry cannot be displeased.
.When I am satisfied that they are on
their return, after sending some of the Span-
ish Ships to the Havana, I shall push hard to
get off the Straits' Mouth; and kind Provi-
dence, may some happy day, bless my en-
deavours to serve the Public weal, of which
the West India Colonies form so prominent
and interesting a part. I ever have been
and shall die, a firm friend to our present
Colonial system. I was bred, as you know,
in the good old school, and taught to appre-
ciate the value of our West India posses-
sions; and neither in the field, nor in the
senate, shall their just rights be infringed,
whilst I have an arm to fight in their defence,
or a tongue to launch my voice. We are
nearly, my dear Mr Taylor, thirty years'
acquaintance; and I am, as ever, your faith-
ful and obliged friend,
We do not think that there has hitherto
been generally known in Jamaica (at any rate
in the present day) the warm terms of friend-
ship for the West India Colonies (with
special reference to Jamaica) expressed
by Nelson in this letter which seems to have
been entirely unsolicited in any way and
which he probably never dreamt would see
the light of day. In view however of all
the pleasing references to Jamaica hitherto
come across in the consideration of his cor-
respondence it hardly comes as a surprise to

see the concern with which he speaks of the
West Indies, and, in particular, of that
one which his great predecessor Rodney
termed the brightest gem in the British'
Crown. At the present juncture the "launch-
ing in the senate of the voice" of such a true
and illustrious friend as Nelson would be
much appreciated in the West Indies and
would probably result in the launching of
these ancient colonies on a new sea of
prosperity. However these ships of state
have been recently overhauled by other ship-
wrights and with the refit at the hands of
all and possibly a favouring breeze, we may
trust that the consummation so devoutly
desired may be attained. However, to pur-
sue the simile further we may remember
that a stout sailing ship with any wind (at
any rate in these modern days) can reach
her destination : it is the absence of all
wind which is her bane.
Simon Taylor was a well-known, influential,
and large landed proprietor in Jamaica andi
is often to be found referred to by Lady
Nugent in her Journal of that period
(1801-1805). The first mention is that she
met him at a dinner party at Mr. Atkinson's:
in Kingston; soon after which we find that
General Nugent and his wife dined at his
" Penn in Liguanea." The following are
extracts from the Journal relating to Mr.
5th March, 1802. Mr Taylor is the
richest man in the island, and prizes
himself upon making his nephew, Sir
Simon Taylor, who is now in Ger-
many, the richest Commoner in Eng-
land, which he says he shall be, at
his death.
6th March, 1802. Breakfast at six and
start for Albion, another place of
Mr. S. Taylor's. Leave my dear N. at
Rock Fort to review the Yallahs
and Bull Companies of Militia, as
well as to view the Fort.
8th March. After the review [at Belvidere, in
St. Thomas in the East] we all went to
a place called Licence, another estate
of Mr Taylor's. The situation is
high and the view magnificent.
10th March. [From Bath at 10 o'clock] we
proceeded to Golden Grove, another
estate of Mr. Simon Taylor's. He
is an old bachelor and detests the
society of women, but I have worked
a reform for he never leaves me an.


instant and attends to all my wants
and wishes.
11th March. Soon after breakfast we went to
another estate of Mr. Taylor's, a few
miles from Golden Grove, called Hol-
Further reference to Mr. Simon Taylor*
will also be found a little later in Lady
Nugent's Journal of the troubled period of
And now let us return to the letter above
quoted and follow it to Jamaica for a moment
and view the state of things there, with
the eyes of one in the island well qualified-
to speak from her position, viz., Lady Nugent
{above referred to) the wife of General
Nugent, then Governor of Jamaica. From
Lady Nugent's Journal," the Jamaica part
of which extends from 1801 to 1805, we find
that Jamaica was renewing its experiences
-of twenty-five years previous and was again
turned upside down (to use Nelson's expres-
.sion on the former occasion) in fear of a
French invasion. The first reference is by
Lady Nugent in March 1805, when it had
just been decided that she and her children
would have to leave General Nugent and
go home to England. On the 8th March
.she records as follows. "Then in the even-
ing just as he [General Nugent] came to my
room, intending to have half-an-hour's
quiet, before we went to bed an express ar-
rived [at Spanish Town] from General
Myers to say that several French ships of
war, with troops, had appeared to windward.
They had attacked Dominica, but their suc-
,cess there, and future destination, were not
known, but this island was their object
probably. Of course, my dear N[ugent],
ill as he was, was obliged to set about
immediate arrangement for our defence,
-as well as to prepare all the depen-
dencies of Jamaica for theirs. This kept
him up, with his Military Secretary, in my
dressing room, the greatest part of the night.
We had, in consequence, scarcely a doze."
On the 10th she records that "after church,
General N. full of business, and crowds of
people continually coming; all much alarmed
at the idea of a French force coming to this
part of the world," and that on their way to
Port Henderson, where she was taking the
children for change, an express from the
Admiral overtook them giving an account
*We understand that the present representatives
of this wealthy gentleman are the Watson Taylors
who still own some of the estates mentioned above.

of the capture of Roseau (Dominica). On the
16th Lady Nugent records the arrival at Port
Henderson of an express from her husband
in the evening to tell me of the defeat of
the French at Dominica" after which she
goes to bed at 8, much more comfortable
than for many days past." On the 18th
General Nugent sent off a despatch to wind-
ward to Admiral Dacres and extracts from
General Myers's letter etc, to the printer.
On the 28th despatches arrived from the
northside of the island stating that all the
arrangements were perfectly made and all
was well. On the 30th, just as they sat
down to dinner an artillery officer arrived
with the intelligence of a French fleet being
seen off St. Domingo steering toward Ja-
The account was brought by a vessel, that
left Port Royal this morning, and had seen
some of them. General N. desired him to re-
turn to his duty immediately, then drank a glass
of wine, and ordered his horse. I will not say
what were my feelings, when he took the
dear children in his arms, and kissed them, for
perhaps the last time. He wrote a few lines in
his pocket book, which he left with me, and
which I found, after he was gone, were instruc-
tions for the. safety of myself and children. I
ordered the maids to put everything ready to
move at a moment's notice, and then sat down
almost stunned, and could not think clearly of
anything. An express from the Admiral in the
course of an hour, to tell me, that it was thought
the enemy was not so near as had been reported
in the morning. In consequence I decided
upon remaining here [Port Henderson] for fear
my dear children should suffer, from being ex-
posed to the night air, and a journey at such an
unusual hour. I wrote to General Carmichael
and sent my boat's crew to Fort Augusta, to
join their regiment there. Write also to
Captain Dobbins, at the Apostles' Battery and
arranged an express, in case of alarm, or any
information coming during the night. Saw all
the doors fastened, and said all I could to quiet
the alarms of the maids, etc. At 10 prepared
for bed. I soon after received an express from
my dear N. advising me to remain at this
place, till further intelligence of the enemy's
movements could be obtained. I replied imme-
diately, giving him every comfort in my power,
respecting myself and the children. In the
course of the night, Henry Rogers came, but
only staid a few minutes, just to see how we
were. The rest of the time was quiet and I
rejoiced to see the day dawn, without further
31st-Major Fraser, early with a letter from
General N. All at the Kings House were up
almost the whole night writing circular letters,
and copying General N's. orders, etc., for differ-


-ent parts of the country; and he himself was
.off before day for Kingston, where he will pro-
bably remain till all is over, God bless and pre-
serve him from all dangers, and grant that
.all may soon end happily for us !
Eight o'clock in the evening-This day has
indeed passed most miserably. Not a creature
have I seen since the morning, but have walked
in the Piazza the whole day, with a glass in my
hand looking continually towards the sea for
the enemy. Nothing has been heard but the
:scaling the guns in the different forts and ships
in the harbour, and the practice of the artillery.
'The ships.of war have manceuvred, and are now
.arranged as a sort of battery across Port Royal
harbour, and when the Admiral's ship had her
'sails hoisted, and moved to her station, I could
not help smiling at George and Louisa, calling it
Grandmamma" ; for being talked to of their
grandmothers being two great people, they
thought such a large and splendid object must
be a grandmama at least.
As soon as the sun would allow us to go out
this evening, I went with them to Fort [Port]
Henderson, where we had an extensive view of
the sea. It was a dead calm, and, as far as
the eye could reach, like a sheet of glass. Not
.a speck was to be seen on the horizon, and
God grant an enemy may not cloud it I havo
just received a letter from my dear N. He is
in Kingston, and undergoing wonderful fatigue,
in assembling a force for the protection of that
place, and in making the best arrangement pos-
sible, for the defence of the island, by placing
in the most vulnerable situations all the troops
he can collect; but, with our present force of
regular troops, it is impossible to do this effec-
tually. For, alas all parts are vulnerable,
and our force, from sickness and various other
causes, is very small and inadequate. Martial
law is to be declared and to-morrow he means
to hold a Council of War, for that purpose. I
try to be as composed and as calm as possible,
but I cant fix my attention to any one object
for comfort, nor think distinctly on any subject !
I see the dear little ones put to bed, after say-
ing a little prayer for dear papa ; and may their
dear little innocent voices he heard !
April 1st. We have passed a sad night of
.alarms. Several shots were fired from a house
near, and our black servants said it was to
frighten thieves, as many were seen about in the
evening. General Carmichael sent back my boat-
men to me this morning; and, as they appear
to- be trusty people, I have desired they may
sleep in the stable every night till General N.
(please God !) returns.-Dear Clifford returned
here yesterday and she is so courageous that
she is a great comfort to me ; but she tells me
that, before she left Spanish Town the negroes
appeared to be inclined to riot, and to make a
noise in the streets, when the troops marched
out, but they soon were dispersed by the mili-
tia. The black servants here seem to rejoice at
.the bustle, but, as they profess to hate the

French, their pleasure is only that of change;
for, like children, they are fond of fuss and
noise, and have no reflection.
2nd. After another anxious and sleepless
night, I rowed with the children around the
ships in Port Royal harbour. Saw and spoke
to several Naval friends, who were all most
friendly and comfortable. About 10 o'clock a
letter from General N. He writes in tolerable
spirits and is quite well, thank God The
Council of War was held in Kingston, and
martial law declared yesterday. The day
passed in my usual anxiety and watchfulness,
and I have now fixed the glass in the Venetian
blinds, so that I can look out constantly with-
out the fatigue of holding it. Every now and
then I feel quite blind, but getting into a dark
corner, and shutting my eyes for a few minutes
enables me to see clearly again.
On the 5th April she writes as follows:-
At gun fire take Mr. and Mrs. E. Bullock and
their little ones fora nice row round the Fleet.
Soon after breakfast a Navy officer, with a
despatch from the Admiral, to tell me that,
after the French Fleet had reinforced the city
of Santo Domingo, they had shaped their course
towards the Mona Passage, and that conse-
quently we had much less to apprehend from
their attacks; at all events no immediate descent
on this island can be in contemplation. Write
to my dear N., and am all joy, to think the dan-
ger is at a distance at least."
On the 7th General Nugent returned in
the morning and she writes:-
"All the day quiet and comfortable, talking
over the past, and congratulating ourselves on the
present happy change of circumstances. About
4, an express from Port Royal, with despatches
from Barbadoes and England. A letter from Sir
W. Myers, announcing the near approach of an
English squadron to windward, and the pros-
pect of our Naval force being sufficient to pur-
sue and chase the enemy out of these seas. The
Minister's letter from home, giving much the
same intelligence, and expressing great anxiety
for these colonies in general, etc. General N.
gave up all business in the evening, and had a
fine romp with the children, till they fell
asleep almost before' they could be put to bed.
On the 13th she went back to Spanish
Town and on the 15th, after an immense
dinner party" at five, she writes :-
"At 10 o'clock all was quiet, and martial law
had this one good effect, that it obliged us all to
be much more sober, and to keep earlier hours
than we should otherwise have been, or felt
inclined to do. Yet the great flag, flying in the
middle of the square, and the number of red
coats moving about in different directions con-
tinually, gave a warlike appearance, and all
looked too hostile to give one very comfortable
or pleasing contemplations, in considering the


16th. The early morning as usual. The as-
sembly all in great good humour with General
N., approve of all his measures and seem really
grateful for his activity and arrangements for
the protection of the island. Visitors and
business continually.-A large mixed dinner of
civilians and military. Prayers and to bed at
17th. Much the same day as usual.
18th. All sorts of arrangements making for
future defence. All in good humour, and every-
one anxious to do his duty. General N. satis-
fied and more comfortable in spirits than I have
seen him for a long time.
On the 20th Admiral Cochrane and his
Flag Captain breakfasted with the Nugents
at King's House, Spanish Town, and also
were part of a large dinner party they had
that same afternoon. Admiral Cochrane
was the uncle of the more famous Captain
Lord Cochrane, afterwards Earl of Dun-
donald, and Lady Nugent said she had a
great deal of talk with the Admiral "who
knows all my family, and it is wonderful, at
this distance, how great an intimacy is
formed immediately with those that know
them we love. To bed at eleven."
After this things settled down a bit and
we find that on the 28th Lady Nugent
noted in her Journal that after Church she
proposed to go to Simon Taylor's Pen with
my little party" and accordingly despatched
two of the servants early to get all their
comforts ready for them and then proceeded
there themselves. At 5, a great dinner
party; Mrs. Holgate, the only lady. Oct.
29th. Take the children, at daylight, to
the review of the Kingston regiment. A
good breakfast at Mr. S. Taylor's after-
wards. At 5 a very large dinner party, or
rather parties, for there were two rooms
full. Mirs. Holgate, Mrs. and Miss Farmer,
and the.two Misses Stewart were the only
ladies." On the 30th she notes : After
breakfast, leave Mr. Taylor's hospitable
mansion, and return to the King's House,
all well; and here ends another month,
and our whole party alive and prosperous,
thank God."
On the 2nd May affairs having settled
down again they all, General and Lady
Nugent and the children, go to Port Hen-
derson again and nothing is recorded in con-
nection with the enemy till the 9th when,
just as they were congratulating themselves
upon the present quiet state of the island
S* o Captain Bouverie arrived in the
.Iercury, with despatches from Sir John
Orde. The Toulon squadron passed Cadiz,

on the 9th April, and is supposed to have-
steered westward ; so we are all again in
bustle and confusion ; and most likely no-
convoy will be able to leave Jamaica, till
the hurricane season begins, and then it
would be madness to think of going." On
the 10th we attempted to row out in the
evening, but I was so nervous, and so much
alarmed at everything that we returned
almost immediately."
On the 11th, the evening, was "as quiet
and comfortable as, in our present state of
spirits, we can be." On the 22nd of May
she says that she went to bed much more
comfortable than usual, "General N. having
received an express from Admiral Dacres
to telf him, that, after all, it is not thought
that the Toulon fleet is coming westward."
This comfort was however very short-lived
as next day the 23rd we read the following:
General N. off at 3 to review the St. Cathar-
ine's regiment, before he begins his Court of
Chancery. I remained quietly by myself, writing
etc. till 12, when Mr. Brown came from Port
Royal with despatches by the packet, and also
and alas some from the windward, announcing
the arrival of the French combined force there.
-To describe the state of my mind is quite im-
possible, and now I tremble so much, I can
hardly hold my pen, and my mind is really half
distracted, with various distressing thoughts
that assail me ; I have sent off an express to
my dear N. and begged to join him and the
little ones, in Spanish Town, immediately, and
am now waiting with the greatest impatience for
the result.- About 4, he came in the chariot and
after taking a hasty dinner, we set off for the
King's House, where the affectionate caresses
of my dear children enabled me to shed a plenti-
ful shower of tears, which relieved my head and
heart wonderfully; and I shall now, I trust,
resume all my courage and cheerfulness, and
be a comfort, rather than a burthen, to my dear
husband, whose mind is at present sadly harass-
ed. Sit up till late, helping to copy
circular letters, and all the family fully engaged
in the same way, the greatest part of the night.
24th. After dozing a couple of hours we
awoke at 4; and as our minds were too much
occupied to think of resting longer we ordered
breakfast in my dressing room at 6. At 10,
General N. held a Council of War. Martial
Law was declared, and the great flag unfurled
in the square immediately after. Got all our
private letters, and (thank heaven) all our
friends well and happy in England *
The morning full of bustle. All the Colonels
of militia in their uniforms, coming continually.
Orders issuing in every direction, and expresses
going off to every part of the country. Every
now and then my strength fails me, and I run
to my own room to lament, and stretch myself


-out for a short time on the bed, and then I can
return with fresh vigour to the business of the
*day.* *
25th. Send the maids and children out in the
:sociable. Remain with my dear N., who has
passed a day of. continual business, writing
.and giving audience, etc. Dont dine till near
26th. To church at 10 ; an immense congre-
gation and all in scarlet. The heat extreme.* *
All the day full of bustle; militia generals
.and colonels coming continually. George and
Louisa were much amused with seeing all the
red coats parading the square, and I could not
help smiling to see a militia soldier, with a black
boy carrying his firelock behind him, and the
sergeants, with each an attendant carrying his
halbert, etc. Major Gould, arrived, before din-
ner, with various reports, respecting the enemy,
as well as domestic affairs. The clergy as usual
at dinner. Much Anxious discussion before we
go to bed at ten.
27th. Go out early with the children.-Poor
-General N. shut up from daylight, and not a
moment to breathe scarcely, he has so much
writing and business of all sorts. Breakfast
at 7 o'clock. Till 3, incessant business
and visiting. Then an express, with a con-
firmation of the enemy being in these seas.
If they really do come, we have the coin-
fort at least to know, that we are as well pre-
pared as we possibly can be from the nature of
our situation, resources, etc, etc. ; and that we
have nothing to accuse ourselves of, in point of
negligence, or being off our guard. In fact the
security of this island depends mainly upon
superiority at sea, and the vigilance of our
Poor General N. has been particularly har-
.assed to-day, with business, and teased and
vexed at the same time, by those new militia
General officers. They are all so tenacious of
-attention, command etc. King (now General)
Mitchell, is quite sulky, and out of humour,
because he is not given enough to do, and that
,General N. has given more orders to General
Farmer than to him, the last day or two.-- We
had a large dinner party, and many people also
in the evening, and all paying me the greatest
attention, King Mitchell in particular ; and this
has always been the case, whenever he is dis-
pleased with General N. for any of his measures.
Then I am sure of being overpowered with
flattery and fine speeches.
28th. General N. again too much engaged to
go out with us before breakfast ; and as soon as
that was over, was at his desk again before 8.
General Carmichael surprised us with his ap-
pearance to take command of the troops, and
General N. has appointed him a Lieutenant-Gen-
eral,-good, little, zealous, but broken down
man Colonels Millefont, Horsford, Irvine,
Rainy, etc. are all Major-Generals.-A crowd
of military at dinner and in the evening; my-

self the only woman. Retire at nine, and all
disperse at ten.
29k General N. off, before day, to King-
st n, and I drove out with the children. *
General N. returned at 5, and the reports of
the enemy are less favourable. My spirits are
not a little depressed, as he hinted the necessity
of perhaps sending me and the dear children
into the interior of the island, where Mr.
Mitchell has kindly offered us an asylum ; but
I am sure that the blacks are to be as much
dreaded as the French.-
There was no news on the 30th or 31st.
On the 1st June she notes that the day was
as usual, full of business and anxiety, from
reports of all sorts and of a contradictory
nature. "General N. half angry with some
of'the staff for telling me all the rumours."
On the 3rd June she writes. "In the even-
ing, before we went to bed, a despatch ar-
rived from Antigua.-The French are still
in the same position as far as any intelli-
gence can be obtained. Soon, however, our
suspense must be at an end." The 4th of
June was the old King's birthday and they
kept it up in much the same way as we
keep the 24th of May.
6th. Awoke before daylight by an express
from England and the Windward Islands. The
French force is detained in the harbour of
Martinique, by a malignant and contagious
fever, and the Minister informs General N.
that he may soon expect a strong re-inforcement
in this part of the world. Our minds are more
at ease, and I hope all may soon be well with
us, and our suspense at an end. The evening as
7th. All the family writing; for we have
English letters as well as circulars, etc. to get
ready. *
12th. No certain news yet of the
French, and our suspense still deplorable.
Anything certain would almost be 'better than
this anxiety from day to day, and never ending.
13th. News of the French towards the mid-
dle of the day. Part of their force has pro-
ceeded south, and it is thought with the inten-
tion of attacking Trinidad. Soon, I trust, our
fleet will arrive to put an end to their de-
predaticns and our alarms [Here we may note
the calm faith felt by Lady NuTr.ent that when
the fleet arrives everything '. il I.e well-no
doubt about the result !]
14th. Try to believe that the French
will not molest us, though I cant help seeing
that neither the Admiral nor General N. is
quite at ease ; but all things are kept on the
alert, as if the enemy was near.
15th. The early part of the day as usual. At
5, a dinner party, but I remained in my own
room [she had not been well.] Soon after, an
express arrived from Lord Seaforth, etc., an-
nouncing to General N. that an additional


French force had made its appearance, from
Ferrol, and part of the squadron also from
Brest had joined them, making in the whole
about thirty sail of the line, and that a great
number of troops was supposed to be on board.
Lord Nelson arrived at Barbadoes, but was sent
by a false report to Trinidad. However an
express has followed him, and shortly, it is to I e
hopedwe shall have some certain accountof their
destination and proceedings. In the meantime
all our suspense must continue, and our anxiety
is cruelly renewed. For my own part, I feelreal-
ly almost worn out with watching and expecta-
tion, and my poor dear N. is so harassed with
business that I dread the effect upon his health.
All the house engaged to-day ; and after all,
the despatches could not be sent off till 12 at
night. In the evening, I received my company
as usual, and the party was numerous, all wish-
ing to hear, or to tell what they had heard;
and, among other things, I have been told, by
the few ladies who remain in Spanish Town,
such horrid things of the savage ideas, etc.,
of the slaves, on the estates in the interior, that
I determined, if my dear N. is obliged to leave
me to meet the enemy, that I will take my dear
children on board a ship, or anywhere near the
coast, from whence we may make our escape,
rather than accept of the asylum offered me by
Mr. Mitchell, etc., etc.
16th. The church shut up, on account of the
heavy rains. General N. engaged with des-
patches all day, to go by the Staunch brig,
which sails for England to-morrow.--Just as
we were going to dinner, heard of the arrival of
a packet. All anxiety to hear the news, and
General N. and I, in particular, to learn our
fate. [This referred to General Nugent's fur-
ther stay in the island as Governor.] At half
past seven, came the public despatches. They
are all that is comfortable. Sir Eyre Coote is
to come out with a dormant commission, and
to place himself under General N.'s command,
till the alarms here are over, and the latter
wishes to resign. This has raised our spirits
very much, and if Lord Nelson can but send us
a good account of the French fleet we shall be
happy indeed. Prayers as usual, and to bed at
17th. Did not drive out, on account of the
torrents of rain. -Had a satisfactory conversa-
tion with General N. and Colonel Irvine. The
mind of the latter is set at rest, or at least,
comparatively easy. A great deal of business
still for my dear N., and the arrangements for
Honduras, etc. are very troublesome; but our
prospects are now so much better, that we will
not complain. Only our own party at dinner.
Prayers and to bed at nine.
18th. Another day of uncertainty and anxiety.
An express from the Admiral, to say, that Lord
Nelson, not having found the French fleet at
Trinidad, had come on to Martinique as quick
as possible, but we are still uncertain, whether
the enemy remains there, or has come this way

as there are two accounts in a letter from St.
Vincent's. The one states that the French had
left Martinique, and, by the course they steered,
it was supposed would have returned to Europe.
The other, that the whole fleet was seen pro-
ceeding towards St. Domingo. Whichever may
be the true report, our suspense must soon be
at an end ; but it is a painful state for us all,
and a horseman does not come up quick to the
door, day or night, but I tremble all over, and
almost lo: e my breath from anxiety.--Only the-
staff at dinner, and the evening quiet. The
little ones quite well and merry.
20th. Both my dear N. and I are out of spir-
its. He says, that he cannotleave Jamaica till
matters are a little more settled,and that he must
wait Sir Eyre Coote's arrival. Yet if the
French leave these seas, he is anxious that I
should go with the children to England, as
soon as possible; but it will bn a miserable
separation to us both, and it will be a severe
21st. General N. reviewed the 55th and 85th
regiments, and the St. Catharine's militia, on
the race course, at daylight. I could not sum-
mon strength or spirits to go *
At 7, I met all the party from the review, at
breakfast.-General Carmichael, Colonel Mille-
font, the new Aide-do-camp, etc., etc. Mr.
Simon Taylor came soon after, to take leave of
me; as he says he is now sure that all our
alarms will be soon over, and that I must lose
no time in going to England, for the sake of my
health and that of the little ones. General N.,
he says, is a rock, and will stand any climate.
In the course of his visit his expressions, were so
kind, and he seemed to feel so much, that I
was as much surprised as affected by his manner,
for he has the character of loving nothing but
his money; and yet I have experienced such
continued kindness from him, that he has
shewn me almost the affection of a father. In-
deed I feel that I know him much better than
the world does, and shall always feel gratefully
affectionate towards him :-A Council of War
held at 12 o'clock and it Was unanimously
agreed that martial law should cease at 12
o'clock to-morrow night, in case no further in-
telligence arrived to prevent it.
Preparations were then proceeded with for
the departure of Lady (then Mrs.) Nugent
and the children in the Augustus Caesar,
a sugar ship leaving with others in a con-
voy from Old Harbour. On the 28th June
they left Spanish Town arriving at Old Har-
bour at 7 in the morning and spent the rest.
of the day on board the ship which finally
sailed out of the harbour next morning,
General Nugent leaving at 8 when they
were nearly down the harbour. His wife's
anxiety remained up to the last as the night
before they left Spanish Town she noted in
her diary No news of the French, or of


Lord Nelson, and to-morrow is fixed for the
fleet to sail." The course they took was to
the west of Jamaica and of Cuba, and on
the 8th July-after a lapse of time which in
these days would have put them more than
half way to England-they were spoken by
the Magicienne frigate, to tell us, that the
Havannah was clear, and no enemy in the
quarter, or in the gulf of Florida so that we
might steer our course, without any further
Before leaving Lady Nugent we may note
that among the sponsors of a baby girl, born
to them in England on the 17th December,
1809 and named Maria Emilia, we find Sir
Peter Parker, Nelson's great friend.
Let us now go back to Nelson himself.
On the 11th June, at i a.m., Nelson saw the
Island of Dominica bearing East, and at
noon the Island of Guadeloupe bearing E.
by S., Basseterre bearing S. 21 E. eight
leagues; at 6.50 p.m. the North end of
Montserrat was distant 6 miles E. N.
While "under Guadaloupe" on that day,
Nelson wrote to the Secretary of the Admi-
ralty reporting his movements since the 4th
June, taken on the strength of the informa-
tion from St. Lucia sent by General Brere-
ton whom, in another letter, he calls his
"old acquaintance." Brereton having served
as a Major at the Sieges of Bastia and Calvi.
Nelson says that on the 9th they were in
St George's Bay, Grenada, and received
accounts from General Maitland that all
was safe at Grenada, St. Vincent and St.
Lucia, and that on the 4th the Enemy had
not moved from Martinico, proving all their
former information to be false. At 1 p.m
on the llth Nelson received a letter from
General Prevost by the Jason, Captain
Champain. These officers, had seen the
Enemy's Fleet pass Prince Rupert's head
on the 6th of June; they consisted of
eighteen sail of the line, six frigates and
three brigs and schooners : in the evening
they were under the Saints, standing to
the northward. Nelson adds that he shall

*The following is an account from Westwra Ho !
with Nelson of the movements of the Enemy's Fleet
from the 4th to the 6th June "On the 4th June
the combined Fleet set sail from Fort de France
steering Northward. Besides the Troops already on,
board, they carried away a part of the Maitinique
garrison. At 4 o'clock in the afternoon, a large
French Frigate, with colours flying was sighted
over the low land at Point Round in Dominica.
Later, signal after signal from Point Round was
made, that the Enemy was in sight. Then the Fleet
passed Roseau, the chief Town of Dominica. At half

guide his movements according to the best
of his judgment for that he had too often
unfortunately been deceived by false intel-
At 6 a.m. on June the 12th he saw An-
tigua bearing S. E. by E. seven or eight
leagues, and at 7 p.m. he anchored in St.
John's. The 'Squadron anchored as conve-
nient. Out all boats, employed sending
the Artillery Men and baggage on board
the Northumberland." On the-morning of
the next day, the 13,th, Fort St. John's sa-
luted, and at 11 50 Nelson weighed and
made sail. During the 12th Nelson again
reported progress to the Admiralty. He
says at Montserrat he only got vague and
very unsatisfactory intelligence. On June
the 8th they had seen sixteen Sail beating
to windward under Guadeloupe. On Sun-
day an American came from Guadeloupe
who told them the Fleet was gone, it was
supposed, against Antigua; but they did
not know, nor did it seem a matter of even

past 5 o'clock the Garrison was under arms. The
Troops passed an anxious night at their posts. lir
the early morning of the 5th, by the light of the
brilliant moon, those on guard could distinctly see
the Combined Fleet, sailing slowly along: the cur-
rent setting them into Prince Rupert's Bay. The.
British Colours were displayed from all the Bat-
teries at Prince Rupert's.
The scene at daylight is described as having been,
magnificent. The Enemy's ships were brightly-
painted, and had gay streamers and colours, French
and Spanish, flying. Their appearance struck one,
however, -as less warlike than that of Missiessy's
Rochefort Squadron. The current swept the ships
more and more into Prince Rupert's Bay. They
were still out of gunshot: but could see the Garrison-
in warlike array, who fully expected an attack.
About 9 o'clock a land breeze sprang up. As it got
off the shore, the Enemy tacked and bore away. The
Garrison was th en dismissed to breakfast: and the
news that the Combined Fleet had bailed away to
Leeward, was sent off to Roseau. At 4 o'clock,.
the Governor announced, by signal, Lord Nelson's
arrival at Barbados, in chase of the Enemy. A later
signal, that the British Admiral had sailed for
Trinidad, dashed the hopes of the colonists of
"On the 6th of June the Combined Fleet: now
reinforced by the Algsu'as and Achille: lay to off
Basse Terre, the principal Town of Guadaloupe, and
embarked a portion of the Island's Garrison. The
Fleet then sailed away: passing to Windward of
Montserrat and Redondo, and to leeward of
[Then came the capture of the fourteen sugar
laden vessels else where referred to]
"By the 10th Villeneuve sent back in four Frigates,
the troops he had taken from the Martinique and
Guadaloupe Garrisons: with orders to the Frigates
to rejoin at the Western Islands. The signal was
now made for the Combined Fleet to steer for
Europe." [They comprised the following. Under
Admiral Gravina, six Spanish Line of Battle Ships;
and under Admiral Villeneuve fourteen French,
Line of Battle Ships and seven Frigates.]


curiosity to the good folks at Montserrat to
inquire, very particularly. If I hear no-
thing of the Enemy from Antigua, I shall
stand for Prince Rupert's Bay and form my
judgment; but, I feel, having saved these
Colonies, and two hundred and upwards of
sugar-loaded Ships, that I must be satisfied
they have bent their course for Europe be
lore I push after them, which will be to
the Straits' Month [Gibraltar]." lie adds
in a postscript, 'The French Fleet passed
to leeward of Antigua on Saturday last,
standing to the Northward. All their Troops
and Stores which they took from Guada-
loupe are re-landed there : therefore I am
pushing for the Anchorage at St. John's, to
land the Troops, and hope to sail in the
morning after them for the Straits' Month.
In writing to Alexander Davison on the
same day he says I have saved these colo-
nies and more than two hundred Sail of
.sugar-loaded Ships." Again he writes to Sir
A. J. Ball, Malta, "'In this diversity of
opinions I may as well follow my own, which
is that the Spaniards are gone to the Hav-
annah and that the French will either stand
for Cadiz or Toulon. I feel most inclined
for the latter place." And although he was
so unhappy at not having got up with the
enemy's fleet" he on the same day, the 12th,
writes to Earl Camden in most generous
terms of the spirited conduct of Lt. General
Sir W. Myers and the zeal of the troops
.offered in order to try and annihilate both
the Enemy's Fleet and Army." We find one
more letter written by him on this same
twelfth of June from Antigua to his old
West Indian friend the Duke of Clarence.
," Your Royal Highness will easily conceive
the misery I am feeling at hitherto having
missed the French Fleet; and entirely owing
to false information sent from St. Lucia,
which arrived at Barbados the evening of
June 3rd. This caused me to embark Sir
William Myers and 2,000 troops, and to
proceed to Tobago and Trinidad. But for
that false information, I should have been
at Port [? Fort] Royal, as they were putting
to sea ; and our Battle, most probably, would
have been fought on the spot where the
brave Rodney beat De Grasse. I am rather
inclined to believe they are pushing for
Europe to get out of our way: and the
moment my mind is made up I shall stand
for the Straits mouth. But I must not move,
after having saved these Colonies and 200
and upwards of sugar-laden Ships, until I

feel sure they are gone. We saw, about 200
leagues to the Westward of Madeira, a Vessel
which I took to be a French Corvette, that
watched us two days; but we could not take
her. She, I hear, gave Gravina notice of
our approach, and that probably hastened his
movements; however, I feel I have done my
duty to the very utmost of my abilities. The
Combined Squadron passed to the leeward of
Antigua on Saturday the 8th, standing to
the Northward. My heart is almost broke,
and, with my very serious complaints, I can-
not expect long to go on. I am, etc. Nel-
son and Bronte." Here we have a notable in-
stance of the value of fast cruisers; if Nel-
son had had a frigate fast enough to catch
the French corvette he alludes to he would
have come as a surprise on the French in
the West Indies.
As another instance of the value of fast
cruisers we have this fact. On the 12th
June immediately after dropping anchor at
St. John's, Antigua, Nelson ordered the
('urieux, Brig, Capt. Bettesworth, home to
the Admiralty with the news that the
Combined Fleet was on its way back to
Europe. The Curieux outsailed the enemy,
was in sight of them on the 20th June, and
arrived in Plymouth Sound on the 8th of
July. Capt. Bettesworth, whom Nelson
had certified to be the only man in the ser-
vice who had more wounds than Nelson
himself, posted to London and was in time
for the Admiralty to issue necessary in-
structions, chief among which was an order
to Sir Robert Calder to look out for and
engage the Combined Fleet. This Calder
did, with the result that he captured two
Spanish Line of Battle Ships, but the Na-
tion was not satisfied with this, they con-
sidered Calder should have brought the
enemy to action again. As the Duke of
Wellington observed, Nelson had spoilt
Englishmen for anything but crushing de-
feats of the Enemy.*
On the 13th hearing no further news
Nelson felt confirmed in his conjecture that
Villeneuve was on his way to Europe and
accordingly set sail on the return voyage af-
ter him. Here again as befitted a good sailor
Nelson got to windward of Villeneuve
and Napoleon. The latter at any. rate
counted on Nelson's fears for Jamaica taking
him to that island to make sure that no harm
should come to it; but Napoleon did not cal-

*Westward Ho I with Nelson.


culate on a seaman's aversion (in those days
of sail) to a run of a thousand miles almost
dead to leeward unless he was absolutely
certain of its necessity. Hence, although we
have seen his intense desire to save Jamaica
and his refusal to leave till he was convinced
Jamaica was safe, we have Nelson's hot
pursuit of the enemy back again and his
consequent prevention of their being availa-
ble for any fresh designs of the crafty Na-
poleon on their return to Europe. In the
meantime Nelson had saved the British West
India Islands from capture; in the nine
days hd had received and disembarked 2,000
troops, had entered the Gulf of Paria and
had sailed north again to Antigua and' had
through the mere fear caused by his arrival
or expected arrival driven the enemy away
from West Indian waters, Villeneuve not
being willing to meet cet amiral deter-
mine" (as the French called Nelson) and not
seeking a repetition of the defeat meted out
by Rodney to De Grasse in the same spot
twenty three years before. Nelson thus as
truly saved the British West Indies and
Jamaica in particular from capture as had
Rodney; although, probably from the fact
that Nelson did so in this bloodless manner
by the mere terror of his presence, the fact
does not seem as yet to have produced
much impression in Jamaica annals. In
memory of Rodney in Jamaica we have the
well-known marble statue by Bacon and the
portrait painted by Pine, as against which
there are to be placed only the reproductions
of paintings of Nelson by Rigaud and
Westall; and these have only recently been
added to the Art Gallery of the Institute.
In Barbados, however there is a statue of
Nelson of which a representation is given
here0 It is made of gun metal and tradi-
tion has it that the greenish hue still to be
observed on it is due to one of the boyish
pranks of Lord "Charlie" Beresford who
with some other middies thought the statue
would not be the worse of a little paint. The
name of the sculptor has not been found
among the Government records in Barbados
nor in other places which have been searched.
A paper and some old coins were put
under the statue when it was first put up
and were found in recent years when the
pedestal was being repaired and raised. It
is mueh to be regretted that a grateful Le-

*From a photograph kindly supplied by Mr. G. F.
Pilgrim of Barbados.

gislature of Jamaica did not in a similar
manner do itself honour by erecting a Nel-
son memorial. It is but -a trite saying how-
ever that the great hero's fame is "more
lasting than brass." The following is a copy
of what was found under the Barbados
statue :-
To the Memory of
Vice-Admiral of the White,
The preserver of the British West Indies,
In a moment of unexampled peril ;
The Hero whose various and transcendent
Alike conspicuous in Address, Decision, Action,
and Atchievment
Throughout his whole unparalleled career of
No powers of language can sufficiently delineate.

ir-~~ -y T
I1 p i._ :'1, ,* I ... -*

_'-'i ,- 1 ..

Was erected by
The grateful inhabitants of Barbados
On a spot of ground appropriated to it
By a public grant of
The Colonial Legislature
In accordance with the solicitations of a select
That so sincere though humble a tribute
Of Esteem, Admiration and Gratitude of our.
Illustrious Deliverer
.Might be rendered more congenial
To his generous and exalted Spirit.
From the hand of One
Himself a Hero, and a Benefactor to their


'The first stone of the Platform was deposited by
His Excellency Lieutenant-General Sir Geo.
Beckwitli, K.B.
lhe beloved and patriotic Governor of Barbados
and Commander of the Forces in the Leeward
February 24th, A.D. 1813.
Esto Perpetua.
On the 15th June, at sea, Nelson wrote to
Lord Robert Fitzgerald, Minister at Lisbon,
"briefly running over the occurrences" since
his arrival and saying that the enemy on
the 6th standing to the northward to the
leeward of Antigua, had taken a Convoy
of fourteen Sail of Sugar-loaden Ships, which
unfortunately left St. Johns in the night
for England."0 After saying that he hopes
to be able to get up with them at least in
time to prevent them from having a moment's
.superiority" he adds "I have no reason to
blame Dame Fortune. If either General Bre-
reton could not have wrote, or his look-out
man had been blind, nothing could have pre-
vented my fighting them on June 6th; but
such information, and from such a quarter,
close to the enemy, could not be doubted."
On the 16th June he writes to one of his
Captains, Malcolm of the Donegal, I can
give you little, for I got nothing except some
trifles at Barbadoes ; but accept the little 1
.can offer you. Grieved as I am by the in-
formation from General Brereton at St.
Lucia which deprived us of a Battle, yet
we must not dispair of overtaking them.
Whenever it is calm enough for a Boat to
reach the Victory I shall be truly glad to
see you, being ever your most faithful ser-
vant, Nelson and Bronte,"
Clarke and M'Arthur give the following
.as part of one of Nelson's unreserved
conversations" with his captains about this
date. "I am thankful that the enemy has
been driven from the West India Islands
with so little loss, to our Country. I had
nade.up my mind to great sacrifices; for, I
had determined, notwithstanding his vast
superiority, to stop his career, and to put it
out of his power to do any further mischief.
Yet do not imagine I am one of those hot
brained people who fight at immense disad-
vantage, without an adequate object. My
object is partly gained. If we meet them
we shall find them not less than eighteen,
I rather think twenty sail of the line, and
therefore do not be surprised if I should
*They were afterwards burnt by the French to
escape recapture by a British Fleet supposed to be
approaching. ( Westward Ho! with Nelson.)

not fall on them immediately: we wont
part without a battle. I think they will be
glad to let me alone, if I will let them alone;
which I will do, either till we approach
the shores of Europe, or they give me an
advantage too tempting to be resisted."
On the 16th he also wrote to Sir Evan
Nepean. "So for from being infallible, like
the Pope, I believe my opinions to be very
fallible, and therefore I may be mistaken
that the Enemy's Fleet is gone to Europe ;
but I cannot bring myself to think other-
wise. notwithstanding the variety of opin-
ions which different people of good judg-
ment form; but I have called every cir-
cumstance which I have heard of their pro-
ceedings before me.-I have considered the
approaching season,the sickly state of their
Troops and Ships, the means and time for
defence which have been given to our
Islands, and the certainty the Enemy must
expect of our reinforcements' arrival;
and, therefore, if they were not able to
make an attack for the first three weeks
after their arrival, they could not hope for
greater success after our means of resist-
ance increased, and their means of offence
were diminished; and it is to be considered
that the Enemy will not give me credit for
quitting the West Indies for this month to
come. As this is a letter of reasoning for
my conduct I may perhaps be prolix, but
I am anxious to stand well in your opinion;
and if my conduct is taken into considera-
tion by Mr Pitt, I will thank you to show
him this letter." Nelson then goes on to
show in detail why he does not think that
the French fleet was any longer intent on
attacking any of the West India Colonies
and that they were therefore really then on
their way to Europe. He concludes as fol-
lows: My opinion is firm as a rock, that
some cause, orders, or inability to perform
any service in these seas has made them
resolve to proceed direct for Europe, send-
ing the Spanish ships to the Havannah.
Ever, my dear Sir Evan, yours faithfully,
Nelson and Bronte. There would have
been no occasion for opinions, had not
General Brereton sent his damned intelli-
gence from St. Lucia; nor would I have
received it to have acted by it, but I was
assured that his information was very cor-
rect. It has almost broke my heart, but I
must not despair."
On the,18th June he was "200 leagues


North from Antigua" and writes to Sir John
"I am very, very unwell, and vexed.
But for wrong information, I should have
fought the Battle on June 6th. I send
Your Excellency an extract of a letter, giv-
ing an account of my trip. I feel I have
done all that mortal man could do; there-
fore, I must try and be content. My coun-
tryman,0 Gravina, has hitherto had a nar-
row miss of meeting me. I believe he is
an honourable man; but they say, in the
West Indies, that he has been most rudely
treated by the French at Martinico. What a
race I have run after these fellows; but God
is just, and I may be repaid for all my mo-
ments of anxiety." In writing to William
Marsden, Admiralty, the same day a private
letter he says but I shall be close after
them in Europe, and when I have housed
them I shall certainly instantly return to
England; I want rest." He writes two
more letters on this day, one to His Excel-
lency Hugh Eliot and the other to Coin-
missioner Otway, Gibraltar. To both he
sends brief accounts of his trip to the West
Indies and of General Brereton's intelli-
gence, which was not, nor could be doubted.
It has made me very sorrowful; but I feel
that mortal man could not do more to save
my Country, and the Common Cause more
faithfully." He adds to the latter that
"Cochrane had but just arrived [at Barba-
dos, when Nelson got there] from Jamaica,
where Dacres [Vice-Admiral and Commander
in Chief at Jamaica] had kept all his ships,
-except Spartiate, which I have brought
with me."
On the 19th he writes to the Admiralty
that the Fleet had 'spoke' an American
schooner on the 17th, which Captain Parker
of the Amazon had boarded, and that the
information then gained left him no room
to doubt that he was hard on the heels of
the Enemy's Fleet. The schooner had on
the 16th seen twenty-two sail of large ships
having all sail set standing to the North-
ward, and the master wished to know if
they had taken Antigua. Nelson wrote on
the 19th that he could not be then more
than eighty leagues from them, and that he
hoped by carrying all sail to close with
Nelson sometimes, from the honours and favours
he had received from the King of the two Sicilies,
called His Majesty's subjects his countrymen. Ad-
miral Gravina was born at Naples in April 1747, and
is said to have been a natural son of King Charles
the Third.

them before they got to Cadiz or Toulon.
To warn his brother Admirals of their
approach Nelson accordingly on this day
sent the Decade to Lisbon and the Martin
to Gibraltar. On the same day he writes to
'my dear Keats' (Captain of the Stuperb)
giving him the same information in writing
("as the Telegraph told you yesterday") and
saying, "I can offer you but little; for to say
the truth I have been unlucky in not getting
anything but a few sheep in the West In-
dies, of which I beg that you will accept
one. I should be very glad to see you when
the weather is such as to allow your Gig to
pass; but we have been so far fortunate as
not to get calms." On the 20th he writes a
short note to 'my dear Sutton,' Captain of
the Amphion.
On the 21st there is this note in his
Diary : "Midnight, nearly calm, saw three
planks, which I think came from the French
Fleet. Very miserable, which is very fool-
ish." On the 26th he writes a letter to the
Admiralty concerning the victualling of the
Troops he had taken on board in the West
Indies. On the 30th he writes to Captain
Sutton of the Amphion directing him, when
he should get the signal from the Victory,
to proceed to Tangier Bay to find out if the
Enemy had entered the Straits or gone to
Cadiz, and to keep Nelson's near approach
as secret as possible. On the same day he
also directs Captain Parker of the Amazon to
proceed by Cape St. Vincent, ('ape St. May
and off Cadiz for the same purpose. Both
these ships were then to rejoin Nelson and
on their way send on to him if possible any
frigates or sloops they might meet not em-
ployed in very important service. On the
1st July he asks Rear-Admiral Louis and
Captain Hargood (the latter of the Belleisle)
to come on board and dine with him as he
feared there would be no "wind to move us
faster than Boats can pass."
On the 8th July at 11.30 a m. he "saw the
Island of St. Michael's E.S.E. per compass
distance 17-L leagues and notes in his Diary
that they had "crawled thirty-three miles
the last twenty-four hours," and that on ex-
amining the log and chart of a Spanish Bark
from La Guia (which the Amazon had
taken on the 28th) he finds that the Com-
bined Squadrons went in sight of Cape
Blanco and passed close to the Salvages.
He hoped the Enemy's Fleet was near


On the 10th of July -e have five letters
which he wrote, viz. : a private one to Cap-
tain Keats of the Superb, an official one to
Captain Parker of the Amazon (still with the
Fleet), two to Gibraltar to the Commissioner
(Otway) and the Rear-Admiral (Knight) and
one to the Admiralty, recommending to
their attention a "Mr. James Marguette (a
man of colour) who has for these many
years piloted His Majesty's Ships, in Squad-
rons and otherwise, from Barbadoes to the
different Leeward Islands." Nelson had
taken this man with him on leaving Anti -
gua in case of information that the Enemy
had gone to Porto Rico or Jamaica, as he
was also perfectly acquainted with the pilot-
age of those places.
The Amazon finally left the Fleet on the
forenoon of the 13th when Cape St.Vincent
bore S. 890 E. distance about 183 leagues.
On the 17th July there is the following en-
try in Nelson's Diary : "Our whole run
from Barbuda, day by day, was 3,4;'9 miles:
our run from Cape St. Vincent to Balbadoes
was 3,227 miles, so that our run back was
only 232 miles more than our run out-al-
lowance being made for the difference of
the latitudes and longitudes of Barbadoes
and Barbuda; average, per day, thirty-four
leagues, wanting nine miles." And on the
18th "Cape Spartel in sight, but no French
Fleet, nor any information about them;
how sorrowful this makes me, but I cannot
help myself."
On the 18th May Vice-Admiral Colling-
wood had been appointed to command a
Squadron on Foreign Service : he arrived off
Cape Finisterre on the 27th and took up his
station off Cadiz. On the 18th July he and
Nelson were in sight of each other and each
promptly wrote to the other old friend, the
letters crossing. Collingwood in a long af-
ectionate letter congratulates Nelson on
his return from "the long chase you have
had to the West Indies," says they ap-
proached him with caution at first not
knowing whether Nelson was the Enemy's
Fleet returned, and also says that when he
found that Nelson had only ten ships he
had sent the Pickmore and Illustrious, his
best sailers, to join Nelson at Barbadoes or
to follow, so they were probably on their
way back.. It appears that Collingwood had
also sent the Ramilies. Nelson's letter is
as follows: "Victory, July 18th, 1805. My
dear Collingwood. I am, as you may sup-
pose, miserable at not having fallen in with

the Enemy's Fleet; and I am almost in-
creased in sorrow in not finding them. The
name of General Brereton will not soon be
forgot. But for his false information, the
Battle would have been fought where Rod-
ney fought his on June 6th. I must now
only hope that the Enemy have not tricked
me, and gone to Jamaica; but if the ac-
count, of which I send you a copy, is cor-
rect, it is more than probable they are-
either gone to the Northward, or, if bound
to the Mediterranean, not yet arrived. The
Spaniards, or the greatest part of them, I
take for granted, are gone to the Havannah
and I suppose have taken fourteen Sail of
Antigua sugar-loaded Ships with them. The
moment the Fleet is watered and got some
refreshments, of which we are in greater
want, I shall come out, and make you a
visit; not my dear friend, to take your
Command from you (for I may probably add
mine to you) but to consult how we can
best serve our Country, by detaching a
part of this large force. God bless you,
my dear friend, and believe me ever most
affectionately yours, Nelson and Bronte.
Admiral Murray desires to be kindly re-
The following day Collingwood from
the Dreadnought replies that he well knows
what Nelson's disappointment is, and shares
the mortification of it and that it would have
been a happy day for England could Nel-
son have met them; small as Nelson's force-
was Collingwood trusts it would have been
found enough.
On the 19th of July, 1805, at 7.30 a.m.
the Victory anchored in Rosia Bay, Gibraltar.
On the 20th Nelson reports his arrival to
the Admiralty, having no news yet of the
enemy, and on this day he notes in his
Diary that he went on shore for the first
time since the 16th of June, 1803; "and from.
having my foot out of the Victory, two
years, wanting ten days."
On the 20th he writes another letter to-
Collingwood and about the same date he
writes unofficially to William Marsden at the
Admiralty, I am, my dear Mr. Marsden, as
completely miserable as my greatest enemy
could wish me; but I neither blame fortune
or my own judgment. Oh, General Brere.
ton General Brereton I"
From two out of four letters written on
the 21st we get some further information of
the voyage out to the West Indies., Nel-


son says to Sir A. J. Ball that they had
" lost neither Officer or man by sickness
since we left the Mediterranean" and to
the Queen of Naples that as he had been
only nine days in his tour round the West
Indies he had been unable to get any of
the produce of the islands, which might be
acceptable, except a few tamarinds and a
little preserved ginger which he asked ITer
Majesty to accept. He also says that the
Fleet had not received the smallest refresh-
ment, or even a cup of water in the West
Indies so that he had been obliged to put
into Gibraltar for supplies, and that the
French and Spaniards had been dreadfully
sickly, having landed 1,000 sick when they
arrived at Martinico and buried full that
number during their stay.
On the 23rd he writes to Lord Barham,
now First Lord of the Admiralty. I have
not yet a word of information of the Enemy's
Fleet; it has almost broke my heart.
But the name of General Brereton will
never be forgot by this generation; but for
him our Battle would have been fought on
June 6th. The event would have been in
the hands of Providence; but we may with-
out, I hope, vanity, believe that the Enemy
would have been fit for no active service
after such a Battle."
On this subject he also writes to Alexan-
der Davison on the 24th. I am as miser-
able as you can conceive. But for General
Brereton's damned information, Nelson
would have been, living or dead, the great-
est man in his Profession that England ever
saw. Now also I am nothing-perhaps shall
incur censure for misfortunes which may
happen and have happened. When I follow
my own head, I am, in general, much more
correct in my judgment, than following
the opinion of others. I resisted the opin-
ion of General Brereton's information till
it would have been the height of presump-
tion to have carried my disbelief further.
I could not in the face of Generals and
Admirals, go.N.W. when it was apparently
-clear that the Enemy had gone South'0 0
I can say nothing or think of anything but
the loss my Country has sustained by
General Brereton's ill-timed false informa-
On the 25th Nelson got the first news of
the Enemy's Fleet through the arrival at
Lisbon of the Curieux Brig which had seen
them on the 19th standing to the north
ward.and thereupon he determined to pro-

ceed in pursuit of it, writing to Collingwood
that he must forego the pleasure of taking
Collingwood by the hand until October
next, when, if he (Nelson) is well enough,
he will, (if the Admiralty please) resume
the command.
With regard to the services of the Pilot
James Marquette, already mentioned, we
find another letter from Nelson written from
Spithead on the 18th August to the Admir-
alty saying as he is a perfect stranger in
London, and consequently will be apt to be
imposed upon, I must beg that he may be
taken particular care of, and put in a way
for a speedy passage to Barbadoes."
To his brother the Revd. Dr. Nelson on
19th August, the day he hauled down his
flag and proceeded to Merton he writes I
am but so-so yet, what is very odd, the
better for going to the West Indies, even
with the anxiety. a If I had fallen
in with them you would probably have
been a Lord before I wished; for I know
they meant to make a dead set at the Vic-
On the 26th August he writes to William
Beckford of Fonthill. It appears that
Beukford had written him several letters
which he had not received and he says to
Beckford "For I do assure you, my dear
Mr. Beckford there are very few persons
who I have a higher respect for and so I
ought, for none have been kinder or more
attentive to me, both in receiving me as a
Public man, or a private friend than your-
self." On the 31st he again writes to
Beckford thanking him for his kind letter
and saying that it was quite impossible for
him to visit Fonthill at that time.
That those persons in England concerned
in the West Indies realized and were grate-
ful for the escape they had made is evident
by the fact that at a meeting of West India
Merchants, which was convened on the 23rd
August, 1805, Sir Richard Neave, Bart. in
the chair, it was agreed that the prompt
determination of Lord Nelson to quit the
Mediterranean, in search of the French
Fleet, his sagacity in judging of, and ascer-
taining their course; and his bold and un-
wearied pursuit of the combined French
and Spanish Squadrons to the West Indies,
and back again to Europe; have been very
instrumental to the safety of the West
India Islands in general, and well deserve
the grateful acknowledgment of every indi-
vidual connected with those Colonies; and


that a Deputation from the Committee of
Merchants of London trading to the West
Indies be appointed to wait upon Vice-Ad-
miral Lord Viscount Nelson, to express
these their sentiments, and to offer him
their unfeigned thanks." To this Nelson
replied as follows:
London August 2Rth 1805.
Sir,-I beg leave to express to you, and
the Committee of West India Merchants,
the great satisfaction which I feel in their
approbation of my conduct. It was, I con-
ceived, perfectly clear that the Combined
Squadrons were gone to the West Indies,
and therefore it became my duty to follow
them. But I assure you, from the state of
defence in which our large Islands are
placed, with the number of regular Troops,
and numerous, well-disciplined, and zealous
Militia, I was confident, not any Troops
which their Combined Squadron could carry,
would make an impression upon any of our
large Islands before a very superior force
would arrive fur their relief. I have the
honour to remain, Sir, and Gentlemen, with
the greatest respect, your most obliged and
obedient servant
Nelson and Bronte.
From the Admiralty on the 7th September
he writes My dear Coll., I shall be with
you in a very few days, and I hope you will
remain Second in Command." On the'14th
September he hoisted his flag again on board
the Victory and on the 15th. Sunday, at
8 a.m. he weighed and made sail to the
S.S.E. On leaving Portsmouth he was
followed by a cheering multitude and
exclaimed to Captain Hardy, '* I had
their huzzas before, I have now their
hearts." On the 25th he writes again to
"My dear Coll.," requesting not only that
no salute should take place on his arrival
but that no Colours should be hoisted in
sight of Cadiz, and at 6 a.m. on the 28th
(September) he joined Collingwood's fleet
off Cadiz. Within a month from this date
the fruits of his lung chase had been at last
obtained, the never-to-be-forgotten battle
of Trafalgar had been won on the historic
21st of October, the friendship between
these two old sea friends had been ended
by the hand of death, and the darling of the
nation had fallen in his supremest hour of
It has not been within the province of
this paper to describe any of the glorious sea
fights by which our great hero rose to fame

For full and glowing accounts of the great
Valentine's Day of St. Vincent, the attack.
on Santa Cruz, the victories of the Nile,
Copenhagen and Trafalgar, the reader is
referred to the intensely interesting accounts
to be found in Nicolas' Letters and Des-
patches of Nelson and the charming and
valuable works of Mahan on Sea Power, to
which may be added no doubt the latter's
Life of Nelson which is understood to be in
preparation and will no doubt be issued
long before this sees the light.o
A few further extracts from letters of the
remaining two of the most noted of Nelson's
naval friends, which chiefly refer to the great
hero, may conclude this paper.
In writing to his father-in-law on the
2nd November 1805 Collingwood said :
" cannot tell you how deeply I was affect-
ed; my friendship for him was unlike any-
thing that I have left in the Navy-a
brotherhood of more than thirty years"; he
also said in the same letter that he had ap-
pointed Sir Peter Parker's grandson to be
a Post Captain.
The Duke of Clarence, who, after com-
manding the Valiant for a short time in
1790 had been promoted to be Rear Admir-
al of the Blue and had continued to rise in
rank till in 1801 he had been appointed
Admiral of the Fleet, wrote to Collingwood
on the 9th November 1805 congratulating
him on Trafalgar and saying : The coun-
try laments the hero and you and I feel the
loss of our departed friend. Five and
twenty years have I lived on the most in-
timate terms with Nelson, and must ever,
both publicly and privately regret his loss.
Earl St. Vincent and Lord Nelson
both in the hour of victory accepted from
me a sword, and I hope you will now confer
on me the same pleasure. I have accord-
ingly sent a sword, with which I trust you.
will accept my sincere wishes for your future
welfare. I must request you will let me
have the details of the death of our departed
friend ; and I ever remain, dear Sir, yours
unalterably, WILLIAM."
And here we leave our greatest naval
hero, who had granted to him his wish of
t-venty-three years previous to go in the
line of his profession-a captain fighting."
Of that family of naval giants who followed

*This paper was written in Edinburgh in the early
part of 1897.
tThis was a mistake, it was three and twenty years.


one another in quick succession in the stir-
ring times of the latter half of last century
Nelson was chief. A connection may be
traced between him and most of them.
Hawke, the victor at Quiberon Bay (1759)
taught Locker, who taught Nelson to lay
a Frenchman close," and Hawke we may
regard as a sort of naval grandfather of
the great hero; Rodney and Hood, heroes
of the great West Indian battle off Dominica
(1782) with its celebrated breaking of the
line," we may look on as his sea-fathers;
Howe of the glorious First of June" (1794,
and St. Vincent of that ilk' (on Valen-
tine's Day, 1797) we may regard as Nelson's
elder brothers. Of the four last named

Nelson actually served as captain under two
and was also of captain's rank when the
other two earned their last and most famous
laurels. Nelson, however, of the Nile, Co-
penhagen, and Trafalgar, rose to the very
summit of naval fame and won universal ap-
plause-even Lamartine, one of that nation
which suffered Nelson's most crushing
defeats, regarding him as a man of genius
belonging not to one nation only but to
mankind-as the greatest naval hero the
world has ever seen. And of Nelson it has
recently been well said by one of the greatest
exponents of Sea-Power

Finis coronal Opus.

J A M'A I C A W O R T H I E S.


Most of the histories and the "Jamaica
Handbook" content themselves by telling
us that the town of Kingston was originally
laid out by Colonel Christian Lilly,saying no
more about him.
The facts in the following memoir of him
are taken in great measure from the "Dic-
tionary of National Biography," supple-
mented by references to the Journals of the
House of Assembly. The year and place of
his birth are unrecorded. He commenced
his military career under the Ddkes of
Zelle and Hanover, in 1685. He served in
several campaigns against the Turks in
Hungary, and was present at the battle of
Grau and at several sieges. In 1688 he en-
tered the service of William III., by whom
he was naturalized an Englishman." He
served in Scotland in 1689 and-in
King William's Dutch train of artillery-
during the greater part of the war in Ire-
land, being present at the battle of the
It is possible that he may have been a relation
of the painter Sir Peter Lely (whose name Pepys
writes Lilly') who went to England in 1641 in
the train of William of Orange.

Boyne and at the sieges of Athlone and Li-
merick. In May, 1692, as engineer of the
office of ordnance, he served with a train of
artillery in an expedition against Flanders.
By royal warrant of the 4th of August
of the same year, he was appointed engineer
to accompany a train of brass ordnance and
mortars to the West Indies. In the follow-
ing year he served under Sir Francis
Wheeler, as chief in command of the artillery
train and captain of a foot company in
Barbados, Martinique, the Leeward Islands,
New England and Newfoundland On his
return to England he was made in 1693
captain in Lillingston's regiment of foot.
In 1694he was appointed engineer in com-
mand of the train of artillery for the West
Indies. He came out with Lillingston's
forces on the squadron of Captain Wilmot'
in. the following year, and served at the
sieges of Cape Frangois and Port-au-Paix in
Hispaniola, which, with the aid of the
Spaniards, were taken from the French.
Southey in his Chronological History of the
West Indies" states in error that Wilmot sailed
from Jamaica,and he has misled various historians.


But ill-feeling between Wilmot and Lilling-
ston seems.to have acted almost as disas-
trously to the English arms as in the case
of Penn and Venables, forty years before :
this time, however, it seems that the sailor
was the chief offender. Lilly thencame with
the English troops to Jamaica, when Sir Wil-
liam Beeston, the Governor, had to send the
regiment into the country for change of air,
as they were so weak and sickly.
Now it was that the town of Kingston
was laid out on plans prepared by Lilly on
land purchased from the Governor, Sir Wil-
liam Beeston, whose name still survives in
Beeston Street. The site was all that could
be desired. It is evidentthat the positions of
the present streets date from, at the earliest,
1695, and not immediately after the Port
Royal earthquake as many of the histories
imply. For instance Long, who is usually
correct, says: "This town was founded in
the year 1693, on the North;side of the har-
bour, which, next to Port Royal, appeared
the most convenient part for trade. The
plan of it was drawn by Colonel Lilly, an
experienced engineer." -Lilly did not reach
Jamaica, at the earliest, till 1695..
On the 1st of August, 1695, the Gov-
ernment passed an Act for building a for-
tification in the parish of Kingston, no
mention being made of a town.
On thel9th of May, 1696, Lilly was ap-
pointed fireworker to the artillery train, and in
the same year he went to Cuba to report on
the situation and strength of Havanna, after
which he returned to England. On the 17th
of Novemberhe was appointed chief engineer
of Jamaica at 20 shillings a day. He re-
paired the fortifications of Port Royal, and
strengthened the fortifications of other parts
of the islands under Beeston.
From the earliest times the fortification
of Port Royal had been a matter of great
concern to the Government of the island.
On the 8th of November, 1698, a Com-
mittee of the House which had inspected
Fort Charles, reported :-
"That the North-Westward part of Fort
Charles lies so, that an enemy may have a
great advantage to lay a battery against that
part of the Fort, for that there is but two guns
that can play upon an enemy so posted, and
that is from the eastern bastion, and therefore
it is absolutely necessary that some lines be
erected upon that part of the King's ground,
which lies to the North-Westward of the said
fort, to make good that deficiency.

That it is likewise absolutely necessary to
erect a line from the easternmost part of the
said fort, seven hundred feet, wherein may be
mounted very conveniently fifty pieces of can-
non, which will be sufficient to annoy any
enemy that shall come down the common
And that it is further necessary to make a
close fort of about sixteen guns, erected upon
the easternmost part of Port Royal, where the
old church and King's house stood, which will
not only secure the passage which the late
dreadful earthquake made on that part of the
town, but very much annoy any ship that may
break into the harbour."
The House agreed, on the recommend.
tion of the Committee, that the Committee
should join a Committee from the Council
to represent the matter to the Governor (Sir
William Beeston), who approved thereof.
In 1698, under a warrantof the Governor,
Lilly went with Benbow's squadron to
examine the Spanish ports on the coast
of Peru, He visited Portobello, Carthagena
and the Scottish settlements; and, on his
return to England, laid before the King
reports upon the capabilities of these ports
for defence. In the same year, on the ar-
tillery trains being reduced to a peace foot-
ing, Lilly was made one of six engineers at
a salary of 100 per annum. In 1701 he
was made third engineer of England at a
salary of 150 per annum; and in that year
he was again appointed chief engineer at
Jamaica, and came out under Brigadier-
General Selwyn, who was Governor for a
short time in 1702. Lilly brought with
him a sub-engineer, with two armourers
and gunsmiths.
The plan of Fort Charles, a facsimile
of which accompanies this article, was
prepared by Lilly, in the year 1699: it was
apparently made in England, for he was not
then in Jamaica.
When General Selwyn first met the
House in March 1701-2, he said, "The main
business I have to recommend to you is, the
care of yourselves and of those gentlemen
who are sent to defend you ; I mean build-
ing fortifications and barracks, which is the
easiest and most useful way of quartering
soldiers "
On his advice being asked by the House,
the Governor, so far as the Southside was
concerned, drew their attention to the fol-
lowing places as being in need of forti-
fication :-(i.) Port Morant, (ii.) Sir James

.-Lr L LL L

L k

PA or rH.

..or PORT
* -

a-t: "^: '.



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0 ,.

N *

Facsimile of a P'an by Chrisliat// Lilly, 1699, in the Britisk .I/aseum.


14 .

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i d,;,


Castile's house," (iii.) The Rock [Rock-
fort], (iv.) Mosquito Point [He recom-
mended a floating battery rather than a fort
" in regard of its unhealthy situation"], (v.)
Spanish Town, (vi.) Old Harbour, and (vii.)
Carlisle Bay. He didnotrecommend any new
work at Port Royal. The House considered
that two light frigafes and two sloops would
be sufficient protection, and, while agreeing
in the main to the Governor's suggestions,
added barracks at Port Royal, to show, ap-
parently, that it had ideas of its own.
From the earliest times, the members of
the House of Assembly were admitted to
view the forts and fortifications, and a joint
Committee of the Assembly and Council
used to report annually on Fort Charles.
In 1705 "numerous defects" were reported :
in 1706 it was 'in good repair:" in 1711
the round-tower was "perfectly useless :"
in 1722 they found that "the South and
East lines, or bastions, are so undermined
that it is dangerous to fire from them:" in
1725 the Hanover line was "undermined by
the sea and in danger of being quite lost:"
in 1726-27 the fortifications were "in very
great disorder:" in 1734 the Committee re-
ported of the fortifications and stores, "the
great, disorder they are in, and the little
care that seems to have been taken of
them, etc.:" and in 1736 the Committee
got angry :-
"On the whole, the Committee think them-
selves obliged to observe, with that just con-
cern which becomes them, that the present state
and condition of the fortifications in Port Royal
which is very defenceless, requires the immedi-
ate consideration of the legislature, as they are
the strength and security of the island ; they
likewise cannot help taking notice that though,
from time to time, several Committees of his
Majesty's Council and of former assemblies,
had been appointed to view and survey the said
fortifications and stores, made their report in
pursuance thereof, and resolutions thereon
taken, that little or no notice have been taken
to remedy the grievances complained of, so
that the state and condition of the fortifications
grows worse and worse."
Lilly, at this time, made surveys of
Port Royal and other harbours of Jamaica,
and repaired the fortifications. On the
10th of November, 1703, the Lieut.-Gover-
nor, Colonel Handasyd, made him Lieut.-
Colonel of Artillery in Jamaica. In May,
1704, the Board of Ordnance appointed
him Chief Engineer in the West Indies,
and instructed him to fortify Barbados,

where he was made Colonel of Artillery,
and later, in 1709, keeper of the naval
ordnance stores. In 1707 he was sent to
Antigua, Nevis and St. Kitts to enquire,
under General Park, into the military con-
dition of those islands.
In 1711 he went to Newfoundland to re-
port to the Boaid of Ordnance and to the
Board of Trade and Plantations on the har-
bours of St. John and Ferryland. On his
return to England he found his friends out
of power, and for some time he was unem-
ployed, having only his pay as third' engi-
neer of Great Britain. In 1714-15, he was
appointed to examine the fortifications of
Portland, Dartmouth, Plymouth, Falmouth
and the Scilly Isles. His reports were con-
sidered so good by the Board of Ordnance
that their form was adopted for general
use: and he continued in charge of the
Plymouth division till 1719. Then followed
some years of unemployment. In 1726, in
a fruitless petition for preferment, he men-
tions that he is the oldest engineer in the
service, and that he had been present at fif-
teen battles and sieges in various countries.
On the accession of George II. his pay as
third engineer of Great Britain was in-
creased to 200 per annum. In November
1728, he came out to Jamaica as chief engi-
neer to see after the fortifications and the
proposed new settlement at Port Antonio,
whither he accompanied the Governor, Ma-
jor-General Hunter, in the May of the fol-
lowing year: 3,000 being voted for the
completion and furnishing of the fort,
as- the town was exposed to raids by the
Spaniards from St. Jago de Cuba. Lilly
remained at Port Antonio a year, pre-
paring designs for the defences, and suffer-
ing much from fever and ague. He was so
ill that it was reported home by the mas-
ters of some ships from the island that he
was dead. and his name was consequently
struck off the books for salary for the March
quarter, 1730.
A quarrel between Lilly and the Gover-
nor respecting the relative merits of their
designs for Fort George, at Port An-
tonio, led to Lilly's suspension in August,
1733: but he was soon re-instated, for
when, on the death of Hunter in May, 1734,
John Ayscough assumed the government of
the island as President, he appointed Lilly
to be Captain of Fort Charles, "reposing
especial trust and confidence in his expe-


rience, courage, conduct, fidelity, and skill
n military affairs." A Captain Charles
Knowles acted in the interim [possibly
he who, as Admiral Sir Charles Knowles,
was afterwards Governor of Jamaica]. Lilly
died in 1738. In the same year it appeared
to the Assembly that thefortifications atPort
Antonio were entirely gone to ruin."
From the above it will be seen that Lilly

was in Jamaica for a considerable portion
of a long and busy life--i.e. in 1695-96, in
1696-98, in 1702-04 and from 1728 to 1734
at least-and that he played a large part
in the defences of the colony, at a time
when defences against the encroachment of
foreign foes were of the utmost importance
not only to the island itself but also to
the mother country.


BY J. E. DUERDuN, A.R.C.Sc. (Lond.).

There is no writer who has thrown such
a charm around the natural history of Ja-
maica, or who has contributed to the same
degree to make known the various repre-
sentatives of its tropical fauna, as Philip
Henry Gosse. Probably no other tropical
country possesses such a strictly accurate
and entertaining account of-the nature and
activities of its'leading animals, such as
they were fifty years ago, as is found in the
pages of A Naturalist's Sojourn in Jamaica.
With its minute and attractively written
observations and descriptions of almost
everything which could appeal to the eye
of a naturalist, Gosse has accomplished for
Jamaica what Gilbert White, in his letters
of last century, performed for Selborne.
It is not that Jamaica possesses any ani-
mals or plants of extraordinary interest or
any remarkable novelties wherewith to
startle the scientific world ; in point of fact
the animal life would be disappointing to
any naturalist who might visit the island
in the expectation of forming an acquaint-
ance with the gorgeous avian and conspi-
cuous mammalian life one associates with
the tropics. In respect to the larger, more
popularly attractive forms, Jamaica is im-
mensely behind the mainland of Central and
Southern America, or even the other larger
islands of the West Indies. In its geolo-
gical evolution it was one of the first pieces

Born 1810, died 1888. For a full account of
hislife theadmirable workbyhisson shouldbecon-
sulted : "The Life of Philip Henry Gosse, F.R.S."
by Edmund Gosse, M.A., London, 1890.
The Notes here presented have reference only
to his connection with Jamaica, and were read at
a Members Meeting after a recent visit to Gosse's
locality, Blueflelds.

of these lands to become separated from the
continent, and has probably never had its
fair share of tropical American mammals or
showy birds.
Excluding the rats and bats, the uninter-
Sesting coney, Capromys brachyurus, is our
only indigenous mammal, and this was very
limited in numbers even in Gosse's time.
Our avifauna contains none of the larger
parrots, toucans, and other attractive birds
usually prevalent in the tropics.
Our five species of snakes are all harm-
less, and only the yellow snake approaches
anything like noteworthy dimensions, while
our crocodiles, lizards, turtles, and amphibia
call for no peculiar attention. Amongst'
the butterflies and moths we are indeed
favoured with the beautiful and valuable
Papilio homers. But practically none of
the animals have, as it were, an a priori
attraction. Gosse had to work upon ma-
terial here the like of which was in a gene-
ral way already well known from almost
any tropical locality. It is clear then that
any' special interest roused in our local
natural history must be the result of de-
tailed study and manner of presentment.
Not alone for Jamaica but during the
whole of his career Gosse did as much as
any writer, or perhaps even more, to stimu-
late a study of the actual animal or plant in
the field, and to express the results in ac-
curate and beautiful language. And it is in
this respect that such a fascination hovers
around his Naturalist's Sojourn. One feels
brought into real contact with the
objects, their surroundings and activities,
and stimulated to direct one's energies in
like manner. His numerous works devoted
to sea-side studies and aquaria in England,


written after leaving Jamaica, roused a
wave of popular enthusiasm in marine life
such as has probably never occurred either
before or since.
Coming to Jamaica in 1844, as a young
man of thirty-four, with an experience of
animal and plant life so diversified as that to
be met with in, England, Newfoundland, Ca-
nada, and Alabama, he was fully trained to
emphasize the salient features of our tropical
isle. Already he had written his Canadian
Naturalist, published in February 20, 1840,
by Von Voorst; two volumes of an Introduc-
tion to Zoology for the Society for Promot-
ing Christian Knowledge, for which he was
paid the sum of 170, and The Ocean, pub-
lished in 1845 while he was in Jamaica, for
the copyright of which he received 120.
The first of his lengthy series of papers
read before the Royal Society was a Note on
an Electric Centipede, published in 1843, the
year before he left England.
During the six years which had elapsed
since his return from Alabama, he had passed
through not a few literary struggles, but, as
shown above, was beginning to emerge tri.
umphant. Casting about for some means
of gaining a livelihood in natural history,
he was recommended by his friends at the
British Museum to try Jamaica as an insect
collector. Our natural history specimens
were at that time but little known abroad.
and entomologically the island was almost
virgin ground, and nearly the same might
be said of its ornithology. Sloaneand Bro wne
to a very limited extent had, long ago,
drawn attention to some of the more strik-
ing natural history characteristics.
COLLEOTIONiS.-Gosse's main purpose in
visiting Jamaica was the collection, for
dealers at home, of our animals and plants,
particularly in such popular groups as In-
sects, Birds, Shells, and Orchids. But he was
far more than a mere collector such as we
are occasionally visited by. He knew how
to observe and reproduce by pen and brush.
That he was an eminently successful col-
lector in every department may be gathered
from the number of objects he totals on p.
493 of the Sojourn, namely : Mammalia, 41
specimens; Birds, 1,510; Reptiles, 102;
Fishes, 91; Nests and Eggs, 34; Shells
(marine), 1,276; (Terrestrial and fluviatile),
about 1,850; Crustacea, 100; Insects (includ-
ing Arachnida and Myriapoda), about 7,800 ;

Echinodermata, 57 ; Zoophytes, etc., 42;
Sponges, 550; Dried Plants, about 5,000;
Living Plants (Orchideae), about 800;
(Bulbs and Suckers), 932; (Cacti), 32;
(Ferns), 222; (other Living Plants, young
Trees, etc.), 117 ; large Capsules and Seed-
vessels, 383. Seed of Flowering Plants, 170
packets; Palm seeds, 14 boxes; Gums, 24
specimens ; Woods, 50 blocks. Surely
when combined with the studies given us
in his two woris, a most creditable record
for eighteen months. In the life of Gosse
written by his only son, the author thus
remarks of this tropical episode of his
father: "It had been in every respect a
signally successful one. Those theoretical
zoologists who had encouraged him to go
out to Jamaica were satisfied, and far more
than satisfied, with the practical result of
his labours. The chronicle of his life in
Jamaica is monotonous, because it was so
crowded with scientific incidents. He stuck
to his work, and not a single week-day
passed in which he did not add something
to his experience."
The British Museum catalogues of Fishes,
Lizards, Snakes, etc., show to what extent
that national collection is indebted to Philip
Gosse for its Jamaican examples. So com-
plete were they in the majority of terres-
trial groups that only now and again does
the specialist in any section come upon new
species; and this notwithstanding the ex-
ceptional diversity of our natural features.
Even yet the full value of his collections-
has probably not been reached. For only
during the past year a new and interest-
ing species of rat obtained by him, but
probably now extinct, was described from
the British Museum.0
-This work of over 500 pages, containing
the results of Gosse's observations made-
while in the island, is so well known that I
need not do more than refer to incidents.
connected with its production, and the-
opinions of eminent men regarding it at the
time. They are, of course, obtained from,
the records which his son has given us, but
may not be generally known. Although'
Gosse left Jamaica in 1846, it was only the
last months of 1850 that he devoted to the
On Indegenous Muridc in the West Indies;
with the description of a new Mexican Oryzomys.
By Oldfield Thomas. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist.,
Feb. 1868.


composition of the work, printed mainly
from the copious manuscript notes he had
made on the spot. He was accustomed to
record all his observations and experiences
while fresh in his mind, and in such precise
and accurate language as to require but
little revision afterwards.
With regard to its publication, Mr. Ed-
mundGosse remarks Hitherto he had not
known what it was since his first success,
to have a book rejected ; but this, which is
certainly in the first rank among his origi-
nal volumes, was returned to him by Mr.
John Murray, only to be accepted, to their
ultimate advantage, by Messrs. Longmans.
The year 1851 was notable for the publica-
tion of no fewer than four of Philip Gosse's
works. In the month of March his Text
Book of Zoology for Schools and his Sacred
Stream, the Ancient and lModern History of
the Rivers of the Bible, were issued. In
February he began Fishes, the fourth
volume of his series of manuals of Zoology
for the S.P.C.K., and this was published in
October of the same year., Moreover, on
October 17, appeared A Naturalist's Sojourn
in Jamaica, a production of far greater im-
portance than any of these, a handsome
volume adorned with lithographic plates
designed and coloured by the author."
In the preface to this work, Philip Gosse
took up a position which was new to the
world of zoologists. "Natural History,"
he boldly declared; "is far too much a
science of dead things."
The condition of NaturalHistory so strongly
attacked by Gosse in the first few pages
of his preface could certainly not be af-
firmed of its followers to-day. For what
with the numerous Biological Stations, both
for marine and inland work, and the various
exploring expeditions organized from time to
time, one can hardly conceive of any zoolo-
gist who has not by one or other of these
means been brought into actual touch with
nature, and in most cases has himself
secured in the field the material of his re-
searches. Even with regard to these ela-
borate Biological Stations now existing at
various points of both Europe and America,
Mr. Edmund Gosse claims, and rightly so,
thatthe initiative stepwastakenby his father
in his well known aquaria experiments and
On its publication, the Naturalist's
Sojourn received a welcome from the English

press, which, according to his son, was
something quite new in Philip Gosse's ex-
perience. One of the best notices was writ-
ten, as the author had reason to.believe, by
the distinguished ornithologist, Dr. Stan-
ley,. Bishop of Norwich, who sang the
praises of the book wherever he went.
In all quarters the freshnesss of the new
mode of observation met with instant ap-
preciation, nor were zoologists less forward
than general readers in commending the
novelty of attitude. Charles Darwin and
Richard Owen were among those who ex-
pressed their approval of this bright, fresh,
and electrical mode of throwing the win-
dows of the dissecting-closet wide open to
the light and air of heaven. The latter
wrote (November 29, 1851) : "Mr. Gosse
is a very true observer and a very beautiful
described of what he sees. His book, about
things I am so very fond of-birds and fishes,
crocodiles and lizards, butterflies and crabs,
both in and out of shells, to say nothing of
sea.and sunshine-has made me quite long
for a holiday in Jamaica. "
Mr.. Edmund Gosse, whose emi-
nence to-day as a writer and literary critic
none can doubt, regards the Naturalist's
Sojourn as one of the most characteristic
of his father's books consisting "of an amal-
gam of picturesque description, exact zoo-
logical statement, topographical gossip, and
easy reflection, combined after a fashion
wholly his own, and unlike anything at.
tempted before his day."
tribution of original matter to science
The Birds of Jamaica and its accompany-
ing Illustrations must be considered as far
more valuable than the Naturalist's Sojourn.
Entomologically, Jamaica did not reach
Gosse's expectations, and he therefore de-
voted himself more earnestly to the birds.
When he arrived, the ornithology of the
island was in a chaotic condition; when he
left, nearly two hundred species were
definitely ascertained to belong to the
island fauna.
Although now over two hundred species
are known to be represented, comparatively
few new facts have been since added; and
this notwithstanding the presence in the
island for several years of the late eminent
ornithologist Sir Edward Newton, who him-
self added two or three new species and, in
collaboration with his brother, Prof. A. New-


ton, drew up a list of the birds of the
island published in the Handboolk of Ja-
mnaica, for 18S1.
In the study of the birds Gosse was
greatly assisted by his friend Richard Hill,
and by Dr. Anthony Robinson's manuscripts
and drawings, then in the archives of the
Jamaica Society, now in the Library of the
Institute of Jamaica. Through the influ-
ence of Hill, Gosse Was generously granted
permission to take these with him to Eng-
land and thus writes of them: The speci-
fic descriptions, admeasurement and details
of colouring are executed with an elaborate
accuracy worthy of a period of science far
in advance of that in which Robinson lived,
and accompanying the manuscripts are
several volumes of carefully executed draw-
ings mostly coloured. "
SOf the interesting details connected with
the production of the work, his son thus
writes: "Before he had been a month in
Ldndon, he began to write for Mr. Von
Voorst his volume on The Birds of Jamaica
which he completed in the following March.
This was one of the most important and
compendious of his works, and he tempered
the strain of its composition by compiling,
at the same time, for his old friends the
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge,
a volume on The Monuments of Ancient
"The Birds of Jamaica" was publishedon
May 1, 1847, and was received with great
respect by the world of science. He says
in one of his letters, speaking of this book,
" It sells rather slowly, but every one
praises it, and it has been well reviewed in
Germany." The publication of The Birds
of Jamaica raised Philip Gosse's reputation
with a bound, and among those ornitholo-
gists who took the opportunity of making his
personal acquaintance, and gave expression
to their admiration, were such prominent
men as Sir William Jardine, the Vicomte
du Bus, John Gould, and D. W. Mitchell.
The book filled a gap in the existing records
of science, and it contrived to please two
classes of readers, since, while its scientific
definitions were accurate and detailed, no
observations of habits and no characteristic
anecdote were committed to fill up the por-
trait of each successive bird. The only com-
plaint which was made by the reviewers was
the entire lack of illustrations." To re-
medy this, however, in January, 1848:

Philip Gosse sent out circulars proposing to
publish by subscription a folio volume of
lithographic-drawings, coloured by hand, if
desired, of one hundred and twenty species
of Jamaica birds, very largelynew to science.
This work was to be issued in monthly
parts. The response was so immediately
favourable that in March he began to make
the drawings on the stone, and he laboured
so assiduously, in spite of other work, that
the book, an exquisite portfolio of plates was
given to the public, as Illustrations of the
Birds of Jamaica iin April, 1849. Unhap-
pily, however, the price at which he had
undertaken to bring out the coloured illus-
trations was so low that there was, through
an error in his calculations, a slight loss on
every book subscribed for, and if the de-
mand for the book in this condition had
been great, he would have been ia dreadful
straits. This was a lesson for which he had
himself alone to thank, and he never made
that particular error again. As showing the
extreme value and rarity to-day of the Il-
lustrations, it may be mentioned that the
copy procured by the Institute of Jamaica
ten years ago could not be obtained for less
than 25.
evidence that Gosse's works are often con-
sulted and studied to-day by those interested
in the natural history of the island, and one
can not imagine any section being carefully
read without its evidence of minute obser-
vation and clear expression in some way
leaving an impression. The faculty of correct
observation is one to be developed almost
entirely by training, and one can scarcely
think of any work which would better serve
as a model to the field naturalist in this re-
spect than A Naturalist's Sojourn.
Take for example his detailed notes on
our Anoles, or for charm of language his
account of such a commonplace operation as
that of hauling a seine net.
It is to be deplored that Jamaica itself
has produced so few naturalists. The ab-
sence of much local sympathy and stimulus,
the difficulty and risks attendant on col-
lecting in the tropics, and the comparative
fewness of the educated inhabitants, are fac-
tors which have to be considered.
As to the lack of appreciation for scientific
workers we are to-day considerably ahead
of Jamaica in the forties. For of these


times writes Mr. Edmund Gosse: "One great
difficulty which Philip Gosse met with
was the absence of all scientific sympathy in
Jamaica. He could not hear of any other
naturalist, native or imported, who was
working in earnest at the fauna of the is-
land." This was of course before he had
heard of Hill.
The risks to health attendant on collect-
ing in the tropics, even in marshy places, are
usually not appreciated by the temporary so-
journer with the vigour and energy born of a
temperate climate, but, unfortunately, they
become forced upon him later. Gosse him-
self passed his first year in excellent health.
"Towards the end of Iecember, 1845,
however, after stalking yellow bitterns for
a day or two in the morass, and ending up
with several hours spent knee deep in the
mud of the footid creek, getting pot-shots at
pelicans and king-fishers, both the white
naturalist and the black one were laid up
with a very sharp attack of fever. Four days
later, they were both down in the creek
morass again, shooting snipe and ground
doves, but from this timeforth Philip Gosse
was liable to violent headaches and sickness
at quickly recurring intervals. He conse-
quently began to put his house in order,
cataloguing his captures and preparing to
leave the country." The latter a method
of getting over the inevitable results of in-
.discretion which the permanent resident can
.scarcely resort to.
Nevertheless, Jamaica itself has produced
two or three notable exceptions, such as the
Hon. Richard Hill and the veteran concho-
logist, Mr. Vendryes, while not a few cele-
brities, such as Sloane, Browne, Robinson,
Dancer, Macfadyen, Sawkins, and Brown
have accomplished much while resident here.
Now that educational advantages through-
out the island are so much ahead of those
existing in the first half of the century, the
third factor will slowly disappear.
It has never yet been found possible to
organize such institutions as Field Clubs or
Natural History societies. The experience
gained in the past of the ephemeral
continuity of voluntary associations, mainly
owing to the lack of reserve material,
is such as to make one hesitate; yet
there are indications that much good may
be done in this way. It is surely more
laudable for a few energetic minds to form

an association which may exist for a year or
two, than to do nothing at all..
If such a society for field work should be
organized there is no doubt that the in-
fluence of the works of Gosse, forming as
they do a centre around which to build,
would be still more abundantly obvious.
THE BOY 'SAM'-Gosse constantly refers
to a native assistant he obtained soon after
arriving, who became the companion of his
collecting trips and of his journeyings
throughout his eighteen months stay. A
lad of eighteen, Samuel Campbell by name,
his entire services were secured for a salary
of four dollars a month; a financial agree-
ment which no doubt could be made even
to-day. His master writes so commen-
dably of Sam that one may be permitted
to quote the account of his admirable
qualities, if only as an illustration of the pos-
sible latent virtues of his class: "Sam soon
approved himself a most useful assistant by
his faithfulness, his tact in learning
and then his skill in practising the art of
preparing natural subjects, his patience in
pursuing animals, his powers of observation
of facts, and the truthfulness with which he
reported them, as well as by the accuracy
of his memory with respect to species .
I never knew him in the slightest degree
attempt to embellish a fact, or report more
than he had actually seen."
Naturally, such a native paragon had a
considerable attraction for me, and numerous
enquiries were made as to his subsequent
career. Sam's collecting and wanderings
terminated on his master's return to Eng-
land; no further demand existed in the
island for a youth so exceptionally skilled.
He took practically the only calling possible
in the locality, that of fisherman, so far as
the term can be applied to the desultory
manner in which the profession is carried
on at Bluefields. He died six years ago,
having survived his quondam master by four
years. From all that can be learnt Sam,
who became the happy father of fifteen
children, was quite as admirable a character
as are the fishermen there to-day. His
training gained from an eighteen months'
intimate association with an exceptionally
religious English savant had not that per-
manent influence to enable him to rise in
any way superior to his fellows.
With a laudable idea of the propriety of
maintaining the continuity of professions in


families the penultimate Campbell was
fixed upon as one of my assistants, and I
have little doubt that in time the son might
have become worthy of some of the en-
coniums already applied to the father.
CONDITION TO-DAY.-In consequence of its
.association with a naturalist of such emi-
nence, Bluefields in Westmoreland has be-
comeclassic ground,and, as Professor Owen
remarked, Gosse's descriptions are such as
to make one long for a holiday to see for
one's self the places and conditions which
-can call forth such glowing language, to
wander over the same ground, and observe
the same display of animate nature. In later
days, Port Henderson and Port Antonio
have been visited for short periods by par-
ties of American students anxious to obtain
an experience of tropical life and material
for zoological research. But these localities
have not yet around them the halo of per-
sonal romance which attaches to the scene
of Gosse's labours.
Considerations of the classic character of
Bluefields decided the Institute of Jamaica
last year in establishing there a small
temporary matinelaboratory for the purpose
of collecting objects for the Museum and
for carrying out investigations out the marine
zoology of the island.
The friendly interest manifested by the
various residents in this somewhat isolated
,country side of Westmoreland are among
the pleasantest recollections 'of the stay.
-One was delighted to find that the name and
work of Gosse still hang as a memory
around the spot, and at least one native was
sent as being personally acquainted
with the young sojourner who afterwards
became so celebrated.
Bluefields of to-day differs but little from
.its condition of fifty years ago. The actual
property to which the name is applied was
in Gosse's time in a very advanced ruinate
*condition, having been thrown up as an es-
tate years before. As regards the com-
mercial condition of the neighbourhood it
is remarkable how applicable to-day is the
description given fifty years ago. In
1844 the beautiful sugar estates throughout
the island were half desolate, and the
planters had either ceased to reside in their
mansions, or had pitifully retrenched their
A coloured engraving of Bluefields House

and its immediate surroundings forms the
frontispiece to the Naturalist's Sojourn, but
various alterations have been effected in the
foreground since the drawing was made,
while the internal re-arrangements have
been so numerous that the actual room used
by Gosse-A Naturalist's Workroom-can-
not now be indicated. Bluefields River, the
'romantic little stream,' as he fondly terms
it, still glides and tumbles down to the sea,
its waters as pure and fresh as ever, and as
well stocked with mullet, crayfish, and crabs
as when the naturalist wandered along its
banks, turned aside its stones or searched
its crevices for specimens, or bathed in its
enticing pools. The Bluefields Hills be-
hind stretch upwards, their sides as thickly
wooded as when Gosse first gazed upon them
from Bluefields Bay.
Seawards, numerous pelicans still dash
into the waters after their finny prey, while
high above soars the Frigate or man-of-war
bird. The country people, as iu the past,
hold their market on the beach, and there
the fishermen leave their canoes and dry
their nets. Fishing is pursued in the same
primitive fashion by means of the seine-net,
fish-pot, and line. Within the water are
still the same objects-fixed zoophytes
and corals, sluggish echini, star-fish, and
holothurians, hurrying crabs, or swiftly
swimming fish of curious shape and beauti-
ful colours.
TO-DAY.-For a comparison of the present
fauna of Jamaica with that of fifty years
ago, the naturalist is fortunate in having
in Gosse's writings an embracive account
of the more obvious forms in his day.
Although his personal experience extended
little beyond the neighbourhood of Blue-
fields, yet, as a result of his collaboration
with Richard Hill, we may be well assured
that all the prominent facts of the natural
history of Jamaica received attention. Fur-
ther, from Hill's longer and more general
acquaintance with the Island every reliance
can be placed upon the details of geogra-
phical distribution and numerical abundance.
Since the Naturalist's Sojourn was writ-
ten very important and far-reaching changes
have been affected in the life of the Island,
changes not only of interest to the zoolog-
ical student, but, on account of their disas-
trous results, of immense economic signifi-
cance. And it is fitting that these should be


reviewed in connection with Gosse's work.
mongoose is the animal which occurs to
everyone as having exerted a direful in-
fluence on nearly all phases of our insular
life ever since the admission, twenty-
seven years ago, of nine individuals from
India. Few localities of like dimensions
can illustrate to such a degree the direct
and intense connection between a modified
fauna and its agricultural life. The intro-
duction of the mongoose into Jamaica be-
longs to the same category as the letting
loose in Australia of the rabbit, and of the
sparrow in America; that is, as a warning of
the disastrous results which may follow
upon the admission of forms of life to en-
tirely new surroundings, and of bringing
about such conditions as we are accustomed
to express by the phase disturbance of the
balance of nature."
The story of the mongoose in Jamaica
has often been told; of how it has reduced
to almost if not absolute extinction some of
our harmless snakes, lizards, and ground
birds, not to mention its disastrous results,
direct -and indirect, on domestic animals."
On the present occasion it is only necessary
to examine whatever evidence there may
be as to its numerical permanency.
There is a general opinion that the car-
nivore is not so abundant around the larger
towns as formerly, the result being an in-
crease in number of many of the birds,
lizards, and smaller snakes. Around coun-
try residences he is not so often seen, dogs
and traps being more generally employed to
prevent his depredations on the poultry
yard. That the diminution in numbers is
however only apparent, and not real, re-
ceived strong support from the action of
the Hon. Evelyn H. Ellis, on his estates
Shettlewood and Montpelier, where, in
eight weeks, as many as 1,407 specimens
were taken in traps. Some evidence appears
to be forthcoming that the ubiquitous tick
exerts a destructive influence, but probably
this is small and exceptional in character.
Considering the comparatively impoverished
animal life in Jamaica many fail to realize
how the island can continue to supply with
food the immense army of the carnivore
now within it. Probably the omnivorous

Phases in Jamaica Natural History. By J.
E. Duerden. Jour. Instit. Jam., Vol. II. No. 3.

character of the mongoose enables it to
maintain an existence even in the midst of
such an apparent scarcity of its natural food.
in the island Gosse never made the ac-
quaintanceof this, the largest of the tail-less
Amphibia. It was only in January, 1847,
that his esteemed friend and correspondent,
Richard Hill, full of all the eagerness of
havingdiscovered a zoological novelty, wrote
him with regard to specimens which he
himself had just come upon for the first
time. Later, Hill was able to solve the
mystery of their sudden appearance in Ja-
maica informing the English naturalist that
two dozen of the batrachians had been im-
ported from Barbados in Novemder, 1844,
the month before Gosse arrived. Their ad-
mission was brought about by a Mr. An-
thony Davis, a proprietor in St. Andrew,
who established them in the ponds of Mo-
lina's Estate ostensibly for the purpose of
destroying the young of the rats, then so
numerous and troublesome on cane pieces in-
the lowlands. The original two dozen had
so increased in two or three years that they
began to be noticed by the country people,
who at first were alarmed to no small de-
gree by their loud croaking noise.
Gosse determined the specimens sent him
to be the great South American Toad, Bufo-
agua, found along the coasts of inter-tropi-
cal America and most of the Antilles. He
confirmed Hill's forebodings that Jamaica
would be added to its permanent geogra-
phical range. To what degree this has been
fulfilled every inhabitant now realizes. After
dusk it is impossible to go about any of the
outskirts of Kingston without encountering
numbers of these anura.
Walking along the roads at Bluefields
after sunset, this hopping lump of ugliness
was found to be likewise abundant, the
ditches serving as nurseries for thousands
more. So far as I can learn the same may
be said of almost any part of the island.
To-day the South American toad, admitted
fifty-five years ago. is asfully established in
Jamaica as any indigenous member of the
fauna. Hill alludes to its depredations on
ducklings, but the creature probably does
more good than evil from the number of
agricultural pests it is known to consume.
Apiarists, however, regard with alarm its
presence among their hives.
TIcKs.-It is very significant that the

1 580


author of the Naturalst's Sojourn no-
where makes any reference to theseparasitic
arachnids, so much maligned in Jamaica.
We may therefore be well assured that they
were absent from' the districts he visited.
For, wandering about in the bush and pas-
tures as Gosse did, no one will doubt that
the indiscriminating grass-lice-the young
,of the tick-would have attacked him had
they been prevalent at Bluefields ; and the
naturalist who could refer to chigoes, mos-
quitos, etc., would certainly not have al-
lowed such an experience upon his own per-
.son to pass unrecorded. Very different
would have been his experience to-day. For
at certain seasons it is impossible to traverse
a pasture or grass piece without becoming
the unhappy host of numbers of these
All planters are agreed, however, that
ticks have always been members of our
fauna, but that formerly they were much
less in number, of only local distribution,
practically harmless, and perhaps all one
kind-the silver back." These were evi-
dently more common on the north side and
.higher regions of the island, and planters
in Westmoreland believe that they can de-
termine the period at which they were in-
troduced, on the bodies of cattle and horses,
into their locality. But nowhere until re-
cent years was their occurrence regarded as
a matter of serious importance.
A number of years back every country
resident became aware that a great change
had come over the conditions of out-door
life. Cattle and most of the domestic ani-
mals were found to be infested with the
parasite at all stages of its development,
this tick being usually denominated the "cattle
tick." Three or four years ago a virulent
disease of a new character broke out amongst
the cattle in nearly all parts of the island,

and hundreds upon hundreds wvee lost, no
practical treatment being known. Suspi-
cion fell upon the ever-present tick, and the
disease was diagnosed as being most closely
allied to the well-known 'Texasfever,' which
has worked such havoc in the States, South
America, Australia, etc., and which is re-
garded as being transmitted by the so-called
Texas tick---lhipicephalils anmulatus (Say).
Most of the characteristic symptoms of
" Texas fever" were, however, absent, and
the diagnosis was unaccompaniedby the dis-
covery of the well-known parasitic organism
always accompanying the disease. There
is no doubt, however, that the bovine fever
is in some way associated with the presence
of vast numbers of Ticks. Out of twenty-
five lots of these parasites collected by the
Institute from all parts of the island, Prof.
Neumann, Toulouse, identified the greater
number as the Texas Tick.om
Though these ticks remain to-day in ap-
parently undiminished numbers, the bovine
fever is not nearly so prevalent. Still,
compared with the past, cattle rearing is
now attended by many difficulties, but can
be carried out with success where thorough
care and attention are given.
The greater prevalence in recent times of
arachnid parasites may be due to the dimin-
ished numbers of insect-eating birds, per-
haps augmented from time to time by impor-
tations from other islands and the main-
Strange to say our "Silver back," as de-
termined by Prof. Neumann from abundant
materials sent him from the Museum, turned
out to be a new species, Dermacentor nitens,
evidently uncommon elsewhere.o'

Revision de la anamille des Ixodides. Par
G. Neumann, Mem. de la Soc. Zool. de France,
X. 1897, p. 376 and p. 407.



Sir Henry Blake, in an address delivered
on Jamaica before the London Chamber of
Commerce, in May, 1898, alluded to "the
fact that one hundred years ago, this colony
voluntarily subscribed one million pounds

sterling as a contribution to England, be-
sides expending large sums on her local de-
fences," and in a letter to the Times of
the 15th October, 1898, written as an ap-
peal in behalf of St. Vincent and Barba-


dos, he again alluded to the matter stating:
" I have heard from old men who had it
from their fathers that from Jamaica alone
the subscription approached, if it did not
reach, a million sterling." He adds-" I en-
close a copy of one of the original appeals
for subscriptions, which I have had in my
possession, also copies of extracts from the
Colonial Office Records, showing that in
November, 1798, the amount actually re-
ceived from the West Indies was-
51,777 4s. lid. sterling. It must be re-
membered that at that time communication
was slow and uncertain and the sums re-
ceived were first instalments."
As a certain amount of correspondence
took place during the year 1898, in
the Gleaner" newspaper, under the head-
ing "That million of money," it may per-
haps be well to put on record all that is at
present known on the subject.
So far as documentary evidence goes, the
following three letters (quoted by Sir Henry
Blake in his letter of the 15th of October)
are all that have been found in England,
after search made by the Deputy Keeper of
Records, in the Treasury and Colonial Office
Records. No record of the proceeds of this
voluntary contribution having been ac-
counted for or of any audit of the same can
be found in the Audit Office side of the
accounts of the Governors and Agentp of the
Jamaica, No. 42,
Great George-street,
3rd July, 1798.
My Lord,-Since writing to Your Grace, on
the 25th ultimo, I have received some private
letters from Jamaica, on the subject of the
contributions proposed in that Island in aid
of the Mother Country, in her present contest;
from whence it appears that on the 30th
April, near 50,000 (Jamaica currency) had
been subscribed in the Town of Kingston
alone; that in the Parish of St. Thomas in
the East, where there are not more than 15 or
16 resident proprietors of Sugar Works, up-
wards of 5,000 was subscribed in ten minutes
after the proposal was offered ; that meetings
for the same purpose were advertised in every
Parish of the Island, and it is thought that
an Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling will be
subscribed within the Island and sent home
by the 1st of Angust. Some of the subscrip-
tions (amounting I perceive to upwards of
5,000 in Kingston alone) are to continue
annually during the war.
I have, &c.,
His Grace the Duke of Portland, &c.

Jamaica, No. 42,
Great George-street,
17th November, 1798.
Dear Sir.-The voluntary contribution to-
wards the prosecution of the present war,
already remitted to this country from Jamaica,
amounts to ... ... 49,777 4 11
from the other West India
Islands ... ... 22,000 0 0
from other British Dependen-
cies including Gibraltar ... 25,622 15 1
97,400 0 0

The sum above stated to be remitted from,
Jamaica, and now in the Bank is accurately
given. That from the other West India
Islands is given you in round numbers, and is
by a few pounds perhaps below the exact
With respect to Jamaica, I must add that
from my private correspondence. I have-
reason to expect further considerable remit-
tances on the same account from that Island.
Some of the Subscriptions (amounting, I per-
ceive to upwards of 5,000 in the Town of
Kingston alone) are to continue annually,
during the war.
I remain, &c.,
John King, Esq,, &c.
Colonial Office Records,
Jamaica, No. 42,
2nd July, 1798.
Draft to Robert Sewell, Esq.,
The zeal and loyalty which the Inhabitants
of Jamaica are at tlis moment displaying by
their voluntary individual contributions in aid
of the exertions of the Mother Country are
circumstances which afford the greatest satis-
faction to His Majesty, and demonstrate that
all descriptions of His Subjects throughout the
whole of His Dominions are animated by that
Spirit of Union and act with that energy
which cannot fail to bring the great contest
in which we are engaged to a successful and
honourable issue.
I am, &c.,
The third Duke of Portland was Home
Secretary at the time, and Robert Sewell
was Agent for Jamaica in England. The
Government of the Island was at the time
in the hands of the Earl of Balcarres,
In Jamaica, all that research has, at
present, been able to find is given below.
It is unfortunate that the sets of the "Royal
Gazette" and the St. Jago Gazette" in
the Library of the Institute do not con-
tain the volumes for the year 1798.
The following is the original appeal,"
published'by Sir Henry Blake:-


Kingston. March 29, 1798.
The subscribers beg leave to second the ex-
ample shewn in yesterday's papers of assisting
Old England with patriotic gifts, and have
for the present appointed Mr. Thomas Hynes,
John Renwick ... ... 10 pistoles*
R. Fergusson ... ... 20 pistoles
T. Hynes ... ... 50 pistoles
N.B -A book is open at the Treasurer's
for gentlemen willing to subscribe.
In the -' Columbian Magazine," published
in Kingston, for April, 1798, the following
paragraphs appear under Domestic Occur-
rencies ":-
[April lst.] A meeting of the inhabitants
of this town and Spanish Town was held at the
Court-House, to consider of the best mode of
opening a Voluntary Subscription for the assis-
tance of the Mother Country, in order to
enable her to defeat the machinations of the
French Republicans. Several resolutions hav-
ing been agreed upon, the subscriptions began
in the most liberal manner, and when the list
closed for that day, the sum subscribed
amounted to 20,86S 17s. 6d."
*' A numerous and respectable meeting of
the inhabitants of Spanish-Town. took place
for the purpose of aiding the Mother Country,
by Voluntary Subscriptions, when a sum ex-
ceeding 6,000 was immediately subscribed."
At a meeting of the same nature held at
Morant Bay, a sum amounting to nearly 5,000
was subscribed in less than ten minutes."
No reference is made to the matter in the
same magazine for May. In the number
for June occurs this entry ; but no further
reference to subscriptions :-
[June 2.] Forty boxes, containing each
1,000 in dollars, part of the Voluntary Sub-
scriptions of this parish, were put on board His
Majesty's ship Trent," to be conveyed to the
And in that for November:-
[London, August 10.] On Friday arrived
at the Bank, from Portsmouth, 40 chests, con-
taining 120.000 dollars, in part of the Volun-
tary Contribution at Kingston, Jamaica,
brought over by the "Trent," frigate. The
above sum is about 40,000 Jamaica currency,
or 25,527 Is. 10d. British; being 103,975
ounces, 10dwt. of silver, the present value of
which is 4s. lid. per ounce."
In the "New Jamaica Magazine," for
July, 1798, the following paragraph appears,
under date July, 21:-
"Among the subscriptions put down, in aid
of the mother country, in the parish of St.
Mary, we cannot avoid taking notice of the

A pistole was then worth 1 5s., currency.
tCape Nicholas Mole.

following :-Nathaniel Bailyi 1,000 towards
the enabling the good people of the British
Empire to defend themselves against the
plunderers of the world, and 20,000 per
annum, to continue so long as the war lasts; pro-.
vided the present measure is carried on, of
abolishing all sinecure and useless places, and
that such of the bishops and superior clergy, as-
receive from their living 800 per ann. and
upwards from government, are made to con-
tribute one-half, at least, of their church
On the 7th of November, 1798, the Coun-
cil in their address to the Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor at the opening of the Session said :-
It is the highest gratification to our feel-
ings. that the spirit of loyalty which has ever
pervaded all ranks in this island, and which
has been so lately manifested by the volun-
tary contributions in aid of the Mother Coun-
try, has been noticed in England. We arer
confident this union of sentiment with the
parent state, in defence of our King and
Country. will give energy to all future opera-
tions and render the nation invincible."
And the House of Assembly, on the fol-
lowing day, said the same thing in slightly
different words.
In the Chronologicil History," in the
first issue of the Handbook of Jamaica,"
in 1881, appears the following entry :-
1798 -To assist Great Britain to carry
on the war against Revolutionary France,
a Voluntary Subscription was entered into
throughout the Island, which amounted to
near a million sterling." It is to be regretted
that the late Mr. A. C. Sinclair, the compiler
of the Chronological History," usually a
very careful investigator, did not give his
authority for the statement. Not content
with '" near a million," he in the next issue
of 1882, transformed it into an undoubted
" million sterling "; and in the issue foi
1896, it became "no less than one million
pounds" at which it still stands without
proof in the issue for 1899 ; in spite of the
fact that the gist of this article was published
in the "PGleaner" last year.
On October, 20th, 1898, the Gleaner"
reprin ted from the "Commercial Advertiser,"
of 2nd April, 1834, a List of Subscribers at
the Meeting held in Kingston, on the llth
of April, 1798, "for the purpose of a Sub-
scription to assist the Mother Country in
the present arduous contest with an im-
placable enemy." This list-which amount-

tNathaniel Bayly (possibly a brother of Zachary
Bayly, the uncle of Bryan Edwards, the lfistorian)
was Member of the House of Assembly for St.
Mary, in 1787.


ing to 35,689 2s. 1 Id., and was opened to
evince our loyalty to our Sovereign, our
attachment to the constitution, and our
abhorrence of the designs of an implacable
enemy-the '- Commercial Advertiser"
printed from the original subscription list,
then, as it states, in our possession."
"Our object," it says, in again laying this
list before the public, is to show to the present
generation, as well as to the present ministry,
what the inhabitants of Jamaica had done to
forward the security. and to maintain the in-
dependence of the British Empire, at a time
when Britain had to contend with a powerful
foe. Thousands of pounds were voluntary
contributed for so grand a purpose *
Yet this generous act had been forgotten *
but we trust such assistance granted
as may in some measure compensate for the
present embarrassments and pecuniary losses
which all have in a greater or less degree
suffered by the altered policy of the Imperial
Elsewhere the Commercial Advertiser"
,says :-
"Referring to the files of the Royal
Gazette. for the year 1798, we find the amount
collected in the nine parishes mentioned
below to be 76,563, including two sums con-
tributed by the Royal Artillery, stationed in
this island at that time, and the company then
called the Black Shot." From the same
source we also derive the information that the
inhabitants of Barbados generously contri-
buted 100,000, of which 10,000 were sub-
scribed by one mercantile house We
regret our information does not furnish the
-sum total subscribed by Jamaica, but if the
amount given underneath for nine parishes,
be taken as data the subscription must at
least have equalled that for the island of
S *

Kingston ... ..
St. Thomas in the Eas ...
St. George's ...
St. Ann .. ...
St. James
St. Mary's ... ...
Trelawny ... ...
St. Catherine
Black Shot .
Royal Artillery, stationed in this
Island ...



Without wishing to detract for one mo-
ment from the argument that Jamaica's
help rendered to England at the time of her
war with France, in 1798, supports a just
claim on behalf of this Island for assistance
from the Mother Country in time of necessity,

or without questioning in the smallest
degree the loyalty of an ever loyal colony,
it must be pointed out that the argument
has been used before, i. e. in 1834, and that
the assistance rendered was neither nearly
so large as has been stated, nor so entirely
disinterested as has been assumed. For
many years past the planters of Jamaica had
feared French invasion: at the moment they
were much concerned at the incursion of a
number of French slaves from Haiti ; and
in helping the Mother Country to fight
France, they were fighting their own bat-
tles. Had the enemy been one, say Russia,
with no interest in the West Indies, the
assistance would probably not have been so
readily given. Though it is a large amount,
7Ti,500 is far short of 1,00,(o0,, and the
possible Hundred Thousand Pounds alluded
to in Sewell's letter of the 3rd of July, 1798,
probably exceeded the total amount sent
home. On the 17th of November, 1798,
Jamaica had, judging by Sewell's letter,
contributed more than the other West India
Islands and the rest of the British depen-
dencies rolled together ; though it was
apparently afterwards passed by Barbados.
Had the amount reached anything like
a million, Bryan Edwards who prepared the
third edition of his '- History of the West
Indies" five years after the event, Coke, who
wrote within ten years, and Bridges, who
wrote within thirty years of the occasion,
would certainly have mentioned it. As it
is, it is not mentioned at all in Bryan
Edwards. Coke makes but an unimportant
reference to the matter (" History of the
West Indies" I., 442), and Bridges, in his
usual biassed manner, merely refers to it.
(Vol. II., p. 252) as "a solitary instance of
that patriotic enthusiasm 0 <' which
could excite a weak and injured colony to
heap coals of fire upon the head of the Gov-
ernment, with no suspicion of any selfish
benefit in view."
At the first meeting held on the llth of
April, 1798, it was resolved "that for the
information of the inhabitants, the Com-
mittee and Treasurers shall publish an ac-
count of their transactions in the Daily
Advertiser, Diary .and Royal Gazette."
Sixty-five years ago, the "Commercial Ad-
vertiser made use of that million" in the
same way as it was made use of last
year. It could not, after research in the
pages of the "Royal Gazette," make more than


a recorded 76,563, and a possible 100,000.
Nor can we now.
As a postscript to this article, may be
published the following poetical effusions
which appeared in the Colombian Maga-
zine," for April, 1798 :-

The man who shall not be ready to sacrifice all his in-
terests as an individual to saving his Country when
S...7T .. '. neither a good husband, a good
S0 ..i, .* o I is greater, a good patriot.

Money is of no use to those.
Who an ungenerous mind disclose,
And freely can't of it dispose,
To save and bless the land.
Our merchants with each other vie,
In patriot column rating high,
Their fame will never cease to fly,
Nor glory have an end.
The name of JAQUES*, of SHAW and HINDE,
First on the loyal list, we find,
With ready will, and noble mind,
Their thousands pouring forth.
The Christian cause, e'en Jews uphold ;
And LINDO gives with grace his gold ;
Nay, French PERRIERE, whose birthright's
sold ;
All indicate their worth.
Mechanics. Trailers, rich and poor,
Disclose the hidden, precious store,
Regretting that it is not more
To crown the sacrifice.
Save but the tMiser, in whose chest
Enthron'd the Deity's confest-
How carefully he voids the list,
Detected in his lies I
The Persian can't be truly blest
Amidst the splendors of the east,
If Avarice his mind infest,
As hath been often shewn.
The idle people think, great wealth
Procures not only fame. but health,
And wou'd retain it, tho' by stealth,
Because 'tis not their own.
One hundred honest GUTSMER gives,
Pays every man his own, and thrives ;
Beet consolation he receives,
'Tis seated in the mind.
Poor Clinch'em, creeping to the books,
With aching heart, despairing looks,
Would do as other folk. odzooks I
A dubloon the blind.

John Jaques, Custos of Kingston, died in 1815,
aged 74.

Curst be the wretches who stand back,
Their abject feelings on the rack,
When all that's dear their offerings lack;
BRITANNIA needs their aid.
Approv'd on earth, and blest above,
Are they who thus attest their love-
Their British blood and feelings prove,
And volunteer the Meed.


[The following lines were produced on the occasion
of the first subscriptive advertisement, and circulated
at WATSON'S on the day proposed, though matters
were then ordered otherwise.]
Ye Patriot Souls I whose presence bless this room
Know Miscreants menace your own BRITAIN'S
doom ;
Not that their arms prevail-forbid it Heav'n I
To virtue, justice, triumph will be giv'n I
But, prompt for mischief, deaf to honour's call,
Secret as Satan, they conspire her fall ;
The dark, dire shaft, they quicken for her breast,
Impair'd her means, and spirits all deprest I

And can ye see with coffers running o'er,
The Sun of BRITAIN set, to rise no more ?
Dear, native Isle, Imagination's seat-
Of Industry, the last and lov'd retreat I
The soft, sweet solace, of the honest heart;
Abode of liberty, of arms, and art;
Say, can you see her crouch to such a foe
And not the voluntary meed forego ?

Nor check the generous impulse. Ye I whose mean
Drawn from scant stipend. or mechanic line,
Th' exalted soul confines to narrow bounds,
The hard-earn'd dollar, or few thrifty pounds-
The price of labour, and the due of station :
Know, precious is the miteyou give the Nation I
Vie with each other in the glorious cause;
How vast the stake 1-friends, liberty, and laws I

Pour forth the tribute to the land ye love
Of man the asylum, and pride of Jove,
See princely TAYLOR,* munificent soul,
Courts your decree, to dignify the Roll;
FRANKLYN.t in wealth and worthiness contest
CUTHBERT $ whose virtues longhave stood the test.
Illustrious men I To BRITAIN ever dear;
Whose high example shall the fabric rear I

*Simon Taylor was member of the Assembly for
Kingston, during 1763-1770, and for St. Thomas-in-
the- I.ast, during 1784-87. le died in 1813, "leaving
behind him the greatest fortune which perhaps, any
West Indian had ever accumulated."
t Probably Peter Franklen, collector of Cnstoms
for Kingston, member of the House of Assembly, who
died in 1799.
tProbably George Cuthbert, President of the
Council, from.1825 to 1838.



A few words about myalism may be not
without interest. The word myal or myalism
is not mentionedin any English dictionary-
Worcester's, Johnson's, Funk & Wagnall's,
the "Century," Collins's, Webster's, Ogil-
vie's Imperial, Skeat's or the Encyclopedic
Dictionary; nor is it to be found in the in-
4dex to the Encyclopedia Britannica" or
Hesketh Bell's work entitled, "Obeah:
Witchcraft in the West Indies" (London,
1889). Its use is. and has been, so far as has
been ascertained, confined to Jamaica. Its
resemblance to the Australian myall wood
must be quite accidental.
It will be best to consider the matter
The earliest law passed in the island for
the suppression of obeahism was passed in
1760. It is entitled, "An Act to remedy
the evils arising from irregular assemblies
of slaves and to prevent their possessing
arms and ammunition and going from place
,to place without Tickets and for preventing
the practice of Obeah and to restrain Over-
seers from leaving the Estates under their
charge on certain days, etc."
The following is the clause0 relating to
"And in order to prevent the many mischiefs
that may arise from the wicked act of negroes
going under the appellation of Obeah men and
women, pretending to have communication with
the Devil and other evil Spirits whereby the
weak and superstitious are deluded into a belief
-of their having full power to exempt them
whilst under their protection from any evils
that might otherwise happen: Be it therefore
.enacted by the authority aforesaid that from
and after the first day of January which will be
in the year of Our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and sixty-one, any negro or other
slave who shall pretend to any supernatural
power and be detected in making use of any
Blood, Feather, Parrots beaks, Dogs teeth,
Alligators teeth, broken bottles, Grave dirt,
Rum, Egg shells or any other materials relative
to the practice of Obeah or Witchcraft in order
to delude and impose on the minds of others
shall upon conviction thereof before two Magis-
trates and three freeholders suffer death or
transportation, anything in this Act or .any
other Law to the contrary notwithstanding."
-Kindly communicated by Mr. G. F. Jndah.

There is in the law, either in the above
clause or elsewhere, no mention of myalism.
Edward Long is the earliest author, so
far as has been ascertained, to mention the
word. He says in his "History of Jamaica"
(London, 1774), vol. II., page 416, when
giving an account of Obeahism :-
"Not long since, some of these execrable
wretches in Jamaica introduced what they
called the mrnal dance, and established a kind
of society, into which they invited all they
could. The lure hung out was, that every
Negroe, initiated into the myal society, would
bQ invulnerable by the white men; and, al-
though they might in appearance be slain, the
obeah man could, at his pleasure, restore the
body to life."
Bryan Edwards, in his "History, Civil
and Commercial, of the British West In-
dies" (London, 1819), says, vol. II., page 107:
"This derivation [of obeah] which applies to
one particular sect, the remnant probably of a
very celebrated religious order in remote ages, is
now become in Jamaica the generaltermtodenote
those Africans who in that island practise witch-
craft or sorcery, comprehending also the class
of what are called Myalmen, or those who, by
means of a narcotic potion, made with the juice
of a herb (said to be branched Calalue or species
of Solanhum) which occasions a trance or pro-
found sleep of a certain duration, endeavour to
convince the deluded spectators of their power
to re-animate dead bodies."
The following is an extract from the
"Journal of a West India Proprietor, kept
during a residence in the island of Jamaica
[1815-17], by the late Matthew Gregory
Lewis, Esq, M.P." (London, 1834):-
"The obeah ceremonies always commence
with what is called, by the negroes, the Myal
dance. This is intended to remove any doubt
of the chief Obeah man's supernatural powers;
and in the course of it, he undertakes to show
his art by killing one of the persons present,
whom he pitches upon for that purpose. He
sprinkles various powders over the devoted
victim, blows upon him, and dances round him,
obliges him to drink a liquor prepared for the
occasion, and finally the sorcerer and his assis-
tants seize him and whirl him rapidly round and
round till the man loses his senses and falls on
the ground, to all appearance and the belief of
the spectators, a perfect corpse. The chief
Myal-man then utters loud shrieks, rushes out


of the house with wild and frantic gestures, and
conceals himself in some neighboring wood.
At the end of two or three hours he returns
with a largs bundle of herbs, from some of
which he squeezes the juice into the mouth of
the dead person ; with others he anoints his eyes
and stains the tips of his fingers, accompanying
the ceremony with a great variety of grotesque
actions, and chanting all the while something
between a song and a howl, while the assistants
hand in hand dance slowly round them in a
circle, stamping the ground loudly with their
feet to keep time with his chant. A consider-
able time elapses before the desired effect is
produced, but at length the corpse gradually
recovers animation, rises from the ground per-
fectly recovered, and the Myal dance concludes.
After this proof of his power, those who wish to
be revenged upon their enemies apply to the
sorcerer for some of the same powder, which
produced apparent death upon their companion,
and as they never employ the means used for
his recovery, of course the powder once admin-
istered never fails to be lastingly fatal. It
must be superfluous to mention that the Myal-
man on this second occasion substitutes a poison
for a narcotic."
The Rev. James Phillippo, in his "Ja-
maica : Its past and present state," (Lon-
don, 1843), says, page 248 :-
"Myalism, as well as Fetishism, were con-
stituent parts of Obeism, and included a mys-
tery of iniquity which perhaps was never fully
revealed to the uninitiated. The votaries of this
art existed as a fraternity composed of indivi-
duals from the surrounding neighbourhood, who
were regularly induced into it in accordance
with certain demoniacal forms. They adopted
every possible means to increase their numbers,
and proposed, as the advantages of membership,
exemption from pain and premature death;
from death, especially as designed by white
men, or certain recovery from its influence
when life was actually extinct. It was under-
stood to counteract the effect of Obeism, but
was often much more demoralizing and fatal in
its results. The master of the ceremonies, who
was usually denominated Doctor, by violent and
excessive dancing, as well as by the use of
poisonous drugs, deprived his victims of sensi-
bility, and apparently of life; and when, by the
use of medicinal herbs, he had restored them to
their former condition, pretended that he had
done so by extracting pieces of glass bottle,
snakes and other Obeah ingredients and rep-
tiles from their skin. [The author once saw a
negro suffering from a gum-boil, who persisted
in affirming that the Myal Doctor had extracted
a snake from the affected part]. A miraculous
cure was hereby supposed to have been effected,
and contributions were liberally awarded to the
magician; seldom, however, did the constitution
of the patient recover from the effects of the
experiment. A few years since there was

scarcely an estate which did not contain a priest
or priestess of this deadly art, nor did there
appear to be a single negro whose mind was not
more or less under its influence."
The Rev. J. H. Buchner, in his "History
of the Mission of the United Brethren's
Church to the Negroes in the Island of Ja-
maica" (London, 1854), says, page 138: -
"Another class of sorcerers were the Myal-
men. These pretended to have still greater
powers [than the Obeah men], and were ac-
counted good and holy. They pretended to
be able to make Obeahism of no effect; that
they could discover and destroy it; and main-
tained that they were sent by God to purge the
world from all wickedness, and that they had
received power to procure rest for the wan-
dering spirits, or shadows as they were called.
These laid claim to an immediate intercourse
with God, and divine revelations. In 1842,
several Negroes on an estate near Montego Bay
gave themselves out to be such Myal men, and
began to practise their heathenish rites openly
and boldly. In an incredibly short time, this
operation spread through the whole parish of St.
James, and the neighboring parishes of West-
moreland and Trelawny; hundreds and thou-
sands laid claim to the same distinction, or be-
came the followers of these men. *
This excitement could not last long; though it
continued for more than six months, it gradually
subsided ; and a year after scarcely anything
was heard of it."
James Minot, in his "Digest of the Laws
of Jamaica," (Kingston, Ja., 1865), under
the title "Obeah and Myalism," on page
495, says :-
"Any person who for false, crafty or unlawful
purposes shall pretend to the possession of
supernatural power, or who by threat, pro-
mise, persuasion br action shall induce or at-
tempt to induce any other person to believe he
can by the exercise of any such supernatural
power, bring about or effect any object or carry
out any design of his own, or of any other per-
son, or for the purpose of carrying out any such
design or object, shall falsely, cunningly or un-
lawfully make use of omens, spells, charms, in-
cantations or other preternatural devices shall
be deemed an Obeah or Myal-man, or a dealer
in Obeah. and Myalism, and the words Obeah and
Myalism understood to be of one and the same
meaning, and the like offence, 21 Vie., c. 24,
s. 1."
Mr. Charles Rampini, who was at one
time a District Court Judge in this island,
in his "Letters from Jamaica," (Edinburgh,
1873), thus describes Myalism, page 142:-
"The Obeah-man must not be confounded
with the Myal-man, who is to the former what
the antidote is to the poison. He professes to
undo what the other has done ; to cure where


the other has injured; but it must be confessed
that, both in its operation and its results, the
cure is often worse than the disease. In truth,
the boundary line between the two classes of
professors is oftentimes but a shadowy one."
From the above extract, it would seem
that Mr. Rampini's definition of Myalism
is not quite correct. In fact, he almost re-
cants before he has finished it. It would
rather seem that Myalism was-it is to be
feared, one must say is-a species of Obeah-
ism ; at all events that is the view taken by
Bryan Edwards, Monk Lewis, Phillippo, and
Minot; and, in the law passed in 1898, the
words Obeah and Myal are considered inter-
One who has had much experience among
the negro population of the island writes:-
Whatever the distinction may at one time
have been between the two forms of supersti-
tion it has now completely disappeared, and the
words Myal" and Myalism" are never heard,
and convey practically no meaning to the pre-
sent generation of negroes."
From what Long says, Myalism was evi-
dently introduced into Jamaica by Obeah-
men from Africa about the middle of the
eighteenth century: and the word is evi-
dently of African origin.
Hitherto, no reference to it has been found
in the literature of any other West India
The following suggestion has been made
as to its derivation :
"'The Myal-man is the good side of the Obeah-
man The Obeah-man can kill or cure. When
he restores to life, he appears as a Saviour. The

Myal-man is the pity-man. The Negroes did
not write the word, but somebody did it to con-
vey what they said of the man. Pronounce my
with the sound given to y in pity, and one gets
close to a natural wail of sorrow, especially among
the children of nature.
Aristophanes represented this wail by mvw
which in English would be my. The man who
wailed or presented to wail over the dead man
was a Myal man, or pity-man. It was perfectly
natural, it was according to analogy exemplified
in the origin of a host of words* for the people
to call the man who wailed, who myed, 3M1.7.
The myal dance was the dance of pity-pity for
the dead ; sympathetic pity, cheering on the
mighty worker: so it would appear."
In connection with this suggested deriva-
tion, one may quote the following paragraph
from Major Ellis's "Tshi-speaking Peoples
of the Gold Coast of West Africa," people,
in the jargon of the slave-dealers, called
Coromantees, who were exported to the
British West Indies in slavery times:-
"In time of war, the wives of the men who
are with the army paint themselves white, deco-
rate themselves with beads and charms, and
make a daily procession through the town, in-
voking the protection of the gods for their ab-
sent husbands. This ceremony is called Mohbor-
meh, a word compounded of mohbor, pity,"
and meh, "me," and which may be freely trans-
lated, "Have mercy upon us." Besides the
daily procession, .Mobhor-meh women, painted
white from head to foot, dance publicly in the
streets, uttering howls and shrieks, leaping and
gesticulating, and brandishing knives and

Compare the English Mlew, and the French



Island of forest, dark and silver stream I
Thy stately mountains at the dawning's
Tower o'er the restless wave that beats
thy shore
With creamy crest, and sullen, ceaseless
Clothing their peaks in cloud, they calmly
Into the opal East, and wait the rays
That soon shall steal across the dimpled
To rouse their many-tinted world from sleep.

Lo! how on peak and ridge, in dark ravine.
Leaps into life anew the forest green;
Rose.red and purple, blue and golden, glow
The mist-wreathed heights above, the plains
There, where the torrent's rush yon dark
rocks stem,
Hangs o'er the fall a rainbow diadem :
A dream of beauty, wrought by magic hand,
From sombre mountain peak to silver
The tropic day wears on; the unpitying


O'er hill and plain a fiery course doth run;
Then, slowly sinking to his ocean bed,
Paints the whole western sky in flaming
Mark how the scarred and furrowed hill-
sides throw
Their answering signal to his parting glow :
Now gold, now orange, last, a crimson
Kisses the dying sun a fond goodnight;
And night-mists kind from out the valleys
The sun-seared hill and thirsting plain to
heal ;
The land-breeze sighs down the gorges
And lulls the fitful wave to tuneful sleep.
The short-lived twilight fades; Night's
shadows fall;
And darkness shrouds thee with a scented
pall ;
The sweetest incense wreathes thy slumbers
Of trumpet-flower and of night-jasmine
Abroad the forest winds the fragrance rare,
And circle thee around with perfumed air.
The golden moon, uprising, pours on thee
A mellow radiance, which more tenderly
Embraces thee than ever was caressed
The maid close clinging to her lover's

Look, where the cactus-creepers' tangles
From tree to tree. of wanton m ids a troop,
Night-blooming Cereus clusters boldly bare
Their virgin charms, unblushing, to the
Of amorous moonbeams for their one sweet
Of passion, that shall die with morning's
Island of forest, dark and silver stream !
I fain among thy whispering woods would
Down in their ferny hollows soft and warm,
My life away in their mysterious charm.
Oft have I roamed thy silent forests through,
Heard the green parrot scream, the blue-
dove coo;
Oft have I listened while the solitaire
Thrilled with his plaintive note the moun-
tain air;
Oft have I by the camp-fire's fitful light
Hearkened the solemn voices of the night.
Often have I by fern-bowered waterfall,
Lurking neathh moss-clad trunks and tree-
ferns tall,
Thought that amid such scenes weree sweet
to lay
Me down to rest, and wait the Eternal





P to the time of Professor C.
B. Adams's first visit to
Jamaica, in the early part
of the year 1844, our Mol-
luscan fauna had received
but little attention. Two
or three only of the ma-
rine forms peculiar to the island had been
described ; whilst about thirty inoperculates
and twelve operculates among the landshells,
three species of the Auriculidae, and four
fresh-water species had been noticed in con-
chological records, or in general natural his-
tory works, such as those of Sir Hans Sloane
and of Dr. Patrick Browne. In most cases
all mention of habitat was omitted, or the
species were attributed to localities other
than Jamaica.
Adams (Proceedings Boston Soc. Nat.
Hist., January, 1845) published a synopsis,
with diagnoses of the supposed new species
which he himself had gathered in the island
during his visit, or received as contributions,
or had found in the local collections of
Bland and Chitty. No less than seventy
species among the marine shells, twelve oper-
culates and thirty inoperculates among the
land shells, one Auricula, and three fresh-
water species were added on this occasion to
the list of Jamaican Mollusca.
On this first visit Adams formed close ties
of friendship with the Hon. Edward Chitty,
an ardent collector of our natural history
treasures, then residing in the island. To
him also he imparted much of his own en-
thusiasm in the pursuit of Conchology; and
thenceforward was kept abundantly supplied

with materials and notes to continue his in-
vestigations. The results from time to time
were published in scientific Journals and
Proceedings in the United States. The pub-
lications have been reproduced by Adams
in Contributions to Conchology", of which
twelve numbers appeared between Septem-
ber, 1849, and November, 1852.
Adams paid'another short visit to Jamaica
in the winter of 1848-49, and a third and
last visit in the early part of 1851, while on
his way back to Amherst from Panama.
At the latter place he had been collecting
materials for his monumental work on the
marine shells. On this last occasion Adams
was the guest of Chitty, in collaboration
with whom he spent several weeks studying
and arranging the vast stores accumulated in
the cabinets of the latter. In "Contribu-
tions" No. 9, April, 1851, he published the
first general catalogue of the land shells, the
Auriculidre, and the fresh-water shells of Ja-
maica. All the species which up to the
time of publication were actually identified
as from the island, or which had been attri-
buted to it by authors, were included. The
number of operculates was raised to 155, and
of inoperculates to 202, besides many varie-
tiesin both groups; the supposed Auriculidae
numbered 7; and the fresh-waterspecies25. In
the introduction to this catalogue it is stated
that "some of the species included on the
authority of old authors had not yet been
found in the island by either Chitty or
Adams, that some previously described spe-
cies had been doubtfully identified with
specimens found in the island, and that some


species referred by older authors to other
habitats, had been identified as Jamaican."
Adams's diagnoses are justly commended
by all authors for their fulness and decisive-
ness; but the great fault in his works in
connection with the shells of Jamaica, is the
-omission to state the special habitat or sta-
tion of the species-a fault which detracts
very considerably from their value to subse-
'quent collectors. Various reasons have been
offered since their appearance for this failure
in furnishing such indispensable informa-
tion. One writer on Jamaica shells has
gone so far as to assert seriously that the
Omission arose from the fact that Adams
worked principally on the collections of
Chitty who had neglected to take notes of
the localities." (Gloyne). This was an utterly
gratuitous statement. Adams (Contribu-
tions, 1849) says, that of the 265 speciesenu-
merated by him up to that time, 200 had
been collected by himself in person in a hasty
'exploration of about one-tenth part of the
surface of Jamaica," Adams was the first
pioneer, so to say, of the study of the geo-
graphical distribution of the terrestrial
shells of the West Indies, and it is unwar-
rantable to suppose that he neglected his
-opportunities for securing proofs in support
of his views respecting the isolation of spe-
cies within circumscribed local areas in each
subregion in the West Indies, views which
he never failed to repeat and emphasise on
'every occasion. Again, whenever it became
necessary to mention the exact locality of
any shell for the purpose of illustrating some
proposition or some conclusion put forward
by him, he always stated the special habitat
and station with such a degree of particular-
ity, as to show how ample his notes were in
the matter. Every one acquainted with the
writings of Chitty must have observed
how particular he was in noting the habitat
.and station with.the greatest detail.
The truth of the matter is, to my own per-
sonal knowledge, that Adams and Chitty
contemplated the publication, at no distant
period, of a complete, illustrated monograph
of the land and fresh-water shells of Jamaica,
and had actually announced the sale of their
duplicates, to raise the necessary funds for
defraying the cost. There is an announce-
ment to this effect at the foot of the Cata-
logueof1851, in theContributions. It was in-
tended to set out in the proposed monograph,
all the particulars of habitat and station, and

the geographical distribution both local and
relatively to that observed in the other parts
of the Caribbean region, and in places be-
yond. Adams died on the 18th January,
1853, just twenty-two months after the pub-
lication of the Catalogue referred to.
Of the two friends, Adams was the one
qualified for the proposed task He was not
only an accomplished systematist, but had
taken great interest in the general questions
of the nature, the origin, the relations, and
the limits of species and varieties. Chitty
had confined himself entirely to the study of
artificial systematiccharacters, though he pre-
served ample notes of facts regarding other
matters connected with conchology, which
came incidentally under his notice. The
death of Adams necessarily put an end to
the projected monograph.
Chitty had somewhat effaced himself in
deference to his friend and tutor, Adams,
remaining content with the modest r6le of
assistant to the master; but, after the death
of the latter, he assumed his rightful place in
conchology. In October, 1853, he published
a paper entitled "Contribution to Concho-
logy" (DeCordova, Kingston, Ja., 1853),
giving descriptions of thirty new species and
varieties of land and fluviatile shells of the
island, with the localities and stations set out
in detail, and valuable observations and
notes concerning the new and several pre-
viously known species. He afterwards pub--
lished (Ann, New York Lyc., 1854), des-
criptions and illustrations of two new spe-
cies of Cylindrella discovered by him.
Changes in the judicial system of the coun-
try brought about the abolition of the
chairmanships of Quarter Session, and Chitty
was pensioned off, and shortly afterwards
went back to England, taking with him his
large collection. In 1857, he published (P,
Z. Soc., London) his studies of the Jamai-
can species of CYCLOTUS. The few species
previously known are there reviewed, and
twenty-one new species and eight varieties
described, whilst the whole group is rear-
ranged and the species distributed under six
sections founded on well-marked differences
in the structure of the operculum. Another
paper published by him in the same number'
of P. Z. Soc., deals with STOASTOMA, a won-
derful and interesting group of microscopic
land shells, entirely (except three species)
confined to Jamaica. This paper exhibits in
a high degree the remarkable critical acu-


men, and the patient, laborious qualities of
the author. The group was raised by Chitty
to the rank of a family-Stoastomidaw.
This has not been fully accepted by leading
conchologists, who claim that its proper posi-
tion is as a sub-genus of Helicinidie ; but the
divisions proposed by Chitty, being founded
on clear, distinguishing characters, have been
approved and adopted. The paper contains
descriptions of no less than sixty-one new
species and two new varieties of Stoasto-
Chitty died, in 1858, in London.
Referring to Adams's types, which are de-
posited in the Museum of Amherst College,
Mass., Prof. Philip C. Carpenter (P. Z. Soc.,
London, June, 1863), says: "The shells
are unfortunately all loose, in trays, with
the autograph names on tickets; and are
arranged in zoological order, in the midst
of the general collection." All must join
Prof. Carpenter in his expression of regret
that the authorities of the college had not
taken any steps to figure the unique speci-
mens; and that none of the leading con-
chological writers of the New World had
thought it needful to go out of their way to
complete a review of Adams's work with re-
spect to this and the Panama collection.
Woodward, in his Manual, Ed. ii., refers to
the magnificent collection of the land shells
of Jamiaica presented by Chitty tothe British
Museum. I am not aware of any review
having appeared of this collection, or of any
catalogue having been published. An al-
most exact counterpart of this collection was
presented by Chitty to the late Royal So-
cietyof Arts of Jamaica, of which he was one
of the most active and useful members. This
collection comprised examples of most of the
species up to that time determined as be-
longing to Jamaica, mounted and labelled
with Chitty's own hand, and it formed a
unique source of attraction to all visitors to
the nascent museum of the society. After
the foundering of the Society, the collection
was accorded a temporary place of refuge,
free of rent, in a store room at the wharf of
the Royal Mail Company. It may be
added that the removal, for the want of
money to pay expenses, was made by a gang
of men drafted from among the quieter pa-
tients of the Lunatic Asylum at Rae Town,
by permission of the medical gentleman
having charge of that institution. After
remaining in the store-room in question for
several years, amidst piles of coal dust and

other rubbish, and exposed to all manner of
dangers, depradations, and disturbances,
what remained of the collection drifted into
the possession of the Institute of Jamaica.
Chitty's original tablets ,have disappeared,
except two, preserved as by miracle. One
of these bears a solitary specimen of the
very rarest of our fresh-water bivalves,
Sphoerium Veatleyi, C. B. Adams, and the
other a single specimen of the almost equally
rare fresh-water bivalve, Pisidium Jamai-
cense, Prime= Cyclas pygmoea, C. B. Adams.
Some officious, though perhaps well-meaning,
person appears to have at some time or other,
removed the remaining specimens from the
original tablets of Chitty, which had per-
haps become damaged, and to have stuck
them on to slips of glass labelled, mostly
with wrong labels, with no other object ap-
parently in view than to keep them out of
harm's way for the time. Nearly all the
smaller, and the more minute species have
been lost. It is necessary, in justice to the
Institute, that these facts should be recorded
by one who has a personal knowledge of
them, to account for the condition of this
once valuable collection. Until our local
collectors have filled the numberless gaps
which exist in it, nothing can be done with
the collection beyond re-identifying and re-
mounting the specimens left. But it can
never again possess the degree of authority
which attached to it before, as the original
work of Chitty himself.
Those who have possessed themselves of
the manuscripts left by Chitty, and also of
those left by Adams, have not done anything
as vet to reveal to the conchological world
the stores of information which lie hidden
there. This is much to be regretted.
Mr. Thomas Bland, F G. S., London,
who resided for many years in Jamaica, was
the contemporary of both Chitty and Adams,
and actively co-operated with them in
the collection and study of our land shells.
He survived them long enough to witness
and to take part as a worker in the import-
ant developments which the science of mala-
cology attained in later years. He left the
island, just about the time of the second
visit of Adams, on a trip to New Grenada,
going thence to the island of Saint Thomas,
W. I., and collecting shells at both places.
There are two papers by him in No. 11 of
Adams's 'Contributions to Conchology", giv-
ing details of the results of his explorations
on these occasions Bland finally settled in

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