Title Page
 Table of Contents
 List of Illustrations
 Chronology of the principal events...
 Brief bibliography of Columbus
 Pre-Columbian discovery
 Columbus in Spain
 The first voyage
 The second voyage
 The third voyage
 The fourth voyage
 Pre-Columbian Jamaica

Group Title: Journal of the Institute of Jamaica ...
Title: Journal of the Institute of Jamaica
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00024651/00002
 Material Information
Title: Journal of the Institute of Jamaica
Physical Description: 2v. : front.,illus.,plates,ports.,maps. ; 26cm.
Language: English
Creator: Institute of Jamaica
Publisher: s.n.
Place of Publication: Kingston Jamaica
Publication Date: 1894-99
Frequency: completely irregular
Subject: Periodicals -- Jamaica   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Dates or Sequential Designation: Vol.I-II. (1891/93-1894/99)
Numbering Peculiarities: Vol.I is composed of 8 parts; v.2 of 6 parts.
General Note: No more published.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00024651
Volume ID: VID00002
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 001366390
oclc - 05507203
notis - AGM7876
lccn - ca 05002337

Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
        Page iii
    Table of Contents
        Page iv
    List of Illustrations
        Page v
    Chronology of the principal events in the life of Columbus
        Page vi
        Page vii
    Brief bibliography of Columbus
        Page viii
    Pre-Columbian discovery
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
    Columbus in Spain
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
    The first voyage
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
    The second voyage
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 28a
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
    The third voyage
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
    The fourth voyage
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 52a
    Pre-Columbian Jamaica
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 68a
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 72a
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
Full Text




,..,..t., : and Librarian of the Institute of Jamaica,


R leader, behold presented to thine eye,
What us Colulmbusx offered long ago,
Of the New World a nei discoveries "


IN the onward march of civilization, it is good that we should now and again take a
glance backward into the past.

The 3rd of May was the four-hundredth anniversary of the discovery of Jamaica by
Columbus : it is fitting therefore that we should briefly consider the history of that
great man, and especially the leading incidents of his second voyage which led to the
discovery of this island, adverting at the same time to the state of Jamaica when Euro-
pean foot first trod its shores ; the more especially as it was Columbus who first showed
the way to those islands of the western world which form no unimportant part of the
British Empire. The discovery of this island was the first of the three great epochs of
its history-the others being its cession to the English in 1655 ; and the emancipation
of the negro population in 1838.

The story of the life of Columbus, with special reference to Jamaica, has been told
as fully as the brief space at disposal, and the limited number of works of reference
available allowed; and if some of the more important events in his career have been
passed over with the barest mention, it is because to Jamaicans, the Jamaica episodes
should be of chief importance, and because the life-history of the man and his great
achievements have been in recent years-frequently and fully related.

The works devoted to Columbus exclusively, were said, four years ago, to number
about six hundred, and the literature treating of him incidentally is very extensive.

For the story of his life, the works of Irving, Winsor and Markham, have been
chiefly consulted; these have been supplemented by references to the "Historie" and the
writings of Bernaldez and Peter Martyr, and by information gleaned from other sources.
A short list is given of the principal books on Columbus, several of which have, unfortu-
nately, been only consulted at second hand. A complete list of works consulted would
lbe a catalogue of all the books bearing on the subject in the library of the Institute.

Both in the text and in the map, only those names known to Columbus have been
included, and no use has been made of names introduced at a later date.

F. C,

September 1894.


1. l4ist of Illustrations ... .. ....
2. Chronology of the Principal Events in the Lfe of Columbns ... VI.
3, Brief Bibliography of Columbus .. ... VI,

PRE-COLUMBIAN DIsovERY-Prince Henry the Navigator : the apochryphal story of the
pilot ; Bibliography: Birth and early days of Columbus: Columbus in Portugal:
Marriage : Personal appearance i Portraits : Behem : the astrolabe : Toscanelli:
Marco Polo: Joio's Deceit: Departure from Portugal ., ...

CorLUMBUS IN SPAIN-La Rabida, Juan Perez : Cordova; Talavera : Isabella : Salamanaca
Conference : again at Cordova : Beatrix Enriquez and his son Fernando : again
seeks the aid of Portugal: sends his brother to England : rebuffs : again at La
Rabida : Fall of Granada: final success : Palos ; the Pinzons, ard the fleet: the
N iia. ......... ..... 1

THE FIRST VOYAGE-The fleet: Palos : the Canaries: the variation of the compass: Sar-
gasso Sea: indications of land : Guanahani : Cuba: Espaiola : desertion of
Pinzon : Wreck of the Santa Maria : La Navidad : the return journey : storm :
the Azores : the Tagus: Palos : Columbus's triumph : the Spanish Court : the
Line of Demarcation ............ 1

THE SECOND VOYAGE-Composition of the new fleet: discovery of the Caribbean islands
-Dominica, Guadalupe, Montserrat. Antigua, St Martin, the Virgin Islands:
Porto Rico: Aboriginal names of West Indian Islands : the destruction of Navi-
dad; Isabella; discovery of Jamaica: difficulty of ascertaining the landfall
there : accounts by Bernaldez and Peter Martyr and in the Historic : Jardin de
la Reyna: the south side of Jamaica: accounts given in the Historie and by
Bernaldez; the cacique of Old Harbour: Espaflola: conflicts with the natives:
founding of San Domingo: return to Spain ... ... ... 22

THE THIRD VOYAGE-The discovery of Trinidad: San Domingo: Internal Strife: Voyages
of Ojeda and Cabral : Vergara's visit to Jamaica ; Roldan : Bobadilla: arrest
of Columbus: Columbus in chains : return to Spain : Ovanda succeeds Boba-
dilla ....... ... 34

THE FOURTH VOYAGE-Discovery of Matinino : puts in at Sail Domingo: Honduras: Cape
Gracios a Dios : Veragua : storm : fights with the natives : reaches Jamaica:
Mendez's arrangements for the supply of provisions : sends Mendez to Espa;ola ;
letter written by Columbus in Jamaica; revolt of Porras: arrival of Escobar:
second revolt and defeat of Porras: leaves Jamaica reaches San Domingo;
Returns to Spain : death : his brothers, sons and descendants ... 38

I'RE-COLUMBIAN JAMAICA-Origin of the name, Jamaica: Natural history: plant life,
interchange of plants between the old world and the new : Animal life : the
Jamaica coney: aborigines, race, number, language, West Indian words in
the English language, Arawiks, vocabulary; personal appearance, artificial
depression of the skull ; legends, religion, customs; villages and houses;
accessories ; weapons: dress and ornaments: games; pursuits; food: manu-
factures, pottery, stone implements, canoes ...... 5


*:* r 7


1. Portrait of Columbus ...

2. Columbus's Coat of Arms .. ...

3. Palos to Guanahani (Initial Letter) ...

4, No. 37, Vico Dritto di Ponticello, Genoa ...

5. Regiomontanus's Astrolabe ...

6. Toscanelli's Map: restored ...

7. The Actual America compared with Be- )
hem's Geography J

8. The Convent of La Rabida ...

9. The Bridge of Pinos ... -

10. The Santa Maria (Initial Letter) ...

11. Columbus Bight, Watling Island

12. The Nia .........

13. The Landing of Columbus at Puerto Bueno

14. Sketch Map of the West Indies as known
to Columbus J

15. Cassava (Initial Letter) ... ...

16. Coney .........

17. Arawak Skull ... ...

18. Native Stone Implements: in the posses-)
sion of Lady Blake J

19. Native Pottery: in the Institute of Jamaica

20. Native Pottery: in the possession of Lady)
Blake J

From the painting at Como. Frontispiece.

Facsimilefrom Ovido's "Cronica". Title-page.

Drawn by G. C. 1

Drawn by G. C.

In the Museum, Nuremberg

From Winsor's Columbus."

From Winsor's Columbus."

Drawn by G. C.

Drawn by G. C.

Drawn by G. C.

Diawn by G. C.

Drawn by G. C.

From a drawing by G.C.

Drawn by G. C.

Drawn by G. 0,

Drawn by G. C.

Drawn by G. C.

Drawn by G. C.

Drawn by G.C.


1446-1447 Born (probably in the Vice Dritto di
Ponticello, Genoa.)
1450 Birth of his brother Bartolommeo
Colombo (Bartolom6 Colon).
1460 [Diego Gomez discovered the Cape
Verde Islands.]
Nov. 13. (DeathofPrinceIIenry theNavigator.]
1461 First went to sea.
1468 Birth of his brother Giacomo Colombo
(Diego Colon).
1469 Oct. 19 [Marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella.]
1470 Moved with his father to Savona.
1474 Left Genoa and went to Portugal.
Dec. 13. [Ferdinand and Isabella recognized as
joint-sovereigns of Castile.]
1477 Made a voyage to England and possibly
Married Filippa Moniz.
1478 June 30. Birth of his son Diego.
1479 Jan. 20. [Ferdinand became King of Aragon],
Sept. 21. [Spain agreed to respect Portugal's
rights of discovery as laid down
by Papal Bull].
1480 Joined in Lisbon by his brother Bar-
Sept. 17. [Institution of the Inquisition at
1481 [The Portuguese reached the coast of
Aug. [JoAo II. succeeded his father, Al-
fonso V., as King of Portugal.]
1183 Death of his mother.
1484 Left portugal and went to Spain,

1485 Jan. Visited the convent of La Rabida,
near Palos.
Adopted the Spanish form of his name,
Cristoval Colon.
1486 Presented to Queen Isabella at Cor.
[Diaz reached the Cape of Good Hope],
1487 Aug. 18. [Surrender of Malaga].
First met Beatrig de Arana.
1488 Aug. 15. Birth of his son Fernando,
Went to Lisbon to see his brother
Bartolome, who went to England.
1489 Returned to Spain.
1491 Oct. Started to leave Spain and join his
or Nov. brother Bartolold in France.
Summoned from La Rabida to the
Queen's presence at Santa F6.
1492 Jan. 1 [Fall of Granada].
Feb. Again left and again recalled from
the Bridge of Pinos.
April 17 Capitulation signed by Ferdinand and
Isabella, appointing him Admiral
of the Ocean and Viceroy and
Governor-General of all lands he
might discover.

1492 Aug, 3. Sailed from Palos on his first voyage.
Aug. 9. Left Gomera.
Sept. 11 First saw land.
Sept, 12. First landfall in the New World, at
Watling Island.
Oct. 28, Landed at Cuba.
Nov. 23. Discovered Espaiola,
Dec, 25. Wreck of the Santa Maria.



Jan. 16, Left Espaiola for Spain.
Feb. 18. Reached Santa Maria in the Azores,
Mar, 15. Reached Palos, (End of first voyage).
Joined by his brother Diego.
May 3. [Papal Bull of Demarcation of Alex-
ander VI.]
Sept. 24. Started on his second voyage from
Nov. 3. Discovered Dominica, Marigalante and
Discovered Montserrat and Antigua.
Discovered Puerto Rico.
Nov. 27 Reached Navidad.
Founded the city of Isabella.
April 14 Bartolom6 made Commander of a
Squadron for the New World.
April 14. Left Espafiola.
May 3. Discovered Jamaica.
May 4. Landed at Puerto Bueno," (probably
Dry Harbour) Jamaica.
May 7. Left Jamaica and went to Cuba.
June 7. [Spain and Portugal agreed by the
treaty of Tordesillas to move the
Line ofDemarcation to 370 leagues
west of the Cape Verde Islands.]

June 13. Turned back.
June 24. Bartolom6 reached Isabella.
July 22. Left Cuba for Jamaica.
Skirted the South coast of Jamaica.
Interview with a cacique in Old Hlar-
bour Bay,
Aug. 19. Lost sight of Punta del Farol (Morant
Sept. 29. Reached Isabella.
1495 April 10. [General Licence for Spaniards to un.
dertake voyages of discovery.]
April 25. Defeat of the allied Caciques in the
Vega Real.
Oct. [Joto II. of Portugal died, and was
succeeded by Manoel I].
1496 Mar. 5. [Henry VII gave Cabot a patent to
discover and trade in unknown
lands beyond the seas].
Mar, 10. Left Espafiola for Spain.
June 11, Reached Cadiz. (End of second voyage),
Bartolome founded San Domingo city,
1497 May [John Cabot sailed from Bristol].
June 2. [Revocation of General Licence of 10th
April, 1495].

* [Cotemporary Events, bearing on the life of Columbus, are included between square brackets.J


1497 July 8. [Vasco da Gama started on his first
voyage to India].
1498 Feb. 18. His son Fernando appointed Page to
Queen Isabella.
May 20. [Da Gama reached Calicut.]

May 30. Left San Lucar on his third voyage.
July 31. Discovered Trinidad.
Discovered Grenada and Tobago.
Aug. 31, Reached San Domingo city.
14199 May 18. [Alonio de Ojeda started with Amerigo
Vespucci on a voyage in which he
discovered Venezuela].
Dec. [Vincente Ya7ee Pinzon left on his
voyage when he, the first to cross
the equator west of the Line of
Demarcation, discovered the
northern part of Brazil].
1500 Mar. 9. [Pedro Alvarez de Cabral left on his
voyage destined for Calicut in
which he discovered Brazil].
Aug. 23. [Bobadilla reached San Domingo, and
assumed the Governorship of Es-
Oct. Sent from Espafiola to Spain by Bo-
badilla with his brother Bartolomd,
both in chains.
Oct, [Rodrigo de Bastides left Cadiz on the
voyage when he discovered the
Gulf of Darien].
Nov. 20. Reached Cadiz in chains. (End of
third voyage).
1502 Feb. 13. [Nicolao de Ovando sent out as Go-
vernor to supersede Bobadilla.]
April 1. Made a Will.
April 15. fOvanda reached San Domingo.]
April [Juan de Vergara visited Jamaica
from Veneguela.]

1502 May 9 Left Cadia on his fourth and last
or 11. voyage.
June 15. Reached Matinino.
June 29. Touched at San Domingo.
July 14. Touched at the Morant Keys.
Made Jamaica, but did not land.
July 30 Reached Isla de los Piiios, offHonduros,
Reached Puerto do Bastimentos.
1503 May 1, Saw the coast of the American Con-
tinent for the last time,
May 10. Discovered the Cayman Islands.
June 23. Reached Jamaica, probably at Dry
June 24. Ran his caravels aground in St. Ann's
July 7. Wrote letter to Ferdinand and Isabella.
Diego Mendez went to Espafola for

1501 Jan. 2.
Feb. 29.

May 19.
June 28
Aug. 13.
Nov. 7.

Nov. 26.
1505 Aug. 25,
1506 May 19.
May 20,

Mutiny of Porras and his followers.
Incident of the Eclipse.
Arrival in Jamaica of Diego de Esco-
Further rebellion of Porras.
Arrival of Salcedo in Jamaica.
Left Jamaica.
Reached San Domingo.
Left San Domingo.
Reached San Lucar. (End of fourth
Death of Queen Isabella.
Added.a codicil to his will.
Ratified his will.
Died at Vallodolid,


with other original documents, relating
to his four voyages to the New World.
Translated and edited by R. H. Major,
F.S.A. 2nd ed.; London, 1870. 8vo.
Christopher Columbus: His own book of
Privileges, 1502. Photographic facsi-
mile of the manuscript in the archives
of the Foreign Office in Paris, now for
the first time published, with expanded
text translation into English and an
historical introduction. The translite-
ration and translation by George F.
Barwick, B.A. of the British Museum :
the Introduction by Henry Harrisse:
the whole compiled and edited with
preface by Benjamin Franklin Stevens.
London, 1893. [1894]. folio.
Historia de las Indias [By'BARTOLOME DE
LAs CAsAS, written in 1527-1561.
Published at Madrid in 5 vols. in
1875. 8vo.]
OHistoria delos Reyes Cat6licos I). Fernando
y Dona Isabel, Escrita por el Bachiller
ANDRES BUsRNALDEZ, "' 0 2 toin. Se-
villa, 1870. bvo.
OThe First Three English Books on America.
[? 1511] -1555 A.). Being chiefly
Translations, Compilations &c. by
Richard Eden. From the Writings,
Maps, &c., of PIETRO MARTIRE, of
Anghiera (1455.1526), Apostolical
Protonotary and Councillor to the
Emperor Charles V. ; 0I. Edited by
Edward Arber, F.S.A. Birmingham,
1885. 4to.
Historic del Signor Don FERNANDO COLOMBo,
nelle quali s'ha particolare e vera rdla-
tione della vita e de' fatti dell' Ammni-
raglio D. Cristoforo Colombo, et dello
scoprimento ch'egli fece dell' Indie
Occidentali nnovamente di lingua
Spagnuola tradotte nell' Italiana dal
S. A. Ulloa. Venetia, 1571. 8vo.
[A copy of the English translation in Kerr's
Voyages and Travels," Vol. III. (1811), is in
the Library of the Institute.]
Summario de la Naturale Historia de 1'Indie
Occidentale compost de GONZALO

Historic General de los H6chos de los Cas.
tellanos en las islas i tierra de mar
oceano. (Descripcion do las Indias occi-
TORDESILLAS.] Madrid, 1601-15. fol.
[A French edition, published in Amsterdam in
1622 is in the Library of the Institute.]
Historia del Nuevo Mundo [By JUAN
BAUTISTA MUNOZ. Tome I. Written in
1781.] Madrid, 1793. 8vo.
Coleccion de los Vinges y Descubrimientos
(qe hioieron por mar los Espaiioles
d6sde fines des siglo XV. Con varies
documents in6ditos concernientes k la
Historia de la Marina Castellana y de
los Establecimientes Espaiioles in In-
dias. Coordinada 6 illustrada por
Madrid, 1825. 4to.
"The Life and Voyages of Christopher Column-
bus; together with the voyages of his
companions. By WASHIINGTON IlVING.
A new and revised edition in three
volumes. London, 1849. 8vo.
Christophe Colomb; histoire de sa vie et
de ses voyages d'apres des documents
tires d'Espagne et d'Italie. [By
ROSEILLY DE LORGUEs] 2 tom. Paris,
1856. 8vo.
Christophe Colombe, son origine, sa vie,
ses voyages, sa famille et ses descen-
dants 0: 0' etudes d'histoire critique.
Par HENRY HARRISSE. 2 tom. Paris,
1881. 8vo.
*Christopher Columbus, and how he received
and imparted the spirit of Discovery.
By JUSIIN WINsoR. London, [1890]
Cristdbal Col6n, su vida, sus viajes, sus
descubrimientos, por Don JoSE MARIA
ASENSIO y TOLEDO. Edici6n illustrada
0:0 o0 y acompatiada de una o" carta
geografica &c. 2 tom. Barcelona, [1891]
oLife of Christopher Columbus. By CLE-
3IENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B. London, 1892.

* In the Library of the Institute of Jamaica.


Pre-Columbian I, ..* .. : Prince Henry the Navigator: the apocryphal story !f the pilot: Bib.
linography: .Birth and Early Days of Columbus : Columbus inl Portugal ; Marriage: Personal
appearance : Portraits : Behent : the Astrolabe : Toscanelli : liareo Polo ; Jodo's Deceit : Depar-
ttirefromt Plortigal.

inscriptions in the temple, as given by Plato
in his Timnmas, in which he describes
an island opposite the Pillars of Her.
cules called Atlantisa larger than Libya
and Asia put together which was swallowed
up by an earthquake in a single day and
night," the only tangible records of the exist-
ence of which are to-day to be found in the
Azores, Madeira and the Canaries ; the
statement of Li-Yen, a Chinese historian of
the seventh century, that certain Chinese
discoverers reached a country named Fou-
sang about 4000 leagues to the east of
China, which DeGuignes thought was to be
identified with that part of America, which
is directly opposite the most Eastern coast
of Asia, but which Klaproth proved was

For an ingenious attempt to prove that Plato's
description of Atlantis is not fable as has been sup-
posed, but veritable history, see Atlantis: the
Antediluvian World" by Ignatius Donnelly (London,

T. i respect to a western
world before its dis-
covery by Columbus, the
most important refer-
ences are the conversa-
tion let ween Silenus and
Midas, king of Phrygia,
p,'- as related by Theopom-
pus in the fourth cen-
Stury B.C., in which Sile-
.-. nus says that Europe.
Asia and Africa were
S surrounded by sea. and
.,. that beyond them was
- an island of immense
= extent, containing huge
animals and colossal men
who dwelt in great
S cities; the tale told to
Solon by one of the priests
.__ of Sais from the sacred
really Japan; and the first recorded dis.
cover of America of any practical impor-
tance-that of the Scanlinavians in the
tenth and eleventh centuries, the first
printed allusion to which, however, did not
appear till Adam of Bremen's Historia
E-clesiastica Ecclesiarum Hamburgensis et
Bremensis" (which had been written in
the eleventh century) was published at
Copenhagen in 1579. nearly a century later
than Columbus's discovery.0
The fullest details of these Seundinavian
voyages are given in Professor Rafn's An-
tiquitates Americanie," published in 1837.
Briefly the story is as follows: the first
to visit the Coast of Greenland was Eric
the Red, son of a Norwegian noble, who
went there in A.D. 983, when lie was (on-
demned to a three years' banishment from

Cf. Major's Select Letters," Introduction.


Iceland where he resided, for killing a
In the year A.D. 1000, Lief, son of Eric
the Red, discovered successively Newfound-
land which he called Helluland (slate-land),
Nova Scotia (Markland, i.e. Wood-land),
and New England (Vinland i.e. Wine-land).
In the year 1007, Thorfinn Karlsefne, of
Iceland, was sent out, like Columbus after
him, with three ships and 160 men: and
records point to an early intercourse be-
tween Iceland and the northern parts of
America, the latest of which carries us to
the year 1347.
Between this period of Scandinavian en-
terprise and the all-important year, 1492,
America is said to have been visited by
eight members of an Arabian family of the
Spanish peninsula; by the Ccrtereals, as
mentioned by Sir John Barrow; by a
Polish pilot, named John Szkolny, in the
service of Christian II. of Denmark; by
Prince Madoc of Wales in the twelfth cen-
tury; and by Niccol6 and Antonio'Zeno, of
Venice, whose Marco Polo had done.so much
in bringing the riches and resources of the
East to the knowledge of 'Europe, towards
the close of the fourteenth century. But
the stories of all these journeys have been
shown to be either with little or no founda-
tion, or attributable to other lands.
A few words must, however, now be said
of him, who has well been called the founder
of continuous discovery,
Prince Henry the Navigator, the son of
Joio I., under whom Portugal first began to
assume her position as a European nation,
and the grandson of John of Gaunt, early
distinguished himself, in 1415, at the subju-
gation of the Moorish city of Ceuta, and
was offered the command first of the Cas-
tilian army and then of that of England.
But he determined to devote himself to the
object of his life-the finding of a passage
to India by way of the south coast of
Africa. For that purpose, he established
in 1418 at Sagres in Algarve, of which he
was made governor, an observatory with
the necessary appliances and instructors
for the study of astronomy and mathema-
tics and other sciences which might aid
the labours of the expeditions of discovery
which he sent out from time to time from
the small seaport of Lagos : and his house
became a veritable training college for
navigators. After repeated failures and
consequent ridicule, borne with the utmost
pertinacity and fortitude, Prince Henry's
endeavours were amply rewarded; and, not
only for the actual discoveries along the

western coast of Africa, from Cape Bojador,
which had hitherto been the further point
known, down to the mouth of the Rio
Grande, made by those sent by him, but
also for much which followed after his
death as a natural consequence, the world
is deeply indebted to Prince Henry; for. as
a result of his systematic endeavours, Diaz
discovered the Cape of Good Hope, and
Vasco da Gama reached India by sea less
than forty years after Prince Henry's
death, and diverted the carrying trade with
the East, which had hitherto rested with
the Venetians. into other channels. This
college at Sagres acquired for Portu-
gal a fame which neither kingly power nor
feats of arms had been able to obtain : and
a papal bull was issued giving to Portugal
sovereign power over all lands discovered
in the Atlantic to India inclusive. This year
(1894) in Portugal and England and else-
where on the 4th of March, the fifth cen-
tenary of his birth, honour was done to the
memory of this truly great man who nobly
acted up to his favourite motto talent de
bien fair.

An attempt was made-first' it is thought
by Gomara in the middle of the sixteenth
century; and it has often been repeated,
though those historians who were most
likely to know about it, either ignore the
report or treat it as of no account-to throw
discredit upon Columbus's claims to dis-
covery, by stating that previous to 1492 a
vessel was driven from its course by
easterly winds and landed on an unknown
country, from which it returned with diffi-
culty, the pilot0 and three sailors alone
reaching the land whence they set out.
All four died soon after landing, but the
pilot, being received by Columbus whose
friend he was, declared to him before his
death his secret, and left him a journal of
the travels, which served Columbus in his
first voyage.
Recently, in The Fortnightly Review"
(January 1894) the talehas been revived
with circumstantial details differing in some
particulars from the old one.t This ex-
traordinary attempt, made without the
slightest basis of documentary evidence, to
throw discredit upon Columbus, receives
sufficient refutation in the April number of
the same review.
This officer corresponded to the mate of a
modern merchantman.
t On it Capt. Gambier has built up a most fanciful,
though ingenious charge of conspiracy against Co-
lumbus, Pinzon, Perez de la Marchana, Isabella and
others, who assisted Columbus's first voyage. It is


If Prince Henry the navigator, in the fif-
teenth century first partially lifted the
veil from the Sea of Darkness," as the
Atlantic was then called, it remained for
Columbus, by boldly steering far away
from shore into the unknown west, to
remove that veil almost entirely, and dis-
close to an astonished though often doubt-
ing European civilization the wonders of
the new world ; although he had been an-
ticipated by the Norsemen of the tenth
century, for the honour is rather with him
who causes practical advantage to result
from his discoveries-discoveries made as a
result of systematic search-than to him,
who, aided by chance, discovers an unknown
shore, and takes no further steps to bring
his discoveries to a practical result.
Before we commence the story of the life
of Columbus, it may be well to recall for a
moment the titles of a few of the principal
biographies of him which have appeared.
When we consider that Mr. Harrisse stated,
four years ago, that there were then in
existence about six hundred works devoted to
Columbus exclusively, in addition to the books
treating of him incidentally, it will be seen
that the works mentioned below form but a
very small, though important part of Co-
lumbian literature.
Fernando Colombo's life of his father
consists of 107 chapters written at different
times. The original title was "Historie
del Signor Don Fernando Colombo nelle
quali s'ha particolare e vera relations della
vite e de i fatti del Ammiraglio D. Chris-
toforo Colombo suo padre." The Spanish
original is lost. An Italian translation by
Alfonso Ulloa was published at Venice in
1571. In 1871, Mr. Harrisse threw doubts
on the genuineness of the Italian ver-
sion, and much controversy resulted, but
in the end Ulloa's version maintains its re-
putation as a work of authority. It is
possibly based on a work by him now lost
from which Las Casas also copied
Besides his son Fernando, four other his-
torRans wrote of Columbus from personal
given on the authority of Asseline whose writings,
dating from 1688, but first printed in 1874, were based
on the archives of Dieppe, which were destroyed by
the English in 1694.
The pilot" is said to have been a sea captain of
repute one Jean Cousin of Dieppe, who had been
trained in matters geographical, by a certain Des-
cheliers, a priest of Arques, near Dieppe ; and the
land he discovered, not by accident but by searching
for it, that in the vicinity of the Amazon up which
he sailed in the year 1488 ; and it is further stated
that Vicente Pinzon went with him as second in
command, and that through Pinzon,' information,
of the newly found land reached Columbus and
Perez de la Marchena, and through Perez reached

knowledge. The Historia de las Indias,"
commenced by Bartolomi de Las Casas, in
Espafiola in 1527 and completed at- Val-
ladolid in 1561, but which was never pub-
lished till 1875, when an edition appeared
at Madrid, is the chief source of information
for the early part of Columbus's career down
to 1492, and for parts of his fourth voyage.
Las Casas is chiefly remembered for the fact
that he, three centuries before his time,
appealed in the interests of humanity for
the poor inhabitants of the West Indies and
thereby earned for himself the title of the
Apostle of the Indies. Dr. Andres Bernaldez,
the Cura of Los Palacios, with whom Colum-
bus stayed on his return to Spain in 149li,
had in compiling that portion, consist-
ing of thirteen chapters, of his Historia
de los Reyes Cat6licos," which treats of Co-
lumbus, the advantage of personal com-
munication with the admiral and of a perusal
of Dr. Chanca's letter describing the events
of the earlier parts of the second voyage.
This work was not published till 1870,
at Seville. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo,
chronicler to Charles V. and historiographer
of the Indies, whose Historia General de las
Indias," though incomplete, and in parts
inaccurateo. contains many facts concerning
Columbian history which are not to be found
elsewhere. Lastly, Pedro Martyr :d'An-
ghiera, a native of Arona in Italy, who
though he was a member of the Council
of the Indies, and first abbot of Jamaica,
never set foot in the West Indies, though
an inveterate letter writer, records in
his De Orbe Novo," commonly known as
the 'Decades," nothing of any special in-
Of other important works either partly
or wholly on Columbus, may be men-
tioned Francisco Lopez de Gomara's "His-
toria de las Indias"; Antonio de Herrern's
Historia Generel de las Indias occiden-
tales" (1615) based in great measure on Las
Casas; Juan Bautista Mufioz's uncompleted
Historia de Nuevo Mundo"; based on
documents in the Spanish archives, which
carries the story down to 1500; Martin
Fernandez de Navarrete's "Coleccion do
los Viajes y Descubrimi6ntos que hicieron
por Mar los Espafioles" (Madrid 1825-;37)
which gives for the first time many
valuable letters of Columbus: Washington
Irving's "Life of Columbus," (1827) the
most popular and most widely-read biog-
raphy of the great admiral for all English-

Las Casas says that it is as full of lies almost
as pages"; but he was a somewhat prejudiced critic.


speaking people, based in part on Navar-
rete, on Bernaldez and on the Historie";
Roselly de Lorgues's Christophe Colomb"
(1864) a eulogy written with a view to
securing the canonization of Columbus:
Major's Select Letters of Columbus,"
(London 1847), which contains a translation
of the chief of the letters given by Navar-
rete ; Admiral Becher's. Landfall of Colum-
bus" (1856) ; Mr. Henry Harrisse's Chris-
tophe Colomb" (Paris I1884); Mr. Justin
Winsor's Christopher Columbus, and how

he received and imparted the spirit of dis-
covery" (London s18)0), Don Jose Maria
Asensio's Cristoval Colon, sn vida, sus
viages; sus descubrimientos" (Barcelona
1891) "the most complete, and on the
whole, the best life of the great Admiral
that has yet appeared"; and lastly Mr. Cle-
ments Markham's Life of Christopher
Columbus" in the World's Great Explorers
Series (London 1892) which is an admirable

popular rdsumun of all that has been written
on Columbus.

The actual date and place of Columbus's
birth have given rise to much controversy.
All that can be said, until by chance fur-
ther documentary evidence transpires, is,
that he was, almost without doubt, born-
between March 15th, 1446, and March 20th,
1447,0 a date which agrees with various
statements made by Columbus himself-
at Genoa, probably in a house which is
known to have belonged to his father soon
after his birth, (now No. 37) in the Vico
Dritto di Ponticello.
Genoa, which owed its rise to the fall
of its rival Pisa at the close of the thir-
teenth century, always, even at the height
of its naval fame, devoted itself to com-
merce and monetary gain; and it has pro-
duced no man pre-eminently famous in lite.
rature, in science or in the arts.
It has been pointed out that while Italy
supplied, to Spain Columbus and Peter Mar.
tyr the historian of the Indies, to England
Cabot, to France Verrazano, and to Portu-
gal Vespucci, she never in her own name
possessed one acre of American soil.
Columbus's father, a son of a farmer in the
valley of Fontanabuena, to the east of Genoa.
was one Domenico Colombo,t a cloth wea-
ver by trade, who first settled at Quinto al
Mare, a fishing village four miles east of
Genoa, where his brother Antonio. and a
married sister also resided, and afterwards
at Genoa itself. He chose his wife Susanna,
daughter of Giacomo di Fontanarossa, a
silk weaver by trade, in the picturesque
valley of the Bisagno. a stream which
joins the sea near IGenoa's eastern wall.
He, himself, had thriven in trade anl
his wife did not come to him dowerless.
They settled in the weavers' quarter, just
outside the city walls by the gate of Sant'

The only evidence in favour of the earlier dltte
given, 1416, is the statement by Bernaldez, who knew
him in later life, that he was about seventy
when he died; but he probably merely judged from
his worn appearance, the result of a life of severe
hardships, to which many men would have succumbed
at an even earlier age than sixty. Naverrete, Hum-
boldt, Lamartine, Irving, de Lorgues and Asensio all
adopt Bernaldez's statement, while M r. Harrisse, and,
after him, Mr. Winsor and Mr. Markham incline to
the date given above. Many towns in Italy, especially
Savona and Cogoleto, and Calvi in Corsica, have con-
tended for the honour of being the birth-place of
Columbus ; but the claims of Genoa have been
established almost beyond a doubt.
t Colombo was in those days a common name in
Genoa and the neighbourhood. Research has found
ten Domenico Colombos in Liguria, four of them in
the city itself: but no other Cristoforo is recorded of


Andrea, in the Vico Dritto, in a house with
a garden extending to the city walls; and
here their firstborn, Cristoforo, was probably
born. Giovanni Pellegrino, the second son,
was probably born in 1448, and died un-
married about 1491, and Bartolommeo, the
third, in 1450. The fourth child was a
daughter, Blanchinetta, born in 1464, and
the youngest a son, Giacomo, born a few
years later. These children were all pro-
bably baptized in the church of San Ste-
fano in their own street, where the weavers,
as was the custom of the guilds in the mid-
dle ages, had their special altar.
Little is known of Cristoforo's youthful
years. He possibly received his earliest
teaching in one of those schools which
we know the guild of wool-combers of
Genoa established for the education of the
children of their craft.
Apprenticed to his father, his first years
were spent in the carding of wool and
weaving of cloth : but a spirit of unrest and
a desire to know something of the great
world outside the state of Genoa-height-
ened no doubt by the stirring events of the
setting out in October 1459, when he was
about twelve years old, of the expedition of
John of Anjou, Duke of Calabria, for the
recovery of Naples for his father, Duke
Ren6-was ever working against the
interests of the craft, and at length pre-
vailed. At fourteen he went, it is said. to
sea (whether in a merchantman or a war-
galley, is not known) and soon became
familiar with the Mediterranean ; and it is
possible that in these early days lie endured
hardships which prepared him for a life of
trials and dangers which called forth all the
endurance and perseverance of which the
human mind and body are capable. But
there are, on the other hand, those who con-
sider that he did not go to sea till -he had
attained an adult age.
In 1456, Genoa had been placed under
French protection, but after five year,
(in 1461) the Genoese threw off this yoke,
only to place themselves under Sforza,
Duke of Milan in 1464.
Between these early sea trips, young
Cristoforo continued when on land to
still assist his father at his weaving,
spending, however, much time in the
study of cosmography and history, means
for which were amply afforded by his
native Genoa, which at that time
boasted of several men of eminence in
science and letters, and which rivalled
Venice and Ancona in the production of

portulani,o or sea charts, of the Mediter-
ranean and the western coasts of Europe
and Africa--especially those of the cele-
brated draughtsman Grazioso Benincasa, in
whose workshop it is probable that the young
Colombo laboured. Here he may have seen
the planisphere of Bartolommeo Pareto,
drawn at Genoa, in 1455, which shows St.
Brandan, Antillia and Royllo on the wes-
tern verge of the then known world, as
well as other charts which would have
tended to heighten the love of discovery
which was part of his nature. The
" Historic" of his son Fernando tells us that
he went to the university of Pavia, but
there is no evidence in support of
this statement; if lie did go it was
probably to acquire a knowledge of
Latin which he felt necessary to a fur-
ther pursuit of his cosmographic studies.
He also showed, by joining one of the re-
ligious guilds of the city, proofs of that
deep religious feeling which is evident
throughout the story of his life.
His studies, in common with those of his
cotemporaries, were rendered easier by the
great impetus which had been given to lite-
rature by the invention of printing with
movable metal types at Haarlem about the
year 1445 by Lourens Janzoon Coster, and
in the furtherance of which work Fust, Gut-
tenberg and others had alsc played their
In 1470, Cristoforo's father, with whom
affairs had prospered, removed to Savona,
26 miles to the west of Genoa; and there
to the trade of weaver added that of tavern-
keeper. Three years later, needing more
capital, Domenico Colombo, with the con-
sent of his wife, and his two eldest sons,
who were now of age, sold his house at
Genoa near the Porta dell' Olivella, which
he had purchased with that in which he
resided when he first married ; and Cristo-
foro's attestation to the deed in August,
1473, is the last evidence of his presence in
Italy, and the last time that he calls him-
self a wool-weaver (lanerio).
In the following year, Cristoforo, who
had hitherto rendered all filial duty to his
father, finally left his native land in order
Sto commence his great life-work of dis-
covery and of the extension of civilization
on earth. He naturally turned to Portugal-
with the maritime affairs of which Genoa
had been closely connected for upwards of
a century, having given to that country her
Portulani were originally sea-books" of sailing
instructions written to accompany loxodromic maps;
the term was soon applied to the charts themselves.


family of Pessagni, whose tombs Columbus
had seen in the church of San Stefano, to
be hereditary admirals of the Portuguese
fleet-where he thought his hopes were
most likely to be realized. The old story,
adopted by the writer of the Historic,"
from Sabellico, of his having swum ashore
by the aid of an oar, from a burning ship
after a sea fight near Lisbon, is now gene-
rally discredited. He was later joined at
Lisbon by his brother Bartolommeo, prob-
ably in 1480. His brother Giovanni had
died soon after he left Savona, and his
sister married a cheesemonger, named
Bavarello. The youngest son remained with
the father, who in 1483 lost his wife, and
soon afterwards returned to his old home in
Genoa, which he gave up to his son-in-law
in 1492; but probably he continued to re-
side with his daughter, and received in his
old age some of the glory reflected from his
son's achievements and some pecuniary as-
Genoese sailors in Portuguese ships had
discovered the Azores early in the four-
teenth century and had re-discovered the
Canary Isles in 1341. From 1420 to 1460,
in which year Diego Gomez discovered the
Cape Verde Islands, Prince Henry the
Navigator, despatched vessels of discovery ;
and, although he had been dead fourteen
years when Columbus reached Portugal,
the result of his work was apparent in the
map which had been made in 1459 at the
instance of that prince's nephew Affonso V.,
by Fra Mauro of Venice.
It would be an interesting subject of
speculation how far those mythical islands,
with which the Atlantic was credited in the
portulani and planispheres of the fourteenth,
fifteenth and sixteenth century, were due
to mariners' tales and how far to the fertile
imagination of the cartographer, but it is a
subject the consideration of which here is
forbidden by want of space.
Antillia, the largest, first appeared in a
Weimar portulano of 1424. and it is said to
have been discovered by Roderick, the last
of the Gothic kings of Spain, who there
sought shelter when driven from his king-
dom by the Moors, Peter Martyr, even
after Columbus's first voyage, thought that
the navigator had discovered the much
talked of island and its attendant islets, and
records of its fame yet linger in the term
Antilles for the West India Islands. Ano-
ther, Brazil, which appeared as early as
1375, was placed to the west of the British
Isles, and an expedition in search of it

went out from Bristol as late as 1480. A
third, St. Brandan, due to a legend that, in
the sixth century an Abbot of Ailech of that
name, had, in company with St. Malo and
3000 monks sought in the Atlantic an island
which ever fled from them---was first re.
corded by Pareto in 1455. Mythical as we
now know these islands to be, they were
very real to many in Columbus's day, and
appealed to his imagination as convenient
links with India which he felt confident
of reaching by steering due west; and we
may almost think that without these mythi.
cal aids and without the error which mado
the distance appearmuch less than i t really is,
even the dauntless heart of Columbus would
have shrunk from the task of wresting its
secrets from the almost unknown Atlantic.
The history of the years he spent in
Portugal is not clearly related. He is thought
to have supported himself in great measure
by drawing maps and charts, sparing, how-
ever, it is said, some of his means for the
support of his father at Genoa : the first
tangible record is that given in the "Historie"
of his son Fernando, of his voyage in 1477 to
England and possibly to Iceland, where he
may or may not have heard the Norse sagas
which told of lands discovered across the
seas : if he did hear them, he probably did
not in any way connect such lands with the
Cathay of which he proposed to go in search,
By that time he had already assumed a
position of some importance as a man
versed in the art of navigation and in carte.
graphy. Soon after this he married
Filippa Moniz, a lady of noble birth at.
tached to the convent of All Saints at Lis-
bon, where he was wont to hear mass.
Let us now for a moment consider what
manner of man he was. Las Casas. who
knew him then, afterwards described
him as with an oval face of pleasant expres-
sion, aquiline nose, blue eyes, red hair,
which had turned white when he was
thirty, and a fair complexion, which on
exposure turned red rather than bronze
colour. He adds that he was agree.
able and cheerful and a good speaker.
Herrera wrote that Columbus was tall of
stature, with a long and imposing visage,
His nose was aquiline; his eyes blue; his
complexion clear and having a tendency toea
glowing red; the beard and hair red in his
youth, but his fatigues early turned them
white." His favourite garb seems to have
been the frock of a Franciscan monk. We
may here, too, for a moment consider the
question of his portrait. A number of like-


nosses, many without a shadow of evidence,
have been put forward as authentic. Some
critics maintain, and possibly with reason,
that no authentic portrait whatever of
Columbus exists; and the only painting
which has the slightest claims to be
held to represent the features of the great
discoverer is that formerly in the villa on
lake Como of Paolo Giovio, who is known
to have made a collection of portraits of

the National Library at Madrid. It bears
the same inscription as the Como portrait.
In an edition of Paolo Giovio's Elogia
Virorum Illustrium," published in 1575,
are wood-cut copies of the portraits in the
Giovio Villa. The engraver has not pre-
served the likeness of Columbus. Copies of
the Florence and the Yafiez portraits and
the wood-cut are all given by Mr. Winsor,
who, however, does not give the Orchi por-

From an original in the Museum of Auremburg.

celebrated men of his time ; it is now in the
possession of Dr. A. de Orchi of Como,
whose grandmother was a Giovo; a repro-
duction of it forms a frontispiece to
the present article. The inscription reads
A copy of this portrait, but representing
him as a younger man, made about 1550, is
in the Uffizi at Florence, and a copy of the
latter, known as the Yafiez portrait, is in

Of Liguria, of which country Genoa is the

trait, as its existence was not made known
till 1891.
By his marriage, Columbus had become
connected with the widow of Bnrtolomeu
Perestrello,* one of Prince Henry's navi-
gators, who had in 1425 received a grant of
Porto Santo; and through this connection it
is thought that he acquired useful informa-
tion bearing on maritime discovery. About

Fernando Columbus and Las Casas, and many
historians after them, say that Filippa Moniz, was a
daughter of Bartolomeu Perestrello: but it is now
thought that she was his niece, Cf. Markhan, p. 86.


this time he was joined by his brother
Hartolommeo who is known to have left
Genoa soon after the middle of 148J.
About this time, too, he possibly met a
contemporary whose life was a complement
to his own, each fulfilling his part in the
work of discovery-Martin Behem or Be-
haim of Nuremberg. (a pupil of Regiomon-
tanuls() who will ever be remembered for
his services to nautical science, although
his cartographic work is not faultless, and
who was at Lisbon in 1480, employed in
adapting the astrolabe of the astronomers for
use at sea.
The m-trine astrolabe was a metal circle of
about 8 or ) inches in diameter. It was crossed
by two diameters of metal, the horizontal
line and one at right angles to it called the
zenith line. In using it, the observer used
to sit on the deck, with his back to the
mainmast in order to steady himself, and,
suspending the instrument perpendicularly
by his left hand, slide Awith his right hand,
the alhidada, as the movable limb was
called, up and down till the sun could be
seen through both sights with which the
alhidada was fitted. This was manifestly
not an instrument that could be used in very
rough weather; and it often required three
observers, one to hold the instrument, one
to measure: the altitude and the third to
read off.
So soon as navigators took to leaving
sight of land. so soon did they feel the need
of an instrument by which they could find
their latitude, and Columbus was well
aware of the importance of further advance
in instruments of observation, if the un-
known seas were tobe successfully navigated.
With the astrolabe, which was afterwards de-
veloped into the quadrant; with the tables of
the sun's declination, published by the great
Regiomontanus in 1475 ; the mariners' conm-
pass which had been long in use; and with
the portulano or plane sea-chart, Columbus
was familiar, and he owed no little of his
knowledge to the Image Mundi" of Cardi-
nal Pierre d'Ailly, a work some of the state-
ments of which he was however afterwards
able to prove by personal experience were not
borne out by facts. His annotated copy of
this work is in the Columbian Library at
Seville, and from it he probably learnt all
that Aristotle, Seneca, Strabo and Roger
Bacon had said on the possibility of a short
western route to India. One of the earliest
handbooksfor mariners was Raymond Lully's
"Arte de Navegar," which was published in
Johann Miiller, of Konigsberg, whence Regio,
montaonus. He was the friend of Copernicus,

1295, and had not been superoeded even in
Columbus's day; and in 1472, John Holy-
wood, a Yorkshireman, who latinized his
name into Sacrobosco, published his "Sphera
Mundi," which is taken in great measure
from Ptolemy's Almagest."
All this reading and study confirmed
Columbus in his idea that India was to be
reached by sailing westward, and this view
was endorsed by Paolo Tosoanelli, the cele-
brated physician and astronomer of Florence,
to whom Columbus had applied, and who in
., letter dated June 25th, 1474. gives a most
highly coloured picture of the riches of
Cathay and the territories of the Grand
Khan, much of which is based an the wri-
tings of Marco Polo, of Sir John Mande-
ville, and of Niccol6 di Conti ; and Tosca-
nelli sent to him not only a chart* which he
had compiled from the writings of Ptolemy
and Marco Polo and others, but also a copy
of a letter which he had sent a few days
earlier to a Fernando Martinez, Canon of
Lisbon, who had applied to him on behalf
of the king Affonso V. The original letter
in Latin, which had hitherto been known
through the Spanish translation of Las
Casas, was discovered in 1860, but unfortu-
nately the map, which Columbus possibly
used on his first voyage, has never been found.
The accompanying illustration of it restored
appeared first in Das Ansland." The
following is the letter which is thought to
have made so much impression on Colum-
bus, though it apparently did not on Af-
fonso V.:-
To Fernando Martinez, Canon of Lisbon-Paul,
C )smographer.
Greetin :
It gives me much pleasure to know the in.
timate terms on which you ate with the most
serene and magnificent King, and although I have
often treated on the very short distance there is by
sea from here to the Indies (where spices are pro-
duced) which I consider to be much shorter than
the distance you are from Guinea, you tell me now
that his Highness wishes for some statement or
demonstration that he may understand and may
adopt this road ; for which, knowing that I could
show it to him with a sphere in my hand, making
clear to him how the world is, I have, nevertheless,
determined, for greater facility and clearness, to
show the said road on a chart similar to those
used at sea, and therefore I send it to you for his
Majesty, drawn and coloured with my own hands.
In this chart the whole of the end of the West is
painted, commencing at Ireland, southward to the
end of Guinea, with all the islands situated in this
*The Latin word chartfa, which Toscanelli used,
really means a written document. But as early as
the 14th century the expression was used to designate
a sea-map. The word map came into use in the
Middle Ages. The name imappa-mundi, mappe.
monde (world-napkin), proves that rmaps were origi-
nally painted on cloth.

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route, in front of which is painted to the right of
the West the commencement of the Indies, with
the islands and places to which you may go, and
how far you may keep from the Arctic'Pole by the
equinoctial line, and for what extent: that is, how
many leagues will take you to those countries,
abounding in spices and precious stones. And do
not be surprised that I call the country West where
the spices are, which is commonly said to be in the
East, because those who navigate to the West will
always find in the West the places mentioned-and
those who go by land to the East, will always find
the same places in the East. The right lines which
are extended on the chart show the distance from
East to West, the others (oblique) from North to
I have also painted on the chart many places in
the parts of India that may be visited on a favour-
able opportunity, such as in contrary winds or any
other unexpected case; and then that you may be
fully informed of everything, I will tell you what I
have proved. The islands of which we have spoken
are inhabited by merchants who trade with many
nations. In the ports are numerous foreign ves-
sels, more than in any other port of the world.
The port of Zaiton alone, one of the most beautiful
and famous ports of the East, exports every year
more than 500 cargoes of pepper, without counting
others which come loaded with all sorts of spices.
The country is large and populous: it has many
provinces and many kingdoms under the dominion
of a single prince, called the Great Khan, which
is the same as King of Kings. He generally re-
sides in Cathay: his ancestors desired to trade with
the Christians, and two hundred years ago they sent
ambassadors to the Pope, begging of him masters who
might instruct them in our faith ; but they could not
reach Rome, and were obliged to return on account
of the difficulties they found on the road.
In the time of Pope Eugene IV., an ambassador
came, who assured him of their regard for the
catholics, the prince and people of their country :
I was with him for a long time; he spoke to me of
the magnificence of his king. of the great rivers there
are in his country, and that there are two hundred
cities with bridges of marble worked from the bank
of one river alone. The country is beautiful, and
we ought to have discovered it on account of the
great riches it contains, the quantity of gold, silver,
and precious stones to be obtained from it. The
wisest men are chosen there for governors, without
consideration of nobility or their origin. You will
find in the map the distance from Lisbon to the
famous city of Quinsay, taking the direct road to
the West, twefty-six spaces each of 150 miles.
Quinsay is 35 leagues in circumference, and its
name signifies City of Heaven: ten large marble
bridges on massive columns of wonderful magnifi-
cence, may be seen there: it is situated in the pro.
vince of Mango, near Cathay. From the Island
Antille, to that of Cipango, are ten spaces, which
make 250 leagues ; it abounds so in precious stones
and gold that the temples and king's palaces are
covered with plates of them. Many more things
might yet be added, but as I have told you of them.
and you are prudent with a good judgment, I need
not repeat them here. I trust that my letter will
satisfy his Highness, to whom I beg you will say
that I am ready and anxious ito obey him in any
command whatever.
Florence, 25th of June, 1474.
Marco Polo, the story of whose travels
did so much to fire the imagination of Tos-

canelli, and through him of Columbus, was
born in the year 1254; he belonged to
a noble trading family of Venice. His
father Niccol6 and his uncle Maffiei, had in
their merchant experiences ventured as far
south as the regions ruled over by the
great emperor of Cathay (China), Kubla
Khan, who had removed the seat of Tartar
government to Pekin, or, as it was then
called Cambalac, where he probably re-
ceived the Polos, the first men from whom
he learned tidings of western civilization.
Kubla sent the Polos as envoys to the pope,
offering to support any body of men which
he might send to him as teachers of the arts
and of Christianity; but when they reached
Venice they found that ClementlV. was dead,
andthe two men which Gregory X. afterwards
sent did not reach their destination.
After two years in Venice, the two Polos
again started for the east, NiocolM taking
with him his son Marco, who was then
seventeen. They reached Ormus, then the
great meeting place of traders from the
east and west: thence they went through
Persia, and made a long journey through
Central Asia, over the great desert of Gobi
to the northivest provinces of China and
thus to Kubla Khan, by whom young Mar-
Sco Polo was sent on various missions to dif-
,ferent parts of his territory. In 1292 the
Polos returned to Venice. Six years later
Marco was amongst the prisoners taken by
the Genoese when they defeated the Vene-
tians under Andrea Dandolo; and it was
during the year's imprisonment in Genoa
that he dictated to a fellow-captive, Rus-
ticiano, the story of his travels which
created a great impression on his own and
on succeeding generations, and which have
held their own amongst such works to this
There is no doubt that Columbus so those
roughly believed in all the wonders told
him by Toscanelli, that he was, later, only
too ready to translate any remarks or signs
of the natives of the new world, into indi-
cations of countries of fabulous wealth.
He meanwhile supplemented these theore-
tical studies with practical journeys to the
Cape Verde Islands, Sierra Leone, and San
:Giorgio da Mina on the Guinea Coast, and
on his return decided to approach Joao II of
Portugal with a view to getting him to send
an expedition westward. He backed up
his suggestion with various arguments
which were only explained afterwards in
an essay by his son Fernando, who divides
the theory into three heads (i) deductions


from scientific investigations as expressed
by Pliny, Ptolemy0 and Strabo; (ii) the
authority of learned writings such as Aris.
totle, Seneca, Strabo, Marco Polo, Pierre
d'Ailly and Toscanelli; (iii) and the reports
of seamen: and this essay was insertedby Las
Casas in his History of the Indies."
Columbus's main contention was that the
earth was a sphere-a belief which had been
held by some as long ago as the sixth cen-

360 degrees. Of these, he imagined fifteen
hours had been known to the ancients,
extending from the Canary Islands to the
city of Thinfe in Asia, the eastern limits
of the known world, and to this.he added
another hour, due to the discovery by
the Portugese of the Azores; thus leaving
but eight hours unexplored ; and of this he
imagined a great part was taken up with the
unknown eastern coast of Asia; He adopted

DL r

From Winsor's "Christopher Columbus." "

tury B.C,, and had had its advocates during
succeeding centuries, although placed under
the ban of the church in the middle ages-
and that therefore one could go round it;
and that as the greater part had al.
ready been traversed the Indies would'
soon be reached. He arrived at this re-
sult by adopting. in his calculations, Pto-
lemy's division of the equator into twenty-
four hours of fifteen degrees each, making
Ptolemy's work was again brought into promi-
pence in western Europe by the translation made in
1409 by Jacobus Angelus de Sfirparia. The first
edition with' maps was published at Rome in 1478,

the length of a degree as 562- miles, as stated
by Alfraganus, an Arab astronomer, and
from that error many others in his calcu-
lations arose.
Four main causes have led, it has been
pointed out, to geographical discovery-
commercial intercourse, the operations of
war, pilgrimages and missionary zeal, and
in later times, the pursuit of knowledge for
its own sake. Columbus may be said to have.
been actuated by all of these except the
Later editions appeared at Bologna (1482), Ulm (1481
and 1482), Rome (1490, 1507 and 1508) and Strasbourg
(1513), several of them with modern maps added.


military spirit. Which of them, however,
predominated, is a question upon which his
biographers do not agree.
The proposal of Columbus was submitted
by the king, Jolo II, to his council, who
reported against it, and it was accord-
ingly declined: but one of the bishops, he
of Ceuta, with a low cunning suggested that
Columbus should be kept in hand while a
caravel, under pretence of a visit to the
Cape Verde Islands, was started westward
to test his arguments and to find Cipango.
A storm soon sent her back. but Columbus
heard of the deceit, and resolved to leave a
country where such things could be prac-
tised by those high in authority.
Disgusted, but not disheartened, Colum-
bus in 1484, left his affairs at Lisbon in

charge of his brother Bartolommeo : and
quitted Portugal, ashe probably thought. for
ever. His wife, Filippa Moniz was then
either dead as the Historie" says, or if, as
he states in a letter he wrote to Doiia
Juana de Torres in 1500, she was then
living, he deserted her, and with her he de-
serted those children which he had, in addi-
tion to Diego. Making the journey on foot,
he intended to take his little son Diego
to Violante Muliarte, his wife's married
sister, who he imagined was living at
Huelva, .prior to offering his services to
Ferdinand and Isabella. The tales that.he
at this period tendered his services'in vain
to Genoa and to Venice are not now cre-

Columbrus in. Spain : La Rabida, Juan Perez : Crdora, Talavera, Isabella Salanianea: Cnnference
again at (Cordaa, Beatriz Enriquez and his soan Fernando: again seeks the aid of Portigal: sends
Ass brother to England : rebuffs:. again at La Rabida : Fall of Granada : final success: Palos : the
Pinrons, and the fleet : the Nifia.

THE scene now changes to the province
of Huelva in Andalucia. The town of that
name, to which Columbus was bound, lies at
the mouth of the river Odiel which enters
the sea in a little estuary in the northern
part of the province of Seville, while into

Maria de la Rabida,0 a building of no archi-
tectural beauty, but a useful landmark lto
Arrived at Huelva, Columbus found' his
journey in vain. His kinsmen, theo,Mu-
liartes, were gone--removed to Seville.


the same estuary runs the Tinto, on which
stands the town of Palos which was soon to
have the honour of sending forth that little
fleet which bore Columbus and his com-
panions to the new world : and just above
it is Moguer which was also to supply her
quota of seamen.
On the promontory on the east bank of the
Tinto is the Franciscan monastery of Santa

Weary with walking and carrying his son,
who was then a little more than six years
old, he rang at this convent bell and asked
for bread and water for his child.t Struck
with the noble" presence of the wanderer,
*The name of La Rabida was due to the prevalence
of madness in the district, for which the statue of the
Virgin in the convent was said to be a cure.
The account of this visit of Columbus to La
Rlahd4 is bIaed on the evidence given in 1518, apt


the prior, Juan Perez de Marchena0 invited
him to take shelter, and heartily entered
into his schemes of discovery which he en-
couraged on the advice of his friend Garcia
Fernandez; a learned physician of Palos, and
instilled into Columbus a conception of the
good to Christianity which might follow his
great work of discovery : and from this date
a desire to carry the gospel to the heathen
existed in Columbus's mind side by side
with the first conceived idea of geographical
discovery and the acquisition of riches.
The many biographers of Columbus have
given very varying impressions of his
character---from the saint-like qualities
with which Roselly de Lorgues credited
him with a view to his canonization, to the
odium which Goodrich throws upon him.
Irving in his ever popular life, has given
a high opinion of his character which Mr.
Winsor in many cases modifies consider.
rably. There seems no reason to doubt
that he was thoroughly honest in his desire
to spread the influence of Christianity
to the heathen world, even if he did
insist somewhat strongly upon his ter-
restrial rights. If he did give a decided
impetus to the practice of slave dealing, he
had precedent in the conduct of a good and
great man Prince Henry the navigator:
and it was a practice of which many honest
men approved at that day and even for cen-
turies later. He never committed acts of
cruelty, and he did his best to prevent them
in his followers. That he was not a born
leader of men, like the bold but ill-fated
Balboa, was his misfortune more than
his fault; and that he occasionally lost his
temper is not to be wondered at. His
deceits in the matter of the distances run
and in other cases were venial, and from
a jesuit's point of view praiseworthy.
That he paid great heed to the search for
gold was only natural, for he knew that he
had to prove to Ferdinand, if not to Isa-
bella, that the new lands were worth the
finding. And on his fourth voyage he un-
hesitatingly left the gold-bearing country
of Veragua in order to prosecute his search
for the straight, which he imagined lay to

1515 by Garcia Fernandez, at the law suit in which
Columbus's son defended his right to his father's
title. It is thought that Fernandez, after an inter-
val of so many years. ran two visits into one. At
all events, there is a good deal of confusion existing
in the matter. Mr. Harrisse thinks that Columbus
paid but one visit and that in 1491. Much doulit
exists as to the sequence of some ot the events
during his sojourn in Spain.
Mr. Markham speaks of two men, Fray Antonio
de Marchena, and Juan Perez, the prior.

the west of Jamaica. Finally, he was a
man of considerable learning, of great pre-
science and indomitable perseverance, but
withal a man with a man's faults.
Leaving his son with the monks of the
La Rabida, Columbus, who now assumed a
Spanish form for his name, CristovalColon,o
set out in the winter of 1485-86 for Cordova,
where he soon, by his industry and know-
ledge, gained a position amongst men of
learning. He had a letter of recommenda-
tion from Perez to Fernando de Talavera,
prior of the monastery of Santa Maria del
Prado, and confessor to the queen, who,
however, regarded his ideas as extravagant
and gave him no encouragement. He here
obtained, either now or a little later, the
patronage of the Count of Medina Celi,
from whom he received encouragement in
his object. The count would indeed have
fitted out an expedition at his own expense,
but he considered it right that such an
undertaking should be reserved for the
sovereign: and he accordingly made inte-
rest for him with the queen. Columbus's
first audience with Isabella, took place at
Cordova in the spring of 1486. Here he
was befriended by the finance minister of
Castille, Alfonso de Quintanilla, and by the
archbishop of Toledo, cardinal Mendoza
whom Peter Martyr calls the third king of
Spain, so powerful was he ; but he stood in
need of no advocate with the queen who
was at once impressed by his earnestness
and sincerity.
The matter was referred to a committee
consisting of learned professors and church
dignitaries of which the president was
Talavera, a self-made man quite out of
sympathy with Col'mbus's high aims. Con-
ferences were held in the Dominican con-
vent of St. Estevan at Salamanct at which
Columbus, who was living in the country
farm of Valcuebo outside the city walls,
put forward his views based on the opinions
of learned men, which were, however, met
by references to St. Augustine and other
religious writers. In his hour of need, he
found a warm friend and supporter in Diego
de Deza, prior of the convent; but although
he and some others were converted to
Columbus's views, the verdict of Talavera
and the more powerful of his colleagues
was in the end unfavourable.
In March 1487, Columbus followed the
monarchs to Cordova, and for about a year
In making a Spanish form of the Italian
Colombo, he reverted to what he considered the
Roman origin of the name Colonus, and thus made


received payment as an attach at court:
thus, although his proposals were not at once
accepted, he received some recompense for
the time he wasted in waiting on Ferdinand
and Isabella, whose chief time was occupied
in making war on the Moors, and who often
had thought for little else.
Columbus supplemented these allow-
ances by selling maps, and he also re-
ceived hospitality at the hands of his well-
wishers at Cordova. Here he became ac-
quainted with the noble family of Arana,
and from it he chose her who was his second
wife, Beatriz Enriquez de Arana,and who be-
came the mother of his second son Fernando,
in August 148S. Doubts have been, and with
reason, cast upon the legality of this union :
and various statements made by Columbus,
especially in his will, and others are not easily
reconciled with it: the argument that an
illicit union in the case of one of noble birth,
like Beatriz, would not have been tolerated
by her family, is strong; and it is possible
that, as Mr. Markham suggests, a marriage
took place, but was annulled owing to some
ecclesiastical obstacle. It must be, however,
admitted that all the evidence obtainable,
points to Fernando's illegitimacy.
About this time, his patience being
severely tried by the delays of the Spanish
court, and the necessity of following their
majesties as they moved from place to
place with their army, and by the thinly
veiled opinion of many that they regarded
him as little better than a madman, Colum-
bus is supposed to have once again approached
the king of Portugal with a view to further-
ing his objects ; and at all events he confer-
red with his brother Bartolommeo at Lisbon,
where the latter is thought to have stopped
when Christofero went to Spain. As a re-
sult Bartolommeo went to England to try and
interest Henry VII. in the project, without
avail however; and then he turned his at-
tention with a like object to the French
court, where he was still staying when
summoned by his elder brother to Spain in
Early in the year 1489, Columbus was
back again in attendance at the Spanish
court at Cordova, and took part in the
siege of Baza. When war did not supply
an excuse for the postponement of the con-
sideration of his project, festivities furnished
sufficient cause. In 1490, it was the prepa.
ration for the marriage of the Princess Isa-
bella with Prince Affonso, heir-apparent of
Portugal. Then began the siege of Granada.
About this time, the project was again

discussed and again rejected on the advice
of Talavera, and in 1491, Columbus, sick at
heart with hope deferred, resolved to quit a
country where his attempts at a final de-
cision of his scheme had been so often
evaded during a course of five years, and to
join his brother in France.
Once again he sought the convent of La
Rabida; this time to fetch his son Diego in
order to place him under the care of the
mother of his half-brother ; and lucky was
it that he did so. Here he found Perez as
confident in him as in 1484, and will-
ing to intercede for him with Isabella to
whom he had in days gone by been confessor :
in his favourable view of Columbus's plans,
Perez was strengthened by the opinion
of his friend Fernandez. A letter which
he sent to the queen at the royal camp
of Santa F6 before Granada, brought
an order for Perez to go to his sovereign,
and then Columbus was also summoned to
the royal presence. After various inter-
views Columbus, on being promised support,
agreed to await the fall of Granada, which
took place in January 1492, the navigator
himself taking part in the siege. After
eight hundred ears of rivalry and struggle,
the cross supplanted the crescent in Spain;
the royal banner floated over the Alhambra,
and one of the great objects of Ferdinand's
life was achieved. Then Talavera and
other counsellors opposed the granting of
the concessions asked by Columbus, who
would not recede one step from his claims
of Admiral of the ocean-sea for himself and
his heirs for ever, and Viceroy over the
countries he might discover, and one-tenth
of all gains whether by trade or conquest;
which claims one can almost forgive the
monarchs for considering preposterous, al-
though subsequent events showed that
Columbus would have received but scant
attention had be waited to claim them till
after he had proved his right to them.
Once more thwarted, Columbus, in
February 1492 left Granada by the Cor-
dova road intending to go to the
French court; and in doing this no one
can justly accuse him of undue haste or
irritability, for he had striven for the object
he had in view with a perseverance and a
patience which few men would have com.
handed under the circumstances. Ere
Columbus was scarcely gone, Isabella and a
few like the Marquesa de Moya and Luis de
Santangel who had faith in him, determined
to recall him and carry the matter through.
Isabella was resolved that if the dual king.


dom would not undertake the glorious work
it should be the task of Castile to discover
a new world : and had Santangel not found
the means, she was prepared to devote her
jewels to that object. Santangel was not
the only jew who assisted Columbus.
The jewish statesman, Isaac Abarbanel,
energetically advocated his cause, and,
with others, assisted him financially.
The glory, however, remained with Cast-
ile, and with few exceptions, it was
Castilians only who were allowed to
back profit by the subsequent discoveries.
A messenger, despatched in haste, over-
took Columbus when he had but traversed

took the initiative. Ferdinand merely con.
sented, because he thought that nothing
would come of it; although Columbus was
entrusted with a letter to the Grand Khan.
Isabella made his son, Diego, a page to
Prince Juan, the heir-apparent. So confi-
dent was Columbus in the success of his
enterprise that he proposed that the pro-
ceeds should be devoted to the recovery of
the Holy Sepulchre from the infidels.
On the 12th of May, Columbus took leave
of the sovereigns and went to Pails.
Advantage was taken of a punishment
which had been bestowed, on account of
some misconduct, on the citizens of Palos


six weary miles of his rosd--at the Bridge
of Pinos. Here he turned and after ano-
ther interview, his claims were conceded
and the agreement signed by Ferdinand and
Isabella on the 17th of April, 1492; and on
the 30th of the same month he received the
grant of the titles awarded to him in view
of his prospective discoveries. He was also
to receive one-tenth of the proceeds of all
the precious metals discovered within his
admiralty, and an eighth part of the profits
made by any ship to the cost of the equip-
ment of which he had contributed an eighth
share. Thus it was not till he was about
forty-four years of age, and already broken
in health, that Columbus found himself
enabled to attempt the great object of his
life. But in all this it was Isabella who

to furnish two caravels for the royal service
without pay for twelve months, to divert
these caravels to the use of this expedition;
and notice to that effect was given in the
church at St. George, at Palos, on the 23rd
of May.
It was one thing, however, for the sov.
ereigns to say that ships should be provided
and another to get crews to man them. The
ordinary class of sailors at Palos looked
upon Columbus's scheme as visionary, almost
to madness-and if it had not been that,
through his friends of La Rabida, he had
succeeded in obtaining the confidence and
support of two brothers, named Pinzon,
Martin Alonzo and Vincente Yahies, the
foremost men in Palos, he might never have
succeeded in his great enterprise, Others


followed were the Pinzons, who were known
to be good seamen, set the example; and
the two caravels, the Pinta and the Niia,
were fitted and supplied with crews. Ul-
timately, a third vessel, much larger in
size, though similar in type, a ndo or
ship was added to them-and in her Colum-
bus decided to hoist his flag. He calls her
the Capitana, but she is also mentioned as
the Marigalante, and the Santa Maria,
and it is by the last name that she is best
known. She was of about 100 tons burden ;
is estimated to have measured sixty-three
feet in length overall, with a twenty foot
beam; was square rigged on her fore and
main masts, but had a lateen sail on the
mizzen. She carried 52 men in all. The
Pinta, commanded by Martin Alonzo Pin-
zon, was of 50 tons burden, and carried 18
persons : and she was the fastest sailer of
the three. The Nina of 49 tons, owned by
the Nifio family at Palos (hence her name),
was under the command of Vincente Yailez
Pinzon, with Juan Niiio, master and part
owner. Another Niiio was pilot, and a third
was one of the seamen, ; she also carried 18
men. Thus the little fleet had a total of
about ninety souls. I It seems strange that
after all the talk of carrying Christianity to
the unknown territories, no priest should
have been included. While the Niib and
the Pinta were manned by seamen from Pa-
los, Moguer and Huelva and the neigh-
bouring ports-the crew of the Santa
Maria came from further a-field and
included an Englishmanut from Lajes, not
far from Corunna, and an Irishman, Wil-
liam, of Galway.
* Irving following Peter Martyr and Oviedo, says
120: but the number was probably that given by
the Historie and Las Casas. about 90.
tHis name is entered as Tallarte de Lajes (Inglese),
and Tallarte is thought to be a corruption of Allard
or Alard, an old maritime family of Winchelsea,
which gave to England her first admiral. Others
think his name may have been Arthur Lake.

The Santa Maria carried most of the
officers of the expedition, such as the sur-
geon and the assistant surgeon, the over-
seer, the secretary (Rodrigo de Escobedo),
the master-at-arms, an interpreter, and an
assayer and silversmith. On the Pinta was
Juan Bermudez, the subsequent discoverer
of Bermuda.
The accompanying sketch of the Nina,
which vessel is interesting to us as being the
one which brought Columbus to Jamaica, is
taken from the model which was recon-
structed of her for the Chicago Exhibition.
She was, at one time, square.rigged, for on
the second voyage she had her square sails
altered to lateen.
Even after all these years of waiting,
Isabella was unable to supply Columbus
with sufficient funds, but the admiral ob-
tained the balance on his own guarantee,
and these loans were faithfully repaid.
The question of the route to be followed
naturally occupied a large share of Colmn-
bus's time and attention; and in this he
sought the aid of his friends at La Rabida.
He was also guided in great measure by the
chart which Toscanelli had sent him. Though
this chart is, as we have seen, lost, we have
in Behem's globe, which was completed in
this very year 1492, still preserved in Nur-
emberg, a true index of the geographical
knowledge and surmise at that period.
Toscanelli's map probably differed but lit-
tle from it, except that it contained in ad-
dition to Cipango, and St. Brandan, the isle
of Antillia in mid ocean. The sketch on page
11 shows Behem's idea of the western
world laid down on an outline of the coun-
tries as they exist. Careful navigator as he
was, Columbus took with him besides
charts, of which it is thought Toscan-
elli's was one, Regiomontanus's tables, and
astrolabes and compasses prepared under
his own supervision.


The first Ibyage : the fleet : Palos : the (anaries : the variation of the compass : Sargasso Sea : indi-
cations of land: Guanahai : uba :b : Espasola: desertion of Pizon : Wreck of the Santa
Maria : La Navidad : the return journey: storm: the Azores : the Tagus : Palos ; Colnmbus's
Triumph : the Spanish Court : the Line of Demarcation.

hauled, and the latter who had provedherself
a bad sailer had. the Historie" tells us, her
rig altered from square to lateen. On the 2nd
of September, Gomera, the eastermost of the
Canaries, was reached, and on the 6th of the
same month the three little vessels fairly
started on their voyage of discovery over the
unexplored ocean.
Already, fear at the undertaking before
them had appeared amongst the crews,
and to obviate in part its effects, Colum
bus devised a somewhat venial fraud
whereby the record of daily runs kept
for their inspection was shorter than
the actual one he kept himself in
his journal.0 A volume ten times the
size of this number of the Journal would
not suffice to record the numerous inci-
dents which occurred on this and the

According to his own account he had at an
earlier date made use of a somewhat similar decep-
tion, hy altering the compass so that he took his
ship to Carthagena when the crew thought she was
returning to Marseilles. Major "Select Letters"
p. xxxvi.


HE 2nd of August saw all
ready, and Columbus and his
brave followers assembled
in the church of St. George
at Palos and received the holy
communion from Fray Perez,
who exhorted the company to
put their trust in Providence
and their admiral. On the
following morning with sun-
rise, in sight of a crowd of
doubting on-lookers, the three
vessels weighed anchor, and,
crossing the bar of Saltes,
started on a journey fraught
With important results to the
whole civilized world.
Steering for the Canaries,
Strand Canary was reached
with only one mishap; the
inta lost her rudder, it is
thought through the act of
two seamen, who early became
fearful. Here she and the
Nisa were left to be over.
three subsequent voyages; and we must
content ourselves therefore with but a hasty
On the 13th of September when three
degrees west of Flores, Columbus dis-
covered that the needle of the compass
pointed directly to the true north, and then
that the variation changed from eastward
to westward. When it became so great as
to be noticeable by the pilots and seamen.
he had to invent a reason to allay their
fears, and he explained to them that the
difference was due to the movement of the
north star itself. Driven by the favoring
tradewind, the little fleet sailed steadily
westward-Columbus and his followers
heing enchanted with the glory of the at-
mospheric effects, especially the sunsets;
noting all the strange birds seen, and gazing
steadily in expectation of seeing the mythi-
cal St. Brandan and Antillia take practical
,hape out of those numerous sky-islands,
which in those seas were destined more
than once to deceive the mariners. 'Ihe


Sargasso Sea,0 too, was a cause of won-
der, and, if the Historie" is to be believed,
of fear also.
Anon the constancy of the easterly wind
raised a fear in the seamen's hearts that
they would never get a wind to blow them
back again, but luckily the wind blew from
the west on the 22nd of September; and
pelicans and other birds gave evidence of
the vicinity of land.
On the 7th of October, Columbus was
induced by Pinzon to turn southwest in the
direction taken by a flock of birds. Had
he not done so, but kept to his original idea
of a due westerly course, the gulf stream,
it has been pointed out, would probably
have taken him to Carolina and he would
thus have discovered mainland at his first
On the 11th of October appeared the first
tangible evidence of the proximity of land,
-such as a green rush, a branch with berries,
a cane, a pole and a stick with carvings.
At 10 p.m. on that day, the admiral saw
a light; a little later a seamen in the fore-
castle cried out, A light: land," and by
2 a.m. on the 12th the look-out man on the
Pinta reported land in sight. At daylight
the ships anchored off the first discovered
island of the new world, called by the
natives Guanahani. Columbus who received
the Queen's promised gift of a pension of
10,000 maravedis to him who should first
see land, transferred it to Beatriz Enriquez.
In connection with this matter, Mr. Winsor
talks of inconsiderate rivalry" and un-
generous assurance" on Columbus's part, but
we may assume that he would have given
up the reward if he could have done so
without relinquishing the honour of having
been the first to set eyes upon the new
world, to the discovery of which he had
looked forward for many weary years.
Many now think that the light which
Columbus saw was on a fishing b >at and
not on shore; but at the time every one
thought it was on land. Long have been
the investigations and discussions which
have taken place over the first landfall of
Columbus. Suffice it here to say that it is
now almost generally agreed that the bay in
which Columbus anchored on the 12th of
October, 1492, was that appropriately named,
by Sir Henry Blake, Columbus Bight at the

In Bianco's map of 1436 it is called Mar de
Baga from the vehicles on the gulf-weed (Fucus
natans) like berries (bagas in Portuguese). of.
Markham p. 78.

south-east corner of Watling Island,0 one
of the Bahama islands.
The mode of procedure in the case of this
first landing of the emissaries of a great
European nation was presumably followed
more or less closely on many other occa-
sions. Columbus, in an armed boat, accom-
panied by Rodrigo de Escovedo, the secre-
tary, and Rodrigo Sanchez, the overseer,
and with Alonzo and Pinzon the captains of
the two caravels, each in his own b:at and
each bearing a banner with a green cross,
with the initials F and Y (of the Spanish
sovereigns)surmounted by a crown,on either
side of it--went on shore. The admiral
himself bore the royal standard of Spain;
and on reaching the shore, knelt down and
returned thanks to heaven for his success-
ful voyage, and then formally claimed
possession of the newly discovered land in
the name of his adopted sovereigns. A
form of prayer which it is said he used was
afterwards ordered, we are told, to be used
by Balboa, Cortez and Pizarro in their dis-
coveries : but Mr. Harrisse denies this.
A crowd of inoffensive natives watched
this ceremony, and then received from the
Spaniards caps and strings of beads and
such other cheap ornaments as the Portu-
guese had found acceptable to the natives
on the west coast of Africa. Later they
swam to the ships, offering skeins of cotton
and parrots for hawks'-bells and beads.
They are described as well-shaped, with
good faces, broad foreheads, which we now
know were artificially broadened, and coarse
straight hair; they wore no clothing, but
hal ornaments of gold, which, they made
Columbus understand, came from the south.
Their only arms were spears tipped with
fish-bone. The largest of their dug-out
canoes accommodated between forty and
forty-five persons : the smallest held but
On the 14th, after making a tour of the
island in the boats, which were visited by
many Indians swimming out from the shore,
who said that the Spaniards had come from
the skies (a belief from which many of the
West Indian natives subsequently received
rude awakenings), Columbus started in
search -of Toscanelli's Cipango, which he
imagined must be near; and he subsequently
tried to twist various native names into in-
The first to identify Guanahani with Watling
Island was Muiioz in 1793. Becher in 1856, Peschel
in 1859, Major in 1871, and later Markham and Sir
Henry Blake all concurred in this identification';
but Major was the first to identify the actual au-


dications of the neighbourhood of the Grand
Khan. He took with him six of the natives,
in order that they might first act as guides,
and also learn Spanish and thus be useful
as interpreters. They told him, it is said, the
names of upwards of a hundred islands. The
first island reached on the 15th of October, he
named Santa Maria de la Concepcidn (now
called Rum nCay) where two of his natives
escaped by swimming : then he touched at
Fernandina (Long Island): from thence they
went on to an island named by his natives
Samoete, and said to contain much gold,
but which he named Isabella (Crooked
Island). Passing through a group of islands

consisting of a seaman who had been in
Guinea, and a converted Jew who knew
several Eastern tongues, accompanied by
two Indians, to the city of Cuba to try and
find out about the territories of the Grand
Khan. While they were absent, the Ad-
miral, ever mindful of the welfare of the
fleet, took the opportunity to have his
ships careened and repaired. The practical
results of this embassy was the discovery
that the natives smoked and slept in ham-
mocks, and the consequent introduction into
European languages of the West Indian
words, tobacco and hammock : and the sub-
sequent suggestion for a tobacco industry,

Columbhus's first landfall in the New World.

which he called Las Islas de Arenas (now
called Ragged Isles), he, on the 2Sth of
October reached Cuba in which he had been
in search, and which he named Juana after
the young Prince Juan. He anchored at
the month of a river which he called San
Salvador (Puerto Naranjo). He was
charmed with the scenery and with the
vegetation, which, in addition to the strange-
ness, had naturally a much greater richness
than was to be observed in the coral islands
of the Bahamas. On the 29th, he railed
westward, naming the largest river which
he had yet seen Rio de Mares, and, going as
far as a point which he named Cabo de Pal-
mas on account of the number of palms on
it; he heard of a king named Cami, who he
thought might be the Grand Khan ; but
finding the winds contrary. he, on the 1st
of November, returned on his course as far as
Rio de Mares. He now sent an embassy,

which has proved of lasting benefit to
They also reported that the land was
fruitful, and the people peaceably disposed.
The city consisted of some fifty houses with
about a thousand inhabitants. Before leaving
Rio de Mares, Columbus took six native
youths intending to take them to Spain in
order that they might be taught Spanish
and converted to Christianity : but shortly
afterwards two escaped. At this time Pinzon.
as the Pinta was able to outsail the Santa
Maria and the Nilna, hoping thereby to
steal a march on the admiral, went in search
of the gold-yielding island of which they
had all heard, Babique ; but which they ap-
parently never found, although some have
thought that the Indians referred to Ja-
maica, some to Espafiola. On the 5th of
December, Punta de Maysi, the eastern ex-
tremity of Cuba was reached by Columbus,


and continuing eastward, the island of Hayti
soon rose into sight.
The first harbour in which the two ships
anchored was St. Nicholas Mole; but on the
7th December, they left and continued
their eastward journey till they anchored
in the Puerto de la Concepcion, where the
surrounding country so much reminded
them of the land whence they came, that
Columbus called the island Espafiola: the
native name he later learned was Hayti.
The Indians also called it Bohio. but it is
now thought that they meant by that term a
house. They found the natives docile though
timid: and the gift of a few presents soon
rendered them friendly to the strangers.
He found trees which yielded good masts;
and he secured some for the Niina. Here
they discovered that the name for the
chief of a tribe was cacique, a term which
frequently occurs throughout Columbian
history. Still in search of the much talked
of gold, Columbus continued an easterly
course : he was soon surrounded by upwards
of a hundred canoes laden with bread, fish
and water, and by a number of natives who
swam;.out from the shore.
On the 24th of December, in the absence of
the admiral who was resting in his cabin after
a prolonged course of navigation, the man
at the helm entrusted the tiller to a boy
and went to sleep-with the result that the
ship ran on to a sandbank ; and-through the
treacherous cowardice of some men whom
Columbus sent in a boat to lay out an anchor
to haul her off, and who went towards the
Nian instead-she was wrecked. Thus Colum-
bus found himself with his most roomy ship
wrecked and the best sailer a truant. As
they manifestly could not all reach Europe
in the Niiia, Columbus decided to build a
fort from the timbers of the Santa Maria
and leave a settlement, which, as the wreck
had happened on Christmas-day, he named
La Navidad. This shipwreck, as Irving
points out, was most unfortunate for
Columbus. It hampered his future dis-
coveries by linking his fortunes to Espahiola
which island brought him subsequently
nothing but trouble, humiliation and dis-
Guacanagari, the cacique of the district,
promised to collect gold from Cibao, a
neighboring district. On the 26th, Colum-
bus was the guest of Guacanagari, and the
western chieftain entertained his distin-
guished visitor with the native popular
dish of cassava. Columbus found the
Haytians a happy and contented people,
the only interference to their peace being

occasional inroads by the fierce Caribs from
islands to the east.
At La Navidad was left a settlement of
about forty men, nothing loth to find them-
selves in a land where labour was almost
unnecessary. Of these, ten belonged to the
Nira and the rest to the Santa Maria.
Diego de Arana, the cousin of Beatriz
Enriquez was to be governor. The English-
man Alard and the Irishman from Galway
were of the number. The Nita. which
started from Palos with only eighteen, had
now to carry twenty-six.
The homeward journey was commenced
on the 4th of January, 1493: the northern
coast of Hayti was skirted past Monte
Cristi and Cabo del Becerro, where the
errant Pinta was sighted. Pinzon's excuses
for his desertion were futile, but, situated as
he was, Columbus was unable to punish
him. Soon after leaving Monte Cristi,
they saw some manatees0 which they called
syrens, the admiral remarking that they
were not so beautiful as travellers had
described them. The eastern point of Hayti
was named Cabo del Enamorado, and they
anchored in the gulf of Samana, between it
and the south-eastern province of Samana
Here the people were found with their faces
stained black, and their hair adorned with
parrots' feathers and armed with bows and
arrows and wooden swords: and Columbus
thought that they might perhaps be some of
the warlike Caribs of whom he had heard.
Here, in a skirmish, was shed the first West
Indian blood spilt by European hand.
On the 1(th of January, the return journey
across the Atlantic commenced. On the 14th
of February a severe storm was encountered
and nothing but the good seamanship and
constant attention on the part of the admi-
ral saved the ships from destruction. Vows
were made and lots were drawn for pil-
grimages to be paid on safe arrival, and,
so anxious was Columbus that the fruits of
the voyage should not perish with him, that
he wrote a few notes from his journal and
committed them to the sea in an empty
cask, with the request that the finder should
send them to the Spanish monarchs. How-
ever, the following day the gale abated, and
on the 18th the Ninia anchored off Santa
Maria in the Azores. Here some trouble
was caused by the Portuguese governor who,
it is thought by instigation of the Portu.
guese monarch, treacherously took some
of his crew who had gone to the church to

*This is another native West Indian word which
has found its way into the English language.


pay their vows to the Virgin, but who was
compelled to give them up. Santa Maria,
was quitted on the 24th, and on the 4th of
March, after narrowly escaping shipwreck
on a European coast after her venturesome
voyage, the Niia anchored off Rastelo at
the mouth of the Tagus. Columbus must
have been more than human if he did not
feel inward satisfaction at showing to the
people of Portugal evidences of the mar-
vellous countries in the western seas, the
offer of which had been refused by their
monarch. On the 8th, Columbus received
an invitation from King Jooo II. to go to
the Portuguese court, which was then at the
Valle del Paraiso, nine leagues from Lisbon.
After a short visit there, he returned and
startedin the Niia for Palos, which the Nina
reached on the 3rd of August 1493, after an
absenceof seven months and twelve days. On
the same day the Pinta with whom she had
parted company in the storm reached Palos.
Never before had, and never perhaps since
has man spent seven and a half months to
such an eventful purpose. When we con-
sider the partly mythical and partly hazy
information conveyed by the charts of his
time; the smallness and crankness of his
vessels; the lack of zeal and sympathy that
many of the crews had for an undertaking
in which they had no confidence; the actual
acts of treachery to which he was now and
then exposed at critical times ; the selfish
greed of some of his men, the careless-
ness of others; and above all the con-
stant strain of actual watchfulness to which
he was ever subjected; it is indeed won-
derful that he should have made this suc-
cessful voyage into an unknown world, and
lost but one of his three ships; and brought
safely home so many of his crews. Well in-
deed, when crowds met and applauded him,
when lombards thundered forth their glad
congratulations, when all those who had
seen him depart, some in derision, some in
doubt, and but few in confidence, met to
welcome hack him of whom Spain could
now be justly proud-well indeed might
Columbus have felt elated, and have gloried
in his worldly triumph. But, mindful of an
ever watchful Providence, and heedful of
his vows, his first act was to go to the
church of St. George at Palos and there
offer up praises to God for his safe delivery
from so many and great trials; and then
.accompanied by his pilots and officers, he
went, it is said, to the convent of La Rabida,
where the Te Deum was sung by the good
On the following day were landed the

tangible evidences of his voyage-the ten
Indians (six from Guanahani, and four from
Cuba) together with certain animals, birds,
plants, and other curious objects which they
had brought back. After a few days' much-
needed and well-earned rest, Columbus
departed for the Spanish court.
His original journal and charts are un-
fortunately lost. The chief sources of in-
formation concerning this most important
voyage are a copy of a letter which he
wrote to Luis de Santangel, the Treasurer
of Aragon, on board the Nina on the 18th
of February off the island of Santa Maria in
the Azores; and an abstract of the lost
journal by Las Casas.
On Palm Sunday, Columbus-escorted by
a squadron of cavalry, and accompanied like
a Roman general of old, with the trophies of
his expedition, but in his case, the result of
barter and friendly gift, and not the spoils
of war, except in the instance of the In-
dians which was a clear case of kidnapping,
and attended by some of his pilots and sea-
men-entered the city of Seville, and pro-
ceeded to the lodgings provided for him in
the house of the Count of Cifuentes, the
Queen's asistente.
Las Casas, to whom we are indebted for
much information concerning Columbus's
career, was, as a young man of twenty-
three an eye-witness of this imposing cere-
By the middle of April he left for Barce-
lona, whither he had been summoned by
Ferdinand and Isabella. Here a right royal
welcome awaited him ; and accompanied by
Indians with spears and gold ornaments, by
parrots and other tropical birds, and an
iguana five feet long, and many strange
fruits and vegetables, he visited his sove-
reigns; and from a seat on the royal dais
related the story of his voyage. At its close
the king and queen and all present, on their
knees, rendered thanks for the great objects
achieved by the undertaking.

Steps were immediately taken for a second
voyage; and in order that the adventurers
might be free from molestation by the Por-
tuguese, the Pope, Alexander VI., was
asked to grant security: whereupon, by a
bull dated May 3rd, 1493, he drew that
celebrated line down the ocean from north
to south, situated about a hundred leagues
to the westward of the Azores, giving all
the land which had been, or might he dis-
covered to the westward of it to Spain ; re-
serving to Portugal all discoveries to the


A diplomatic duel then took place between
Jo5o and Ferdinand, in which the former
sought to participate in the benefits of
western discovery, but in which he proved
himself no match for the Spanish monarch.
Ultimately on the 7th of June, 1494, a treaty
was signed agreeing to move the papal line
of demarcation to 370 leagues west of the
Cape Verde Islands.
Columbus was confirmed in all his pro-
mised honours; a copy of the royal seal was
entrusted to him; a special coat of arms
was accorded to him, and the king and
queen stood sponsors to his Indians when
they were baptised into the Christian faith ;
and thus for an all too brief period he gloried
in the sunshine of well-earned distinction.
The sky of his later life was to be sadly
The arms, of which a copy from that
version given in Oviedo's Cronica," ap-
pears on the title-page, represented in the

first quarter, a castle on a field vert, the
c'nting arms of Castile : in the second, a
lion rampant piirpure on a field argent for
Leon: in the third, a group of islands or
on a field azure : in the fourth, five anchors
or on a field azure, which were his badge
as an admiral of Spain; while his family
arms, a bend azure on a chief gules (which
he invented for the occasion), were placed in
the middle base.
Amidst all his triumph he did not, we are
told and like to believe although the spirit
of some later day criticism is prone to leave
little that is good to Columbus's credit,
forget his old home or his relations. He
sent money to his aged father, and an
invitation to his brothers to joinf him.
Giacomo came, and, following .his brother's
example, adopted a Spanish form for his
name, and henceforth is known as Diego
Colon. Bartolomniieo, as we shall see, joined
him later.

Second, oyage: composition of the nw fleet: discovery of the Caribbean islands-Doneinica.: Gvlada-
lope, Mlontserrat, A tiova, St. Martin, the 7irgintt. lands: Porto tico : .1A... .:; .,i7 ,a'mes of
West Indian'Islands: the destr'iction of Navidad : Isabella: discovery if J. ,:... -.J. ,.',, ,
ascertaining the landfall there; accounts by Bernaldez and Peter Martyr I ,i ..,, ..... :
Jardin de la Reyna: the south side of .JAiaica ; accounts given in the Hlistorie and by Hernaldez ;
the cacique of Old tHarboar: Espaiola : conflicts with the natives: founding of'San Domingo:
return to Spain.

Tim fleetselected for the second voyage
consisted of three ships and fourteen cara-
vels ; and now, as nothing .succeeds like
success, far from the difficulty experienced
on the first occasionthere were more volmn-
teers as seamen than were wanted.
The monarchs conceived the good idea of
forming a department to superintend affairs
and safeguard their interests in the west.
They selected as their first Secretary of State
for the Colonies, a man, who has been ac-
cused of allowing his administrative abili-
ties to be over-weighted by his personal
feelings, Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, Arch-
deacon of Seville (afterwards Bishop of
Plasencia) : and to his maladministration
many subsequent -troubles hare been attri-
buted. But Mr. Winsor, who does much
to reduce the praises lavished on Columbus,
has pointed out that Fonseca was probably
not so dark as he was painted by the ad-
miral's admirers.
In these seventeen vessels, no less than

1,400 men embarked. Amongst those who
accompanied Columbus in the second voyage
were his brother Diego Colon, and his
-brother-in-law Pedro de Arana (brother of
Beatriz) who was captain of one of the ships;
Fray Bernardo Boil, a native of Tarragona,
a monk in the monastery of Montserrat, the
first priest and missionary to go to the new
world, who was attended by three friars;
,Dr. Diego Alvarez Chanca, of Seville,
who went in the dual capacity of physician
and botanist; Don Antonio de Torres,
to whose sister Doila Juana de Torres,
Columbus afterwards addressed his letter
written towards the end of 1500 descriptive
of his third voyage; Bernal Diaz de Pisa,
who was accountant; Juan de la Cosa, the
draughtsman, who went as pilot; Don Diego
Marqu6, the overseer; Las Casas, the chron-
icler, with his father (who went as a council-
lor) and his uncle, Francisco de Pefialosa, in
command of a troop; Mosen Pedro Margarit,
a distinguished soldier ; Juan Ponce de


Leon, afterwards the conqueror of Puerto
Hico, and the discoverer of Florida; and
lastly, Alonso de Ojeda, who had been page
to the Duke of Medina Celi, and had already
distinguished himself by his acts of san g
froid and military achievements, and who
was in fact, a sort of Spanish Prince
In addition to this brilliant array of
officers, there were skilled husbandmen,

of war, trinkets for barter with the natives,
twenty horses, both for cavalry and for
breeding purposes; and some hounds which
which were to be turned to such fearful use
in hunting the natives.
Columbus hoisted his flag in the Mari-
g(lointe. a large ship of 400 tons, but a bad
sailer, and the tried old Nina was also of
the fleet.
In the absence of Colnmbus's: journal,

The Carooel in whichl, Coluhmbus discovered Jomaaica.

miners, carpenters and other mechanics
who might prove of use in the great
work of colonizing the new world. Un-
fortunately, to these were added a num-
ber of needy adventurers who went but
merely in the hope of finding gold, and
possessed none of those qualifications which
go towards making a suitable colonist.
There were also large supplies of plants
for cultivation, including the sugar-cane,
medicine for the sick, provisions, munitions

which he kept till prevented by illness
from doing so, but which, though quoted
by Las Casas and in the Historie, is,
like that of the first voyage unfortu-
nately lost-much of our knowledge of
the early part of this second voyage (i. e.
as far as Isabella ) is gleaned from a letter
which Dr. Chance* wrote to the Chapter
Dr. Chance was appointed physician to the fleet,
and the chief accountants were ordered ed to pay
him salary and rations as scrivener in the Indies.


of Seville. There are also the account given
in the Historie and that in Bernaldez's
"Historia de los Reyes Cat6licos 1). Fer-
nando y Dofa Isabel"-in which the part
concerning the second voyage was based
upon what Columbus himself told the author.
Two other accounts exist, but both are
made up from hearsay-the one in the
second book of the '" Decades" of Peter
Martyr, first published at Seville in 1511,
and a compilation by Niccol6 Scillacio, of
Messina, who wrote what he heard from a
nobleman named Gugliemo Coma, of which
two copies only exist. It was reprinted in
1859 with a translation by the Rev. John
Mulligan. Information is also to be ob-

trained from the memorial dated from
Isabella on the 30th January, 1494, which
Columbus sent through Antonio de Torres
to the sovereigns. From this it appears
that there is no first hand account of the
discovery of Jamaica existing, for Chanca
stopped at Isabella when Columbus went
on his further voyage of discovery. Irving's
account of this voyage is taken, in parts
freely, sometimes verbatim, from the His-
torie" and from Bernaldez.
Here it may be interesting to note the
various West Indian Islands, visited by
Columbus, with the names which he gave to
them, and their aboriginal names, so far as
they have been identified :-









S. Salvador.

8. Maria de la Concepci6n.
Islas de Arenas.

Islas de los P6ros

S. Juan Bautista.

Las Once Mil Virgenes.
Santa Cruz.
S. Martin.
S. Maria de la Antigua.
S. Maria de la Redonda

La TrinidAd.

Cat Island.
Watling Island.
Crooked Island.
Rum Cay.
Long Island.
Ragged Islands.

Cayman Islands.
Morant Cays.
Hayti or San Domingo.
Porto Rico.

Virgin Islands.
Santa Cruz.
S. Martin.
S. Maria de la Redonda
Marie Galante.
S. Lucia. or

On the 24th of September, 1493, the
fleet left Cadiz. After touching at Gomera,
and taking on board cows, pigs, goats and
sheep, fowls and pigeons, and seeds of
oranges, lemons, melons and other fruits,

the expedition was commenced in earnest.
After a prosperous voyage, in which the
doubts and misgivings of the first venture
were replaced by a happy confidence, the
first island was reached on Sunday the


3rd of November, and, in honour of the
day, Columbus called it Dominica (which
name it still retains). Turning to the
island which he saw to the northward, he
landed and took possession, naming it after
his ship the Marigalante. Going still fur-
ther north, the next island was named
Guadalupe, in memory of the sanctuary of
Our Lady of Guadalupe in Estremadnra.
Here he found in the persons of some In-
dians who told him that they had been
brought prisoners from other islands, and in
human bones lying about, evidences that
he had at last found those warlike, cruel
Caribs of whose deeds he had heard in
Espaflola. Here, too, they first tasted the
pine-apple ; and here the captain and
two or three of the crew of one of the cara-
vels were lost for two or three days, so
dense was the underwood. One of the
[native] women said that there were many
islands in the south, some inhabited and
others not, which they severally named
Giamachi, Cairvaco, Huino, Buriari, Aru-
beira, and Sixibei."0
Next they visited an island to which
Father Boil was allowed to give the name of
Montserrat, as it reminded him of his old
convent home in Catalonia. Then they
passed Santa Maria de la Redonda, a round
islet (the native name of which was found
to be Ocamaniro); Santa Maria la Antigua
(Antigua); St. Kitts, and Nevis; San Martin
and Santa Cruz, where the inhabitants repelled
the visitors and were put down as Caribs; Santa
Ursula and Las 11,000 Virgenest (the Vir-
gin Islands); and San Juan Bautista (Puerto
Rico) where the people were of a timid na-
ure and fled at the approach of the Span-
At last, on the 27th of November, the
fleet anchored off the port of Navidad;
a salute was fired by the lombards, but j
no answer came from the fort. The next
morning, the fort was found in ruins, and
Columbus was informed that the whole of
the little settlement had been destroyed by I
a neighboring cacique named Caonabd, and
that Guacanagari had lost many of his fol- t
lowers, and had been himself wounded in
their defence.$ t
After some preliminary investigations

The Historie," translated in Kerr's Voyages."
t The mythical history of the martyrdom of St.
Ursula and her 11,000 virgins, near the lower Rhine
is well known as a legend; but the origin of the
myth has not been definitely discovered. a
In Dr. Chance's account of an interview be-
tween Guacanagari and Columbus occurs, it is said,
the first reference ever made to a hammock. I

Columbus decided to build his first city on
the coast about thirty miles to the east of
Monte Cristi, and to it he gave the name
of Isabella in honour of that sovereign;
and on Epiphany Sunday 1494, Father Boil
was able to say, in a temporary chapel, the
first mass ever held in the new world in a
dedicated building.
But tropical heat, the bad quality of the
food sent from Spain, and other causes led
to illness, and consequent discontent. In
the hopes of allaying the latter, Columbus
sent parties in search of gold in the moun-
tains of Cibao in the centre of the island,
whereby washing in the streams they found
a certain quantity of gold dust which raised
the spirits of the new colony ; and when
on the 2nd of February nine vessels of the
fleet returned to Spain news was sent of
this discovery. A long despatch was also for-
warded explaining fully Columbus's views on
the needs of the colony, and on the methods
to be adopted in the carrying on the work
of civilization in the new world. Then it
was that he first expressed the opinion that
the warlike Caribs, whom he regarded as
enemies to all advancement, should be cap-
tured and sent to Spain as slaves, for the
good of their souls, and that in return cattle
should be sent out to the colony. It
must be recorded to his credit that he
wished to limit slaves to cannibals and
prisoners of war; but had he been able
to foresee to what awful results this sys-
tem-for which it is true, he had a pre-
cedent in the case of Prince Henry, the
navigator, and the Portuguese on the Afri-
can coast, and in fact in Ferdinand him-
self-led in after years, it is impossible
to think that Columbus would have for a
moment contemplated it, however sincere
and honest he might have been in his pro-
ject. Las Casas was the only man of his
century to realize and to raise his voice
against the iniquity of the system; and
even he was willing to relieve the American
Indian at the expense of the African.
An illness on the part of Columbus offered
;he opportunity to Bernal Diaz de Pisa
and other traitors to seize a vessel and re-
;urn to Spain with false reports; but the
admiral recovered in time to stamp out the
plot against him of which their departure
was but one piece of evidence. On the
12th of March, he, leaving his brother and
Fray Boil in charge at Isabella, started on
Voyage of discovery to the goldfields of
Jibao, and then they discovered a rich
lain of surpassing beauty which Columbus


called the Vega Real; and a fort named
San Tomas was erected and left, in charge
of Margarit. On his return, Columbus sent
Ojeda to relieve Margarit, who was to go on
another tour of exploration.
Appointing a commission consisting of
Boil, de Lujan, Coronel, and de Carvajal,
presided over by his brother Diego, to
take charge of the settlement, Colum-
bus in accordance with the instructions
of his sovereigns, made preparations to
start on a further voyage of dis-
covery. The vessels selected were three
caravels; the first, was the old Nina,o
in which Columbus again hoisted his flag
with Francisco Nifio as pilot, Alonzo Medel
as master, de Terreros as steward, de Luna
as secretary, Juan de la Cosa to record their
voyage in chart form, one of the friars,
his Guanahani guide who had been to Spain
and back again, ten seamen and six boys -
in all 23 souls. In the second caravel, the
San Juan, were Alonzo Perez Roldan, the
master, a pilot, a boatswain, a cooper, six
seamen and five boys: and in the Cordera,
of whichCristoval Perez Nifio was master,
were in addition to him a boatswain, seven
seamen and five boys-making in all fifty-
two souls, of whom no leds than twenty-six
came from the maritime district of Palos.
On the 24th of April, Columbus left
Isabella and sailed westward along the
north coast of Espaiiola, and, leaving Cape
St. Nicholas, stood across to Cuba.. He
anchored in a harbour to which he gave the
name of Puerto Grande (Guantanamo).
Leaving on the 1st of May, he coasted along
the southern shore, admiring the beauty of
the landscape, noting the rivers, receiving
visits from numerous Indians in their
canoes, with whom he exchanged beads and
hawks-bells, for cassava bread, fish and fresh
water. But soon, on the advice of his
Guanahani guide, he stood due south in
order to visit a large island of which the
natives spoke.
The following accountt- of this part of
Columbus's journey, taken from Bernal-
dez's Historia de los Reyes Catdlicos," may
prove of interest as showing what subjects
were in Columbus's mind at the time when
he discovered Jamaica, and also as showing
the nature of the chief information available
to Irving and other historians:--
How the Admiral went to discover.
The Admiral started to discover the terra firma
of the Indies on the 24th April, 1494. He left in

the city as President his brother and a monk who
was known as Fray Benito, and he also left orders
as to what each one had to do. The Admiral
sailed with three round-sailed Caravels and in a
few days he arrived at the port of San Nicolao in
the Isle Espailola opposite the Cape of Alfaeto-
this cape is the furthest end of the Indies on the
East, and is situated in Juana which the Admiral
thought was an island but is in reality terra firma*
He made for the said cape until he arrived close
to it. Then he gave up following the line of the
coast on the north side which way he had gone
on his first voyage, and instead, he navigated
towards the west following the line of the coast
on the south side. Both the said coasts run
towards the west, one of them deviating from the
North Pole and the other tending towards it.
This is on account of the configuration of the land,
which begins very narrow and widens as it goes
north, leaving Juana on the right hand side.
The Admiral navigated with the idea of going
round the land, and after exploring the cape he
thought he would make his way in the direction
of his object, viz: the province and city of Catayo
which he believed he would find thereabouts.
This province and city form part of the
dominions of the Great Khan, and according to John
Mandeville and others who saw it, is the richest
province in the world and the most abundant in
gold, silver and other metals, and also in silks.
The inhabitants are, however, idolaters, necroman-
cers, very clever, skilful in arts and chivalrous.
Many very marvellous things are written of them

according to the noble English gentleman John
Mandeville, who travelled over this province and
saw, and lived with the Great Khan for some time.
Whoever wishes to know the truth of this may
refer to his book, chapters 85, 87 and 88, and he
will there find that the city of Catayo is very
noble and very rich and that the province bears
the name of the city. This province and city are
near the lands ruled over by the Prester Jan of
the Indies looking towards the north, and it was
in this direction that the Admiral was looking for
them. I say that a great deal of time was
necessary to arrive at the said province and city
for the Great Khan was formerly Lord of the
Tartars of the Grand Tartaria situated in the
confines of Buscia and Bahia, and we may say that
it begins at Ungria [Hungary]. This is the land
to which looking from this Andalucia towards
the right hand side where the sun rises in the
months when the days are the longest of the year
the route is to be found, and it is in this direction
that the merchants used to go to those lands. In
the direction in which the Admiral was looking
for Catayo it is my belief that if he had proceeded
one thousand two hundred leagues further he
would not even then have arrived at his
destination and I told him so and made him
understand it, in the year 1496, when he came to
Castille for the first time after his voyage of
discovery, and on which occasion he was my guest
and gave me some of his writings in the presence
of Sr. Don Juan de Fonseca, from which I took
notes and compared them with those written by
the honourable Sr. Don Anca 6 Chanca and other
noble gentlemen that went with him in the said
voyages and who wrote what they saw, and it is
from these writings that I have gathered my
information and am now writing what happened
in the Indies during the venturous and heroic

* Irvinggives her a second name, the SantaClara. Columbus changed his mind on this point after
t Translated by Seflor de Arechaval:z. his lengthy cruise.


times of the King Don Fernando and the Queen
Donna Isabel, his first wife.
The Admiral thinking that Juana was an island
sailed a long distance along the coast. He
asked the Indians whether it was an island or
terra firma, but as they are stupid people and
think that all the world is an island, and don't
know what is terra firm, and they have neither
writings nor old records, nor do they enjoy any
thing except eating and women, they told him
that it was an island. Some of them, however,
informed him that he would not walk it in forty
moons. The more they followed the coast, the
more were they carried to the south, the
Admiral's idea being to go round Juana, turn
to the west and then to the north where he
thought he would find the noble city and
province of Catayo. He had per force to follow
that coast, and following this route he discovered
the Isle of Jamaica. He turned to follow the coast
of the terra firma navigating during sixty days
until he arrived very near Aurea el forneso [Aurea
Chersonesus] where he veered round on account of
the weather, the long navigation, and the decrease
in provisions; and then he thought that had he
been prosperous he would have returned to Spain
by an Eastern route, via the Ganges, the Arabian
Sea, through Ethiopiaand the land of Jerusalem and
thence to Japha and getting on board sail through
the Mediterranean to Cadiz. The voyage could well
be made in this manner, but the journey overland
would be very dangerous as the inhabitants are all
Moors from Ethiopia to Jerusalem, yet he could have
gone over the sea as far as Calicud the city that the
Portuguese discovered where they landed, and in
order not to land even yet but to follow by sea
be would have had to return to the same ocean
going round all Lybia, which is the country of
the negros and return by the route the Portuguese
come with cloves and other produce to Barta.
It was after having navigated three hundred and
twenty-two leagues at four miles per league, as
it is reckoned on the sea, from the cape of
Alfaeto that the Admiral returned by the same
route. On his return at the said cape of Alfaeto
which is situated at the beginning of Juana he
erected columns and crosses and took possession
of the land in the name of his Sovereigns; and
it is well he did so, for as it happened, the cape of
Alfaeto turned out to be the extreme end of the
terra firma on the west and between this and the
cape of St. Vincent in Portugal all the population
of the Earth is contained, it being possible to
start from the Cape of St. Vincent towards the
East and to arrive at the cape of Alfaeto without
having to cross any part of the Ocean, and also
taking the opposite route, to return from the cape
of Alfaeto to the cape of the St. Vincent over
the terra firma, and may God help whoever under-
takes that journey.

WVhch explains hotw the Adnmiral arrived at a land
wihe e the trees hear fruit tmice a year, annd
also speaks of the fish and saakes snhich theY
found and 1howt they ment to the Isle f Jamaican.
Turning now, to describe more in detail the
lands and seas that the Admiral discovered in that
voyage, I have to relate that he continued his
navigation leaving the terra firma on the right
hand side until he arrived at a very singular port
which he named Puerto Grande. In that land
the trees bear fruits twice a year and give forth

a most delicate fragrance which to some extent
is carried by the breeze as far as the sea. The
fact that the trees bear fruit twice a year was
tested and verified.
In that port there were no inhabitants visible, and
as they entered it they saw on the right hand side
many fires by the side of the water, a dog, and two
empty beds: they landed on the shore and found
more than four quintals of fish roasting on the
fires, also rabbits, and two snakes. Near there, they
also found many snakes placed at the foot of the
trees, the most loathsome and ugly things that
men ever saw. The mouths were of the colour of
dry wood, and the skin wrinkled all over the body,
especially on the head where the skin came over
the eyes, which were venomous and frightful.
They were all covered by a strong shell like the
shell-fish. These shells covered the body from the
head to the tail and were very ugly and as sharp
as the points of diamonds.
The Admiral ordered his men to partake of the
fish and after that as they were going about in a
boat to find suitable anchorage they saw on a hill
many naked people, as is the custom in those
lands, and they signalled to them to approach.
One of them came near and was spoken to by an
Indian who was the interpreter of the Admiral
and who having been in Castille understood Cas-
tillian well and also could understand the Indians.
The strange Indian who was speaking from the top
of a rock on finding that he was able to under-
stand the Admiral's interpreter acquired confidence
and called the others who were about seventy
men in number.
They informed the Admiral that they were
hunting by order of their cacique for a grand
feast which he wanted to give The Admiral or-
dered hawks-bells and other small things to be
given to them and begged them to excuse him for
having taken the fish, saying at the same time
that he had taken nothing else. They were
pleased when they learned that the snakes had not
been taken, and answered that the Adniral and
his men were welcome to the fish, adding that they
would catch more during the night. The Admi-
ral sailed from there on the following day before
sunrise, he made for the west following the line of
the coast. They saw from the caravels that the
land was beautiful and well inhabited.. At the
sight of the vessels a great number of the natives
came down to the beach bringing bread and
other eatables: they shewed the bread and their
calabashes full of water as they ran along the
beach crying at the same time take this and eat
it, people from the skies," they also called out to
the Spaniards to land and go to their houses. Thus
they navigated until they arrived at a gulf on the
shores of which there were a great number of
towns and the country was so beautiful that it
seemed made up of the finest gardens in the world,
the formation of the ground being highlands and
mountains. They anchored there, and the natives
came to see them, bringing bread, water and fish.
On the following morning they set sail at daybreak
and made for a cape, after which the Admiral de-
cided to leave that route and these lands and to
navigate in search of the isle of Jamaica towards
the south. Favoured by the wind they arrived
at the middle of the coast of Jamaica at the end
of two days and two nights, and found the most
beautiful island that eyes ever saw. The country
is most mountainous and it seems as if the earth was
touching the sky. This island is very large, larger
than Cicilia [Sicily] ; it is eight hundred miles


in circumference and is all full of valleys and
plains.. The soil is very fertile ultra modus and
both on the coast and in the interior it is covered
with very large settlements, situated very near one
another; not more than four leagues apart. The
inhabitants have more canoes than those of any
other island thereabouts, and the largest so far
seen, all made in one piece out of the trunk of a
tree. Each cacique has a very large canoe, and
they vie with one another in having the largest
and finest. They are carved on the bows and on
the stern and painted so that they are a marvel
of beauty. One of the large ones the Admiral
measured was ninety feet in length and eight feet
in width.
On the Isle of Jam aica.
As the Admiral arrived near the shore of Jamaica,
some sixty canoes came out as far as one league
from the shore to fight him: they were all full of
people armed with spears (varas). The Admiral took
no notice of them but followed on, with his three
caravels, towards the shore, and when the natives
saw this they were frightened and retreated. The
Admiral ordered his interpreter to speak to one of
the canoes, the crew of which acquired confidence
and approached, they were given clothes and
many other things which they prized very much.
After this the Admiral gave the Indians leave to
go, and made his way to a place where he dropped
anchors and which he named Santa Gloria on ac-
count of the extreme beauty and glorious land, to
which cannot be compared the gardens of Valen-
cia nor any otherpart; and this applies to the whole
island. They passed there the night, and at day-
break they started to find a closed port in order
to caulk up and careen the vessels, and after navi-
gating to the west about four leagues the Admiral
found a very singular port: he sent a boat to in-
spect the entrance and they met two canoes with
many people on board who threw a great number
of spears at them, but they retreated as soon
as they met with resistance, yet not so quickly as
not to receive punishment. The Admiral entered
the port and anchored, and then he saw so many
Indians that the earth was covered with them, all
painted in a thousand colours, but the greatest
number in black, and all of them naked as it is
their custom,with plumes on their heads in various
manners and the chest and stomach covered with
palm leaves. They shouted and screamed in the
loudest manner and threw spears which did not,
however, reach the vessels. The Admiral, besides
repairs to the vessels, was in want of water
and wood, and furthermore he realized
the necessity of punishing the Indians so that
they should not dare to attack him again. He
therefore ordered three boats to approach the
Indians, the caravels being prevented to get
near enough by the shallow water, and in order
that they should know the arms of Castille, they
discharged their cross-bows at them and when
the Indians found that they hurt they begun to
be afraid; then the crews of the three boats
jumped on the shore and continued shooting at
the Indians, who, on seeing this, ran away in
such fright that there was not a man or woman
left in the neighbourhood. A dog* that was landed

One of the hounds brought out later by Juan
Ponce de Leon for the purpose of hunting the na-
tives,'Bezerillo by name, did more execution than

from one of the caravels followed the Indians
bitingland hurting them very much; for a dog is
as good as ten men against the Indians. On the
following day after sunrise, six men of the Indians
came to the beach, calling out to the Admiral
that all the caciques begged him not to go away
as they wanted to see him and bring him bread,
fish and fruit. The Admiral was very pleased with
the ambassadors and made friends with them,
then the caciques and many Indians came to see
him and brought him many provisions with which
he refreshed his men. During the time they were
there they had everything in abundance and the
Indians were very pleased with the things the
Admiral gave them. When the vessels had been
repaired and the crews rested they sailed from

Of many islands that were discovered.
The Admiral started with his three carvels and
navigated thirty-four leagues towards the west as
far as the Gulf of Good Weather and there they
found contrary winds to follow further the coast
of Jamaica of which the quality was well known
to them, and seeing that there was no gold in it
or any other metal although the island was other-
wise a paradise and worth more than gold, the
Admiral made use of the contrary winds to return
to the terra firma of Juana with the object of
following up the coast and making sure that it
was terra firma-thus he arrived at a province
which they call Macaca.

It is interesting to compare with that of
Bernaldez the accounts of the discovery of
Jamaica given in the Historie" of Fer-
nando Colombo, and by Peter Martyr. The
"Historie" account is as follows :
"On Saturday the 3rd of May the Admiral de-
cided to go across from Cuba to Jamaica in order
not to pass it unnoticed and also to make sure if it
was true that it contained great quantities of gold
for which it was considered so famous in the other
isles: and with good weather, when he was half
the way he discovered it on the Sunday following.
He anchored on the Monday and then the island
seemed to him the most beautiful he had seen in
all the Indies. The number of canoes large and
small was so great and the multitude of Indians in
them such. that it was a marvel to contemplate.
On the following day the Admiral navigated down
the coast in order to reconnoitre the ports, and
having sent the boats to sound the entrances they
met such a number of canoes and armed men to
defend the land that they had to return to the car-
vels, not because they were afraid of the natives

any soldier, and was allowed the pay of a cross-bow-
man and a share and a half of prize money. Be
met a soldier's death, being killed by an arrow while
pursuing a wounded Indian in the sea. He left a
numerous progeny, and a great name behind him.
One of his sons was Leonico, the favourite dog of
Balboa, which is described as being of middle size,
but immensely strong ; of a dull yellow or reddish
colour with a black muzzle. He, too, earned a soldier's
pay and gained for his master upwards of a thou-
sand crowns. Oviedo says that the very sight of him
was enough to put to flight a host of Indians.
t Translated by Seiior de Arechavalez from Bar-
cia's edition (Madrid, 1749). ,




I-- ---

--------- -


but because they did not wish to quarrel with them :
but considering however afterwards that if they
showed any signs of fear the only result would be
to make the Indians more proud and defiant, the
Admiral returned to another port of the isle which
he named Puerto Bueno, and there again the
Indians came out to meet the boats, but the crews
made use of their cross-bows in such a manner that
having wounded six or seven the natives were
obliged to retire.
After the battle, a great number of canoes came
out with provisions which they exchanged for any
small thing. In this port, which iesembled a horse
shoe in shape, the Admiral's ship was repaired, and
on the Friday the 9th of May he followed the coast
towards the west so near the land that the Indians
followed him in their canoes in order to continue
the exchange of provisions for the things carried on
board the ships. As the weather was not favour-
able the Admiral could not navigate all he wished,
and on Tuesday the 14th* May he decided to return
to Cuba and follow the coast some five or six
hundred leagues, and thus make sure whether it
was an isle or terra firm. On the same day that
he started from Jamaica an Indian went on board
saying he wanted to go to Castille, and after him
came a number of his relatives and friends begging
him to return to the isle, but in spite of all their
entreaties he persisted in his object and in order
not to see the tears or hear the crying of their
sisters he hid in a place where he could not be
seen ; and the Admiral seeing so much constancy
ordered his men to treat him kindly.
CHAPeER LV. which relates how the Admiral re-
turned from Jamaica to Cuba thinking still that the
latter might be terra firm.
After the Admiral started from Jamaica on the
141lh of May he arrived at a cape on the Isle of
Cuba which he named Cabo de la Cruz."

The following is the account given by
Peter Martyr, as translated by Richard
On the south syde'of Cuba, he fownde an Ilande
which th[e] inhabitants caule lanaica. This he
atfirmeth to bee longer and broder then the Iland of
Sicilie: hauyng in it only one mountayne, which
on euery part begynninge from the sea, ryseth by
little and little into the myddest of the Ilande:
And that soo playnely without rowghnes, that such
as goo up to the toppe of the same, can scarcely
perceaue that they ascended This Ilande beaffilmed
to be very fruitfull and full of people as well in th[e]
inner parties of the same as by tho shore: And
that th[e] inhabitants are of quicker wvtte than
in the other Ilandes, and more expert artificers and
warrelyke men. For in many places where he
would have arryued. they came armed ageynst
him and forbodde him with threatening words.
But beinne ouercome, they made a league of friend-
ship with hym, Thus departynge from Iamaica
he sayled toward the west "

The account given by TIerrera throws no
further light on the subject.
There is unfortunately little trustworthy
data on which to found the identification of

*Evidently a mistake for Tuesday the 13th May or
for Wednesday the 14th.

the landfall of Columbus in Jamaica or of
the port where he careened his ships. If
one knew one of the two for certain, the
identification of the other would be ren-
dered easier. It is to be regretted that
his own journal of his second voyage is
lost and that Dr. Chance, who wrote a
full account of the voyage up to the
founding of Isabella, did not accompany
Columbus in that further exploration
which resulted in the discovery of Jamaica.
The best authorities we have for the lat-
ter part of the second voyage are the
" Historia" by Bernaldez, who wrote after
conversations with the admiral himself,
and who possibly had the use of his
journal-the Historic," written in part
at least by Columbus's son Fernando, and
the "Decades" of Peter Martyr, all just
From Bernaldez, we have learnt that
Columbus named the place where he first
dropped anchor Santa Gloria, and that, after
going about four leagues0 in search of a
closed port, he found a "very singular port;"
the Historie," says that, after reconnoiter-
ing along the coast to the west, he returned
to another port which from its commodious-
ness he called Puerto Bueno," and that it
was in the form of a horseshoe; and Irving
adds to this (without, however, stating his
source of information) that a river ran in
its vicinity.
The Historie" in its account of the
fourth voyage says that Columbus put into
Puerto Bueno, which, though good to take
shelter in against a storm, had no fresh
water or any Indian town in its neighbour-
hood," and Irving states that Puerto Bueno
is the bay now called Dry Harbour : but he
does not give his authority. The absence
of fresh water would be sufficient reason for
the absence of any Indian village.
In trying to identify the first landfall, we
have only these facts to go on-that Colum-
bus, leaving the port on the south side of

Columbus reckoned in Italian leagues of which
one equals about 38 English miles: but Bernnldcz
proballv meant Spanish leagues each of which
equals about 4, English miles. That would make
the distance I'rom Santa Gloria to Puerto Bueno
about 17 miles. The distance from St. Anne's Ray
to Dry Harhour is about 134 miles and to Rio
Bueno 17j miles. But the record of the distance
run is obviously only approximate. The "Historie"
states thit Aramaquique.i the eastern point of Ja-
maic,, probably the N E. Point. was 34 leagues
from Maninm where the ships lay; Bernaldez says
it was 35 leagues. Assuming the Historie" to
mean Italian leagues, that would make 127 miles,
which, Etatting lit N E. Point, would take one al-
most to Montego Bay.


Cuba which is now known as St. Jago de
Cuba, went westward to a high cape and
then suddenly turned his prow directly
south, whence the current would naturally
carry him to the westward; that he found a
harbour about the centre of the island which
was very beautiful, but which was evidently
open, as he left it in search of a closed har-
bour where he could careen his vessels; and
that he found such a harbour at four leagues
distant, horse-shoe in shape, and with a river
in its vicinity.
The historians of Jamaica and the West
Indies generally, have thrown but little
light on the subject of the Jamaica land-
fall. At present the honour has been about
equally divided between St. Ann's Bay and
Port Maria.
The earliest indication of Port Maria as
the first landfall of Columbus in Jamaica,
may perhaps be due to Herrera, the first
historiographer of the Indies, who wrote in
1601, in his "Descriptio India3 occiden-
talis :"-
"There is in this island Point Moranta. on the
east of the north coast: 10 leagues from there to
the west is the port lanta; and again ten leagues
further on is that of Mellila where the first Admi-
ral is said to have run aground after losing himself
on leaving Veragua, and called it the port of Santa
Gloria Here mutinied against him the Porras's of
Seville, and thus occurred the first civil war in the
Indies. Ten leagues from there is the port of
Sevilla; and then the port of Negril ." ( "Des-
cription des Indes Occidentales qu'on appelle
aujourdhuy le Noveau Monde: par Antoine de
Herrera," Amsterdam, 1622, p. 13.)
It is almost certain that the Spanish
town of Mellila stood near where Port
Maria now is. This would, if Herrera
were right, make Port Maria the same as
Santa Gloria, and consequently Columbus's
landfall: but on the other hand we are
told that near Santa Gloria arose the town
of Sevilla, which historians agree stood
near where St. Ann's Bay now is. At all
events Mendez, who ought to have been in
a position to know as he was the first
European to make a tour in Jamaica, tells
usO that a great cacique named Huareo lived
in "a place which is now called Mellila,
thirteen leagues from where the ships lay,"
which clearly proves that Herrera is wrong.
If, as is generally acknowledged, Port Maria
now stands where Mellila once stood, its
claims to be the landfall of Columbus are
effectually upset.
Sir Hans Sloane, who wrote in 1707,
states that Porto Bueno was identical with
Sevilla and St. Ann's Bay. This would

*In his will, quoted more fully in Chapter VI.

of course make Santa Gloria some port
further east than St. Anne's Bay : but
Sloane probably mixed up the port where
Columbus first put in with the port of
actual landing. Long, who wrote in 1774,
says, "it would be a gratification to cu-
riosity if we could ascertain the identical
spot which that great man so long honoured
with his residence. :,1 o There is at
present no harbour on the coast which
bears the same name [Santa Gloria] ; but
it is supposed, I know not upon what
grounds, to have been what is now called
Port Santa Maria."
Bridges, who wrote in 1824. says-with-
out giving his authority--that Columbus put
into Port Maria, naming the first headland
he saw Santa Maria after his first ship,
and finally landed at Ora Cabessa, thus
converting Long's very guarded statement
into an unqualified assertion. Montgomery
Martin follows Bridges. Gardner, who
wrote in 1873, continues in the same strain,
and says that it [the port in which he first
anchored] is now called Port Maria, and he
adds in a foot-note, Southey thinks it was
at St. Ann's Bay but evidence is in favour
of Port Maria;" but he carefully abstains
from telling us what evidence. Browne,
who wrote in 1789, says that he has ex-
tracted his account of Columbus's doings in
the West ndies from the Decades" of Peter
Martyr; and he states that "the vessel
proving leaky and being no longer able to
keep the seas with safety he put in at

Chireras on the north side of this island
and landed soon after"; but he certainly did
not get the name Chireras from the l)e-
cades" (at any rate not from Eden's trans-
lation), nor is it possible to find it in any
map of Jamaica, not even in the map
given by Browne himself, which was pre-
pared by Thomas Kitchin in 1774. It has
been supposed that Chireras was the name
of a native village, of which Ocho Rios is
the Spanish corruption. If, however, as will
appear evident below, St. Anne's Bay was
the place of first anchoring. Ocho Rios can
not be the place of first landing, for Colium-
bus on leaving Santa Gloria went westward
to Puerto Bueno.
Bryan Edwards, who wrote in 1793, men-
tions neither the place of first anchoring,
nor of first landing; and none other of the
historians of Jamaica or of the West Indies
gives any information of any value.
Dr. Lophus Ruge in his Geschichte des
Zeitalters der Entdeckungen" (Berlin 1881)


On the second day he reached the centre
of the northern coast of Jamaica, the beauty of
which delighted him, so much that he said it
could only be compared to the Abode of the
Elect, and for that reason he called that region
Santa Gloria and the first port he found he
named Santa Ana. But wishing to select a fa-
vourable anchorage to repair his vessel, and
provide it with water, he made for the west as
far as a port which is to-day called Puerto
Unfortunately Dr. Ruge does not give his
authority for the naming of Santa Ana.

So far as the somewhat scanty informa-
tion warrants one in coming to a conclusion,
one may assume that Columbus's Santa Gloria
was probably at St. Ann's Bay, and that
his Puerto Bueno was what is now known
as Dry Harbour (or possibly Rio Bueno), for
it is said that he called the first port he
touched at Santa Gloria, that he stayed
at Santa Gloria in 1504, that Sevilla arose
near Santa Gloria, and Sevilla we are told
was near St. Anne's Bay. Secondly the
horse-shoe shape of Puerto Bueno points to
Dry Harbour (or possibly to Rio Bueno).
The former is in the shape of a horse-
shoe, while the latter is more like an ass's
shoe--i.e. with straighter sides.
It is evident from the account given in
the '" Historic" that Columbus, after leaving
Santa Gloria, went westward andthen coasted
backwards and forwards before finally set-
tling on Puerto Bueno, and it is possible
that, seeing the river at Rio Bueno. he
returned to Dry Harbour, as that bay,
which is commodious for small vessels.
offered the best protection from storms and
also the best careenae. Dry Harbour is the
port to which Columbus would have given
the title Puerto Bueno, rather than Rio
Bueno ; and the statement, quoted by Irving,
that a river ran in its vicinity suggests that
there was no river ini the bay itself, which
also agrees with Dry Harbour.
It was therefore, probably, at Dry
Harbour that Columbus landed on the
4th of May 1494. The fact that, while
Columbus was met by Indians at Puerto
Bueno in 1494, Puerto Bueno in 1504 had no
Indian town in its neighbourhood, may be
due to the habit that the Indians had of
frequently changing their abodes, or it may
be that the caravels in 1491 were followed
by Indians as they coasted along the north-
side. It must also be borne in mind that in
a very wet season there would be fresh
water at Dry Harbour for a few weeks at
all events: and May 1494 may have been a
wet month and June 1503 a dry one.
The question of the landfall at Guana-

hani has been settled by a comparison
of the description given by Columbus
of the island with its physical features
as much as on distances run, which
have proved themselves sometimes untrust-
worthy; and the same kind of evidence may
be relied on in the case of Dry Harbour,
although it must be borne in mind that
even the best testimony is but second-
hand. Moreover if it be conceded that St.
Anne's Bay was the first bay at which he
touched, Dry Harbour (or Rio Bueno) natu-
rally becomes the place of landing.
Leaving Puerto Bueno, after a three days'
stay, Columbus skirted, as we have seen, the
northern shore, being visited from each vil-
lage by canoes of Indians who exchanged na-
tive products for hawks'-bells and beads, till
he came to Point Negril which he named Cabo
del Buen Tiempo. Here, as we have seen, an
Indian, more enterprising than his fellows,
in spite of the dissuasionsof his friends, asked
and obtained leave to accompany Columbus.
Unfortunately we have no further tidings of
this, the first emigrant from Jamaica-and
probably the first willing emigrant from
the new world to the old. Columbus
now turned his prow again towards Cuba,
and Cabo de la Cruz was reached. Still
steering westward, he found an innumer.
able quantity of islands, which from their
brightness and beauty he named Jardin
de la Reyna. For upwards of a month he
steered his course through these islands,
hoping to find himself in the land of the
Grand Khan, the more especially as he was
told of a province called Manzon, which he
took to be the Mangi mentioned by Marco
Polo and Toscanelli as the territory of that
potentate, and for that reason he did not care
to leave, for a better seaway, the islands
which he imagined were those which Marco
Polo said bordered the land of Cathay.
Probably having the fate of the Santa
Maria in mind, he did not leave the deck
day or night. Such a constant strain,
coupled with a fever from which he was
suffering, advancing years, past hardships
and trials, disappointment at not reaching
the territory of the Grand Khan, anxiety
for his children, and fear for the loyalty of
some of those left at Isabella, told on even
the iron constitution and will of Columbus:
and he now showed the first signs of weak-
ness. Calling his officers and seamen to-
gether, he made them swear that the length
of coastline which they had traversed must
of a surety belong to a continent, and not
to an island, and they all appended their
names to a document to that effect, which is


to-day preserved in the archives at Seville.
Two or three days more sailing would
have brought Columbus to the west-end of
Cuba,' would have proved to him that it was
an island and might have altered the whole
course of his subsequent voyages ; but it was
not to be. On the 13th of June he com-
menced his backward journey and returned
eastward. On the 30th of June the poor
old Nita ran so fast aground, that neither
by means of anchors or any other invention
could she be got off ; but it pleased God that
she was at length drawn over the shoal
a-head, though with some beating on
the sand." At Rio de la Misa, on the
6th of July mass was said at a tempor-
ary altar erected beneath some trees, and
there-if his guide understood the cacique
aright and made Columbus understand him
aright-an aged cacique proved to him that
the Indians of Cuba possessed a religion,
the foundation of which i was that as a
man's deeds are in this world, so will his
reward be in the world to come-good or
Leaving Caba de la Cruz on the 22nd of
July, Columbus struck south towards
Jamaica; he this time skirted the southern
coast, and it took him a month to beat up
against the easterly wind. The following
is the account given in the "Historie"t :-

The wind being contrary for going to Hispaniola,
the admiral stood over to Jamaica on the 22nd of
July, and sailed along to the westwards close under
the shore, the country being all along most delight-
ful, and very fruitful, with excellent harbours, at
every league distance. All the coast was full of
towns, whence the natives followed the ships in
their canoes, bringing such provisions as they
used, which were much better liked by our people
than what they found in any of the other islands.
The climate, air, and weather, was the same as in
the other islands, for in this western part of Ja-
maica, there gathered every evening a storm of rain
which lasted generally about an hour. This the
admiral attributed to the great woods in these
countries, as he knew that this was usual at first
in the Canaries, Azores, and Madeira islands,
whereas now that the woods in these islands are
mostly cut down, there are not such great and fre-
quent storms and heavy rains as formerly. The
admiral sailed along the coast of Jamaica, but was
obliged by contrary winds to take shelter every
night under the land, which appeared green, plea-
sant. fruitful, abounding in provisions, and so popu-
lous that he thought nothing could excel it, espe-
cially near a bay which he named De las Vacasj, on

The first to circumnavigate Cuba was Ocampo
in 1508, two years after Columbus's death.
t The translation is that given in Kerr's" Voyages
and Travels," vol. III. 1811.
t The meaning of the name given is not quite ob-
vious, unless the islands reminded Columbus of sea-

account of nine islands close to the land.* At this
place the land was as high as any he had ever seen,
insomuch that he believed it to reach above the
regions in which the storms are bred.

We will now turn to Bernaldez who
describes fully an interview between Colum-
bus and the cacique of the harbour de las
Va cas.
Thus sailing in a southerly direction they an-
chored one evening in a bay in a territory where
there were many large villages ; and the cacique of
a very large village which was above the ships
came and brought them a quantity of fresh pro-
visions and the admiral gave some of the things
which he had on board to him and his followers,
and they were much pleased; and the cacique
asked whence they came and what the admiral's
name was, and the admiral answered that he was
a vassal of the mighty and illustrious sove-
reigns the king and queen of Castile, his mas-
ters, who had sent him to these parts to learn
and discover those lands and to do much honour
to good men but to destroy the bad. Now he
spoke to them by means of his Indian interpre-
ter, and the said cacique was much pleased, and
he asked the interpreter at great length about
things in Spain, and he told him at great length,
at which the cacique and the other Indians were
much astonished and pleased, and they stayed
there until night, and then took leave of the admi-
ral. Next day the admiral departed, and as he was
sailing with a light wind, the cacique came with
three canoes and overtook the admiral coming in an
orderly and stately manner : one of the canoes was
as large as a sea-going ship and was painted all over :
the cacique came and his wife and two daughters
and two young lads, his sons, and five brothers and
others who were followers ; one of the daughters
was 18 years old, and very beautiful; she was quite
naked according to the custom of those parts, the
other was younger.
Int the prow of the canoe stood the standard-
bearer of the cacique clad in a mantle of variegated
feathers, with a tuft of gay plumes on his head,
and bearing in his hand a fluttering white banner.
Two indians with caps or helmets of feathers of
uniform shape and colour, and their faces painted
in a similar manner, beat upon tabors ; two others,
with hats curiously wrought of green feathers,
held trumpets of a fine black wood, ingeniously
carved : there were six others, in large hats of
white feathers, who appeared to be guards to the

cows or manatees: or perhaps it was so named,
because he saw a number of manatees there. The
name of the small island on the south side of Espaiola,
Isle de la Vache, may have, possibly, a similar

*This must of necessity be Portland Bight in
which there are Careening. Island, and another un-
named close to Galleon Harbour and Old Harbour
Bay, with Goat Island, Pigeon Island, Salt Island,
Dolphin Island, Long Island, and Big and Little
Pelican Islands with several tiny islets in the bight
itself and Big and Little Halfmoon Cay and Bare
Bush Cay just outside.

t From this point to the end, the translation is that
of Irving, who quotes from Bernaldes freely.


Having arrived alongside of tho admiral's ship,
the cacique entered on board with all his train. He
appeared in full regalia. Around his head was a
band of small stones of various colours, but prin-
cipally green, symmetrically arranged, with large
white stones at intervals, and connected in front by
a large jewel of gold. Two plates of gold were
suspended to his ears by rings of very small green
stones. To a necklace of while beads, of a kind
deemed precious by them, was suspended a large
plate, in the form of a fleur-de-lys, of guanin, an
inferior species of gold ; and a girdle of varie-
gated stones, similar to those around his head,
completed his regal decorations. His wife was
adorned in a similar manner, having also a very
small apion of cotton, and bands of the same
round her arms and legs. The daughters were
without ornaments, excepting the eldest and hand-
somest, who had a girdle of small stones, from
which was suspended a tablet, the size of an ivy
leaf, composed of various coloured stones em-
broidered on network of cotton.
When the cacique entered on board the ship
he distributed presents of the productions of his
island among the officers and men. The admiral
was at this time in his cabin, engaged in his
morning devotions. When he appeared on deck,
the chieftain hastened to meet him with an ani-
mated countenance. My friend.' said he, I
have determined to leave my country, and to ac-
company thee. 1 have heard from these Indians
who are with thee, of the irresistible power of
thy sovereigns, and of the many nations thou
hast subdued in their name. Whoever refuses
obedience to thee is sure to suffer. Thou hast
destroyed the canoes and dwellings of the Caribs,
slaying their warriors, and carrying into captivity
their wives and children. All the islands are in
dread of thee; for who can withstand thee now
that thou knowest the secrets of the land, and
the weakness of the people. Rather, therefore,
than thou shouldest take away my dominions, I
will embark with all my household in thy ships,
and will go to do homage to thy king and queen,
and to behold their country, of which thy Indians
relate such wonders.' When this speech was
explained to Columbus, and he beheld the wife,
the sons and daughters of the cacique, and
thought upon the snares to which their ignorance
and simplicity would be exposed, he was touched
with compassion, and determined not to take
them from their native land. He replied to the
cacique, therefore, that he received him under his
protection as a vassal of his sovereigns, but
having many lands yet to visit before he returned
to his country, he would at some future time
fulfill his desire. Then taking leave with many
expressions of amity, the cacique, with his wife
and daughters, and all his retinue, re-embarked
in the canoes, returning reluctantly to their
island, and the ships continued on their course.

The south-eastern point of Jamaica he
prophetically named Punta del Farol, or
lighthouse point (now known as Cape Mo-
rant). Columbus, the "Historie" tells us,
" estimated Jamaica to be 800 miles in com-

pass; and when it was fully discovered, he
computed it to be fifty leagues0 long by
twenty leagues broad." On the 20th of
August the south-west corner of Espaiiola
was reached and named San Miguel.
Proceeding eastward, the southern ex-
tremity was passed where a single rock
rising from the sea having the appearance
of a ship under sail was named Alta Vela.
At the mouth of the Neyva river, nine men
were landed with instructions to march to
the fort of San Tomas and announce the
admiral's return. In the face of contrary
winds, the vessels rounded the eastern end
of Espaiiola, taking refuge on the way, at
Mona, when the noble spirit of Columbus
was no longer able to successfully battle
against increasing fever, and he became
delirious: they anchored at Isabella on the
29th of September.
Carried on shore, he was nursed by his
two brothers, for Bartolomd, going to Spain
from England through France and arriving
too late to reach him ere he left Spain, had
reached Isabellain his absence. And well
for him was it that Bartolom6 had come.
IIe found when he arrived from Spain on
the 24th of June with three caravels laden
with provisions, Margarit, heedless of his
trust, leading a life of idleness and excess
in the Vega Real, instead of prosecuting
discovery according to his instructions, and
Father Boil ready to aid and abet him in any
treachery. To use the words of Irving :-
In fact, instead of guests, they soon as-
sumed the tone of imperious masters, in-
stead of enlightened benefactors, they
became sordid and sensual oppressors,"
and, as he states further on, at length, by
a series of flagrant outrages, the gentle and
pacific nature of this people was roused to
resentment, and from confiding and hospi-
table hosts, they were converted into vindic-
tive enemies."
Margarita marched to Isabella, and with
Boil's assistance seized Bartolomb's three
caravels, and they and other traitors sailed
for Spain: and had not the powerful will of
lartolom6 been there tocontrol affairs, they
would have left ruin as a legacy behind
them. Asit was, the evil example of Margarit
had found its reflex in the actions of many
of the soldiery-an action which made the
name of Spaniard hated by the innocent
natives of that island: and forced Columbus

Taking these as Italian leagues of which 33 go
to a mile, we get a distance of about 187 miles. The
actual length is 144 miles : but the southern coast
line is of course much greater.


against his will to make war on one of the
native chiefs, Guatiguana, who ruled over
part of the territory of Guarionex, one of
the five caciques who held sway over five
divisions of the island.0 Being unable to
take the field in person he created his
brother Bartolom6, Adelantado, or Lieuten.
ant-Governor of the Indies-a title sub-
sequently confirmed by Ferdinand and
Isabella. although at the time Ferdinand was
offended with what, he considered Colum-
bus's assumption in taking upon himself
almost royal power.
Guarionex came to Isabella to settle mat-
ters with Columbus, and with him came his
daughter, who was then married to the
interpreter from Guanahani. Then came a
war with Caonabo, who met more than his
match in strategy in the redoubtable Ojeda
who, persuading him to put on some bright
manacles, brought him off from amongst his
own people. But this capture of Caonabo
only brought three other caciques down
upon the Spaniards--Guacanagari alone
remaining their friend. On the 25th of
April 1495, a pitched battle was fought in
the Vega Real. The Indians were said
to have been 100,000 strong, while Co-
lumbus and his brother had only 200
infantry, and 20 cavalry, supplemented
by 20 trained blood-hounds. But arms and
armour rendered the struggle unequal, and
the Indians were slaughtered in hundreds.
And now began the scheme of enforced
contributions of gold which fell so heavily
upon the poor Indians, who were totally
unused to continuous work of any kind.
They fled to the mountains to escape such
labour, but in vi in: they were driven back
to their task at the sword's point.
Guacanagari, the friend of Columbus, held sway
in the province called Marien in the north and north-
west ; Guarionex in the Vega Real; Behechio in
Xaragua in the west and south-west; Uotabanama in
liguey at the east end: and Caonabo, the fiercest of
them, who was supposed to be of Carib origin, in the
province of Maguana in the centre. The consideration
for a moment of the subsequent fate of the caciques
whom Columbus found in Espaiola forms an in-
structive commentary on the Spanish mission of civi-
lization and Christianity to the new world. Guaca-
nagari-in spite of his past friendly conduct -is said,
under the severe rule of the Spaniards induced by
their greed for gold, to have retired into the mountain
fastnesses, and to have disappeared from European
ken. Caonabo died of a broken spirit, while being
conveyed to Spain, and his widow, the noble-hearted
An'caona, who had succeeded her brother Behechio,
was treacherously captured by Ovando and hanged.
Guarionex also perished at sea-in the ship which
went down with Bobadilla and Roldan. Cotaba-
nama, after being hunted lile a wild beast, was
hanged at San Domingo, by Ovando; and with
his death the subjugation of the natives was com-
pleted. and their extermination rendered only a mat-
ter of time.

Hostilities from natives were not, how-
ever, the most serious evils against which
Columbus had to contend. He had
sent home his brother Diego in order
that he might controvert the slanders
of Margarit and Boil, and in this he was
in great measure successful ; but on his re-
turn to Espaiiola. Diego was accompanied
by Juan de Aguado, the butler of the chapel
royal, who was sent out to make enquiries
on the spot and report the state of affairs.
Aguado (a man who had been specially re-
commended to royal favour by Columbus)
conceiving it to be a splendid chance of
self-aggrandisemcnt, encouraged complaints
against the admiral from all quarters.
Columbus therefore wisely determined to
return himself and look after his own in-
terests in Spain. His privileges had been
encroached upon by an order dated the 10th
of April, 1495, by which any native-born
Spaniard was at liberty to explore and set-
tle in the new world, even in Espaiiola it-
self. This order was in force till June 1497,
when Columbus succeeded in getting the
monarchs to rescind it.
When the six caravels which were in

port were nearly ready for sailing, a storm
sank three and smashed two others on
the rocks; only the old Niiia escaped.
A new caravel, named the Santa Cruz,
was constructed from the wreckage for
Aguado. About this time news of much
gold in the vicinity of the river Ozema
on the south coast reached Isabella. Co-
lumbus thought that he had discovered
the Ophir of Solomon, and building enter-
prises were begun which resulted in the
founding of the present city of San Do-
Columbus, leaving his brother Bartolomn6
in command, again hoisted his flag in the
NiAia, and took Caonabo with him-the
proud cacique however died 'ere he reached
Spain probably of a .broken heart. On the
10th of March 1496, the two caravels set
sail, and after taking in water and fresh
provisions and an Indian woman who came
on board with her daughter, it is said, out
of love for Caonabo, at Guadalupe, the re-
turn voyage was commenced; and Cadiz was
reached on the llth of J one.
At Los Palacios, a small town about fifteen
miles from Seville, the cura, Dr. Andres Ber-
naldez, came out to meet Columbus, and with
him the admiral stayed pending the receipt of
a reply toa letter which he had addressed to
the sovereigns. To this visit, and to Colum-
bus's friendship with Bernaldez with whom


he left some important papers-we are, as has
been mentioned above, indebted for much
valuable information about this second
voyage, given by Bernaldez in his His-
toria de los Reyes Catdlicos." Colum-
bus was received by Ferdinand and Isabella.
with honour; although the appearance of
himself and his companions on reaching
Cadiz had not been that of sue3essful coloni-
zers. and although the account that reached
the monarchs of the state of Espaiiola was
not what they desired. New honours were
conferred on him : his young son Fernando
was made page to the Queen: and his calum-
niator Aguado was dismissed.
He now obtained permission to entail his
estates, and he made many stipulations for
his successors. The title of Admiral was

made the principal honour; the interests of
the city of Genoa were to be helped ; the
recovery of the Holy Sepulchre was to be
borne in mind: and the Papal Church and
the Spanish crown were to be both duly
served. His heirs were to use the signature
adopted by himself.
S. A. S.
.X. M. Y.
Xro. Ferens.0

*These letters have been variously read as:-Servus
Supplex Altissimi Salvatoris, Christus Maria, Yoseph
Christoferens; as Servidorson Altezassacras. Christo,
Maria Isabel, &c. but, as Mr. Harrisse observes, they
lend themselves to such a multitude of combioa-
tions that what Columbus really meant by them
cannot now be confidently affirmed.


The Third Voyage: the discovery of Trinidad: San, Domingo: Internal .-'i.. Toyages of Ojeda and
Cabral : Vergara's visit to Jamaica: Roldan : Bobadilla : Arrest of ('J'. .. .: eolunirbs in chains :
return to paiun: Ovanda scceeeds Bobadilla.

IN spite of the drain on the royal exche-
quer made by war, six million maravedis
(about 2000) was granted for the equip-
ment of the eight vessels (two ships and
six caravels, of which the old NiXia and the
Santa Cruz were two) to be employed on the
third voyage. The contract for provisions
fell into the hands of one Amerigo Vespucci,
who was born at Florence in 1451, and who
by a freak of fate gave his name to the
new world Two caravels were sent
under Pedro Fernandez Coronal with sup-
plies in advance. Owing to the difficulty
of obtaining emigrants to the new colony,
at Columbus's unhappy suggestion, crimi-
nals sentenced to banishment, the galleys

The first suggestion for thus naming the new world
o "curs in a little work entitled Cosmographia Intro-
dactio" by Walter Waldseermiiller (or Hylacomylus in
its classic form) printed in 1507 at St. Di6, a little vil-
lage in the Vosges where a small college and a
printing press had been founded under King RenS's
learned patronage :--" And the fourth part of the
world having been discovered by Americus, may well
be:called Amerige, which is as much as to say the land
of Americus or America." The first appearance of the
name America on a globe was on that made by Wald-
seemiiller in 1507; on a map on that of 1515 on the
gores, now in Windsor Castle, attributed to Leonardo da
Vinci; and on an engraved map on that of the world by
Peter Apianus in an edition of Solinus in 1520. It was
first applied to the whole continent by Mercator in
1510, but it was long before the name was adopted in
Spain where the new world was long known as the

or the mines, were sent to transportation
instead: and thus an example was set, of
importing criminal classes into colonies
which in spite of the fact that the utter
folly of it was soon shown in Espaniola,
was to be followed with disastrous results
by other countries. Just as the squadron
was on the point of starting, Columbus's
patience gave way under repeated obstacles
and he knocked down and kicked repeat-
edly one Ximeno Breviesca, a proteg6 of
Fonseca; and this somewhat undignified
action, for which he doubtless however
received ample provocation, had most dis-
astrous consequences for the admiral, for by
it he played into the hands of his enemies.
After numberless delays, many due, it is
said, to the opposition of Bishop Fonseca,
Columbus set sail from San Lucar on the
30th of May 1498, reaching Gomera on the
19th of June, from whence he sent one ship
and two caravels, to help the colonists in
Espailola. While the ship was commanded
by Alonzo Sanchez de Caravajal, who
afterwards proved a useful and trusty
mediator during the rebellion of Roldan
and others in Espafola-one caravel was in
charge of the Admiral's brother-in-law,
Pedro de Arana, and the other of a kinsman
Juan Antonio Colombo of Genoa.
This care for the colony of Espafola,


left Columbus with but one decked ship of
100 tons burden, in which he sailed, and
two caravels one, of which was called El
From rumours of which he had heard of a
large extent of land to the south of the islands
of which he knew, he determined to cross
the Atlantic at a more southern parallel: and
he called upon the Holy Trinity to aid him
in his venture, intending to name the first
land he saw in their honour.
He steered southwest intending to con-
tinue on that course till he reached the
latitude of Sierra Leone, and then proceed
due west till he reached land. After all
had suffered much from the great heat and
when the admiral himself was crippled
with the gout, land was sighted on the 31st
of July, and was duly named La Trinidad
ibidd), the name being rendered the more
appropriate by reason of its three peaks.
The land-* to the south appeared like a long
island, and be named it Isla Santa, little
supposing that he had at last discovered the
continent of the new world of which he had
been thinking for years. At the south of
the island they found such a violent stream,
which some seamen almost feared would
swamp the vessels, that Columbus called it
La Boca de la Sierpe (the Serpent's Mouth).
Entering the gulf he named it Golfo de la
Ballena, and the mainland to the west.he
called Isla de Gracia.. Here were found
for the first time, Indians wearing pearls,
some of which were obtained in barter.
From the mass of fresh water pouring
into the gulf of Paria, he rightly concluded
that the river which brought it traversed a
large continent; but, as in 'his former voy-
ages, he was under the impression that he
had gone further round the earth than he
had, and that it was the eastern confines of
Asia that he was approaching. About this
time, owing perhaps in part to the fact that
he was ill in health, he began to indulge in
fantastic ideas as to the conformation of the
earth. He imagined from the change in
climate and people and i vegetation, the
rushing of the waters and other indications,
that the earth was not a sphere, but pear-
shaped, and that he was approaching the
highest part where he thought the Garden
of Eden might be situated.t
Major has proved that Sebastian Cabot dis-
covered the east coast of North America in 1497, a
year before Columbus reached terra firm.
t Amongst old beliefs as to the shape of the earth,
towards dispelling which Columbus's discoveries did
so much, was one that each sea was shut up and land-
bound in its own particular basin: another that the

In addition to the gout he was suffering
greatly from his eyes, being almost blind
from the strain of constant watching, and
from the effects 'of a life of hardships which
were beginning to tell on a man now over
fifty years of age. Passing out by the
northern passage which he called the Boca
del Dragon, he saw and named Asfincion
(Tobago) and Concepciin (Granada) and
passed the Testigos, and the island of Mar-
.garita: and then turning northward, he
hastened to Espaliola, where he was met by
his brother Bartolome, and on the 1 st of
August, he saw for the first time the new
city of San Domingo (named after their old
father Domenico Colombo, the wool-weaver
of Genoa), which his brother had erected on
the banks of the Ozema, on the south coast,
to replace Isabella the site of which had
been found to be unhealthy. Here he
found much trouble prevailing. His brother
Bartolom6 had indeed done his best to keep
an unruly crowd in order; but the loyal,
colonists were in too small a minority to
the disaffected men of the adventurer type,
who had come out merely for what they
could get and without the slightest intention
of working for it, to enable the Adelantado,
handicapped as he was by not having the
same authority over them as his brother.
to prevent frequent broils, caused by those
who gave bridle to their passions, and were
guilty of all sorts of treachery both to their
fellow countrymen and to the Indians.

Those rioters were headed by one Francisco
Roldan, a man whom Columbus had raised
from a very subordinate position to be Chief
Justice of the island, and who hoped to
elbow the Adelantado out of authority and
usurp his place; and as a means to that end
he frequently stirred the unfortunate Indians
to revolt. Matters were much improved
on the arrival of Coronal with two ships of
supplies and tidings of the Admiral's
favour at court and of the royal approval of
the office of Adelantado bestowed upon
Bartolomd. With Columbus's own advent
something like order was produced, but it
was only after he had experienced the ut-
sun sank with a sizzle into the western ocean, and
was thus extinguished every night to be relit every
morning: a third that the hemispheres were divided
by regions of impassable heat and boiling sea. The
Vedic priests thought that the earth was a shell sup-
ported by elephants (representing strength) the ele-
phants being supported on a tortoise (representing
infinite slowness). At the time of the Greeks, Anaxi-
mander thought that the earth .was cylindrical in
shape and that every place that was then known was
situated on the flat end: Plato imagined that the
earth was a cube, the part known to the Greeks being
on the upper surface.


n)st troubles and insults from Roldan and
is followers instead of the rest and peace
for which in his weak state of health he
h d looked forward; and after he had signed,
under compulsion, what were for him most
ignominious terms of agreement with the
rebels, which he hoped. however, the mon-
archs would afterwards repudiate. About
this time he made arrangements with the
caciques that they should be relieved of
their tribute of g id, if they would supply
labourers for the farms of the Spanish set-
tlers: and thus began that system of reparti-
mientos, which led, all too quickly, to the
extermination of the aborigines.

In the mean time, geographical discovery
was not at a standstill. The account
which Columbus had sent home of his dis-
coveries of the riches of Paria, suggested to
Alonzo de Ujeda that he might participate
in them; and, obtaining from Fonseca a
special licence, and a copy of the informa-
tion supplied by the admiral, and accom-
panied by Juan de la Cosa and Amerigo
Vespucci, he left Spain in May 1499, and,
following Columbus's course, went on to
discover Venezuela, and, after touching at
the Caribbee islands, reached the west end
of Espanola on the 5th of September,
where he caused much trouble; but Colum-
bus sent against him Roldin, converted for
the nonce to loyalty; and in him he found
a foreman worthy of his steel and his diplo-
In March 1500, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral
left Lisbon on a voyage to Calicut, and on
his way steel ing westward discovered the
continent of South America on the Brazilian
coast at Santa Cruz. Other voyages of
discovery in this direction also took place
about this time, but those mentioned were
the most important.
In April 1502, Jamaica received its third
visit from a European. Juan de Vergara, a
servant of a rich canon of the cathedral of
Seville, was sent by Ojeda. who had entered
into a partnership with him and Ocampo
on second voyage, from the mainland to the
south side for supplies.

The harm which the rebellious party did
in Espaiola was as nothing compared with
the mischief which, in spite of the efforts
of his friends Ballester and Barrante whom
he sent home to represent his side of the
story, their complaints wrought at the Span-
ish court even in the case of his warmest
supporter Isabella, who was further turned
against him by his continued advocacy of

slavery, of which she had seen some of
the misery in the unfortunate Indians sent
to Spain from Espafiola. These complaints
were made an excuse by Ferdinand to super-
sede Columbus in his authority as viceroy;
because, it has been suggested, he began to
think that the powers which he had granted
to the admiral were too ample, and that it
would be well to curtail them; and the man
selected for this office was one Francisco de
Bobadilla, who, on his arrival in August
1500, broke into Columbus's house and
possessed himself of his papers, put Diego
in chains, and then arrested Columbus
as he hastened to welcome the messen-
ger of his sovereigns. He also was
put in chains, as well as his brother Bar-
tolom6. whom the Admiral had summoned
to confer with him. In October the three
of them were sent home in the Gorda, one
of the two ships which had just brought out
Bob dilla and his soldiery ; and on the 20th
of November Cadiz was reached, the Ad-
miral having borne the indignity of his
position with a fortitude which few would
have commanded under the circumstances.
It was but a poor ending to a voyage in
which Columbus had. though unwittingly,
discovered the continent of South America.
Indignation was generally expressed at this
treatment of the diso.)vererof the New World.
Even Fonseca was ashamed of Bobadilla's
brutality ; and Ferdinand expressed regret,
while Isabella wept to think of the shame-
ful treatment to which he had been subjected.
The sovereigns sent him a letter of welcome,
and on the 17th of December, 1500, he and
his brothers arrived at Granada.
Columbus's letter descriptive of his third
voyage, which he addressed to the sovereigns,
gives some idea of the very varied extent
and thoroughness of his studies into all that
had been expressed by philosophers of old
concerning the conformation of the earth
and other sciences which might help h;m in
his self-imposed labours. furtherr particu-
lars of this voyage are contained in a letter
he wrote to Dofia Juana de Torres the nurse
of Prince Juan.
Restitution was not, however, made at
once, as the results of voyages which had
been made under the general licence given
in 1495 proved to Ferdinand that he had
been impolitic in giving so much power into
one man's hands, especially as that man had
shown himself but a poor administrator, if
a good navigator. In February 1502,
Nicolao de Ovando went out with a fleet of
thirty-two ships and caravels and 2,500
men to supersede Bobadilla : and with him


went de Carbajal, who was, as agent, to look
to Columbus's interests in the island; and
Bartolom6 de las Casas, the historian of the
Indies, who has depicted a scene of cruelty
and oppression under Bobadilla's adminis-
tration, which is for ever recorded against
Spanish rule in the new world. At this time
was commenced the first importation of
negro slaves from Africa (by way of Spain).
which developed into such a curse for the
West Indies. The rule was at first only
applied to those born in Spain of African
parents. At Columbus's protest, Ovando's
powers were only to last for two years.
For a year or more Columbus resided at
Granada, and one cannot but think that this
enforced rest must have been good for a
man so active-minded as he was, and one
who had been so buffeted about by the
world, and wrecked in health. But his was
a mind that would not rest. Not content
with his great work achieved in the west,
he earnestly and seriously set himself to
the task of providing for the recovery of the
Holy Sepulchre, and with that end in view,
he, with the assistance of a monk named
Gaspar Gorricio, gathered together all the
prophecies in Holy Writ bearing on the
subject. This work'is still preserved in the
Columbian Library at Seville.
His mind, however, once more reverted to
his discoveries in the new world, and their
probable outcome. One of the points which
appealed to him most forcibly was the proba-
ble existence of a strait in the land further
west beyond Jamaica, as indicated by the con-
tinuous current flowing in that direction:
and it was in order to satisfy himself on this

point that Columbus persuaded Ferdinand
and Isabella to let him have four ships ; and
he then started on what was to prove his
last voyage of discovery. Ferdinand was the
more easily persuaded to sanction this
voyage as he hoped by its means to find a
shorter route to India where the Portuguese,
thanks to de Gama's enterprise, were reap-
ing such a rich harvest Columbus appears
to have fully believed that he might never
return, for before starting he made careful
arrangements of all his worldly affairs, and
it is to these arrangements that we are in-
debted for much information concerning his
career. Four copies were mide of thirty-
six documents, consisting of title-deeds,
grants, and privileges, and were deposited
in safe-keeping in different places. One
copy he handed to Carbajal, his agent in
Espatiola, one he sent to the Convent de las
Cuevas, near Seville; and the remaining
two he sent to Niccol6 Orderigo, Genoese
ambassador to Ferdinand and Isabella.
Two still exist; one belongs to the city of
Genoa, the other--a record of Napoleonic
plunder-is in the archives of the French
Foreign Office in Paris. Of the last, Mr.
B. F. Stevens has recently (1891) published
a facsimile with translation, under the title
" Christopher Columbus-His Own Book of
About this time, too, April 1502, Colum-
bus made a will, but that unfortunately
is not to be found. In it he made pro-
vision for the partial relief of the taxa-
tion of his native city of Genoa, by be-
queathing to it about one-tenth of the in-
come of his estate.


Fourth Voyage: Discovery of Matinino: Puts in at San Domingo: Honduras: Cape Grarios h Dion :
Veragua : Storm : Fights nith the natives : Reache. Jamaica : Mendez's arragineatst for the
supply of provisions: Sends Mendez to EspailL : Letter written by Cilurnmbis in .TaLnaica:
Revolt of Porras: Arrival of Escobar: Second revolt and defeat of Porras : Leaves Jamaica:
Reaches San Domingo: Returns to Spain : Death: His brothers, sons, and descendants.

Ta only restriction placed upon Colum-
bus in this fourth voyage, was that he was
not to touch at Espaliola on his way out;
and in view of all that had transpired, how-
ever much one may regret that he had been
deprived of some of h;s rights, one cannot
but feel that the restriction was well con-
sidered, the more especially that, as he was
professedly going on a voyage of further
discovery, his touching at Espaiuola would

serve no useful purpose. He left Cadiz on
the 9th or the 11th of May, 151)3. taking
with him his faithful brother Bartolom6,
and his young son Fernando. Ho had four
small caravels, bought at Seville, and he
hoisted his flag on the largest, the Capitana,
of seventy tons. There were in all 143
souls in the expedition. These four cara-
vels, granted to Columbus for an all import-
ant object, the search for an unknown


strait, which might have led to the cir-
cumnavigation of the globe, were in marked
contrast to the magnificent fleet of thirty-
two ships, which weregiven toOvando when
going to assume command in Espanola, with
about two thousand five hundred souls on
board. After calling at Ayilla, in Morocco,
to render aid, which was, however, not then
needed, to the Portuguese, and at Grand
Canary, Matinino (St. Lucia)' was reached
on the 15th of June. Thence he went
by way of Dominica, Santa Cruz and Puerto
Rico to San Domingo in spite of the mon-
archs' commands that he was not to do so.
Here he found a fleet of thirty-two vessels
just preparing to sail for Spain, having on
board Bobadilla and Roldan, whom Ovanda
was sending home under arrest, and the
cacique Guarionex. Columbus asked that
he might be allowed to either purchase a
new vessel to take the place of the Gallenga,
which had proved herself unseaworthy, or
exchange her for another; but Ovando held
Columbus to the letter of the monarchs' in-
structions and refused him all assistance.
Returning good for evil, Columbus warned
Ovando that a severe storm was approach-
ing, from which he himself took shel-
ter in the harbour of Azua; but Ovando
paid no heed and more than twenty of the
ships went to the bottom, with Bobadilla,
and Roldan and Guarionex and much gold
especially one large mass which had been
found by an Indian woman in a brook, the
only treasure that was saved being that
which belonged to Columbus. Leaving
Espailola on the 14th of July, he reached
some small islands near Jamaica, (supposed
to be the Morant Keys) where the seamen
obtained water by digging in the sand on
the beach. The Historie" tells us that
he named them Islas de los Poros or the
Well Islands. Passing along the south side of
Jamaica, he found himself drifting to the
islands off Cuba, which he had called the
Queen's Garden, when a favourable wind
enabled him to steer in the direction in
which he expected to find the strait. On
the 30th of July, he reached the island
of Guanaja off Honduras, which he called
Isla 'de los Piuios. Here he was met by a
large canoe, with a crew of twenty-five

Navarrete identifies this with St. Lucia. Irving,
who calls it Mantinino, thinks it was Martinique.
Mr. Markham who calls it Martinino in his text and
Matinino (the form given by Peter Martyr) in his
map, inclines to St. Lucia,- Mr. VWinsor follows Irving.

men, which-both from its method of con-
struction, having as it had a .raised cabin
in the centre for the protection of the
women and the merchandize and from its
goods, such as wooden swords fitted with
fish bones, copper axes and cotton cloths
-gave evidences of a higher state of
civilization than he had before encountered.
Here his interpreter did not understand the
language of the natives. Proceeding south-
wards he struck the coast at a cape to
which he gave the name of Caxinas, the
name given by the natives to the fruit borne
by the trees there.
From this time (the beginning of August)
till the 12th of September when Cape
Gracias h Dios was reached and named
on account of the relief occasioned by the
southerly trending of the coast, the little
fleet encountered a succession of most severe
storms, which without being so bad as Col-
umbus describes them in the letter given
below-may well have instilled fear even
into the heart of as bold a man as the ad-
miral, when dependent on such frail crafts
as he had. Twelve small islands were named
Limonares on account of the fruit, probably
limes, like small oranges found on them.
The Rio de Disastre received its name from
the upsetting of a boat by that river as it
entered the sea. From the 25th of Septem-
ber till October 5th they rested off the
island of Quiriviri, which Columbus from
the luxuriance of the. vegetation called La
Huerta. Continuing southward he passed
Caribiri and Veragua, near which was
found the first indication in the New World
of solid architecture and where there were
evidences of much gold. But he pressed on
in hopes of reaching the straight. Puerto
Bello was so called because of its fine har-
bour and beautiful surrounding country.
He sought shelter in the Puerto de Bas-
timentos; and on reaching that point he
had touched on the western end of the
route taken by Bastilas in 1500 and thus
proved, if he knew it, which was doubtful,
that there was no strait. Turning west-
ward again, a severe storm was encountered,
a full description of which is given in the
letter written by Columbus from Jamaica.
At length after.great hardships, they entered
the harbour of Yebra on Epiphany Sunday,
and for that reason named it Belen or
Bethlehem; there they found excellent shel-
ter from a storm. Investigations soon
showed that a gold-bearing country had been
discovered, and it was decided to found a
colony under Bartolom6 Colon at Belen


which was in the territory of a cacique
named Quibian, who was jealous of the
intrusion of strangers, and to go to Spain for
colonists. But hardly had Columbus set
sail with three of the four caravelss, when
the smouldering enmity of the natives
which had been greatly increased by the
capture by the Adelantalo of Qnibian, who
however had managed to escape, burst forth
into actual warfare. A boat-load of men
sent back by Columbus to get wood and
water, and once more communicate with his
brother, were attacked and with one excep-
tion slaughtered by the natives. Anxious
at the non-return of the boat and unable to
get his caravel across the bar, Columbus
did not know what to do, when a pilot of
Seville, Pedro Ledesma, volunteered to
swim across the bar and gain information
Sad was the tale he bore back of the little
colony, confined as it was in a kind of
fortress which had been made of bats, sea-
chests and other slight materials. At length
it was decided to give up the present attempt
at founding a settlement, and th,,se left on
shore, abandoning their vessel, joined the
caravels, one of which, the Vizcaiina, had
also to be abandoned at Puerto Bello as un-
seaworthy. After standing eastward past
some islands which he called Las B irbas
(Mulatas) some way in order to make sufli-
cient advance to allow for the current
carrying them to leeward, and even then
leaving too soon in response to the unreason-
ing murmurs of his crew, on the 1st of
May, 1503, Columbus saw the continent of
America for the last time ; and started on his
way to Espailola for succour, for his two
caravels were in no state to hazard a voyage
across the Atlantic. Diego Mendez, says they
were "pierced and eaten by the teredo" and
that those which they kept were even in a
worse condition than that which was aban-
doned "so that all the hands were not
sufficient with the use of the pumps and
kettles and pans to draw off the water that
came through the holes made by the worms."
Passing the Cayman Islands,t which he
named Las Tortugas, he reached the western

In his will, given at length in Major's Select
Letters," in which he gave a narrative of sme events
which occurred in Columbus's fourth voyage.
t Itis thought that the word Cayman, commonly
applied in the West Indies to a species of crocodile.
is of African origin and was early brought to the
West Indies by slaves from the Congo (see "New
English Dictionary"). At all events, it appears applied
to these islands in Herrera's map of 1601. As does
also the title Caycos of the Caicos islands.

end of Cuba where another storm was en-
Feeling that it was impossible with his
two unseaworthy caravels, the Cipitana
and the Santiago de Palos o eaten through
by the teredo to beat up to E'spanola, he
made for Jamaica: and he reached a port
on the north side, probably Dry Harbour,
on the 23rd of June, but not finding water
there he went on to Puerto Santa Gloria (St.
Anne's Bay) and ran his ships. which were
eaten through and through by the teredo, up
on the beach in a cove possibly in that
which is now called Don Christopher's
The following is the account given by
the Historie" : --
".................. and thus starting from here [Islas
de las fortugusl with a good deal of trouble we
went toa town of Indians on the coast of Cuba
named Macaca. from where atter refreshing the
men we started for Jamaica, because the south
winds aud the currents did not allow us to go to the
Isle Espafiola especially a4 the ships were in such a
bad state as we have said before. but neither during
the day nor during the night did we stop pumping
out the water. In spite of all this the night before
the fast of St. John (June 1503) the water came into
the ships so fast that we were unable to overcome it
and it reached the decks and with great anxiety we
kept thus until daybreak when we made Puerto
Bueno in Jamsica and here there was neither
water nor any twn in the neighbourhood. We did
our best to repair the ship aid after St. John's day
we sailed for another port ir,mre towards the East
which was called San Gloria all covered with rocks.
We entered the port and being unable to keep the
ships afloat any longer we stranded them as best
we could one near the other and propped them up
on both sides so that they could not move...........

The lower parts soon filled when pump-
ing ceased, and cabins had to be built on
deck thatched with straw to supplement the
accommodation now only found in the cabins
under the poops and forecastles. There, in
the words of Mendez, they were "not without
considerable danger from the natives, who
were not yet subdued, and who might easily
set fire to our habitation in the night, in
spite of the greatest watchfulness."
The natives, however, soon showed that
they were inclined to be friendly, and
Columbus endeavoured to see tha-t nothing
was done, after the manner of Roldan,
Bobadilla or Ovando in Espailola, to abuse
their confidence. They brought in provi-
sions such as cassava, fish and birds which

*These are the names given by Mr. Markham The
"Historic" calls one ship (not the Admiral's) the
Besrnlsda. and mentions at different timer the other
three as the Santo. the Biseaina and the (fillenua,
of which the Ji.nraina and one of the oth *r two w -re
abandoned in Veragua.


they willingly exchanged for cheap orna-
ments; and we are told that Columbus's
youthful son, Fernando, took great interest
in these barterings, which were organized
on a large scale by Diego Mendez, who had
ever been a good and faithful follower of
the admiral.

The following is Mendez's account of
what he did :-
It was there that I gave out the last ration of
biscuit and wine; I then took a sword in my hand,
three men only accompar.ying me, and advanced
into the island; for no one else dared go to seek food
for the Admiral and those who were with him. It
pleased God that I found some people who were
very gentle and did us no harm, but received us
cheerfully, and gave us food with hearty good will.
I then made a stipulation with the Indians, who
lived in a village called Aguacadiba, and with their
cacique, that they should make cassava bread, and
that they should hunt and flAh to supply the Admiral
every day with a sufficient quantity of provisions.
which they were to bring to the ships, where I
promised th-re should be a person ready to pay
them in blue beads, combs and knives, hawks'-bells
and fish-hooks, and other such arti lee which we
had with us for that purpose, With this under-
standing, I despatched one of the -paniards whom
I had brought with me to the admiral. in order that
lie might send a person to pay for the provisions,
and secure their being seat, l'roer thence I went to
another village, at three leagues distance from tile
former, and made a similar agrcemnent with tlhe
natives and thrir cacique, and then dispatched
another Spainnird to the admiral, begging him to
send another person with a similar object to this
village. After this I went fu'th"r on, and came to
a great cacique named Huareo. living in a place
which is now called Melilla, 13 leagues fom where
tihe ships lay. I was very well received by him ; he
gave me plenty to eat, and ordered all his subjects to
bring together in the course of three days a'great
quantity of provisions, which they did, and laid
them Iefore him, wherelupon I paid hin for them to
his full satisfaction. 1 stipulated with him thrt
they should furnish a consta,.t supply, and engaged
that there should hIe a person appointed to pav them;
having made this arrangement, I sent the other
epaniard to the admiral with the provisions they
had given me, and then legged the cacique to allow
mie two Indians to go with me to the extremity of
the island, one to carry the hammock in which I
slept, and the other carrying the food.
In this manner I Journeyed eastward to the end of
the island, and came to a cacique who was named
Amneyro,. with whom I entered into close fri'nlship.
I gave hini my name nnd took his, which amongst
these people is regarded as a pledge of brotherly
attachme *t. I bought of him a very good cane,
and gave him in exchange an excellent branshelmiet
that I carried in a bag, a frock, and one of the two
shirts that I had with me; I then put out to sea in
this canoe, in search of the place that I had left,
the cacique having given mtie six Indiaus to assist in
gnidinA the canoe. When I reached the spot to
which I had dispatched the provisions, I found there
the Spadiards whom the Admiral had sent. and I
loaded them with the victuals that I had hroght
with rme, and went im selt to the Admiral, who
gave me a very cordial reception. He wne not
satisfied with seeing and enibtracing me. but asked
tmie iespieting everything that had occurred in the
voyage, and offered up thanks to God for having

Mendea wrote in 1530.

delivered me in safety from so barbarous a people.
The tmei rejoiced greatly at my arrival, for there
was not a loaf left in the ships when I returned to
them with the means of allaying their hunger; this,
and every day after that, the Indians came to the
ships loaded with provisions from the places where
I had made the agreements: so that there was
enouiih for the two hundred and thirty people
who were with the Admiral.
But it was evident to Columbus that the
present state of affairs was highly unsatis-
factory. Neither of the caravels could be
made fit for sea, and it became necessary to
seek aid from Espainola. After a converse,
tion with the Admiral, and when no
response had been made to an appeal for
volunteers for such a risky journey, which
appeal Columbus had made publicly at
Mendez's suggestion, Mendez offered to go,
I have but one life, and I am willing to sacrifice
it in the service of your lordship, and for the wel-
fare of all those who are here with us ; for I trust in
God, that in consideration of the motive which
actuates me, he will give me deliverance, as he has
done on many other occasions."
It was decided that he should be accom-
panied by BartolomB Fiesco, in a second
canoe, who was to return and announce
Mendez's safe arrival in Espaiiola, while
the latter was to go on to Spain and let the
sovereigns know of the results of the
voyage, and for that purpose Columbus
entrusted Mendez with a long letter de.
scriptive of the voyage.
On the following day, Mendez tells us,
I drew my canoeon to the shore: fixed false keel
on it, and pitched and greased it; I then nailed some
boards upon the poop and prow, to prevent the sea
fromw corning in, as it was liable to dofrol the lowness
of the gunwales ; I also fixed a mast in it, set up a
sail, and laid in tile necessary provisions for myself,
one spanaird, aild six IndianI, making eight in all,
rhiohi was as many as the canoe would hold. I
then bade farewell to, his lordship, and all tile others
and proceeded along the coast i-f Jamaica. up to the
extremity of the iNland* which was thirty-five leagues
from the point whence we started. Even this dis.
tance was not traversed without considerable toil
and danger; for on the passage I was taken prisoner
bh some Indinn pirates, from whom God delivered
me in a marvellous manurner. When we had reached
the end of the island,. and were remaining there in
the hope of the sea becoming sufficiently calm to
allow Us to continue our voyage .across it, many of
the natives collected together with the determine.
tion of killing me, and geiring the canoe with its
contents, and they oust lots for my life, to see which
of them should carlry) their design into execution.
A, soon as I became aware of their project, I
betook myself secretly to my canoe, which had
left at three lengurisaistance from where I then was,
and set sail for the spot where the Adlniral was
stayi,.g, and reached it. after rin interval of fifteen
days from mly departure. I related to hilm all that

SFernando Columbus ays tllat the Indians called
this enitern point of the island A r-n iriii.1 ,-., and that
it was thirty-fonr leagues t'rcin Mlrlllr,, where tho
Admiral was,


had happened, and how God had miraculously rescued
me from the hands of those savages. His lordship
was very joyful at my arrival, and asked me if I
would recommence my voyage ; I replied that I
would, if I might be allowed to take some men to
be with me at the extremity of the island until I
should find a fair opportunity of putting to sea to
prosecute my voyage. The Admiral gave me seventy
men, and with them his brother the Adelantado, to
stay with me until I put to sea, and to remain there
for three days after my departure; with this arrange-
ment I returned to the extremity of the island an l
waited there four days. Finding the sea become
calm I parted from the rest of the men with much
mutual sorrow; I then commended myself to God
and our Lady of Antigua. and was at sea five days
and four nights without laying down the oar from
my hand, but continued steering the canoe while
my companions rowed. It pleased God that at the
end of five days I reached the island of Espaiola at
Cape San Miguel,* having been two days without
eating or drinking, for our provisions were exhausted.
I brought my canoe up to a very beautiful pat t of
the coast, to which many of the natives soon came,
and brought with them many articles of food, so
that I remained there two days to take rest. I took
six Indians from this place, and leaving those that
I had brought with me, I put off to sea agnin,
moving along the coast of Espafiola. fr it was 130
leagues from the spot where I landed to the city of
San I)omingo, where the Governor dwelt. who was
the Commander de Lares. When I had proceeded
80 leagues along the coast of the island (not with-
out great toil and danger, for that part of the
island was not yet brought into suhjugation), I
reached the province of Azoa, which is 24 leagues
from San Domingo, and there I learned from the
commander Gallego, that the Governor was gone
out to subdue the province of Xuraroat which was
at fifty leagues distance. When I herrd this I left
my canoe, and took the road for Xurngoa, where
I found the Governor, who kept me with him seven
months, until he had burned aud hanged 84 caciques
lords of vassals, and with them Nacaona,j the
sovereign mistress of the island, to whom all
rendered service and obedience. When that expedi-
tion was finished. I went on foot to San Domingo,
a distance of 70 leagues, and waited in expectation of
the arrival of ships from Spain, it being now more
than a year since any had come. In this interval
it pleased God that three ships arrived, one of which
I bought and loaded it with provisions, bread. wyine,
meat, hogs. shOe p, and fruit, and despatched it to the
place where the Admiral was staying in order that
he might come over in it with all his people to San
Domingo, and from thence sail for pain. I my-
self went on in advance with the two other ships,
in order to give an account to the King and Queen
of all that had occurred in this voyage.
I think I should now do well to say somewhat of
the events which occurred to the Admiral and to his
family during the year that they were left ,on the
island. A few days after my departure the Indians
became refractory, and refused to bring foid ns
they had hitherto done; the Admiral therefore caused
all the caciques to be summoned, and expressed to
them his surprise that they should notsend food as
they were wont to do, knowing as they did, and as
he had already told them, that he had come there
by the command of God. He said that he perceived
that God was angry with them, and that He would
that very night give tokens of Ills displeasure lby
signs that He would cause to appear in the
heavens; and as on that night there was to be an

He does not mention the small island of Navaza
which Fernando Columbus tells us lie touched at.
t This should be Xaragua.
I Anacaona.

almost total eclipse of the moon, he told them that
God caused that appearance to signify His anger
against them for not bringing the food. The Indians,
believing' him, were very frightened, and promised
that they would always bring him food in future;
and so in fact they did until the arrival of the ship
which I had sent loaded with provisions. The
Admiral, and these who were with him, felt no
small joy at the arrival of this ship; and his lord-
ship afterwards informed me in Spain. that in no
part of his life did he ever experience so joyful aday,
for he had never hoped to have left that place alive
and in that same ship he set sail, and went to San
Domingo, and thenceto Spain.
The following is the letter which Mendez
took to Spain. It is taken from Major, who
translated from Navarrete, who took it from
a manuscript in the King's private library
at Madrid. written in the handwriting of
the middle of the sixteenth century and
thought to be the copy made by Lorenzo
Ramirez de Prado. from an edition in 4to.
which is apparently not now in existence.
It is especially interesting as being the first
document ever written in Jamaica :
1 A letter written by Don (Ohistopher Colum-
bus, Viceroy awl Admiral t. ItI f-lies, to the
most Christian a d mighty .,'...,. the King
and Queen of Spiain. in which are described the
events of his voyage, and the countries, provinces,
cities, rivers, aud other marvellous matters, therein
discovered, as well as the places where gold and
other substances of great richness and value are
to be found.
Most Serene, and very high and mighty Princes
the King and Queen our Sovereigns :-
My passage from Cadiz to the Canary occupied
four days, and thence to the Indies, from which I
wrote, sixteen days. My intention wasto expedite
my voyage as much as possible while I had good
vessels, good crews and stores, and because Jamaica
was the place to which I was bound. I wrote this
in Dominica.
Up to the period of my reaching these shores I
experienced most excellent weather, but the night
of my arrival came in with a dreadful tempest, and
the same bad weather has continued ever since.
On reaching the island of Espailola I despatched a
packet of letters, by which I begged as a favour
that a ship should be supplied me at my own cost in
lien of one of those that I had brought with me.
and which hadbecome unseaworthy, and could no
longer carry sail. The letters were taken, and your
IIighnesses will know if a reply has been given to
them. For my part I was forbidden to go on shore;
the hearts of my people failed them lest I should
take them further, and they said that if any danger
were to befall them, they should receive no suc-
cour, but, on the contrary, in all probability have
some great affront offered them. Moreover every
man had it in his power to tell me that the new
Governor would have the superintendence of the
countries that I might acquire.
The tempest was terrible throughout the night,
all the ships were separated, and each one driven
to the last extremity, without hope of anything but
death; each of them also looked upon the loss of
the rest as a matter of certainty. What man was
ever born, not even excepting Job, who would not
have been ready to die of despair at fintling himscli


as I then was, in anxious fear for my own safety
and that of my son, my brother and my friends, and
yet refused permission either to land or to put into
harbour, on the shores which by God's mercy I had
gained for Spain with so much toil and danger ?
But to return to the ships: although the tempest
had so completely separated them from me as to
leave me single, yet the Lord restored them to me
in his own good time. The ship which we had the
greatest fear for, had put out to sea for safety, and
reached the island of Gallega, having lost her boat,
and a great part of her provisions, which latter loss
indeed all the ships suffered. The vessel in which I
was, though dreadfully buffeted, was saved by our
Lord's mercy from any injury whatever; my brother
went in the ship that was unsound, and he under
God was the cause of its being saved. With this
tempest I struggled on till I reached Jamaica, and
there the sea became calm, but there was a strong
current which carried me as far as the Queen's
Garden without seeing land. Hence as opportunity
afforded I pushed on for terra firma, in spite of
the wind and a fearful contrary current, against
which I contended for sixty days, and after all
only made seventy leagues. All this time I was
unable to get into harbour, nor was there any ces-
sation of the tempest, which was one continuation
of rain, thunder and lighting; indeed it seemed as
if it were the end of the world. I at length
reached the Cape of Gracias a Dios, and after that
the Lord granted me fair wind and tide ; this was
on the twelfth of September. Eighty-eight days
did this fearful tempest continue, during which 1
was at sea, and saw neither sun nor stars; my ships
lay exposed, with sails torn, and anchors, rigging,
cables, boats, and a great quantity of provisions
lost; my people were very weak and humbled in
spirit, many of them promising to lead a religious
life, and all making vows and promising to per-
form pilgrimages, while some of them would fre-
quently go to their messmates to make confession.
Other tempests have been experienced, but never
of so long a duration or so fearful as this: many
whom we looked upon as brave men, on several
occasions showed considerable tripidation ; but the
distress of my son who was with me grieved me to
the soul, and the more when I considered his
tender age, for he was but thirteen years old, and
he enduring so much toil for so long a time. Our
Lord, however, gave him strength even to enable
him to encourage the rest, and he worked as if he
had been eighty years at sea, and all this was a
consolation to me. I myself had fallen sick, and
was many times at the point of death, but from a
little cabin that I had caused to be constructed on
deck, I directed our course. My brother was in
the ship that was in the worst condition and
the most exposed to danger; and my grief on
this account was the greater that I brought him
with me against his will.
Such is my fate, that the twenty years of service
through which I have passed with so much toil
and danger, have profited me nothing, and at this
very day I do not possess a roof in Spain that I can
call my own; if I wish to eat or sleep, I have
nowhere to go but to the inn or tavern, and most
times lack wherewith to pay the bill. Another
anxiety wrung my very heartstrings, which was
the thought of my son Diego, whom I had left an
orphan in Spain, and stripped of the honour and
property which were due to him on my account,
although I had looked upon it as a certainty, that
your Majesties, as just and grateful Princes, would

restore it to him in all respects with increase. I
reached the laud of Cariay, where I stopped to re-
pair my vessels and take in provisions, as well as
to afford relaxation to the men, who had become
very weak 1 myself (who, as I said before, had
been several times at the point of death) gained
information respecting the gold mines of which I
was in search, in the province of Ciamba; and two
Indians conducted me to Carambaru, where the
people (who go naked) wear golden mirrors round
their necks, which they will neither sell, give, nor
part with for any consideration. They named to
me many places on the sea coast where there were
both gold and mines. The last that they men-
tioned was Veragua, which was about five and
twenty leagues distant from the place where we
then were. I started with the intention of visit-
ing all of them, but when I had reached the middle
*of my journey I learned that there were other
mines at so short a distance that they might be
reached in two days. I determined on sending to
see them. It was on the eve of St. Simon and St.
Jude, which was the day fixed for our departure;
but that night there arose so violent a storm, that
we were forced to go wherever it drove us, and
the Indian who was to conduct us to the mines
was with us all the time. As I had found every
thing true that had been told me in the different
places which I had visited, I felt satisfied it would
be the same with respect to Cignare, which accord-
ing to their account, is nine days' journeyacross
the country westward: they tell me there is a great
quantity of gold there, and that the inhabitants
wear coral ornaments on their heads, and very
large coral bracelets and anklets, with which
article also they adorn and inlay their seats, boxes
and tables. They also said that the women there
wore necklaces hanging down to their shoulders.
All the people agree in the report I now repeat,
and their account is so favourable that I should be
content with the tithe of the advantages that
their description holds out. They are all likewise
acquainted with the pepper-plant. According to
the account of these people, the inhabitants of
Ciguare are accustomed to hold fairs and markets
for carrying on their commerce, and they showed
me also the mode and form in which they transact
their various exchanges. Others assert that their
ships carry guns, and that the men go clothed, and
use bows and arrows, swords and cuirasses, and
that on shore they have horses which they use in
battle, and that they wear rich clothes and have
most excellent houses. They also say that the sea
surrounds Ciguare, and that at ten days' journey
from thence is the river Ganges. These lands ap-
pear to have the same bearings with respect to
Veragna, as Tortosa has to Fontarabia. or Pisa
to Venice. When I left Carambaru and reached
the places in its neighbourhood, which I have
above mentioned as being spoken of by the
Indians, I found the customs of the people cor-
respond with the accounts that had been given of
them, except as regarded the golden mirrors; any
man who had one of them would willingly part
with it for three hawks'-bells, although they
were equivalent in weight to ten or fifteen ducats.
These people resemble the natives of Espailolain
all their habits. They have various modes of col-
lecting the gold, none of which will bear com-
parison with the plans adopted by the Christians.
All that I have here stated is from hearsay.
This, however, I know, that in the year ninety-four,
I sailed twenty-four degrees to the westward in


nine hours, and there can be no mistake upon the
subject, because there was an eclipse; the sun was
in Libra and the moon in Aries. What I had
learned by the mouth of these people I already
knew in detail from books. Ptolemy thought that
he had satisfactorily corrected Marinus, and yet
this letter appears to have come very near to the
truth. Ptolemy places Catigara at a distance of
twelve lines to the west of his meridian, which he
fixes at two degrees and a third above Cape St.
Vincent, in Portugal. Marines comprises the earth
and its limits in fifteen lines, and the same author
describes the Indus in Ethiopia as being more than
four and twenty degrees from the equinoctial line
and now that the Portuguese have sailed there they
find it correct. Ptolemy says also that the most
southern land is the first boundary, and that it does
not go lower down than fifteen degrees and a third.
The world is but small; out of seven divisions of.
it the dry part occupies six. and the seventh only
is covered by water.* Experience has shown it,
and I have written it with quotations from the
Holy Scripture, in other letters, where I have
treated of the situation of the terrestrial paradise
as approved by Holy Church; and I say that the
world is not so large as vulgar opinion makes it
and that one degree from the equinoctial line
measures fifty-six miles and two thirds; and this
may be proved to a nicety. But I leave this sub-
ject, which it is not my intention now to treat
upon, but simply to give a narrative of my labori-
ous and painful voyage, although of all my voyages
it is the most honourable and advantageous. I
have said that on the eve of St. Simon and St.
Jude I ran before the wind wherever it took me,
without power to resist it; at length I found
shelter for ten days from the roughness of the sea
and the tempest overhead, and resolved not to at-
tempt to go back to the mines, which I regarded
as already in our possession.
When I started in pursuance of my voyage it
was under a heavy rain, and reaching the harbour
of Bastimentos I put in, though much against my
will. The storm and a rapid current kept me in
for fourteen days, when I again set sail,but not with
favourable weather. After I had made fifteen
leagues with great exertions, the wind and the
current drove me back again with great fury, but
in again making for the port which I had quitted,
I found on the way another port, which I named
Retrete, where I put in for shelter with as much
risk as regret, the ships being in sad condition, and
my crews and myself exceedingly fatigued. I
remained there fifteen days, kept in by stress of
weather, and when I fancied my troubles were at
an end, I found them only begun. It was then
that I changed my resolution with respect to pro-
ceeding to the mines, and proposed doing some-
thing in the interim, until e ethe r should
prove more favourable for my voyage. I had al-
ready made four leagues when the storm recom-
menced, and wearied me to such a degree that I
absolutely knew not what to do: my wound re-
opened, and for nine days my life was despaired of.
Never was the sea seen so high, so terrific, and so
covered with foam; not only did the wind oppose
our proceeding onward, but it also rendered it
highly dangerous to run in for any headland, and
kept me in that sea which seemed to me as a sea

This calculation of course ignored the Pacific.
The real proportion is about two-thirds water to
one-third land.

of blood, seething like a cauldron on a mighty
fire. Never did the sky look more fearful ; during
one day and one night it burned like a furnace,
and emitted flashes in such fashion that each time
I looked to see it my masts and my sails were not
destroyed; these flashes came with such alarming
fury that we all thought the ship must have been
consumed. All this time the waters from heaven
never ceased, not to say that it rained, for it was
like a repetition of the deluge. The men were at
this time so crushed in spirit, that they longed for
death as a deliverance from so many martyrdoms.
Twice already had the ships suffered loss in boats,
anchors and rigging, and were now lying bare
without sails.

When it pleased our Lord, I returned to Puerto
Gordo, where I recruited my condition as well as
I could. I then once more attempted the voyage
towards Veragua, although I was by no means in a
fit state to undertake it. The wind and currents
were still contrary. I arrived at nearly the same
spot as before, and there again the wind and
currents still opposed my progress ; once more I
was compelled to put into harbour, not daring to
encounter the opposition of Saturn with such a
boisterous sea, and on so formidable a coast; for it
almost always brings on a tempest or severe
weather. This was on Christmas-day, about the
hour of mass Thus after all these fatigues, I had
once more to return to the spot from whence I
started; and when the new year had set in, I
returned again to my task: but although I had
fine weather for my voyage, the ships were no
longer in a sailing condition, and my people were
either dying or very sick. On the day of the
Epiphany, I reached Veraga in a state of ex-
haustion; there by our Lord's goodness, I found
a river and a safe harbour, although at the en-
trance there were only ten spans of water. I
succeeded in making an entry, but with great
difficulty; and on the following day the storm re-
commenced, and had I been still on the outside at
that time, I should have been unable to enter on
account of the bar. It rained without ceasing
until the 14th of February, so that I could find no
opportunity of penetrating into the interior, nor
of recruiting my condition in any respect what-
ever; and on the 24th of January, when I con-
sidered myself in perfect safety. the river suddenly
rose with great violence to a considerable
height, breaking my cables and the supports to
which they were fastened, and nearly carrying
away my ships altogether, which certainly appeared
to me to be in greater danger than ever. Our
Lord, however, brought a remedy as He has al.
ways done. I do not know if any one else ever
suffered greater trials.

On the 6th of February, whileit was still rain-
ing, I sent seventy men on shore to go into the in.
terior, and at five leagues distance they found seve-
ral mines. The Indians who went with em, con-
ducted them to a very lofty mountain, and thero3
showing them the country all round, as far as the
eye could reach, told them there was gold in
every part, and that, towards the west, the mines
extended twenty days' journey ; they also recounted
the names of the towns and villages where there
was more or less of it. I afterwards learned that
the cacique Quibian, who had lent these Indians,
had ordered them to show the distant mines, and
which belonged to an enemy of his; but that in his
own territory, one man might, if he would, collect


in ten days as much as a child could carry. I bring
with me some Indians, his servants, who can bear
witness to this fact. The boats went up to the
spot where the dwellings of these people are
situated; and. after four hours, my brother returned
with the guides, all of them bringing back gold
which they had collected at that place. The gold
must therefore be abundant, and of good quali-
ty, for none of these men had ever seen mines
before; very many of them had never seen pure
gold, and most of them were seamen and lads.
Having building materials in abundance, I estab-
lished a settlement, and made many presents to
Quibian, which is the name they gave to the lord
of the country. I plainly saw that harmony would
not last long, for the natives are of a very rough
disposition, and the Spaniards very encroaching;
and, moreover, I had taken possession of land be-
longing to Quibian. When he saw what we did,
and found the traffic increasing, he resolved upon
burning the houses, and putting us all to death;
but his project did not succeed for we took him
prisoner, together with his wives, his children, and
his servants. His captivity, it is true. lasted but
a short time, for he eluded the custody of a trust-
worthy man, into whose charge he had been given,
with a guard of men; and his sons escaped from a
ship, in which they had been placed under the
special charge of the master.
In the month of January the mouth of the river
was entirely closed up, and in April the vessels
were so eaten with the teredo, that they could
scarcely be kept above water. At this time the
river forced a channel for itself, by which I man-
aged with great difficulty to extricate three of them
after I had unloaded them. The boats were then
sent back into the river for water and salt, but the
sea became so high and furious, that it afforded
them no chance of exit; upon which the Indians
collected themselves together in great numbers,
and made an attack upon the boats, and at length
massacred the men. My brother, and all the rest
of our people, were in a ship which remained in-
side; I was alone, outside, upon that dangerous
coast, suffering from a severe fever and worn with
fatigue. All hope of escape was gone. I toiled
up to the highest part of the ship, and, with a
quivering voice, and fast-falling tears. I called
upon your Highnesses' war-captains from each
point of the compass to come to my succour, but
there was no reply. At length groaning with ex-
haustion, I fell asleep, and heard a compassionate
voice address me thus:-") fool, and slow to be-
lieve and to serve thy God, the God of all I what did he
do more for Moses, or or David his servant, than He
has done for thee ? From thine infancy lie has kept
thee under His constant and watchful care. When
He saw thee arrived at an age which suited His de-
signs respecting thee. fie brought wonderful renown
to thy name, throughout all the land. He gave thee
for thine own the Idies, which form so rich a portion
of the world, and thou hast divided them as it pleased
thee. for He gave thee power to do so. He gave thee
also the Keys of those barriers of the ocean sea which
were closed with such mighty chains; and thou wast
obeyed through many lands, and gained an honour-
able fame throughout Christendom. What did the
Most High do for the people of Israel. when he brought
them out of Egypt? or for David, whom from a shep-
herd He made to be king in Juda6a ? Turn to Hinm,
and acknowledge thine error-His mercy is infinite.
Thine old aqe shall not prevent thee front accomplish-
ing any great undertaking. He holds under His sway

the greatest possessions. Abraham had exceeded a
hundred years of age when he begat Isaac; nor was
Sarah young. rhou criest out for uncertain help :
answer, who has afflicted thee so much and so often,
God or the world 2 The privileges promised by God,
He never fails in bestowing ; nor does He ever declare
after a service has been rendered Him, that such was
not agreeable with His intention, or that he had re-
garded the matter in another light; nor does He
i;,i7.: ,,,"i ri;,,. in order to make a show of His power.
H. .t. i.t ...,r to His words; and iHe performs all
His promises with interest. Is this the usual course ?
Thus I have told you what the Creator has done for
thee, and what He does for all men. Even now He
partially shows thee the reward of so many toils and
dangers incurred by thee in the service of others."
I heard all this, as it werein a trance : but I had
no answer to give in definite words, and could but
weep for my errors, He who spoke to me, who-
ever he was, concluded by saying, "Fear not, but
trait; all these tribulations are recorded on marble,
and not without cause." I arose as soon as I could;
and at the end of nine days there came fine
weather, but not sufficiently so to allow of draw-
ing the vessels out of the river. I collected the
men who were on land, and, in fact, all of them
that I could, because there were not enough to
admit of one party remaining on shore while
another stayed on board to work the vessels. I
myself should have remained with my men to de-
fend the buildings I had constructed, had your
Highnesses been cognizant of all the facts; but the
doubt whether any ships would ever reach the spot
where we were, as well as the thought, that while
I was asking for succour I might bring succour to
myself, made me decide upon leaving. I departed,
in the name of the Holy Trinity, on Easter night,
with the ships rotten, worm-eaten and full of holes.
One of them I left at Belem, with a supply of neces-
saries; I did the same at Belpuerto. I then had only
two left, and they in the same state as the others.
I was without boats or provisions, and in this con-
dition I had to cross seven thousand miles of sea;
or, as an alternative, to die on the passage with my
son, my brother, and so many of my people. Let
those who are in the habit of finding fault and
censuring, ask, while they sit in security at home,
Why did you not do so and so under such circum-
stances?" I wish they now had this voyage to
make. I verily believe that another journey of
another kind awaits them, if there is any reliance
to be placed upon our holy faith.
On the 13th of May I reached the province of
Mago. which is contiguous to that of Cathay, and
thence I started for the island of Espafiola. I
sailed two days with a good wind, after which it
became contrary. The route that I followed called
forth all my care to avoid the numerous islands,
that I might not be stranded on the shoals that lie
in their neighbourhood. The sea was very tem-
pestuous. and I was driven backward under bare
poles. I anchored at an island, where I lost, at
one stroke. three anchors; and, at midnight, when
the weather was such that the world appeared to
be coming to an end, the cables of the other ship
broke, and it came down upon my vessel with such
force that it was a wonder we were not dashed to
pieces ; the single anchor that remained to me, was,
next to the Lord, our only preservation. After six
days, when the weather became calm, I resumed
my journey having already lost all my tackle;
my ships were pierced with worm-holes, like a bee-
hive, and the crew entirely paralysed with fear and


in despair. I reached the island a little beyond
the point at which I first arrived at it, and there
I stayed to recover myself from the effects of the
storm; but I afterwards put into a much safer
port in the same island. After eight days I put
to sea again, and reached Jamaica by the end of
June; but always beating against contrary winds,
and with the ships in the worst possible condition.
With three pnmps, and the use of pots and kettles,
we could scarcely with all hands clear the water that
came into the ship, there being no remedy but this
for the mischief done by the ship-worm. I steered
in such a manner as to come as near as possible
to Espaiiola, from which we were twenty-eight
leagues distant, but I afterwards wished I had not
done so, for the other ship which was half under
water was obliged to run in for a port, I deter-
mined on keeping the sea in spite of the weather,
and my vessel was on the very point of sinking
when our Lord miraculously brought us upon land.
Who will believe what I now write ? I assert that in
this letter I have not related one hundredth part of
the wonderful events that occurred in this voyage;
those who were with the Admiral can bear witness to
it. If your Highnesses would be graciously pleased
to send to my help a ship of above sixty-four tons,
with two hundred quintals of biscuits and other
provisions, there would then be sufficient to carry
me and my crew from Espaflola to Spain. I have
already said that there are not twenty-eight leagues
between Jamaica and Espaiola ; and I should not
have gone there, evenif the ships had been in a
fit condition for so doing, because your Highnesses
ordered me not to land there. God knows if this
command has proved of any service. I send this
letter by means of and by the hands of Indians; it
will be a miracle if it reaches its destination.
This is the account I have to give of my ..; i
The men who accompanied me were a hundred and
fifty in number, among whom were many calcu-
lated for pilots and good sailors, but none of them
can explain whither I went nor whence I came.
The reason is very simple. I started from a point
above the port of Brazil and while I was in Espaii-
ola, the storm prevented me from following my
intended route, for I was obliged to go wherever
the wind drove me; at the same time I fell very
sick, and there was no one who had navigated in
these parts before. However, after some days,
the wind and sea became tranquil, and the storm
was succeeded by a calm, but accompanied with
rapid currents. I put into harbour at an island
called Isla de las Bocas, and then steered for terra
firm; but it is impossible to give a correct account
of all our movements, because I was carried away
by the current so many days without seeing land.
I ascertained, however, by the compass and by ob-
servation, that 1 moved parallel with the coast of
terra firma. No one could tell under what part of
the heavens we were, nor at what period I bent
my course for the island of Espailola. The pilots
thought we had come to the island of St. John,
whereas it was the land of Mango, four hundred
leagues to the westward of where they said. Let
them answer and say if they know where Veragua
is situated. I assert that they can give no other
account than that they went to lands, where there
was an abundance of gold, and this they can certify
surely enough; but they do not know the way to
return thither for such a purpose; they would be
obliged to go on a voyage of discovery as much as
if they had never been there before. There is a
mode of reckoning derived from astronomy which

is sure and safe, and a sufficient guide to anyone
who understands it. This resembles a prophetic
vision. The Indian vessels do not sail except with
the wind abaft, but this is not because they are
badly built or clumsy, but because the strong
currents in those parts, together with the wind,
render it impossible to sail with the bowline, for
in one day they would lose as much way as they
might have made in seven; for the same reason I
could make no use of caravels, even though they
were Portuguese latteens. This is the cause that
they do not sail unless with a regular breeze, and
they will sometimes stay in harbour waiting for
this seven or eight months at a time ; nor is this
anything wonderful, for the same very often occurs
in Spain. The nation of which Pope Pius writes
has now been found, judging at least by the situa-
tion and other evidences, excepting the horses
with the saddles and poitrels and bridles of gold ;
but this is not to be wondered at, for the lands on
the sea-coast are only inhabited by fishermen, and,
moreover, I made no stay there; because I was in
haste to proceed on my voyage. In Cariay and the
neighboring country there are great enchanters
of a very fearful character. They would have
given the world to prevent my remaining there an
hour. When I arrived they sent me immediately
two girls very showily dressed ; the eldest could
not be more than eleven years of age and the other
seven, and both exhibited so much immodesty,
that more could not be expected from public
women; they carried concealed about them a
magic powder; when they came I gave them some
articles to dress themselves out with, and directly
sent them back to the shore. I saw here, built on
a mountain, a sepulchre as large as a house, and
elaborately sculptured, the body lay uncovered and
with the face downwards; they also spoke to me of
other very excellent works of art. There are many
species of animals both small and large, and very
different from those of our country. I had at the
time two boars, that an Irish dog would not dare
to face. An archer had wounded an animal like
an ape, except that it was larger, and had a face
like a man's; the arrow had pierced it from the
neck to the tail, which made it so fierce that they
were obliged to disable it by cutting off one of its
arms and a leg, one of the boars grew wild on see-
ing this and fled; upon which I ordered the begare
(as the inhabitants called him) to be thrown to the
boar, and though the animal was nearly dead, and
the arrow had passed quite through his body, yet
he threw his tail round the snout of the boar, and
then holding him firmly, seized him by the nape
of the neck with his remaining hand. as if he were
engaged with an enemy. This action was so
novel and so extraordinary, that I have thought
it worth while to describe it here. There is a
great variety of animals here, but they all die of
the barra I saw some very large fowl (the
feathers of which resemble wool), lions, stags,
fallow-dear, and birds.
When we were so harassed with our troubles at
sea, some of our men imagined that we were under
the influence of sorcery, and even to this day en-
tertain the same notion. Some of the people
whom I discovered were cannibals, as was evi-
denced by the brutality of their countenances.
They say thet there are great mines of copper in
the country, of which they make hatchets and
other elaborate articles, both cast and soldered;
they also make of it forges, with all the apparatus
of the goldsmith, and crucibles. The inhabitants


go clothed; and in that province I saw some large
sheets of cotton very elaborately and cleverly
worked, and others very delicately pencilled in
colours. They told me that more inland towards
Cathay they have them interwoven with gold. For
want of an interpreter we were able to learn but
very little respecting these countries. or what they
contain. Although the country is very thickly peo-
pled, yet each nation has a very different language ;
indeed, so much so, that they can no more under-
stand each other thln we understand the Arabs.
I think, however, that this applies to the barba-
rians on the sea-coast, and not to the people who
live more inland. When 1 discovered the Indies,
I said that they composed the richest lordship in
the world; I spoke of gold and pearls and precious
stones, of spices, and the traffic that might be
carried on in them; and because all these things
were not forthcoming at once I was abused. This
punishment causes me to refrain from relating
anything but what the natives tell me. One thing
1 can venture upon stating, because there are so
many witnesses of it, viz., that in thislandof Vera-
gun I saw more signs of gold in the two first days
than I saw in Espasiola during four years, and that
there is not a more fertile or better cultivated
country in all the world, nor one whose inhabi-
tants are more timid; added to which there is a
good harbour, a beautiful river, and the whole
place is capable of being easily put into a state of
defence. All this tends to the security of the
Christians, and the permanency of their sovereignty,
while it affords the hope of great increase and
honour to the Christian religion; moreover the
road hither will be as short as that to Espatola,
because there is a certainty of a fair wind for the
passage. Your Highnesses are as much lords of
tais country as of Xcres or Toledo. and your ships
that may come here will do so with the same free-
dom as if they v -.. ..:.; i.. your own royal palace.
From hence th-3 ,.. il ...r ,,n gold, and whereas if
they should wish to become masters of the products
of other lands, they will have to take them by
force, or retire empty-handed, in this country they
will simply have to trust their persons in the hands
of a savage.
I have already explained my reason for refrain-
ing to treat of other subjects respecting which I
might speak. I do not state as certain, nor do I
confirm even the sixth part of all that I have said
or written. nor do I pretend to be at the fountain-
head of the information. The Genoese, Venetians,
and all other nations that possess pearls, precious
stones, and other articles of value, take them to
the ends of the world to exchange them for
gold. Gold is the most precious of all commodi-
ties; gold constitutes treasure, and he who possess
it has all he needs in this world, as also the means
of rescuing souls from purgatory, and restoring
them to the enjoyment of paradise. They say that
when one of the lords of the country of Veragua
dies, they bury all the gold he possessed with his
body. There were brought to Solomon at one journey
six hundred and sixty-six quintals of gold, besides
what the merchants and sailors brought, and that
which was paid in Arabia. Of this gold he made
two hundred lances and three hundred shields,
and the entablature which was above them was
also of gold, and ornamented with precious stones :
many other things he made likewise of gold, and a
great number of vessels of great size, which he
enriched with precious stones. This is related by
Josephus in his Chronicle "de Antiquitatibus;"

-mention is also made of it in the Chronicles
and in the Book of Kings. Josephus thinks
that this gold was found in the Aurea; if it were
so, I contend that these mines of the Anrea are
identical with those of Veragua which as I have
said before, extends westward twenty days' journey,
at.an equal distance from the Pole and the Line.
Solomon bought all of it-gold, precious stones, and
silver,-but your Majesties needonly send to seek
them to have them at your pleasure. David, in his
will, left three thousandquintals of Indian gold
to Solomon, to assist in building the Temple; and,
according to Josephus. it came from these lands.
Jerusalem and Mount Zion are to be rebuilt by the
hands of Christians, as God has declared by the
mouth of His prophet in the fourteenth Psalm. The
Abb6 Joaquim said that he who should do this was
to come from Spain; Saint Jerome showed the
holy woman the way to accomplish it; and the
emperor of Cathay has, some time since, sent for
wise men to instruct him in the faith of Christ.
Who willoffer himself for this work ? Should any-
one do so, I pledge myself, in the name of God, to
convey him safely thither, provided the Lord per-
mits me to return to Spain. The people who
have sailed with me have passed through incredi-
ble toil and danger, and I beseech your Highnesses,
since they are poor, to pay them promptly, and to
be gracious to each of them according to their
respective merits; for I can safely assert, that to
my belief they are the bearers of the best news that
ever were carried to Spain. With respect to the
gold which belongs to Quibian, the cacique of
Veragua, and other chiefs in the neighboring
country, although it appears by the accounts we
have received of it to be very abundant, I do not
think it would be well or desirable, on the part of
your Highnesses to take possession of it in the way
of plunder; by fair dealing, scandal and disrepute
will be avoided, and all the gold will thus reach
your Highnesses' treasury without the loss of a
grain. With one month of fair weather, I shall
complete my voyage. As I was deficient in ships,
I did not persist in delaying my course; but in
everything that concerns Your Highnesses' service,
I trust in Him who made me, and I hope also that
my health will be re-established. I think your
Highnesses will remember that I had intended to
build some ships in a new manner, but the short-
ness of the time did not permit it. .I had certainly
foreseen how things would be. I think more of
this opening for commerce, and of the lordship
over such extensive mines, than of all that has
been (lone in the Indies. This is not a child to
be left to the care of a step-mother.
I never think of Espailola, and Paria, and the
other countries, without shedding tears. I
thought that what had occurred there would have
been an example for others; on the contrary,
these settlements are now in a languid state, al-
though not dead, and the malady is incurable, or
at least, very extensive: let him who brought the
evil come now and cure it. if he knows the remedy,
or how to apply it; but when a disturbance is on
foot, every one is ready to take the lead. It used
to be the custom to give thanks and promotion to
him who placed his person in jeopardy; but there
is no justice in allowing the man who opposed
this undertaking, to enjoy the fruits of it with his
children. Those who left the Indies avoiding the
toils consequent upon the enterprise, and speak-
ing evil of it and me, have since returned with
official appointments-such is the case now in


Veragua: it is an evil example, and profitless both
as regards the business in which we are embarked
and as respect the general maintenance of jus-
tice. The fear of this, with other sufficient con-
siderations, which I clearly foresaw, caused me to
beg your Highnesses, previously to my coming to
discover these islands and terra firma, to grant me
permission to govern in your royal name. Your
Highnesses granted my request; and it was a
privilege and treaty granted under the royal seal
and oath, by which I was nominated viceroy,
and admiral, and governor-general of all: and
Your Highnesses limited the extent of my govern-
ment to a hundred leagues beyond the Azores and
Cape Verde islands, by a line passing from one
pole to the other, and gave me ample power over
all that I might discover beyond this line; all
which is more fully described in the official docu-
But the most important affair of all, and that
which cries most loudly for redress, remains inex-
plicable to this moment. For seven years was
I at your royal court, where every one to whom
the enterprise was mentioned, treated it as ridicu-
lous; but now there is not a man, down to the very
tailors, who does not beg to be allowed to become
a discoverer. There is reason to believe, that
they make the voyage only for plunder, and that
they are permitted to do so, to the great dispar-
agement of my honour, and the detriment of the
undertaking itself. It is right to give God His
due,-and to receive that which belongs to one's
self. This is a just sentiment, and proceeds from
just feelings. The lands in this part of the world,
which are now under your Highnesses' sway, are
richer and more extensive than those of any other
Christian power, and yet, afterr that I had, by the
Divine will, placed them under your high and
royal sovereignty, and was on the point of bring-
ing your majesties into the receipt of a very great
and unexpected revenue; and while I was waiting
for ships, to convey me in safety, and with a heart
full of joy, to your royal presence, victoriously to
announce the news of the' gold that I had dis-
covered, I was arrested and thrown, with my two
brothers, loaded with irons, into a ship, stripped
and very ill-treated, without being allowed any
appeal to justice. Who could believe, that a poor
foreigner would have risen against your High-
nesses, in such a place, without any motive or argu-
ment on his side, without even the assistance of
any other prince upon which to rely; bhut on the
contrary, amongst your own vassals and natural sub-
jects, and with my sons staying at your royal court ?
I was twenty-eight* years old when I came into
your Highnesses' service andinow I have not a hair
upon me that is not grey; my body is infirm, and
all that was left to me, as well as to my brothers,
has been taken away and sold, even to the frock
that I wore, to my great dishonour. I cannot but
believe that this was done without your royal per-
mission. The restitution of my honour, the re-
paration of my losses, and the punishment of those
who have inflicted them. will rebound to the hon-
our of your royal character; a similar punishment
also is due to those who plundered me of my pearls,
and who have brought a disparagement upon the
privileges of my admiralty. Great and unexam-
pled will be the glory and fame of your Highnesses,
if you do this, and the memory of your High-
nesses, as just and grateful sovereigns, will survive

*This is probably a mistake for thirty-eight.

as a bright example to Spain in future ages. The
honest devotedness I have always shown to your
majesties' service, and the so unmerited outrage
with which it has been repaid, will not allow my
soul to keep silence, however much I may wish it :
I implore your Highnesses to forgive my com-
plaints. I am indeed in as ruined a condition
as I have related; hitherto I have wept over
others;-may Heaven now have mercy upon me,
and may the earth weep for me. With regard to
temporal things, I have not even a blanca for
an offering; and in spiritual things, I have
ceased here in the Indies from observing the pre-
scribed fo ms ot religion. Solitary in my trouble.
sick, and in daily expectation of death, surrounded
by millions of hostile savages full of cruelty, and
thus separated from the blessed sacraments of our
holy Church, how will my soul be 'forgotten if it
be separated from the body in this foreign land ?
Weep for me, whoever has charity, truth, and
justice I I did not come out on this voyage to gain
to myself honour or wealth ; this is a certain fact,
for at that time all hope of such a thing was dead.
I do not lie when I say that I went to your High-
nesses with honest purpose of heart, and sincere
zeal in your cause. I humbly beseech your High-
nesses, that if it please God to rescue me from this
place, you will graciously sanction my pilgrimage
to Rome and other holy places. May the Holy
Trinity protect your Highnesses' lives, and add to
the prosperity of your exalted position.
Done in the Indies, in the island of Jamaica, on
the seventh of July, in the year one thousand five
hundred and three.
In addition to this letter, Columbus gave
to Mendez a letter to Father Gaspar
Gorriciol, and one to Ovandot asking for
vessels to convey himself and his crews to
Bryan Edwards tells us that there was, in
his time, preserved among the journals of
the Council of Jamaica, a very old volume
in MS. consisting of diaries and reports of
Governors, and that in that hook was to he
found the translation of a letter to the King
of Spain, said to be written by Columbus
during his stay in Jamaica: and he adds '" as
it appears to me to bear marks of authen-
tivity, I shall present it to my readers." The
MS. volume is lost. A copy of the letter was
printed at St. Jago in 1800, in Interesting
Tracts relating to the island of Jamaica" and
it wasalso copied by Dr. Henry Barhamin his
unpublished history of Jamtica in the Sloane
MSS. in the British Museum ; and in the
" Columbian Magazine" (Jamaica) for 1796.
One would like to know where the original
of this letter is. It is doubtful if it be
genuine. At all events it contains one
falsehood. Speaking of the ship which
Ovando sent from Espailola, it says his
boat neither delivered a letter, nor spoke

*This is included in Navarrete's Coleccion."
tA Fragment of this is given by Navarrete.


with, nor would receive any letter from us."
And it makes Columbus speak of himself as
Christopher Columbus, a method of refer.
ence not adopted in any of his genuine
letters. Moreover it is unlikely to the last
degree that a translation should have been
preserved in Jamaica, and that no Spanish
version should be known in Spain.
It is unnecessary here to dwell on the
wanton, senseless and fiendish cruelties
which Ovando had been indulging in at
the expense of an ignorant, and in most
cases, inoffensive people, whose sympathies
lie alienated for all time, thereby smearing
a blot on the story of Spain in the West
Indies which no time will efface. He now
added to cruelties to the Indians, neglect of
his own countrymen in Jamaica: and the
suggestion that he hoped Columbus might
die so that he might succeed to his rights
and powers, certainly seems to be borne out
by his delay in sending succour.
In the meantime hope of assistance
deferred, their crowded quarters on ship-
board, and want of occupation and exercise
began to have their effects upon the health
and spirits of the little settlement at Santa
Gloria. Discontent led to open rebellion.
The brothers Porras (Francisco, the captain
of the Santiago, and Diego the accountant)
led the revolt, followed by Juan Sanchez,
the pilot Ledesma, Barba the gunner, and
some fifty others, who were moved to
rebellion by Porras's false representations.
On the 2nd of January, 1504, when Colum-
bus was confined in bed by gout, Francisco
de Porras burst into his small cabin and
accused the admiral of having no intention
of returning to Spain. Remonstrances were
useless, and, to quote the Historie,"
Porras replied, that it was not now time to talk,
and that the Admiral must either embark imme-
diately or stay there by himself; and turning his
back upon the admiral he called out in a loud voice.
I am bound for Spain with those that are willing
to follow me" On this all his followers who were
present shouted out. We will go with you we will
go with you I" and running about in great contusion
crying, "Let them diel let them die! For Spain!
for Spain" I while others called on the captain for
his orders, they took possession of the poop, fore-
castle, and round tops.
Though the admiral was then so lame of the gout
that he could not stand, he yet endeavoured to rise
and come out upon deck on hearing this uproar; but
two or tee worthy persons, his attendants laid
hold upon him and forcibly laid him avain in hbed,
that the mutineers might not murder him; they
then ran to his brother, who was going out coura-
geously with a half-pike, and wresting it from his
hands, they forced him into the cabin beside the
admiral, desiring Captain Porras to go where he
liked, and not commit a crime for which they might
all suffer; that he might be satisfied in meeting no
opposition to his going away, but if he killed the

admiral he must lay his account with heing severely
punished for what could not possibly be of the least
benefit to his views.
The rebels seized some stores and ten
canoes which Columbus had purchased at
Maima, a native village near where the cara-
vels were grounded, and which perhaps stood
by Mammee Bay, and made several futile at-
tempts to follow Mendez to Espaniola; prov-
ing themselves such wretches, it is said, as to
force into the sea, when the waves ran high
in order to lighten the canoes, those poor
Indians whom they had taken with them to
navigate their canoes.
Foiled by their own cowardice and want
of enterprise from leaving Jamaica, they
ran riot throughout the island, ill-treating
the natives, and thereby upsetting the
reputation for kindness and fair dealing
which the Admiral had carefully been
building up. The result was that the
natives, not able to distinguish between the
followers of Columbus and his renegades,
began to change their regard for their visi-
tors : the consistent and steady labour
necessary for the due supply of food also
was unusual and proved irksome to.them,
and the Spanish trinkets with their loss of
novelty lost much of their value in their
eyes. Supplies therefore were not now
forthcoming, and Columbus found himself
and his companions, many of whom were
with him owing rather to sickness than to
loyalty, in danger of starvation. Once
again his resourceful nature stood him in
good stead, and he made use of an approach-
ing eclipse to bring them to reason in the
manner related by Mendez.
Columbus's troubles were by no means
over. But in March, just as discontent
amongst his followers was again becoming
formidable, a caravel hove in sight, and all
hearts were raised in thanksgiving in anti-
cipation of being removed from their disa-
greeable position. Bitter must have been
the disappointment when, the ship anchoring
outside the bay, a boat put off, and Escobar,
the messenger sent by Ovanda, handed a
letter to Columbus, with a present of a bottle
of wine and a piece of bacon : and it was
found that the letter contained merely con-
dolences for their sufferings, and regret
that no vessels could be spared for the
purpose of bringing them from Jamaica.
It was a sorry jest on Ovanda's part, and
there seems reason for believing that Esco-
bar had been sent rather in the hope of
finding that the admiral was dead, than to
render succour. Still Columbus's dignity


and courage did not desert him. He sent
an answer asking for assistance, consoling
himself with the reflection that Mendez
was safe, and that sooner or later succour
would come: and Escobar left that same
At this time Columbus endeavoured to
pacify the rebel party by sending to tell
them of the arrival of Escobar, giving
them a piece of the bacon as a token ; and
he offered, if they returned to obedience,
to give them a free pardon and a passage to
Spain. Porras persuaded his followers to
decline this offer and to demand permission to
reside where they liked in the island and a
promise of half the room on ship-board and
half the stores when help should arrive.
On being told that these demands would
not be complied with, they said they would
take them by force.
Hearing that Porras and his mutineers
were marching in open rebellion upon
Maima, Columbus entrusted to the Adelan-
tado the task of pacifying them or defying
them. Bartolom6 gathered together what
men he could, about fifty in all, and, after
overtures had been rejected by Porras who
calculated on his superior numbers to gain
him an easy victory, prepared to receive
attack on the 19th of May. Porras and six
others made a dead set at the Adelantado,
for they thought if they could kill him,
the rest would be easy. But the bold Bar-
tolom6 was not dismayed. His first three
blows disposed of the powerful Sanchez,
the pilot, Barba, the gunner, and Ledesma,
who, however, recovered from his wounds in
spite of the fact that he fell into a ravine
and was not discovered till the next day.
Then he received on his shield a fierce
blow from Francisco de. Porras, who, his
sword sticking in the shield, was over-
powered and bound. His followers fled,
and the formidable revolt was quelled by
the courage and strength of one man. The
Adelantado lost but one soldier. This minia-
ture battle had been witnessed by the
natives drawn up in battle array, and after
the fight was over they marvelled to find
that the strangers from the skies were but
mortal like themselves. Columbus, with
his usual clemency, granted the pardon
asked for by the rebels, and even spared
the lives of the two Porrases, whom he,
however, kept in custody.
At last, about the end of June. the long
looked for help arrived in the shape of two
caravels, one sent by Menrdez under the

command of Diego Saloedo, and a second,
sent as an ostensible aid to Columbus by
Ovando, who, now that he found that the
admiral could get assistance without him,
thought it well to take part in the relief.
On the 28th of June, 1504, after a sojourn
of twelve months and four days on the
island. Columbus and his followers, accom-
panied by Salcedo, left Jamaica, which could
have but unhappy memories for the great
mariner. Four years later the town of
Sevilla Nueva, later known as Sevilla d'Oro,
was founded under the authority of the late
admiral's son and successor Diego, near the
spot occupied by the wrecked caravels.
They only remained at San Domingo a
month, and then, leaving behind those
who elected to settle in the new world, on
the 12th of September set out for Spain :
and San Lucar was reached on the 7th of
November, 1504. Columbus soon sought
a shelter in the monastery .of Santa Maria
de las Cuevas at Seville, where his later
days, rendered dark by failing health and
disappointments in the delay in restoring to
him his rights, were brightened by the
companionship of his friends. At this time,
he lost by the death of Isabella in Medina
del Campo in November 1504, his most
powerful and one of his truest friends.
In May 15,5 he set out, tended by his
ever-faithful brother Bartolom6, to Segovia
where Ferdinand then was, in order to try
and obtain from the king restitution of his
rights. Failing in succeeding by informal
methods, he presented a formal memorial:
hut even then he was no more successful:
and when death came to him on the 20th
of May, 1506, in hired lodgings in Valla-
dolid, he was unaware whether or not justice
would be done to his heir, although his
sanguine temperament buoyed him up even
to the end. He died surrounded by his
sons, and by tried and true friends, such as
Mendez and Fiesco. The funeraltservice
was conducted at Valladolid, and the body
was then, in accordance with his own wish,
carried to Seville and interred in the con-
vent of Santa Maria de las Cuevas. Here
it lay till 1544, when the widow of his son
Diego, took the bodies of her husband and
father-in-law to San Domingo, and buried
them in the chancel of the cathedral.
When, Espalola was, ceded to France in
1.795, the remains were conveyed to the
cathedral of Havana in order that they
might rest in Spanish soil. Attempts have
been made to prove that it was not the
body of the admiral which was removed in


1795, and that it still remains in San
Domingo ; but there is little doubt that the
bones of the great Columbus are now at

A few words only can be spared for fur-
ther notice of the brothers and sons of the
The brave and devoted Bartolome accom-
panied in 1508 his nephew Diego when he
went out as Governor of the West Indies.
He received, in addition to the island of
Mona, a grant of land around Fort Concep-
cion in the Vega Real in Espafola, and
there lived till his death which occurred in
December 1514, just after he had received
the offer of the governorship of Veragua,
which was only made to him after Nicuesa
and Ojeda had brought discredit on the
Spanish nation by their jealousies and mis-
management. Well would it have been for
that colony, if it had been offered to him
His younger brother Diego, became a
naturalized Spaniard in 1504; entered the
church and died at Seville in 1515.
Diego, the Admiral's son and heir, suc-
ceeded to his father's titles and recovered
by means of a lawsuit some of those rights,
which had been taken from his father; and
it is to the evidence taken at this trial that
we are indebted for many facts concerning
the career of the navigator. There is no
doubt that the result of the trial was in
great measure due to the fact that Diego
had married a lady of high rank, Dona
Maria de Toledo y Roxas, daughter of the
Comendador-mavor of Leon, niece of the
second Duke of Alva, and a cousin of King
Ferdinand. In 1508 Diego was appointed
Governor of the Indies; accompanied by his
wife, his brother Fernando and his uncles
Bartolome and Diego, he went out in 1509 to
San Domingo, sending home Ovaudo, who
died four days after his return to Spain.
Moved by the fact that Jamaica had been
given to Nicuesa and Ojoda, jointly, as a
place from which to draw supplies, and
had consequently formed a fruitful source
of contention between them, Diego sent in
1509 Esquivel,0 to govern Jamaica and
safeguard his interests where he died.

Bryan Edwards, relying on Herrera, says of
him, "he was one of very few Castilians, who,
amidst all the horrors of bloodshed and infectious
rapine, were distinguished for generosity and hu-
manity." But Irving, on the authority of Las
Casas, gives him quite a different character;
quoting numerous acts of barbarity perpetrated by
him in Espaiiola.

But that forms another, almost un-
written, chapter in Jamaica history,
the consideration of which here is for-
bidden by the limited space at disposal.
With the approval of Ferdinand, who
cared little what became of the natives so
long as he received a fair supply of gold,
a system of importation of slaves direct
from Africa was started to take the place of
the natives who were fast succumbing to
Spanish ill-treatment; and thus a legacy
was bequeathed to the West Indies, the
evil effects of which were not to be removed
for upwards of three centuries.
Diego was no better able than had been
his father to cope with the difficulties of
government in Espaiola, and in 1512,
1513 and 1515, he had to go home and
justify his actions. He returned to Espa-
fiola in 1520 and then commenced at San
Domingo, a stone palace, the ruins of which
are perhaps the oldest remains of the
Spanish occupation of the West Indies.
But in 1519 he was again compelled to go
home and defend himself against further
false accusations, and this time he succeeded
in obtaining from Charles V. the restitution
of the title of Viceroy, which had hitherto
been withheld. Whilst on his way to be
present at the wedding of Charles V. with
Isabella of Portugal, he died at the house
of a friend at Montalban on the 21st Feb-
ruary, 1526, and was buried with his father,
whom he had survived for twenty years, at
the convent of Las Cuevas.
The admiral's younger son Fernando,
who as we have seen accompanied his elder
brother to Espaniola in 1509, soon returned
to Spain to complete his education, and
he devoted his life to literary work and
the recording of the career of his father.
He collected at Seville a valuable library,
visiting for that purpose most of the chief
centres of learning of Europe-Worms, Nut-
remburg, Frankfurt and Cologne; London;
Perugia, Rome, Venice and Bologna ; Lou-
vain, Montpelier and Lyons. Amongst his
friends he could include Erasmus. His
learning and his experience gained by travel
caused him to be employed in various occu-
pations of importance. He was selected as
one of the arbitrators in the matter of
the dispute between Spain and Portugal
with regard to the Moluccas ; to preside
over a committee to correct charts, and also
to examine pilots. He died at Seville in
1539, and lies buried in the cathedral. His
library, which, on his nephew Luis resign.
ing his rights to it, came into the possession


of the Chapter of Seville Cathedral, num-
bered originally between 12,000 and 20,000
volumes. Owing to neglect it had by l1;84
dwindled down to 5,000 volumes only; but
happily these include four of the admiral's
own books with his marginal notes-
Pierre d'Ailly's Imago Mundi," a copy
of Marco Polo 'in Latin printed in
1485, YEneas Sylvius's "Hlistoria Re-
rum, ubique Gestarnm" (1478,) and
the admiral's own manuscript "Pro-
fecias de la recnperecion de la Santa

Cuidad de Hierusalem del Descubrimiento
de las Indias."
Luis, the son of Diego, after lawsuits and
arbitrations, gave up all pretensions to the
viceroyalty of the new world, and received
in its stead the titles of Duke of Veragua
and Marquis of Jamaica. As he had no
legitimate son, he was succeeded by his
nephew Diego, son of his younger brother
Cristoforo, and at this Diego's death in 1578
the legitimate male line of the great Colum-
bus becaine extinct.




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Pre-Columbian Jamaica; Origin of the name, Jamaica; Natural history; Plant Life; interchange of
plants between the old world and the new ; Animal Life. the Jamaica Coney; Aborigines, race, number,
Language, lfiest Indian words in the English language, Arawaks, vocabulary, personal appearance;
artificial depression of the skull; legends, religion, customs ; villages and houses ; accessories ; weapons;
dress and ornaments; games ;. pursuits; food; manufactures, pottery, stone implements, canoes.

T is well,
Cassawva. now that
we have
w/ comple-
ted our
i orief
sk etch
of the
tory of
the man,
who, in
his voy-
ages of
ry which
gave a
now world
to the old,
was the
first European to set foot upon this island,
that we should try for a moment to realize
what was the condition of Jamaica when
the Niiia anchored in Puerto Bueno" four
hundred years ago.
Historians of Columbus and his age, hve
in the past, paid no great heed to Jamaica.
Long was the controversy which raged
round the question of his first landfall in
the Bahamas : full have been the descrip-
tions of the deeds of the Spaniards in
Espafiola; but about the first landfall in
Jamaica and the condition of the island,
historians have troubled their heads but
little-the more especially perhaps as, from
a geographical and historical point of view,
the second was the least eventful of the four
voyages. But, with the exception of the
eighteen months spent in Espafiola on his
second voyage, Columbus on his fourth voy-
age made in Jamaica a longer stay than he
did at any other island in the new world;
albeit he was not in a position to take tull
advantage of his residence for the purposes
of investigation; and the incentive which the
gold of Espaflola presented was in the case

of Jamaica, absent.0 When he wrote the
long letter given in the previous chapter, he
was too full of the injustices he had suffered
and his present misfortunes, to say much
about the island, and Mendez's account is,
for the most part, taken up with a record of
his own achievements.
Some of the early Spanish historians
wrote the name Xaymacat : but it appears
in its present form, Jamaica, as early as
l11, in Peter Martyr's "Decades," who
called it Jamaica and Jamica. The island
is unnamed in Juan de la Cosa's map of
1500( : in the so-called Admiral's map of
1507 it appears as Jamaiqua; in the
Maiollo map of 1527 it is Jamaicha; in
Hibero's Antilles" of 1529 and in Merca-
tor's map of 1541 it is Jamaica : but in Her-
rera's map of 1601 it goes back to the old
form Xamaica, and as late as 1733 in Char-
levoix's "L' sle Espagnole" it appears as
Xamayca. In common with most other
West Indian native names, it has come to us
through a Spanish source ; and the native
pronunciation was possibly something like
H1amica. Several derivations have been
given of the meaning of the word.
The most extraordinary is that which
seeks to connect it with James II. On

He makes no reference to gold in Jamaica in his
letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, and one may be sure
that he would have done so had he known of its ex-
istence: nor does Iernaldez mention it except in
describing the ornaments of the cacique of Old
Harbour who wore plates of both pure gold and
guanin. Yet the Historie" states, with reference to
his discoveries in Paria, and he afterwards named
some mountains in IHispaniola and Jamaica the Gold
ilountains, where the greatest quantity and largest
pieces of that metal that were ever carried into
Spain were afterwards found."
t The Spaniards also frequently distorted the
native names by writing X for J, S and Z, &c." Dr.
Brinton, "The Arawak Languge of Guiana."
TOn the north side occur the namesfiurte, malaket
also: at about the positions of Montego Bay, St.
Anne's Bay and Annotto Bay respectively.
It was called the Admiral's map in the Latin
Ptolemy of 1513, in which an engraving of it ap.
peared. It was possible designed by Vespucci.


Moll's map of the island, published early in
the eighteenth century, it is stated that "It
was first called St. Jago by Columbus who
discovered it. But this name was after-
wards changed to Jamaica, after James,
Duke of York." John Atkins in his "Voy-
age to Guinea, Brazil and the West Indies,"
(London 1737) says "it was altered by
King James, it being a compound of his
name, and Ca, an island." He was possibly
not far wrong in regard to the island." The
West-Indian word for an island, cai, is sup-
posed to appear in Lucayos (the Bahamans)
" men of the islands :" and also in the various
Cays or Keys in the West Indies, but
modern etymology makes cay or key the
same word as the Welsh quay. Long wrote in
1774 that it is not improbable that Jamaica
is a name of Indian extraction, perhaps
derived from Jamacaru, the Brazilian name
of the prickly-pear, which overspreads the
maritime parts of the south side, where the
aboriginal Indian discoverers of this island
might have first landed ;" but this somewhat
wild derivation has not been adopted by
Bryan Edwards, writing in 1793, says
"The early Spanish historians wrote the
name Xaymaca. It is said to have signified
in the language of the natives a country
abounding in springs"-and Bridges, writing
in 1828, goes a little further, saying that in
the speech of Florida, chabaiian signified
water and makia wood (Lescarbot 1 G. c 6.)
The compound sound would approach to
chab-makia; and harmonized to the Spanish
ear, would be chamakia, or some such in-
distinct union of these two significant
expressions, denoting a land covered with
wood, and therefore watered by shaded
rivulets, or in other words, fertile": and
this suggested origin has been usually
adopted by later writers.
Without wishing to throw doubts upon
this commonly accepted derivation, it may
be mentioned that Carib and Arawak are
probably the only twoi languages which
Columbus heard spoken in the Greater
Antilles: that wood ini Arawmk is ada;
that woods in Hillhouse's list is in Arawak
konoko and in Carib eetoh; and that water is
in Carib tona and in Arawak winiab (Hill-
house) or oominboo (im Thurn). Bryan
Edwards says that Fernando Columbus's
" Historic" states that the Indian name of
Antigua was Jamaica, and he adds it is a
singular circumstance that this word, which
in the language of the larger islands signi-
fied a country abounding in springs, should

in the dialect of the Charaibes, have been
applied to an island that has not a single
spring or rivulet of fresh water in it." The
statement quoted by Edwards does not, how-
ever, occur in the Historie" as translated
in Kerr's "Voyages."
We can, without much difficulty picture
to ourselves the appearance of the island as
Columbus saw it, for there are many tracts
of virgin forest and uncleared bush which
must to-day resemble the features which
they presented to the explorers of 1494;
and the humblest form of a house to-day, is
not, when viewed from a distance and
through trees, very different in outward ap-
pearance from the habitation of the Arawak.
Seen from the sea, the physical features
of the island were of course what they
are to-day. It is probable that in parts the
trees and undergrowth were as thick as they
were in Guadeloupe, where Columbus tells
us some of his seamen lost their way for
days: and this thick growth was conducive
to a humid atmosphere, and a less parched
appearance in the drier seasons. Let us
briefly consider some of the principal
trees which are indigenous to Jamaica and
which might have been seen when Colum-
bus discovered the island.0 Then, as now,
the giant cotton tree, one of the few decidu-
ous trees in the island, reared its head above
its fellow trees; and prominent in the land-
scape were, to name but a few, the cocoa-
plum, the calabash, the antidote cacoon, the
locust tree, the prickly pear, the allspice-
yielding pimento, and the guava; in the inte-
rior were the wild olive, the mahoe, the
lace-bark, the yacca, the mountain guava
and the ramoon, while the seaside grape,
with its large decorative leaves and hang-
ing bunches of dark-blue berries, was a
prominent feature on the sea-shore.
And then as now the scene was made
gay with the annatto, with its rosy coloured
flowers and purplish pods, the West Indian
ebony with its yellow flowers, the palo
blue of the lignumvitm bloom, the golden
bronze of the under surface of the leaves of
the star-apple, the hanging purple bunches
of the bastard cabbage-bark tree, the yellow
and purple portulacas, the yellow Kill-
buckra" weed, the pink shameweed, the
red and yellow of the Barbados Pride, the
yellow of the Jerusalem thorn, the purple

The botanical names of the trees and plants men-
tioned will be found in the index. Most of the
botanical facts have been taken from the Economic
Products" of Mr. Fawcett, who also kindly supple.
nmented them with other notes.


pyramid of the mountain pride, and the
brilliant golden candelabra-like spike of the
coratoe ; by the various species of ipomoea
with their several blooms of white, yellow,
red and purple, the rose-coloured Jamaica
rose, the white trumpet-flower, the bright
red Indian shot, the blue Jamaica forget-me-
not, and many another brilliantly flowered
tree, creeper and shrub. In fact, as Roche-
fort quotes:-
Et jamais en oes bords de verdure embellis
1'Hyver ne se montra, qu'en la neige des lys"
Amongst the chief food plants, and fruit-
bearing trees were the cassava, the Indian's
chief staple of food, a half shrubby peren-
nial, growing to about five feet high, with
very large yellowish roots filled with
a milky juice, the preparation of which
will be referred to later on; the mammee, a
largish tree, with big white flowers and
fruit of a russet-brown colour, larger than
an orange; arrowroot, a herbaceous pe-
rennial, with a stem of five or six feet
high with yellowish-white flowers ; the
guava, the fruit of which made into
jelly is world-famous ; the Jamaica black-
berries ; the naseberry, with its brown
fruit, not unlike a medlar both in appear-
ance and taste; the cashew, of which the
fruit consists of the large stalk, and the
kernal of the seed of which is a delicious
nut; the papaw with its straight stem and
fruits like melons hanging just beneath the
crown of leaves; the cocoa plum, a shrub
four to twelve feet high, with fruit like a
plum; and the star-apple with dull purple
or green fruit.
Chief of the larger trees were the giant
silk cotton tree (the ceiba of the Spaniards)
with its wide spread buttresses; the cala-
bash with its straight growing branches
and useful fruit which served the Indians
of old, as it does the peasantry of to-day, as
drinking cups, vessels for carrying water
and other purposes; the date-plum (also
called pigeon-wood because the wild pigeons
feed on the berry) ; bullet or bully tree, an
excellent timber tree; and the lignumvitm, a
small tlee with flowers of a pale blue cov.
ering the trees, of very hard, closegrained
wood. The blue or mountain-mahoe, a tree
which grows fifty or sixty feet high with
large flowers of a purplish saffron colour,
gives a very useful cabinet-wood of a dark
brownish green colour shading into lighter
tints, contrasting well with lighter woods;
the very useful locust tree, a lofty tree, has
thick fleshy pods which smell offensively
when opened, but which yield a sweet mealy

substance which was eaten by the Indians,
and a wood which is hard and takes a fine
polish, and is used in cabinet work, and for
making cogs of wheels; and from the roots
exudes a transparent resin of a yellowish
or red colour. (the gum animi of the shops)
which makes the finest varnish known. There
were also ironwood, too hard for cabinet
work, but useful for small articles; timber
sweet-wood; the braziletto and dogwood,
both used in carriage building ; the wild
tamarind, a lofty tree with a scarlet twisted
pod, blood-colouredwithin with blackseeds;
yacca, a large tree, growing occasionally to
120 feet high; cashaw, the wood of which
makes excellent posts, as it lasts a long
time when in the ground; the prune tree;
mountain guava; red mangrove, abundant
in swamps, the wood of which makes good
posts and the bark yields tannin ; naseberry
bullet tree; greenheart; mahogany; the
prickly yellow and cogwood; lancewood. in
demand by coachbuilders; the West Indian
ebony coccuss wood) a small tree rarely ex.
ceeding twenty feet in height, with clustered
yellow flowers, and with a hard, deep
coloured close.grained heartwood ; the
yellow sanders and grey sanders used in
cabinet work; yoke wood with its whitish
flowers, the timber of which is useful for
carpentry; and the gro-gro palm with
prickly stem.
The following trees are noted to-day for
their properties which are of value in
medicine and in cookery, and some of them
were probably so used by the natives-
bitter bush, a perennial herb growing four
or five feet high; the milk withe, the stem
of which yields caoutchouc; the antidote
cacoon, a climbing plant with tendrils,
and bearing a fruit the size of an apple of
a russet colour; the seeds abound in oil,
from which candles have been manufactured
and from which a good torch can be made
by stringing them on a thin stick. Mac-
fadyen tells us that the Spanish phy-
sicians used the seeds for intermittent fever,
and the buccaneers esteemed this fruit so
highly that they never went on an expedi-
tion without a supply. Alligator wood
(called also, from the smell which it emits,
musk wood) ; the prickly pear, a cactus,
four feet high, the fruit of which is used as
colouring matter in liqueur manufacture and
confectionery; vanilla, also well known for
the essence used in flavouring ; Dutchman's
laudanum and the granadilla (both species of
passion flower) ; the Mexican poppy and the
wild ipecacuanha, both of which are used


for medicinal purposes; the useful annatto,
a low tree, ten feet high with spiny seed-
vessels and seeds covered with coloured
pulp. from which a rich colouring matter
used for butter, cheese| and in cookery, is
obtained, and from the friction of two pieces
of which fire is produced; and mountain
cinnamon, of which the bark is useful in
Amongst other useful trees in the island
in the days of Collmbus were the Congo
mahoe, a shrub of from 6 to 12 feet high,
the fibre of which is used for cord or whip-
lashes; the bottle gourd. the fruit of which
gives a shell used for holding water; the
lace-bark tree, so called from the lace-like
quality of its bark which is much used in
ornamental work; fustic which grows to
about forty feet high. and is now largely
exported for its dye ; the well-known supple-
jack, much used as walking sticks or rid-
ing whips; the ramoon and the breadnut,
which yield fodder for cattle and horses;
and the mountain torchwood, so called,
because the wood when split can be used as
Of trees and plants now common in the
island which we know were not here when
Columbus landed maybe mentioned. thesugar
cane ; the pindar nut, from South America;
the jack-fruit, which has come from the
East Indies; the ever-useful and beautiful
bamboo which came here from Espaiiola ;
the orange and lime, frohn Spain; coffee and
kola and akee, which came from tropical
Africa ; various kinds of yams from Africa
and the East Indies; coco from Polynesia ;
the shaddock from China; the cinnamon
and the mango. now one of the commonest
trees on the island, which came to Jamaica
in 1782 ; genip, a native of Trinidad; the
nutmeg, rice, and the breadfruit which was
brought here in 1793 by Breadfruit Bligh,
who probably also brought the banana and
the plaintain. It is not certain whether
the cocoa-nut palm was here or not.
Plato in his description of Atlantis, men-
tions the fruits, having a hard rind, afford-
ing drinks, and meats, and ointments," and
Mr. Donelly in his "Atlantis" suggests that
he may refer to the cocoa-nut.
That in the exchange of trees, and fruits
between the old world! and the new, the
gain was not all on the side of the old
was evident to Acosta. who published about
1590 his Historie natural y moral de las
Indias,"o1 a work full of valuable informa-
English edition. Translated by E[dward]
G[rimstone]. London 1604.

tion about the state of the new world at
the close of the sixteenth century ; and who
says The Indians have received more pro-
fit, and have bin better recompensed in
plants that have bin brought from Spnine,
than in other merchandise, for that those
few that are carried from the Indies into
Spaine, growe little there, and multiply
not; and contrariwise the great number that
have been carried from Spaine to the Indies
prosper wel and multiple greatly."
Of animal life in Jamaica, there were
amongst the mammals only the coney which
is fast becoming extinct, a mute dog-like
animal which the Indians called alco and
of which no trace exists to-day, and possibly
the rat. It is said that the armadillo was
once found in all the West India islands,
and the racoon was here as late as Sir Hans
Sloane's visit in 1187. But the opussum
and the peccary, though formerly in the
Caribbean islands, were not known in
The alco was used as food by the inhabi-
tants of Espaniola. Acosta says: -'- At the
first there were no dogges at the Indies but
some beasts like unto little dogges, the
which the Indians call alco "' -i The
Indians doe so love these little dogges, that
they will spare their meate to feede them,
so as when they travel in the cotintrie,
they carrie them with them upon their
shoulders, or in their bosomes, and when
they are sicke, they keep them with them,
without any use, but only for company."
They also used as food the iguana, and
probably the mountain-crab which is still con-
sidered one of the delicacies of the island.
Of fish they had a large variety, as well as
manatee and turtle, but it is thought that
they did not eat the flesh of the last two.
Richard Hill had, when Gosse visited him
in 1844, a white silky lapdog with large
meltingblack eyes," called a Mexican Mopsy
which he considered similar to the breed of
dog that existed on the continent and in the
island at the time of their discovery ; and
he drew up for Gosse an account of the
aloo, of which the following is an extract:-
All writers agree in representing the Alco as a
small animal kept as a familiar pet by the Indian
women. It had yet so much aptitude for out of
door purposes, as occasionally to return to a state
of independence. The Goschis of (harlevoix, and
the Gasques of Garcilasso and Peres, described as
small dogs absolutely mute, with downy or silky
hair of different and often of blight colours, pos.
sessed by the natives of St. Domingo, and the
neighboring islands,and used in the chase of their
almost only quadruped the Agouti, before the arrival
of the Spaniards, was a dog of the Alco lace. The


specimen which Mr. Bullock brought from Mexico
and exhibited with his collection of Mexican curiosi-
ties at the Egyptian Hall, he described as an animal
of the wild breed. Colonel Hamilton Smith repre-
sents it as having the appearance of a Newfoundland
puppy. 'It was small, with rather a large head;
elongated occiput; full muzzle; pendulous ears;
having long soft hair on the body. In colour, it
was entirely white, excepting a large black spot
covering each ear, and part of the forehead and
cheek, with a fulvous mark above each eye, and
another black spot on the rump; the tail was rather
long, well fringed, and white.' The island breed
of this dog is extinct. We see occasionally speci-
mens which come to us from the neighboring con-
tinent, with the silky flow of hair common in the
Spaniel, and the Maltese Dog, those caressed house-
hold favourites of Europe, but the best known variety
of the Indian Alco is the woolly breed, so much
sought after under the appellation of the Mexican
Mopsy. It assumes the lanigerous character, we may
suppose, in the colder atmosphere of the mountains
of Mexico,-or it may be that it has been mixed

body are often enough seen in the specimens abuot
the streets .
The coney, which is very shy and difficult
to catch, is now only seen in the rocky
recesses of the mountains of Portland and
St. Thomas, and is seen there but rarely. It
is akin to the coney of Cuba and Espaiiola,
where it still retains its Indian name of
Utia ; but little was known of it till Gosse,
aided by Richard Hill, investigated the
The following is the description of this
animal given by Gosse, who also quotes
interesting details about its habits contribu-
ted by Hill and other correspondents:-
The short-tailed Utia. (Capromys brachyurus
Hill.) Tail very short, about one-eighth of the
total length. Fur dense and harsh, generally from
f to 1 inch in length, with a few longer hairs inter-

(Capromys brachyvirs. Hill.)

with a breed remarkable for a woolly coating found
beyond the Rocky Mountains. The Indians are said
to spin and work the hair of a dog, along with other
woollen materials, into garments .. ..
It seems exceedingly probable that there were
two breeds of indigenous Canide in these islands
at the time of the discovery, and that their common
name Alco was a generic appellation;-that one
breed, the silky-haired Alco, came hither from
Yucatan and Mexico, the eat of Indian civilisation;
and that the other, the shorthaired, was bought in
from the Southern Main by the predatory Caribs.
The variety now known as the Mexican Mopsy
differs only in the woolly instead of the silky hair,
from the detailed description of Buffon. Pendent
ears, the sign of domestication; the forepart of the
head white, save round the eyes and on the ears,
are tinged with rufous; the back, sometimes, in-
clined to yellow; the tail white and short, and
flowing but halfway down the thighs ; the body
marked occasionally with black spots: the legs
white and toes long. These details are minutely
descriptive of our little Mexican favourites,-the
yellow rufous prevailing on the face and ears, inside
and out, but more especially on the inside; while
the yellow on the back and the black spots on the

mixed, but all of one kind: each hair is black, with
a ring of bright bay or golden brown near the tip,
imparting a brindled appearance to the fur, like
that of a daik specimen of the Brown Rat.* On the
throat, breast, and belly the fur is yellowish, becom-
ing uhite along the mesial line. The feet are
clothed with blackish hair, short and stiff; the
soles aie black, roughened with rasp-like warts. The
thumb of the fore-paws is a rudimentary tubercle,
but aimed with a distinct blunt nail. The great
toe of the hind feet set hack, separable, and thumb-
like. Ears blackish grey, shot, and fleshy.
Muffle (or broad flat termination of the snout)
blackish, clothed with a glistening pile of very
short down, the extreme margins of the nostrils
alone being naked. Moustaches long. Incitors
white. Molars with two deep oblique folds exter-
nally andone internally. 'lail stiff, taper, with
rounded point; scaly, with thick short bristly hair,
which is black on the upper surface, greyish-brown
below: the base of the tail is nearly naked.

*The mounted specimen in the Museum of the In-
stitute, from which the accompanying sketch was
made, is of a dark chestnut colour. It is 52 inches
high at the shoulder.


There were no horses, cattle, sheep, goats
or pigs, or poultry in the island when
Columbus discovered it, all of which were
introduced by the Spaniards at a later date.
Of bird life there were the same speci-
mens as we know them to-day only in
greater profusion, the parrot being an
especial favourite with the Indians who
kept them in their huts, and exchanged them
for hawks-bells and other trifles with the
Spaniards. But Columbus was probably
exaggerating when he said that flocks of
them hid the sun. Forty-three of the birds
of Jamaica are presumed to be peculiar
to the island. They include the wild guinea
bird, the quail, the white-belly dove, the
baldpate pigeon, the pea-dove, the ground
dove, the mountain witch, the ring-tail
pigeon, the blue pigeon, the white-wing
pigeon, the mountain partridge, the two-
penny chick, the coot, the Jamaica heron,
rails, plovers, snipe, ducks of many kinds,
the britter bird, sandpipers, the pecheere
and parrots.
There were then no great clearings for
the sake of cultivation, no mongoose to
kill off the ground birds and .izards and
upset the natural balance of animal life, and
no ticks to annoy the agriculturist.
In the sea around the island there were
the same fishes as now, chief of which are
the calipea, or "Jamaica salmon," the June
fish, which is occasionally caught as long
as 6 feet, grunts, croakers and drummers-
all three so called from the peculiar sounds
they produce-snappers of various kinds,
silts, the king fish and the barracouta. Of
fresh water fish the principal are the moun-
tain mullet and the hog-nose mullet.

Owing to the senseless cruelty and perse-
cution with which the Spaniards treated the
inhabitants during the century and a half
in which the island remained in their pos-
session, the aboriginal race had become
almost exterminated when the English
obtained possession in 1655; in fact they
were said to have been nearly exterminated
as early as 1558, more than sixty thousand
having perished in about sixty years,' and
but scanty remains are left to testify to the
existence of a tribe which not so very long
ago lived by gathering the fruits of the
land and sea of Jamaica. It is said that

Gage, writing in 1655, in his "New Survey of the
West-Indies" (2nd. ed), says "This island was once
very populous, and now is almost destitute of Indians
for the Spaniards have slain in it more than 60,000."

families descended from the aborigines still
exist around Parotte Point : but there is
probably but little Arawak blood in their
Their extinction is to be greatly regretted:
Schomburgk, who knew the nativesof Guiana
well, said, in 1840, "I speak from expe-
rience, if I assert that the Indian is as
capable of progressive improvement, and the
establishment, among his tribe, of social
order, European arts, and Christian morals,
as were the Teutonic races in their infancy,
who emerged progressively from the greatest
barbarism to the bright station which they
at present occupy among the most civilized
nations of Europe."
As a means of obtaining some evidences
of the race and characteristics of these
people, we must in order to supplement and
verify the writings of the Spanish histo-
rians, turn to the history of some of the
neighboring colonies; and fortunately we
find in British Guiana means of throwing
some light upon the history of the tribes
which inhabited the West Indies and the
neighboring land at the time of the advent
of Columbus and his followers : and in Mr.
imThurn's work entitled "Among the
Indians of Guiana" (London 1833) ; in
Brett's '-Indian Tribes of Guiana" (Lon-
don 1868) ; and in Dr. Edward Ban-
croft's Essay on the Natural History
of Guiana" (London 1769) will be found
full and graphic descriptions of those tribes
of which numbers exist to-day in a more or
less natural condition.
There is great difficulty in tracing the
history of those nations who, in the words of
Rochefort, have commonly no other annals
than their own memories." But it seems
evident that of all the tribes that Columbus
found in the western world the most war-
like were the man-eating Caribs, who have
given their name to the Caribbean islands
and the Caribbean sea.
Coming originally, in all probability, from
the neighbourhood of the Orinoco. although
Rochefort, who wrote in 1658, makes them
out to be immigrants from the coast of
Florida, the Caribs had by the end of the
fifteenth century taken possession of the
greater part of the Windward and Leeward
Islands; from whence and fiom the main-
land they were wont to make periodical
raids upon the inhabitants of the four
larger and western islands, Puerto Rico.
Espaiiola, Jamaica and Cuba, of which,
possibly from their size, they had, however,
not by that time been able to take possession.


Of these four islands, all but Puerto Rico
retain the names by which Columbus found
them called. Rochefort states that the inhabi-
tants of St. Vincent and other Caribbean
islands told Da Montel that the Caribs were
formerly subject to the Arawaks but, rebel-
ling, retired to their new home in the
Caribbean islands.
Owing to the explorations made by
Columbus's orders and by his successors in
the governorship in Espafola, we know that
that island was divided amongst five caciques
each of whom ruled over his own district,
and that these districts were again subdi-
vided amongst thirty-two inferior chieftains ;
and that the same custom obtained in Ja-
maica is evidenced by the fact that Mendez
has recorded the names of two caciques of
this island, Huareo and Ameyro, and by Ber-
naldez's mention of the unnamed cacique of
Old Harbour. Some idea of the size of their
districts may be gathered from the fact that
Huareo gave his people three days in which
to collect provisions for Mendez to send to
Columbus (indicating a somewhat extended
area of hunting ground), and from the fact
that Mendez in going from the centre of the
north coast to the east-end, apparently only
traversed the territories of two caciques.
This would imply, roughly, about eight or
ten for the whole island. The kingship
in Espafiola was hereditary, but descent went
to the children of the cacique's sister.
In all probability the inhabitants of
Jamaica, when Columbus discovered it,
belonged to the race known as the Arawaks,
who formerly, it is thought, inhabited the
whole of the West Indian islands, and of
whom the only representatives existing to-
day are a few families who dwell near the
coast of Guiana, between the Orinoco and
the Essequibo, where Raleigh found them
when he discovered Guiana in 1595. but who
have, through European influence, lost many
of their original traits. And when Captain
Henry Powell first colonized Barbados in
1627, "he went to Disacuba [Essequibo]
in the maine, where he got thirty Indians
men, women, and children of the Arawacos,
enemies. both to the Caribes, and the
Spaniards." (Captain John Smith's True
Travels," 1630.)
Many of these Indian tribes had two
names, the one used by other tribes in
speaking of them, the other used by them-
selves. Thus the Caribs called themselves

*Raleigh, in his Discovery of Guiana," wrote the
word cazique and the plural caziqui.

Carinya, and the Arawaks' name for them-
selves was Lokono (men). Dr. Brinton, in
" The Arawack Language of Guiana (Phila-
delphia, 1871)," says "Only their neighbors
apply to them the contemptuous name aruac
(corrupted by Europeans into Aroaquis,
Arawaaks, Aroacos, Arawacks &c), meal-
eaters, from their peaceful habit of gaining
an important article of diet from the
amylaceous pith of the Mauritia flexuosa
palm, and the edible root of the cassava
By all accounts the Arawaks appear to
have neen as they are to-day, of a peaceable
disposition. The hostile demonstrations
which they made in 1494 in St. Ann's Bay
and Puerto Bueno were evidently those of
a somewhat timid people fearing invasion
from a fierce foe; and when they found
that no harm was intended to them, they
considered the differenc- between the
Spaniards and the Caribs so great that they
thought that the former had come from the
skies. (Subsequent events tended to prove
to them that they might have ascribed to
them another origin :) and it was only after
gross provocation from Porras and his fol-
lowers that they began to neglect Columbus
when imprisoned in Don Christopher's cove.
Columbus it is true, talks of being sur-
rounded by millions of hostile savages full
of cruelty," but that was evidently a highly
coloured picture sent in order to awaken
sympathy in Spain: and was probably
written after Porras and his followers had
caused the native Jamaicans to modify their
views of their guests. Mendez speaks of
finding some people who were very gentle
and did us no harm but received us cheer-
fully and gave us food with hearty good
The estimates of historians of the number
of inhabitants in the West Indian islands
differ widely. Las Casas, who says that the
islands abounded with inhabitants as an ant
hill with ants, puts them down as six mil-
lions. But Peter Martyr gives but 1,200,000
to Espaiola; and taking this as a guide,
there would probably have been about
600,000 in Jamaica. Of these, as we have
seen, but few descendants remained when
Penn and Venables took possession of the
island in 1655.
It has been estimated that in the whole
continent of America, there are in use
amongst the many groups of Red Indians
500 vocabularies, and about 2,000 dialects--
each vocabulary belonging to a separate


tribe. All these languages though differing
in vocabulary are similar in construction,
which is polysynthetic. In the 70,000
square miles comprising British Guiana
there are it is estimated about 20,000
natives, divided into about fifteen tribes,
formed by the four great branches, Warrau,
ArawAk, Wapiana and Carib; the languages
of which are distinct the one from the other:
and whenever words common to two or
more are found, they may be put down to
the borrowing by one branch from another.
Some of these branches are subdivided into
tribes; these sometimes into sub-tribes, and
these again into families. The ArawAks,
which we have chiefly to consider, like the
Warraus, cannot be sub-divided into tribes,
but it is possible that when they inhabited
the West Indian Islands they possessed
tribal distinctions by reason of their insular
residence. It is evident that the natives
which Columbus took from the Bahamas
were at all events sufficiently allied to those
of Cuba, Espafiola, Jamaica and other islands
to at least make themselves understood:
it was only when they reached Veragua that
Columbus found his interpreter at fault.
Peter Martyr, who heard it spoken, said it
was soft and not less liquid than the
Latin" and "rich in vowels and pleasant to
the ear" : and I)r Bancroft, writing in 1769'
before it had become as tainted by European
influence as it has now, said their language
is distinct and harmonious, and but little
dissimilar from the Italian in softness and
multiplicity of vowels; it is, however, nar-
row and confined, like their ideas."
Brett in his Indian Tribes of Guiana"
gives the following description of the lan-
The Arawik language, though of course not to
be compared with our own in the number of its
words, has considerable power of expression, and
its verbs are very rich in moods and tenses. It
would be out of place to attempt here any expla-
nation of its structure; but it may be briefly ob-
served, that its complexity is greatly increased by
a system of regimen which pervades it, and in
various ways affects different parts of speech,-
the governed words almost always ending with the
letter n. The sentences lajiagoba tohojin and tohojia
la-goba-ajian have precisely the same meaning,
he spake thus;" but in the former the vetb
governs the adverb, which follows it, while in the
latter the adverb preceding governs, and entirely
changes the form of the verb. There are other
changes of form in each conjugation, according to
the nature and position of |the governing word.
Some of the Indian words are of great length,
and though not quite so extensive as those used
by certain tribes of the Northern continent (among
whom polysyllables stretching across a page are
not uncommon), are yet sufficient to dismay a

learner. Among the Arawdks, such words as loko
borokwatoasia his thought" or "remembrance ;"
Kabuintimen-kutibanano eighteen," &c. are con-
tinually used. The length of their verbs is in-
creased by the manner in which the pronouns are
combined with them; and sometimes also from
the syllables which contain the root of the verb
being doubled, to express the continuance or in-
tensity of the action. In nahadadadikitagobai,
" they continued asking him," (pronounced by the
Arawaks as a single word), the reduplication may
be observed, and both the nominative and ob-
jective pronouns (each expressed by a single letter)
are contained.
In those long words, almost every syllable would
be found to have its own particular force and
meaning, though some to us may appear redun-
dant. For example, an Araw-dk says simply, Dai-
iyu, my mother;' but Wa-iyu.na.tu our mother.
To us the sense of this latter word would appear
sufficiently expressed by the first two syllables
wa and iyu, which are respectively our" and
" mother." But, as if the idea of plurality (of
offspring) were not sufficiently expressed by the
first syllable, the Indian repeats it in the penulti-
mate na, and closes the word with tu, the usual
singular feminine termination."

A fuller account of the Arawak language
may be obtained from the work of Dr.
Brinton quoted above.

Of words of West Indian origin, those
most frequently in use in the English lan-
guage are barbecue0 (of which the French
babracot is another version), canoe, caribt
and its derivative cannibal, guava, hammock,
hurricane, iguana, maize, manatee, pirogue,
potato and tobacco.:
The following Arawhk 'vocabulary, con-
tributed by Hillhouse to Montgomery Mar-
tin's History of the West Indies," may
prove not uninteresting. Some of the words
descriptive of objects with which the Indians
were not acquainted previous to the advent
of Europeans have however an obviously

Originally a frame-work on which the Indians
smoked their food; now applied to the open space on
which coffee, pimento &c. are dried.

( It has been pointed out that 1, n, o, r, inter-
change dialectally in American languages. Colum-
bus's first records of the Caribs were obtained in Cuba,
and he mentions them as "los de Caniba or
Canima:" in Espaiola he records it as "Carib."
Peter Martyr writes "thd wylde and myschevous
people called Canibales or Caribes." Vespucci
writes "and they called us in their language Carabi,
which means men of great wisdom", and. again, "and
we learned that those were a people who are called
Camballi, very savage, who ate human flesh." Oviedo
says that it signified brave and daring." Shakes-
peare's Caliban is apparently another variant of this

I Tobacco was the name given to the pipe. The
weed itself was called Yettry(Hillhouse) or Cohuba


European origin, such
the Spanish arcabfz.

Old Man
Old Woman

as Aracaboosa from

Daaca Tay.
S.-h Teemy.
Acoollia call.

Hills Ororoo-Ayumun-
Woods Konoko.
Rocks Seeba.
Sand Murtooko.
Islands Kai-eery.
One Abaaru,
Two Beama.
Three Cabooin.
Four Bee-y-beecb.
Five Aba-decabbo.
Six Aba temainy,
Seven Beamatemainy
Eight Cabooin remain.
Nine Beeybeech remain.
Ten Beama dacabbo.
In addition to these, Mr. imThurn gives
in different parts of his book :-
Wood Ada.
Medicine man Semtchehi.
Tortoise Hekorie.
Rat Kaio.
To change Ebesoa.
Raw or fresh Eeyato,
Species of a parrot Coriaki.
Mother-in-law Bakarie.
Wild liquorice tree Waruwaka.
(cassia grandis)
Gold Karukuri.
Night monkey Yambe nassi.
Tobacco-flower Yuri-tokoro.
In addition again to those, Dr. Brinton
To name Aririn
Sea Bara
To be round Battatan
Island Kairi
Boat Kannoa
A seat Dulluhu
Companion Ahati
Basket Habba
Stone Aesi, Aetti, Siba
Red Hobin
Above Aijumtin
Lizard Joanna
Centre Annakan
To kill Aparriin
Smooth Sallaban
To be hot Teren
Judged by the English standard Indians
are short in stature: the Warraus, who
are the lowest in the scale of civilization,
are the shortest, and then come the Ara-
wakso, the Wapians being the tallest.
Mr imThurn, who knows well the modern
example, says of their personal appearance
The Arawaks are slightly taller than the
Warraus; their bodies, though short and
broad, are far better proportioned; their
skin, not only appears much lighter in
colour, because of their more cleanly habits.
but in reality is slightly so; and the ex-

Oviedo, as quoted by Bryan Edwards, said that
the Arawaks were taller but less robust than the



pression of their faces is far brighter and
more intelligent. 0. As the Warraus are
the filthiest, so the Arawhks are the clean-
liest of all the Indians." After pointing
out how contact with Europeans has ob-
scured their proper habits, he adds "One of
their old habits is, however, still very dis-
cernible, and this is their aversion from
other tribes, and especially their hatred of
the True Carib"."
He goes on to say--
It is very difficult to describe the colour of the
skin. It is usually said to be copper-coloured'; and
the Indians themselves are sometimes called red-
skins.' Both these expressions refer to a real ap-
pearance of the skin, for the colour is, as nearly as
I can express it in words, very red cinnamon.
The shade differs considerably in the different tribes.
Perhaps it differs according to the localities inhabi-
ted by the different tribes; for the forest Indians,
except the Warraus and some few individuals of
other tribes whose colour is obscured by dirt, are
fairer than those on the open savannahs. *
Te ar the hair on the scalp is thick, long. very straight,
and very black, and is generally cut to an even edge,
at right angles to the neck. round the head. The
features of the face are strikingly like those
familiarly known as Chinese (Mongolian). The
expression is decidedly gentle : and a habit which
almost all Indians have of keeping their eyes
turned rather to the ground than upward, gives
somewhat the appearance of timidity. The expres-
sion, probably because Indians have for many genera-
tions trained themselves to repress all show of
emotion, is very changeless and monotonous. As
a rule the faces of neither men nor women appear
to the European handsome or beautiful; but in rare
cases one sees both men and women with features
so regular and well-formed that they would any-
where be considered pleasing and taking.
Physically and constitutionally, the Indians, in
spite of the severe labour which they occasionally
undergo, are but weak, as might, indeed, be guessed
from their appearance. They can work, provided
the exertion is not very great, for very long periods.
For instance, they can paddle-an exercise which,
as practised by them, when once the knack is ac-
quired, requires very far less exertion than rowing-
for several consecutive days and nights, with won-
derfully short intervals of rest. But any severe
work very soon tires them; though they think
nothing of walking over the savannah day after day,
from morning to night, yet they cannot walk any
given distance even in twice the time required for the
purpose by the ordinary European or negro. The
well-known fact, that after a hunting excur-
sion Indians lie idly in their hammocks for days.
arises from their real need of apparently excessive
rest after any unusually violent exertion. More-
over, their vital powers seem but weak; many a
slight chill, or blow, or wound, that would be insig.
nificant to a negro or ordinarily healthy European,
is fatal to some Indians. They very rarely attain
any considerable age, probably never old age. Of

The terms "True Carib" and True Wapiana"
have been invented by Mr. imThurn to distinguish the
Carib and Wapiana tribes from the Carib and Wapiana
branches of which they form only a part.

course, as they have no idea of estimating their own
ages, it is impossible for a traveller to determine
with absolute certainty the average duration of
their lives; but it is probably hardly ever more
than from forty to fifty years. They never become
bald. Light yellow hair. which is to an Indian as
white hair is to a European, is of very extreme
rarity. I have seen it in but two instances; and
the brothers Schomburgk, during a much longer
experience than mine, saw it hardly oftener.
But such beauty as the Indian ever has, is very
early lost. It has been said that the protruding
stomach is the ugliest feature. There is a very
short period, probably about the twentieth year,
when the vital powers are strongest, and the
amount of exercise taken is greatest, during which
this feature becomes, at least in many cases, almost
unnoticeable ;butit soon reasserts itself, and between
the thirtieth and the fortieth year in the case of
men, and even earlier in the case of women, the re-t
of the body shrink, the fat disappears, and the
skin hangs in hideous folds from the bones.
A pleasing point about Indians is that, with some
exceptions, they are extremely clean in their per-
sonal habits.
Early in the morning, and many times during
the day, men and women troop down together to
the nearest water, be it river, stream, or pool, and
there, in company, splash about, in the water.
They evidently feel real pleasure in being in the
water. Men and women alike swim splendidly,
but with a peculiar action. The legs are hardly
spread : but the thighs are bent downward at right
angles to the trunk, the lower part of the legs being
of course parallel to the trunk, and then the legs
are again suddenly straightened, thus driving for-
ward the body of the swimmer. It is, by the way
rather curious that Indians make a point of bath-
ing immediately after every meal, apparently with-
out ill effects. Owing to these constant washings,
their skins are very fine and smooth *
So far, only the natural physical condition of the
Indians has been described l but, as among so many
other people in a state of savagery or barbarism,
many of them artificially distort their bodies. In
one of the most remote parts of the colony, or per-
haps beyond its limits, near the sources of the
Essequibo, lives a little known tribe, the members
of which are in the habit of tying boards on to the
heads of their young children in such a way that
the skulls assume, and permanently retain, an
extraordinarily flat shape. And even among the
more important tribes of Guiana. with which we
are more especially concerned, this habit is said,
both by early travellers and by Indians themselves,
to have prevailed among all the Caribs. However
that may be, it is no longer practised.

The Caribs had, from their wandering dis-
position, no special district, and were scat-
tered throughout the districts of other tribes ;
and even to this day Indians of the more
peaceful tribes will point and say with
bated breath carabisi (dwelling of the
Caribs), where a column of smoke gives an
indication of the vicinity of their much
dreaded foe.
Almost the only remains of the aborigines
of this island consist of two skulls, now in
the museum of the Institute, which were


found by the Hon. Henry Shirley in Pedro
Bluff Cave a few years ago, though Bryan
Edwards mention skulls as being at his time
commonly found in the caves of the island.
One of these, with a cranium of a negro

Found in P,,1,.,, Bluf Cave, Jamwica. Now in
the Institute of Jamaica.
found at the same time, was taken to England
by Mr. Fawcett in 1890, and Professor (now
Sir William) Flower read a paper upon them
before the Anthropological Institute, of
which the following is an extract:-
As the condition and colour of the two are en-
tirely different, it is probable that they name into
the cave at different times and had remained there
under different conditions.
The cranium, of which I shall speak first, is of
great interest, as it is undoubtedly that of one of
the aboriginal races of America, and there-
fore in all probability one of the long van-
ished people who inhabited the island of Ja-
maica before the European conquest, and of
whom we have such scanty traces remaining. It is
that of a person, probably of the male sex, and be-
yond middle age, many of the teeth having been
lost during life, and the sagittal and lambdoidal
sutures being partially obliterated; the mastoid
processes, glabella. and supra-orbital ridges are
strongly marked. The cranium has been artificially
deformed during infancy in a very marked degree,
according to the fashion most frequent along the
whole of the west coast of America, i. e., by de-
pression of the frontal region, or fronto-occipital
compression, with corresponding lateral expansion.
This form of deformation is known to have been
practised among the inhabitants of the West
Indian Islands. In all essential features, the skull
is purely American; indeed I see no characters
by which it could be distinguished from one of
those, now so abundant in collections, obtained from
the old burying-grounds on the sea-coast of Peru.
The greatest length is 172 mm the breadth 15 h.
the height (basi-bregmatic) 121, giving.a breadth-
index of 895, and a height-index of 721; but their
dimensions and indices are of course materially
modified from the original by the artificial deforma-
tion. The face is remarkably characteristic, es-
pecially the high orbit (breadth 36, height 37, index
1028), and the form of the nasal bones, which, al-

though not complete, still show the form so dis-
tinctive of the high-bridged American nose. The
nasal height is 53, breadth 26, giving an index of 491.
The basi-nasal length is 93, but the basi.alveolar
length, and consequently the gnathic index, cannot
be taken owing to the loss of the front teeth and
absorption of the alveolar margin. The palate is
broad and rounded, but for the same cause its
dimensions cannot be given.
The alteration of the configuration of the
head by the Arawaks differed from that
adopted by the Caribs. The sinciput, or
forepart of the head from the eye-brows to
the coronal suture, was depressed, which
gave an unnatural thickness and elevation
to the occiput, or hinder part of the skull ;
and Herrera tells us that the crown was
thereby so strengthened that it would fre-
quently break a Spanish broad-sword which
descended on it.

The legends of the Arawaks and other
Indians point to a belief in the descent of
man from a region in the skies ; and it was
therefore natural for them to think that
these strangers, clad in rich robes, differ-
ing in appearance from themselves, and
travelling in colossal canoes should have
come from skyland,0 but in so saying they
probably merely intended to indicate that
they considered them new arrivals upon the
earth, and not that they ascribed to them
any supernatural attributes.
Always remembering that European ideas
have of necessity been more or less infused
into them, the legends of the native Indians
as they exist to-day form one of the best
means we possess of gaining an insight into
the life of their ancestors.
Brett, in his "Legends and Myths of
the aboriginal Indians of British Guiana,"
gives a number of legends of the Arawaks.
The following is selected fur quotation, as
Brett says that it is the most ancient of
them all, and the only one that he knows
which mentions their former possession of
the West India islands.
A chieftain grave, both wise and brave-
Good Arawdnili--
Stood mournful by the silver wave
Of the wide-spread ocean sea.
His heart was sore, the plume he wore,
As chief of Kaieri.t
Drooped-while he listened on the shore
To the sigh of that ocean sea.
Then, in his view, bright Orehu
(The Water-Mother she)
Rose, glistening as with drops of dew,
Or pearls-from the ocean sea.
The word as given by both Columbus and Ber-
naldez is i cielo."
t Literally "island": some one of the Antilles.


Her beauty rare, which glossy hair
Enveloped, flowing free,
More lovely made those waters fair,
And shores of the ocean sea.

"Tell me thy grief," she said, 0 chief I
The grief of Kaieri;
And I, perchance, may bring relief
From the depths of the ocean sea 1"

"Tis for the dead," the chieftain said,
For whom I nought could do,
To help them, ere their spirits fled
From torturing Yauhahu.

Throughout this isle, man, wife, or child,
By fever crushed, I view;
By demons' arrows driven wild,
Dire shafts of Yauhahu !

Were mortal foe to work us woe,
Their deeds they soon should rue I
But none without a charm, I trow,
Can face the Yauhahu.

"Thy helping hand may save this land;
Lady !for that I sue.
Grant me some charm which may withstand,
And quell the Yauhahu !"

" I hear, O chief! thy tale of grief,
Thy people's grief," said she,
" And thou shalt thank, for their relief,
The lady of the sea.

Go, plant with care this branch I bear
And rear the ida' tree,
Where, on you hill, thy cottage there
O'erlooks this pleasant sea.

When fruit is found full large and round,
And heavy it will be;;
Take that which first falls on the ground,
And meet me by the sea !"

Slow from his gaze withdrew her face,
As in the wave sank she.
The tree he reared then at his place
And watched-the deep blue sea I

His watch was o'er when to the shore
The calabash bore he.
The Water-mother there, once more
Met Arawanili.

Its rind with care he emptied there,
Through holes like these you see.
She brought its handle, feathered fair,
For ArawAnili.

And while he wrought, she dived and sought
The gems of ocean sea ;
And stones of shining white she brought
To Arawanili

Tobacco, too, which none then knew,
(Though common now.) brought she;
Which charms which made all Yauhahu
Dread Arawanili.

To her he owed the power he showed
None since like him could be-
So rich the gifts her love bestowed
On Arawinili I

Still, to this day, in stream or hay,
The Orehu men see.
But high above" grown old, they say,
Rests Arawanili.

If we can apply Brett's Guianian le-
gends to the aborigines of Jamaica, they
matched Carib fierceness with ArawAk tact,
and on more than one occasion overcame
their powerful enemies by strategy worthy
of a higher civilization than they could
The ArawAks of Guiana once placed a
submerged bar across a river just low
enough to let a light decoy canoe pass over,
but high enough to stop the heavier war
canoes of the Caribs, and formed an ambush
around it.

The small craft slackens speed at length-it is not
But they tear on with all their strength, and strike
the sunken wood.
That first canoe is broken: overthrown are all her
crew I
And as they rise, with savage cries, keen arrows
strike them through.
Their comrades hasten at their cry, that they may
help afford;
And forthwith, on the next canoe, a second shower
is poured.
A third, a fourth, a fifth, a sixth-the small stream
winding round-
Allows no sight of that fierce fight, they only hear
the sound.
"Now, forward with your long hooked poles i let
no foe get away!
They came without our asking, but we'll press them
sore to stay!"
They grapple with those great canoes, they drag
them to the land;
And there the brunt of battle is, all fighting hand
to hand.
Some use the single-handed club, some that broad
hard-wood blade,
Two-edged, "sapakana" called, which by both
hands is swayed.*
With the last boats the chieftain came-Manarwa he
was called;
His men could not retrieve the fight, the slaughter
them appalled.

*One kind of club, which they still make, though
now only as a specimen of the weapons used by their
ancestors, is of a very formidable description. It is
made of the hardest and heaviest wood, and has a
broad blade, thick in the middle, and with sharp
edges. The handle is covered with cotton, wound
tightly round it, to prevent thehand from slipping, and
it has also a stout loop of the same material, which is
placed round the wrist. They call it 'Sapakana.' Some
of these were of large size, and required both hands
to wield them." lrett The Indian Tribes of Guiana"
(London 1868).


And so, with two or three canoes, vowing revenge,
he fled,
While our men held the battle ground, and buried
there the dead.
The Arawak legend quoted by Brett
which tells of a Supreme Being is too sug-
gestive of the result of missionary effort to
be taken as proof of their religion; but the
legend of the komaka (silk cotton tree)
may be original; at all events it is very
poetic in idea. It tells how, after the earth
was made :
"Still no life was in the land,
No sweet birds sang songs of love.
O'er the plain and through the grove,
Nothing then was seen to move."
Till the Supreme Being whom the Ara-
waks called Wa murreta kcwonci (our maker)
or Wa cinaci (our father) making his throne
in the komaka,
From that bright-green throne, His hand
Scattered twigs and bark around.
Some in air, and some on land;
Some the sparkling waters found,
Soon He saw with life abound
Water, air, and solid ground I
Those which fell upon the stream
Found a pleasant shelter there;
Shining fishes dart and gleam
Where those woody fragments were;
Others sported through the air,
Bright with wings and feathers fair."

Regard for the silk-cotton tree seems to
have descended from the Arawiks to their
African successors in the West India islands,
for to-day it is by some of the latter con-
sidered unlucky to cut down one of these
Some of the Arawak legends which ex-
plain the origin of characteristics of various
birds and animals are most fantastic. One
accounts for the indentations of the alliga-
tor's head and tail, by relating how fierce
blows were rained upon him by the club of
the Sun, who when on earth and in human
form was known as Arawidi, and with whose
fishing the alligator had interfered. Others
similarly account for the personal appear-
ances of monkeys, jaguars and birds. One
bird, the kiskedee," though valiant, dis-
liked war, and, playing malingerer, bandaged
his head with white cotton pretending to be
ill; and being detected was condemned to
wear his white bandage for ever. The owl
found a package which he thought contained
riches. It was a magic package of darkness
prepared by some foe. On being opened it
enveloped him, and he has never since been
able to bear the light.
Bryan Edwards, on the faith of the writ-

ings of Peter Martyr, Fernando Columbus
and Herrera, states that, like the Caribs, the
Arawaks acknowledged a plurality of Gods,
and believed in a supreme Creator whom
they called Jocahuna. and had a system of
idol worship. The following is a description
of the idol worship of Espailola taken from
the "Historie," which quotes Columbus's
own words:-

I could discover neither idolatry among those
people nor any other sect, though every one of their
kings, who are very numerous both in Hispaniola
and the other islands and continent, has a house
apart from the town, in which there are nothing
but some carved wooden images which they call
cemis, and everything that is done in these houses
is expressly for the service of these images, the
people repairing to these houses to pray and to
perform certain ceremonies, as we do to our
churches. In these houses they have a handsome
round table made like a dish, on which there is
some powder which they lay on the head of the
cemi, with certain ceremonies ; and then by means
of a tube which has two branches which they apply
to their nostrils, they snuff up this powder, using
certain words which none of our people understand.
This powder puts them beside themselves as if they
weie intoxicated. They also give each of these
images a name, which I believe to be derived from
the names of their fathers and grandfathers ; for all
have more than one image, and some of them above
ten, all in memory of their forefathers. I have
heard them commend one of these images as supe-
rior to others, and have observed them to shew
more devotion and respect to one than to another,
as we do in our processions in time of need,
and the people and their caciques boast among
one another of having the best cemis. When
they go to their cemis they shun the Christians, and
will not allow them to go into the houses where they
are kept; and if they suspect any of our people will
come, they take away their cemis into the woods
and hide them, for fear we should take them away;
and, what seems most ridiculous, they are in use to
steal the cemis from one another. It happened once
that some Christians rushed into one of these
houses, when presently the cemi began to cry out;
by which it appeared to be artificially made hollow,
having a tube connected with it leading into a dark
corner of the house, where a man was concealed
under a covering of boughs and leaves, who spoke
through the cemi according as he was ordered by
the cacique. The Spaniards, therefore, suspecting
how the trick was performed, kicked down the cemi,
and discovered the concealed invention; and the
cacique earnestly entreated them not to betray the
secret to his subjects and the other Indians, as he
kept them in obedience by that policy."

In an interesting chapter on the reli-
gion of the Indians, Mr imThurn denies
that they possess a religion in its highest
sense, and contends that with them it
is an animism- that is to say, simply a
belief in the existence of spirits as distinct,
not necessarily as separate from bodies,-and
states that there is amongst them little evi-
dence of the higher forms of animism, such


as acknowledgment of the everlasting, a
belief in a place of abode of departed spirits,
a reward for good and evil, a belief in the
highest spirit, and a reverence and worship
of such spirit. A dead man's spirit is known
to have gone from him, but the question of the
length of its after duration is not considered.
Columbus has told us of a cacique of Cuba
who believed in a future state dependent on
one's action in this world; but Mr. imThurn
has found nothing of the kind amongst the
Indians of Guiana, and it is probable that
Columbus's Guianahani guide only partially
understood the cacique or that Columbus
only partially understood his guide.
The Caribs say that they came to Guiana
from skyland through a hole: and all the'
Indians seem to have an idea that there is a
land beyond the sky, as there is a land
beyond the sea. To them the one is as im-
passable as the other.
"There is nothing," says Mr. imThurn, 'to
indicate that the Indians know of any spirits
except such as are, or once were, situated
in material bodies of some kind: and these
differ in rank and power only as one man
or one animal differs in these respects from
another." If this be so, some of their legends
given by Brett must be put down to the
credit of European missionary influence.
They, however, have a crude belief in a sun-
spirit and a moon spirit, for Mr. imThurn
relates how on one occasion during an
eclipse of the sun, the Arawak men rushed
for their houses with loud shouts and yells;
explaining that a fight was going on be-
tween the sun and the moon, and that they
shouted to part the combatants: and he also
tells us that the Arawaks when there is
unseasonable rain or flood inveigh against a
certain being whom they call AEicidu. Mr.
SimThurn says in conclusion that "the great
lesson to be learned from a study of Indian
animism is that the very pure form in
which it exists in Guiana, common to a very
large number of red men elsewhere, is much
more primitive than has yet been suspected
by most students of religious evolution."
The Indians ascribed the possession of a
spirit to inanimate as well as animate objects
-notably to large rocks in the river beds;
and they neither mention them themselves
nor like others to do so. They further be-
lieved that some had the power of volun-
tarily separating the body from the spirit at
any time; that in dreams it is the spirit
which acts without the body: and that at
death a separation of course takes place and

becomes as it were a permanent dream. Of
these spirits there were two kinds: those
of the Kenaimas who worked for evil, and
those of the peaimen: (an anglicised form
of the Indian word puyai,) who worked for
good. The practice of a species of vendetta,
or retaliation, still exists among them; and
those who are compelled to follow it are
Kenaimas. In addition to these, however,
there are imaginary kenaimas who are the
originators of evil of all sorts. The peaiman,
who protect the members of his tribe against
material and imaginary foes, is a man of
great importance and power.
In Guiana, there is no evidence of there
having been a chief over each tribe, though
mention of such a custom is frequently made
by Columbus and his followers, of the In-
dians of the.West Indian islands: and the
most important personages to-day amongst
the Indians of Guiana are the peaiman, or
medicine man, the headman or chief hunter,
and the father. The men, when not engaged
in hunting, spend the day in hammocks
fastening on arrowheads and similar light
work, smoking cigarettes the while. In fact,
their idea of happiness is to be
A-swing with good tobacco,
In a net between the trees."
The women have been accustomed to
work from time immemorial, and are little
if any weaker than the men. They clean,
fetch wood and water, cook, plant, make
hammocks and clothing, and when travelling
act the part of porters.
One of their most curious customs is the
couvade.t Before and for sometime after
the birth of a child, the father abstains from
all form of labour and is very particular in
his diet, while the mother resumes her work
almost immediately after the event; their
belief being that there is a very close and
mysterious connection between the father
and the child, and that any irregularity in-
dulged in by the former will affect the latter.
SMarriages amongst the Indians rarely took
place, except in the case of a woman captured
in war, between members of different tribes;
and of all the Indians the Arawaks of Guiana
have preserved their marriage system most
strictly. Forty-seven of their family names
are recorded by Mr. imThurn. Descent goes
The word used by Bryan Edwards and other
historians is Bohito. The word peaiman is common
to the Carib, Arawdk and other vocabularies.
t Rochefort who mentions it said it was practised
in a certain province in France, where it was called
" fire la couvade "


by the mother's side, and inter-marriage
with relations on the mother's side is pro-
hibited : when a man marries, he goes to re-
side with his wife's father and works frhim.
Before a youth is allowed to choose a wife
for himself he must prove, by suffering the
infliction of wounds in the flesh that he is
possessed of courage; and by his prowess in
the chase that he can perform the man's
work of providing for a wife and children.
For some time before marriage the man
abstains from eating meat.
Husbands and wives are affectionate the
one towards the other and towards their chil-
dren : but the Indians are lacking in respect
for age and in pity for feebleness. The dead
were formerly buried in their hammocks,
and with some of their belongings put in the
grave, and after a death the house in which
the deceased had lived was abandoned.
In Jamaica, it is probable that urn
burial was practised. A carpenter, named
Barnes, who lived on the Red Hills,
about four miles from Spanish Town,
near Guanaboa0 told Sir Hans Sloane in
1688, that he had ten years previously
found a cave near his plantation with pots
and urns with human bones, and this cave,
which was eight or nine feet in diameter
and five feet high, was visited by Sloane,
who says the Pots were Oval, large, of a
redish dirty colour. On the upper part of
the Rim or Ledge there stood out an Ear,
on which were made some lines, the Ears
were not over one inch square, towards the
top it had two parallel Lines went round,
being grosely cut in the Edges near."
The names of families are usually taken
fromanimals or plants. Mr. imThurn says:-
"Two traditionary explanations of the origin of the
names are given by the Arawaks themselves, one
simple and the other marvellous. Some say that
when the Arawak families in Guiana were increas-
ing in number, at a meeting of the heads of these
families, each arbitrarily chose distinctive family
name. One chief, specially mentioned, chose the
name of the tree called aarra, the leaves of which
happened to be on the ground on which he sat;
another chose the name of another which grew be-
hind him : a third chose the name of a bird which
happened to be heard at the moment; and a fourth
that of an insect which was at the moment in sight.
Most Arawaks, however, emphatically deny this
account, and assert that each family is descended-
their fathers knew how, but they themselves have
forgotten--from its eponymous animal, bird, or
The children in their early years mimic in
their play the occupations of their parents.

Guanaboa was once a place of importance. It
sent two out of the twentv fpont!onn who made up
the first Assembly in 1' -I*, i!....t." "History of
Bt. James"). By 1675 it had a church and a free
school. ("Calendar of State Papers," 1893.)

The boys' pastimes, aided by mimic bows
, and arrows and other weapons which they
use against frogs, lizards and small birds,
prepare them for the chase, and the girls' for
domestic duties. And to these habits of
mimicry may perhaps be attributed some of
those diminutive stone implements, the
smallness of which has rendered it difficult
to ascribe to them a useful purpose.
In considering the question of dwellings,
Mr. imThurn divides the Indians into two
kinds-those in the savannahs, requiring
dwellings with walls as a protection from the
wind; and those of the forest, where they
were protected by the surrounding trees,
who had wall-less houses.
The following description of a house of
to-day by Mr. imThurn may enable us to
picture to ourselves the appearance of the
dwellings of the Arawaks of Jamaica:-
The forest Indian's house, or group of houses,
stands in a clearing abruptly walled in by tall
forest trees. Irregularly planted cassava, sugar-
cane, pine-apples, and other plants which the In-
dian cultivates, grow intermingled with wild seed-
lings and shoots from the stumps of the trees which
once stood there: and the whole is matted together
by thickly growing yam-vines, and by razor-grass,
passion-flower, and other wild creeping plants.
Charred trunks of felled trees lie in all directions
amonvst this dense mass of vegetation. A very
narrow and much trodden path leads from the
house, through the clearing, into the forest, and
then down to the nearest water.
Very rarely the house is round; it is far more
usually square, or at least rectangular. The four
posts and the cross.beams support a sloping thatch
of palm-leaves The two gable-endsare usually en-
tirely open; but on the two sides the eaves of the
thatch almost touch the ground. The floor is the
natural eaith. often a loose white sand. The most
conspicuous objects inside each house are a huge
canoe-shaped wooden trough, to hold paiwarie,
some clay pots for cooking, a few bottles made of
clay, some hollow gourds, baskets, implements for
making cassava bread, and some low wooden benches
-like footstools--roughly carved into the likeness
of animals. Resting from cross-beam to cross-beam
are bundles of arrows, a how or two, perhaps a
blow-pipe. From some of the uprights hang a few
necklaces of teeth and other body ornaments.
There are two or threefireson the ground, one under
each hammock, and an extra one for cooking.
From the beams hang many red-dyed cotton ham-
mocks slung side by side. and one over each other.
In one Ackawoi house of but twenty feet by thirty,
I counted as many as eighteen hammocks; and as
a few of these were occupied by -more than one per-
son-by a husband and wife, and even by a child or
two-the number of people belonging to the house
could not have been less than twenty-two or twenty-
three. Nor is this an unusually large number of in-
habitants for an Indian house.
Of all the forest houses, those of the Arawakr are
far the cleanest and most cared for. A partition,
made of palm leaves orbark, often makes part of
the house private. Sometimes, indeed, these Arawak
houses, standing in clearings floored with glittering
white sand and bordered with coffee and cashew
trees, among which beautiful crimson lilies (Ilip-
peastr?'mt elqestre) grow thiQkly, are as pleasant


places as in any which one need wish to stay. But
in these, as in some other respects, the ArawAks
have adopted a considerable amount of civilisation
from their white neighbours.
The houses in savannahs, which Mr.
imThurn tells us is a rare position for an
Arawak's dwelling, are almost always round
or oval, made in that form itis thought with
a view to offering as a little resistance to
the wind as possible. We may fairly assume,
however, that the houses of the inhabitants
of Jamaica when Columbus discovered it-
at least those which he saw both on the
north and south coast on his second voyage-
were circular in shape; for the Historic,"
in describing Guadeloupe on its first dis-
covery, says Their houses instead of the
ordinary round forms which had been
hitherto met with in the West Indies, were
The houses are provided with substantial
walls of wattle-work plastered with mud,
and the conical roof of palm-leaves is high
pitched. They have no windows, and are
very dark. When on hunting expeditions
they erect temporary huts, or benabs.
The natives of Guiana used the following
plants which supplied materials for their
houses; -Troolie palm, dwarf palm, cokerite
or turu palms and reta palm. None of these
plants is, however, native of Jamaica : but
the following probably take their place :-
thatch palm, bull thatch, palmetto thatch,
silver thatch, wild plantain, and aroid. The
leaves of all these could be used for thatch
for roofs or walls, and the stems of the
palms would supply posts and beams.
The Arawuks of Guiana make their ham-
mocks of Mauritia flexnosa, but that palm
is not indigenous to Jamaica.
Their seats are often formed in the shape
of grotesque figures-tortoises, frogs, arma-
dilloes, alligators, &c. Peter Martyr tells
us that Anacoana, the unfortunate princess
of Espaiola, gave to Bartolomi Columbus
fourteen carved ebony seats. Unfortunately
not one of these seats has been found in
Jamaica, but Lady Blake owns a very
curious one that was found in Turks Island,
a sketch of which is given by M r. Ober in his
book entitled "In the wake of Columbus."
The weapons of the Arawaks of Jamaica
and the other large islands consisted of
darts, and war clubs ; but they apparently
did not possess bows and arrows which were
tlie form of weapons prepared by the Caribs,
and the use of which of course gave them a
great advantage over their more peaceful
foes. Nor is there any record of the Arawaks
having used the celebrated poison ourali.

Their war clubs were sometimes fitted with
stone blades, probably something in the
same manner as the axe, a representation of
which is shown in figure 10, in the cut fac-
ing this page.
The Indians of Guiana to-day never go
naked. On ordinary occasions the men
wear a narrow strip of cloth called a lap,
which is passed between the legs, the ends
being brought up at the back and front
respectively, and suspended by a rope-like
belt worn just above the hips. Every
woman wears a small apron called a queye.
Some laps were made of a kind of cotton
cloth, and some of bark. The queyus were
probably made originally of brightly coloured
seeds strung on fibre. For stony parts of
the savannahs, a rude kind of sandal cut
from the leaf stalk of the rsta palm was
In Chapter iv is quoted a description
given by Bernaldez of the dress of the
cacique, who lived on an island in Old
Harbour Bay, and who had a conference
with Columbus in 1494, and of that of his
The quartz beads, which Mr. Fawcett
brought from Vere and which are now in
the Institute, a copy of which is given on p.
71, and those in Lady Blake's collection,
are a few of the rare examples of the native
bead ornaments of the island. Iierrera
mentions small stone beads, called cibas,
on which the Indians set great value" which
Guacanagari gave to Columbus, and the
"Historie" tells us that they were made of
white, green and red stones.
Ornaments were worn more by the men
than the women. Painting was the simplest
form of ornamentation, the pigments used
in Guiana being red faroah and blue-black
lana amongst the Indians of the savannahs,
and carmine caraweera and lana amongst
those of the forests-both using at times a
white clay, and a certain yellow substance.
Faroah is the deep-red pulp round the seed
of a shrub, Bixa orellana, which grows
wild on the river banks, and is also culti-
vated by the Indians. Caraweera is a purp-
lish red dye made from the leaves of the
yellow-flowered bignonia: and lana is the
blue-black juice of the Genipa americana.
In Jamaica, their dyes were probably made
from the John-crow bush. the native indigo,
fustic, and possibly from the ochres which
are found in the island.
Favourite ornaments with the Arawaks
of Guiana, are a necklace of hogs' teeth and a
pairof armlets worn justbelowthe shoulder;


' 3__


x. Found in Vere, Jamaica.
2. Found in Jamaica.
3. Found in Vere, Jamaica.
4. Found in St. Elizabeth, Jamaica.

5. Found in Clarendon, Jamaica. 9. Flint Bead.
6. Flint Arrow Head, found in Brown's Town, Jamaica. io. Hatchet, Handle of Lignum Vitso, with Stone
7. Stone Axe, found in Caicos. Blade, found in middle Caicos.
8. Flint Beads.
N.B.-The Drawings are One-third the size of the Originals.





the former, the product of his hunting ex-
ploits, is worn by every man except when
he is in his house, and is highly prized.
Strings of beads are also wound round the
ankles and wrists. Their hair is made
smooth and shiny with palm oil. A most
curious ornament takes the form of a thin
piece of polished metal, gold, silver or cop-
per, which, suspended from the nose, hides
the mouth. On the head is worn a crown
of brilliant feathers, from which stream
strings of cotton which reach to the heels.
Ruffs, collars and mantles of cotton cloth,
or birds feathers, were also worn. Different
coloured feathered ornaments are used for
different occupations. The Historie" tells
us incidentally that the inhabitants of Ja-
maica used to wear swaths of cotton-cloth on
their arms in the manner still practised by
some of the Caribs of Guiana. In describing
the natives of Guadeloupe, it says :-
The legs of these women are swathed with
cotton cloth from the ankle to the knee, which
gives them a very thick appearance ; and
they gird these ornaments, which they called
coiro, and consider as very genteel, so tightly
that the leg appears very thin when they happen
to slip off. The same swaths are used both by
men and women in Jamaica upon the smaller
parts of their arms up to the armpits, similar to
the old-fashioned sleeves in Spain.
And this is corroborated by Bernaldez.
(see p. 33.)
Their musical instruments consist of a
drum made of a section of a tree. In Jamaica
a section of the trumpet tree, a native of
this island as well as of South America
where it is used as a musical instrument,
which has a stem in hollow sections like
bamboo, was probably used, with skin
stretched over each end. They also made
a flute of bone or wood, and an Eolian harp
of a piece of rta palm.
A dance peculiar to the Arawaks was
that of the Macquarie in which the dancers
stood in two rows facing one another; and
at intervals an opposing pair retired and
exchanged lashes with a whip called a
macquarie, with a hard fibre lash, until the
blood flowed freely.0 After the dance was
over paiwari was drunk by all.
Agame at ball, called btoo, mentioned
by Oviedo and others, as practised by the
inhabitants of the larger islands, is still
indulged in by the Indians of Guiana-the
ball being made either of part of an ear of
Indian corn or of native Indian-rubber.
The milk-withe, a native of Jamaica, pro-
bably afforded excellent balls for the na-
tives of this island.
*An illustration of a Macquaire Dance by ArawAks,
is given in Brett's Indian Tribes of Guiana."

The Indian's chief occupations and means
of living were hunting and fishing and
agricultural pursuits ; with, in some cases,
a certain amount of trading.
The hunting expedition often consists of
many individuals, the women acting as
bearers. Before starting, the hunter
proves the power to endure pain both of
himself and his dog, by the administration
of severe ant bites and other barbarous
methods. Dogs that show aptitude for
sport are highly valued, and taken care of.
Fish are caught either by poisoning the
stream with a narcotic juice of the bark of
the dogwood which stupefies but does not
kill the fish ; by shooting with arrows, by
netting or traps, and by hook and line.
Their fishing boats they called piragua,
whence the English and French word
The Indians of Jamaica used the remora,
or sucking fish, to catch other fish. The
following is Oviedo's description:-
The Indians of Jamaica and Cuba go a-fishing
with the 'emoract a sucking-fish, which they employ
as falconers employ hawks. This fish which is not
above a span long, is kept for the purpose, and regu-
larly fed. The owner on a calm morning carries it out
to sea, secured to his canoe by a small but strong line,
many fathoms in length; and the moment the crea-
ture sees a fish in the water, though at a great dis-
tance it starts away with the swiftness of an arrow,
and soon fastens upon it. The Indian in the mean-
time loosens and lets go the line, which is provided
with a buoy that keeps on the surface of the sea,
and serves to mark the course which the remora
has taken, and he pursues it in his canoe until he
conceives his game to be nearly exhausted and run
down. He then, taking up the buoy, gradually
rarws the line towards the shore; the remora still
adhering with inflexible tenacity to its prey, and it
is with great difficulty that he is made to quit his
hold. By this method, I have known a turtle caught
of a hulk and weight which no single man could
'urtle were captured by shooting up into
the air so that by falling the arrow gains
sufficient impetus to pierce the shell.

*Richard Hill in his History of the Picaroons"
derived piragua from pira a fish, which may or may
not be true, but he was evidently in error when he
attributed o the same derivation, pirate, which
comes from the Greek peird (an attempt).
tReferred to by Sloane in his History of Jamaica."
Most marvellous properties were ascribed by the
ancients to the remora, and that these were believed
in long into the middle ages is evident from the
description of it which Bartholomew Anglicus gave
of it in the thirteenth century:-" Enchirius is a
little fish unneth half a foot long: for though he be
full little of body, nathless he is most of virtue. For
he cleaveth to the ship, and holdeth it still stedfastly
in the sea, as though the ship were on ground therein.
Though winds blow, and waves arise strongly, and
wood storms, that ship may not move another pass.
And that fish holdeth not still the ship by no craft.
but only cleaving to the ship." Medieval Lore *
being classified gleanings from the Encyclopedia of
Bartholomew Anglicus. Edited by Robert Steele"
London 1893.


Birds were shot with bows and arrows or
blow pipes; arrow-heads were made of bones
of turtle and animals, shells of molluscs, of
stone, or of wood hardened by fire. The
wooden points were sometimes smeared with
a most deadly vegetable poison, ourali.
The ArawAks in Guiana now use for
small birds an arrow with a blunt head
which merely stuns the quarry. They
never use the blow-pipe.
The meat and fish when procured is
smoked, or barbecued in order to make it
In their agricultural affairs, after the men
have felled the trees, cut down the under-
wood and partially burnt the fallen branches
and waste bush, the clearing-in a very un-
tidy condition, strewn with tree trunks,
ashes and rubbish-is left for the women to
Their chief object of cultivation is cas-
sava. But while this is growing they plant
pine-apples, bananas, plantains, melon-seeds
yams and sweet potatoes, sugar-oane.papaws,
cashews, tobacco and red and yellow peppers.
Of these, all but bananas, plantains, melons,
yams and sugar-cane were probably known
to the Arawaks of Jamaica of the fifteenth
The following is a description of cassava
given by Mr. Fawcett in his "Economic
Plants" of Jamaica:-
There are a number of varieties, according to
colour of stein and division of leaves. There is also
one with a non-poisonous juice in the root. But
the plant generally known as 'sweet cassava,"
is without wings on the fruit, and has a reddish
root. (ManihatAipi Pohl,)
Bitter cassava root abounds in a milky poisonous
juice, and does not become soft by boiling or roast-
Sweet cassava root has a non-poisonous juice,
has tough portions in the centre, but becomes quite
soft by boiling, and is eaten like potatoes.
Uassava meal is prepared from both kinds. The
root is grated, by which the cells, containing the
juice and starch-grains, are broken up. The grated
material is placed under pressure, sometimes with
water pouring through it. The pressure squeezes
out all the juice; while a certain proportion of the
starch-grains passes over with the liquor. Toe sub-
stance left under pressure consists chiefly of the
cell-walls broken up, but also of some starch-grains.
This is cassava meal which is dried on hot plates,
and made into cassava cakes. The liquor which
passes away under pressure, being the pure juice
only, or the juice mixed with water, is allowed to
standfor some time, when the starch settles to the
bottom, and the liquor is poured off. The starch-
grains as seen under the microscope, are mullar-
shaped. This is cassava starch proper, as distin-
guished from cassava meal.
Tapioca is prepared by heating moistened cassava
starch on hot plates. This process alters the grains
which swell up, many bursting, and then they ag-
glomerate in smallirregular masses.
Cassareep is the juice of the bitter cassava roots
concentrated by heat, which also dissipates the

Volatile poisonous principle. The same is further
flavoured with aromatics Boiled with peppers and
fish or meat, it forms the West Inidian '' pepper-
To make paiwari, the favourite Indian
drink, the baking of the cassava flour is
continued until it is black. It is then
broken into pieces and put in a jar with
water, the larger pieces being chewed by
the women and then replaced in the jar.
After a slight boiling, the liquid is poured
into a trough where it is allowed to fer-
ment. It then has the appearance of coffee
with a good deal of milk in it.
When a paiwari-feast, or drinking bout
is to be held, about 150 or 200 gallons of
liquor is made and stored in a trough.
The Indians are fond of salt and eat it by
itself. They also eat the eggs of reptiles
such as those of turtles and iguana lizards.
But it is said that they would eat the flesh
of neither manatee nor turtle.
The women never eat with the men.
Fire is constantly kept burning in their
houses the fire having originally been ob.
tained by the friction of two pieces of wood.
In Jamaica we know that the coney
formed one of their principal articles of
food-its bones having been found with
their pottery at Norbrook. This animal is
now unfortunately nearly extinct.
As the Indians required nothing .more
than canoes for travelling on the water,
simple houses to live in, baskets for domestic
purposes, hammocks for rest, rude weapons
of the chase and implements such as hatchets
and chisels, earthen vessels, and a few orna-
Inents and articles of dress, these form the
sum total of their arts and manufactures.
'To-day in Guiana each tribe has somo
manufacture in which it takes a special
interest, though most of the articles men-
tioned are made by almost all the tribes.
The ArawAks make fibre hammocks in a
way peculiar to themselves, and also a cer-
tain amount of pottery, but in the latter
industry they are surpassed by the True
Caribs; and owing to their having been
more influenced by civilization than the
other branches, their manufactures have
differed in a corresponding degree. Schomb-
gurk has a theory, which Mr. imThurn
partially endorses, that a higher degree of
ornament is apparent in the manufactures
of each tribe, the further that that tribe
lives from the coast. That being so, the
ornamentation of the Indians of the islands
was probably of a low order: at all events
nothing has ever been found in Jamaica
indicative of any high artistic development.

I. Found in Clarendon, Jamaica.

NATIVE INDIAN POTTERY. In the Institute of Jamaiea.
v. vII .Found in Navassa. viIi. Flint Beads from Vera, Jamaica.
IX. x. Found at Norbrook in St. Andrew's, Jamaica.
N.B.-All the Drawings are otae-third the size of the Originals.

It. II. Iv. VI Found in Jamaica.


The clay vessels made by the Indians of
Guiana are simple and not very varied in
form. The commonest is that now known
as the buck-pot in which the food is cooked,
called by the Arawaks dawadda, something
like a small basin with a wide lip risi ,
upwards; it also had a'saucer.
Other vessels of a larger size, though of
the same form, about two feet in diameter,
and two feet six inches high are used for
holding paiwari.
Another vessel, used by the Arawaks and
the True Caribs is the sappoora, shaped
like a flattish basin, used for holding f,,od.
The fragments found at Norbrook, of which
a representation is given on page 71, Nos. ix.
and x., seem to be of this description.
Their pottery is still made by hand alone,
without the aid of the wheel, and is yet
perfection form. Stones- often water-worn
pebbles -were used by them for smoothing
their pottery.
Mr. imThurn thinks that some of their
pottery was perhaps covered with basket.
work for the purpose of giving it greater
strength; and the Caribs of St. Vincent
still cover earthen jars with basket-work.
Kitchen middens are not generally found
in Guiana. Those which do occur are all
found in a small district north of the Pome-
roon, and Mr. imThurn thinks that they were
made by marauders, probably Caribs, and
not by dwellers in the land.
The relics of the aborigines of Jamaica
are scanty. They consist of stone imple-
ments, pieces of pottery, and here and
there, a bead ornament.
There are no remains in the island of
kitchen middens mingled with human bones,
to point to temporary visits of the Caribs.
The only kitchen midden which has been
systematically examined in Jamaica is that
at Norbrook in' St. Andrew's, at the foot of
the hills, whence a fine view is obtained of
the plain of Liguanea and Kingston har-
bour, which was opened up in 1890, and
which was apparently of ArawAk origin,
and not a Carib temporary settlement, for
had it been the latter, a number of human
bones would have been found mixed with the
pottery; and the human bones found were few.
The quantities of sea-shells found there point
to a liberal use of fish as food by the natives.
A large quantity of pottery was found
but it is unfortunately very fragmen-
tary in character. Judging, however, by
the pieces preserved, the art of pottery
manufacture had not in the hands of the
aborigines of Jamaica advanced very far:

and it displays but the crudest attempts at
decorative effect.
There were found with the pottery, bones
of the coney, but no stone implements. In
-Vere, where pottery was found, there were
) bones found.
All of the examples of Jamaica pottery
are very fragmentary. The best selec-
tion is in the collection of Lady Blake:
and there are a few good examples in the
Institute. The decoration apparently was
usually confined to the edge of the pot or
jug, and to the handles. The few pieces
found at Portland in Vere in the extreme
south of the island, possess a little more
evidence of decorative effect than those
found at Norbrook, which are very plain in
character. The designs are crude, and
without any great idea of symmetry. The
motif is generally the same: but No. 1 on
the plate facing p. 72 is unusual, alike in
its design, and in the fact that colour-wash,
possibly white lime, has been applied to the

There are probably still a considerable
number of stone implements in Jamaica;
many preserved in the houses of the smaller
peasantry, by whom they are sometimes
called thunderbolts; and here and there is
a small collection acquired by some one,
with archaeological tastes.
Although of a more peaceable nature than'
the warlike Caribs, their condition of life,
liable as they were to onslaughts by the Ca-
ribs, rendered it necessary that the ArawAks
should have weapons of offence and.defence.
Of the stone implements, the best collec-
tions are those of Lady Blake and Inspector
Church of Mandeville, while there is a
small collection in the Institute. But in
all the types are similar. Those most com-
monly found are similar in shape to Nos. 1
and 2 on the plate facing p. 68. In size they
vary from 1- inches long to 101 inches
long. What was their method of use has
been the object of much doubt and discus-
sion. Another type is that like Nos. 3 or 4
and 5, which vary in length from 31
inches to 91 inches. Others vary in shape
between these two, being formed more like
a chisel. No. 6 is the only specimen of
a flint arrow-head, found in Jamaica. The
notches show the manner in which the
head was affixed to the shaft. But of far
greater interest are Nos. 7 and 10. The
former, which was found at Caicos. is a
monolithic axe, 71 inches long, which,
however, was probably of little practical


lrx I-a .*'


i. Found at Pedro Bluff, Jamaica.

NATIVE POTTERY. In the possession of LADY BLAKE.
5 and 6. Handles. 9. Stone Ball used in grinding Food.
N.B.-All the Drawings are One-third the size of the Originals.

zo. A Sinker," used in fishing.



utility. Only one other example is said
to exist. No. 10 is especially interesting
in that it shews the manner in which
some at least of these stone implements
were used: the wooden handle is 28
inches long. It was found in a cave at a
village in Middle Caioos, under some five
feet of cave earth, and was broken by the
labourer in digging it out. The accummu-
lation of the cave earth is of very slow
growth, and, possibly, the hatchet is
several hundreds of years old, especially
when we remember that the native Indians
were all removed by the Spaniards soon
after their discovery of these islands.
Other stones were probably used for
grinding their grain; such as No. 9 on the
plate facing p 72. It has been said that
there is no stone in the island of which
these implements could have been made:
but this is not so as metamorphic rock is
found here, and this would suffice for their
manufacture. It is of course, possible, how-
ever, that they may have been brought from
some centre of manufacture on the main-
land, for we know that traffic was carried on
by certain Indian tribes in the necessaries of
life. Columbus himself mentions their fairs.
The stones vary in colour, dark slate, dull
peacock blue, light slate, greyish brown,
greyish green.
The Indians make baskets with a lid of
the same shape, but a little larger, which
fits over the basket proper. They are
called pegalls, and hold all the odds and ends
of an Indian's possessions, such as arrow-
heads, ornaments, &c. Those of the Arawaks,
Ackawois and Warraus are usually rectangu-
lar in shape. They also make large baskets
to hold their cassava bread. Those of the
Arawaks and True Caribs, and most of the
forest tribes are raised on legs. Other bas.
kets are made for carrying provisions from
the field (called suriana), and for storing
provisions (called quakes).
Their string is made from the sta palm,
and called tibisiri, orfrom the silkgrass plant
a native of Jamaica, called crowia. These
fibres are made into twine by placing them
on the right thigh, holding them with the left
hand: then twisting them into a strand
with the palm of the right hand : the twist.
ing being rendered easy by the fact that
the skin of the Indian is smooth and hair-
less. A single strand is used for twine for
hammocks, three strands twisted together
make a bow.string, and three of these com.
bine to make a hammock ropeo.
* this method of making the string was shown by

Their canoes are of four kinds, the canoe
proper, the corial, the buckshell and the
wood-skin-each form having probably
been peculiar to a given tribe; but they are
now used indiscriminately. The largest
mentioned was ninety feet long. Peter
Martyr mentions that some canoes, which
he calls piraguas, were propelled by forty
oars (or paddles?)
The canoes were shaped out of the trunk
of a tree partly by burning, and partlylby
stone hatchet or chisel. When the cotton
tree was selected, it was easy to work and
light to paddle, but not so lasting as
mahogany which though enduring was
difficult to shape and somewhat heavy to
propel. The cedar occupied a position
midway between the two, both as to weight
and lasting qualities.
The sides were made wider at the top by
heat, by the weight of damp sand, or by
softening by immersion in water; when
once stretched, the sides were fixed perma-
nently apart by bars of hard wood or by
the thwarts. The gaps at bow and stern
were fitted with pieces of triangular wood,
and a kind of gunwale was run round the
sides. They were so shallow, the Historie"
tells us, that the gunwale was not a span
above the water when they were loaded :
and we know that Mendez added a false
gunwale to his canoe when he went from
Jamaica to Espaliola. Canoes are made
much in this way in many of the West
Indian islands to-day.
Their karamanni wax, used as a pitch to
fill up gaps in wood-work, and as glue for
the purposes of adhesion, is made from the
resin of Siphomia bacculifera by mixing it
with bees wax to make it pliable, and with
charcoal to make it black.
The corial is smaller than the canoe, and
has no extra plank. The buckshell is dug
out, but with the ends closed so that it is
impossible to widen the sides. Woodskins
are made of bark and are used when light-
ness is requisite for porterage. In Guiana
the paddles are made from solid blocks of
lumber, or more often from the buttresses
of the paddle-wood tree. They occasionally
used sails: but they could only run before
the wind. Roohefort says it is marvellous
that such vessels as theirs can advance a
league in a day against the wind," Colum.
bus says, in his letters written in Jamaica.
"The Indian vessels do not sail except
with the wind abaft, but this is not be.
Caribs of St. Vincent at the Jamaica Exhibition in


cause they are badly built or clumsy, but
because the strong currents in those parts,
together with the wind render it impossi-
ble to sail with the bow-line, for in one day
they would lose as much way as they
might have made in seven."
In concluding his investigations into the
ArawAk Language of Guiana, in its lin-
guistic and ethnological relations, Dr.
Brinton says :-
Man in his migrations on the Western
Continent followed the lead of organic
nature around him. For it is well-known
that the flora and fauna of the Antilles are
South American in character, and also, that
the geological structure of the Archipelago
connects it with the Southern mainland.
So also its earliest known human inhabi-
tants were descended from an ancestry
whose homes were in the far south, and who
by slow degrees moved from river to river,
island to island, until they came within a
few miles of the northern continent."
It is evident that they were a people but
little advanced in civilization. Had they
been further advanced, not even the reck-
less cruelty of the Spaniards could have

removed the evidences of their existence to
the extent which it has done.
It is many centuries since the great dy-
nasties of Egypt and the empires of Assyria
and Persia passed away ; yet they have left
evidences of their possession of a high state
of civilization and a deep knowledge of the
arts and sciences which will probably en-
dure so long as this earth exists. Even in
the comparatively small island of Sicily,
to which Columbus likened Jamaica, there
are remains of magnificent temples dating
back to the fifth century B.C. If we seek
in England or Spain for evidences of the
life led in those countries at the time when
Columbus was discovering the new world,
we can find ample traces from which to build
up a very full representation of such life.
But the hold which the ArawAks had on
these western islands was but slight A
short century of cruelty sufficient for their
practical extermination.

The countries, with their plant life, which
Columbus gave to Spain, still exist for the
good of mankind, but the simple, harmless
people who then inhabited them are almost
as though they had never been.


[Personal names ar3 in SMALL CAPITALS: Scientific names in italic.1

BACON, ROGER 8 Breadnut (Brosimum alicastrum),
ABARBANEL, ISAAC, 15 Bahia, 26 56
Admiral's Map, 53 13, 18 BREVIESCA, XIMENO, 35
JEnicidu, 66 Bald-pate pigeon, (Columba leveo- Bridge of Pinos, 15
AJta palm (Mlauritiaflewtosa), 68, ceph1ala), 58 BRIDGES, GEORGE WILSON, 30
APFONSO V, 8 Bamboo (Bambusa vulfaris) 56 Buckshell, 73
As'FONSO, Prince of PORTUGAL, Banana, (Musa paradisiaca. var Bull thatch (Sabal umbraculifera),
14 Sapientum,) 56 68
Aguacadiba, 41 BANCROFT, E., 58 Bullet-tree (Dipholis montana) 55
AGUADO, JUAN DE 34, 35 BARBA, JUAN 49, 50 Buriari, 25
AILLY, PIERRE D' 8, 11 Barbecue, 60, 70 Buscia, 26
Akee (Cupania edulis) 56 Barbados, Colonization of 59 Butter-bird (Dolichonyx oryzi-
ALARD, in the first fleet 16: left Barbados Pride (Ccesalpinia pul- vorus), 58
at Navidad, 20 cherrima) 54
Alco, 56 Barbas, Las 40 C
marcation, 21 Barracouta (genus Sphyrvna), 58 Cabo de la Cruz, 29, 31
Alfaeto, Cape of 26, 27 BARRANTES, GARCIA DE, 37 Cabo del Beccrro, 20
ALFRAGANUS, 11 BARROW, Sir JOHN 2 Cabo del Buen Tiempo, 31
Alligator wood (Guarea Stwartzii), BARTHOLOMEW ANGLICUS 69 Cabo del Enamorado, 20
55 Baskets, native, 73 Cabo de Palmas, 19
Alta Vela, 33 Bastard cabbage-bark tree (Andira CABOT, SEBASTIAN, 4, 36
Ahmerica, name of 35 inermis) 54 CABRAL, PEDRO ALVAREZ DE, 37
AMEYRO, 41, 59 BASTIDAS, RODRIGO DE, 39 Cacique, meaning of, 20
ANACAONA, 34, 42, G6 Bastimentos, Harbour of 44 Cacique of Old Harbour, 32
ANAXIMANDER, 36 Bato, 69 Cacique of Rio de la Misa, 32
Animism of Natives, 65 Baza, Siege of, 14, Caciques of Jamaica, 59
Annatto (Bixa Orellana), 54, 56, 68 Beads, Native, 68 Cairvaco, 25
Antidote cacoon, (Ferilleu cordi- BECHER, Admiral, Landfall," 4 Calabash (Oresentia cuiete) 54, 55
folia) 54, 55 Begare, 46 Cathay, 8
Antigua 25, 54 BEHECHIO, 34 Caliban, the word, 60
Antillia 5, 6, 16, 17 BEHEM, MARTIN 8, 16 Calicud, 27
APIANUS, PETER 35 Belen, 39, 45 Calipea, 58
Aramaqquiqe, 29, 41 Belpuerto, 45 Cambaluc, 10
14 BENINCASA, GRAZIOSO 5 Canaries, 1, 6
ARANA, DIEGO DE 20 BERNALDEZ, Dr. ANDRES. Ac- Cannibal, the word, 60
ARANA, PEDRO DE 22, 35 count of Columbus, 3, 24, 26, Canoe, the word 60
Arawak Language, 59-62 34 Canoes, native, 73
Arawaks, 59 et seq BEZERILLO, 28 CAONABO, 34
ARAWANILI, 63 lIigwutia, yellow, 68 Cape Bojador, 2
ARISTOTLE, 8, 11 Blirds of Jamaica, 58: shooting 70 Cape Gracios h Dios, 39, 43
Armadillo, 56 Bitter Bush (Eupatoriunemervoum) Cape Morant, 33
Arms of Columbus, 22 55 Capitana," 38, 40
Aroid palm, (Anthurium cordifo- Bloodshed, first, of Indians by Carambarn, 43
lium) 68 Europeans, 20 Caraweera, 68
Arrowroot (Maranta aruidinacea) Blue-pigeon (CLolrmba rfiina). 58 CARBAJAL, ALONSO SANCHEZ DE,
55 BOBADILLA, FRANCISCO DE 37, 26, 35, 38
Arubeira, 25 39 Cariay, 43, 46
ASENSIO, JOSE MARIA, 4 Boca del Dragon, 36 Carib, the word 60
Astrolabe 8 Boca de la Sierph, 36 Caribs, 20, 25, 58, 59
As ncion, 36 Bohio, native name for HaytI, 20 Caribiri, 39
At antis, 1 BOIL, Fray BERNARDO, 22, 25, Cashaw (Prosopisjuliflora) 55
AUGUSTINE, ST. 13 26, 33 Cashew (Anacurdium occidental)
Aurea Chersonesus, 27, 47 Borreo, El" 36 55
Ayilla, 39 Bottle-gourd(Lagenaria vulgaris), Cassava (3Manihot utilissima) 20,
Azores, 1, 6 6 55,70
Azua, 39 BEANDAN, ST. 6 Catayo, 26. 27
Brazil, 6 Caxinas, 39
Braziletto (Peltophorum Lin6ari), Caycos Islands, 40
BabiBra o ( r L ) Cayman Islands, Discovery of, 40
Babique, 19 redfit (rtocapu Celt Ntive 72
Babracot, 60 Breadfruit (Artocarpus incisa), 56 Cets, Native 72


CHANoA, Dr. DIEGO ALVAREZ, 3, at Granada, privileges, starts D
22, 23, 26 on his fourth voyage 38 : dis-
CHARLES V., wedding of 51 covers St. Lucia 39; touches Dance, native 69
Chireras, 30 at San Domingo, reaches DANDOLA, ANDREA 10
Ciamba, 40 Honduras, storms 39: sees the Date-plum (Diospyros tetrasperia)
Cibao, 20, 25 continent of America for the 55
Cibas, 68 last time, reaches Jamaica Dawadda, 72
CIFUENTES, Count of, 21 40; stay in Jamaica 40-50: Decades of Peter Martyr, 3
Cignare, 43 letters written in Jamaica DE GUIGNES, 1
Cinnamon (Cinnamonmum zeylani- 42-48; leaves Jamaica, reaches DESCHELIERS, 3
cume) 56 San Domingo, reaches Spain, Description of Arawoks, 62
Cipango, 12. 16, 18 at Seville, died in Valladolid, DE'ZA, DIEGO DE 13
CLEMENT IV.. 10 buried at Seville, removed to DIAZ, liARTOLOMEU 2
Coco (Lolocasia antiquorun), 56 San Domingo, thence to DIAZ DE PISA, BHitNAL 22; treat.
Cocoa-nut -(Cocos nucifera), 56 Havana 50. chery 25
Cocoa-plum (Chrysobalanus Icaco) COLOMBO, DIEGO (son)-at La Dogs, native 56
54, 55 llabidal2, 13: page to Prince Dog-wood (Ptscidia erythrina) 55
Coffee (Coffea Arabica), 56 Juan 15: reference to by Dorinica. Discovery of 26
Cogwood (7izyphus Chloroxylon) Columbus 43 ; Governor of DONNELLY, 1. 56
55 the Indies, died 51, Dress, native 63j
Cokerite palm (Mfaxminiliana re- Colombo, DIEGO (brother)-born Dramimer, 53
gia), 68 5 : joined the admiral 22; sent Dry Harbour, 29,31,40
COLoMBo, BARTOLOME-bora 5; home by the admiral 34; put Ducks, 'sla m,
joins his brother 6, 8: goes in chains 37 Utchman'slaudanum, (assillora
to England 14; reached Es- COLOMBO, DOMINICo, 4, removed .11r7-auia) 55
pafiola 33; created Adelan- to Savona 5; returned to Dwalf pala", (L ,('tia bacvlitfera)
tado 34,36 ; put in chains 37: Genoa 6 ; remembered by the Dwellings, native 07, 0d
went with the admiral on his admiral 22
fourth voyage 38 ; at Belem COLOMBO, FERNANDO, life of his
39, 40: in Jamaica 42; de- father 3; birth 14; made EDWARDS, BRYAN, 10
fends the admiral 49 : defeats page to the i4aeen .;> ; went Eia harp, 6"
Porras 50; went with Diego with the admiral on his ~ 1C Tl E h ED 1
Columbus in 1508, died 51 : fourth voyage 8 ; in Jamaica ESCOAl DU DE, reached Ja
present from Anacaona 68 40; library, (lied 50 COBA, 4 reached a
youth, leaves Italy for Portu- COLOMBO, GIACOMO, 5 EscouBEDo, HODIQO DE 16, 18
gal ; eaves Italy for Pot COLOMBO, GIOVANNI, 6 Espatiola, Dfscovery of 20
gal 5 r voyage to England, COLOMBO, GIOVANNI PELLE- EsyUIVEL, JUAN DE, 51
married, personal appearance GRINO 6 ag of plants betee old
6 voyages along the African GRIN xcange of pants between old
coast 10: deceived by Joao COLOMBO, JUAN ANTONIO 35 wonr andII new, 5j
II, left Portugal, arrival in COLOMBO, LUIs, Duke of Veragua
Spain, Spanish form of his 52
name 12: at La Rabida 13; COMO, GUGLIELMO, 24
his character, audience with Compass, Variation of 17 Fairs, 41n
Isabella, conferences at Sala- Corial, 73 a'mily names, 66
manca 13 ; in attendance at Concepcibn, 86 'AWCTA EZ, GA. R 4
court, prepares to leave Spain, Coney (Caproiys braclkyurus) 57 rNANDEZ, GARCIA 1
recalled-again leaves and 70 FIEs'a, lTOOE 41, 5
again recalled 14; agreement, Congo Mahoe (Hibisous clypeatus) 'IEses of Jamai 4c 1 6
preparations for first voyage 56 Fishing, ('
15: sets sail on first voyage CONTI, NICCOLb D( 8 Flute 69
17 : landfall at Watling Island Coot, (bF'lica Amnricana), 58 r.,3.,. 1
18; discovers Cuba 19 dis- Coratoe (Agave Alrristi) 55 FONSEiA, JUAN RODRIGUEg DE
covers Hayti, starts home Cordera," 26 5O UAN
ward 20: returns to Palos, re- CORONAL, PEDRO FERNANDEZ Fontanaotena, 4
ception in Spain 21 honours, 35, 36 FONTANAIboSA, SUSNNA DI, 4
coat of arms, asks his brother CORTEREALS, 2 FUsr, JOHIANN 5
to join him 22 : starts on CORTEZ, HERIMAN 18 Faslic (.ua('lWra, tinLtri.a), 5
second voyage 24: discovers COSA, JUAN DE LA 22, 26; ac-
Dominica, reaches Hayti, his companies Ojeda, 31
views on colonization 25 : COSTER, LOURENS JANZooX 5
starts on further voyage of COTABANAMA, 34
discovery 26 : discovers Ja- Cotton tree (Erodendron A4,qrao- GAMA, VASCA DA, 2
maica 27-31 : Jardin de la tuonsum) 54, 55, legend of 65 Games, Native (i9
Reyna 31 : turned back, COUSIN, JEAN 3 Garden of Eden, 36
southern coast of Jamaica Couvade, 66 GARDNER, W. J, 30
32; Esparfola 33: starts for Criminals sent to transportation, Gasques, W. 56
Spain 34 ; reception and 35 GAUNT, JoHN oF, 2
honours, signature. leaves on Croaker, 58 Genip (Melicocca bijuqga, 56
his third voyage 35 ; discovery Crowia, 73 (tenaipa Americana, 68
of Trinidad, reaches San Do- Cuba, Discovery of 19: Circum- Genoa, 4, 5
mingo 36; troubles there 36, navigation of 32 Giamachi, 25
37: put in chains and sent Customs, Native 66 Gold aL Cibao, 20, 25: at Verague,
home, reception in Spain 37: 44, 47; not in Jaraicjs, 5.;


Golfo de la Ballena, 36 Iguana, 56, 70 L
GOMARA, FRANCISCO LOPEZ DE, Iguana, the word, 60
2, 3 Implements, native, 72 Lace-bark (Lagetta lintearia). 54,
Gomera, 24, 35 Indian Shot, (Canna) 55 56
GOMEZ, DIEGO, 6 Indians from Cuba and Guana- Lana, 68
" Gorda," 37 hani, landed in Spain, 21 Lancewood (Rocagea Laurifolia
GORRICCIO, GASPAR, 38, 48 Indigo, Jamaica, 68 and B. Virgata), 55
Goschis, 56 Ipomwa, 55 Landfall, First, in America, 18
Granada, Fall of, 14 : Columbus at, Iron-wood (Laplacea haematoxy- Landfall, First, in Jamaica, 24
38 lon), 55 Lap, 58
Granada (West Indies), Discov- IRVING, WASHINGTON, 3 LASCASAS, Bartolom6 de, Life of
ery of, 36 ISABELLA, Queen, 14: death of, Columbus, 3: witnesses Co-
Granadilla, (Passiflora quadraangn- 50 lumbus's return from first
laris), 55 ISABELLA, Princess, 14 voyage, 21 : went on second
Grand Canary, 17, 39 Isabella, City of, 25, 33, 36 voyage, 22: protests against
GRAND KHAN, 8, 10, 15, 19, 26, 31 Isla de Gracia, 36 Slavery, 25: went with Ovan-
Greenheart (Sloanea jaeaiceasis), Isla de las Bocas, 46 do, 38.
55 Isla de los Pilos, 39 Leagues, Italian and Spanish, 29
GREGORY X., 10 Isla Santa, 36 LEDESMA, PEDRO, 40, 49, 50
Grey Sanders (Bicida sp.), 55 Islas de Arenas, 19 LEONICO, 28
Groo-groo palm (Acrocon ia selero- Islas de los Poros, 39 Legends of the ArawAks, 63
carpa), 56 Letters by Columbus, 21, 22. 37:
Ground-dove (Chamrnapelia passe- j from Jamaica, 42; doubtful,
rina), 58 48 : to Gorricio, 48 : to Ovan-
Grunt. (genus Iemunloat). 58 do, 48
GUACANAGARI, 20, 4, 68 Jack-fruit (Artocarps iegri- LIEF 2
Guadalupe, Discovery of, 25, 34, lblia.) 56
5 Jamaica, account of discovery, 24 : Lignum Vita (Guiacum officinale),
Gu4, compared to Sicily, 27: des- 54, 55
Guanaboa, 67 cription of in the Historie Lime (Citrus aurantium, var. Ber-
Guanaani, 1839 and by Peter Martyr and Ber- gam ia), 56
Guanaja, 39 naldez, 28, 29 : question of Limonares, 39
Guantanamo, 26 landfall, 30: Southern Coast Line of Demarcation, 21. 22
GUARIONEX, 34, 39 32 visited by Vergara 37: LI-YEN, 1
GUATIGUANA, 34 Possibilities of a straight be- Locust tree (Hymenaa Courbaril),
Guava, (Psidinuguava) 55, 56 yond, 38: Columbus reaches, 54, 55
Guava, the word, 60 5 on his fourth voyage, 40: LONG, EDWARD, 30
Guiana, Raleigh's discovery of, 59 given to Nicuesa and Ojeda, Long Island, 19
Guinea-bird, wild (N .naida imeleag- 51: Esquivel Governor of,51 : Los Palacios, 34
ris) 58
sGm a)mi, 58 name. 53: pre-Columbian LUJAN, JUAN DE, 26
Gum aimi, 5 state of, 53, et seq. LULLY, RAYMOND, 8
GUTENBERG,JOHANN 5 Jamaica blackberry, (Rubusjamai- LUNA, FERNAN PEREZ DE, 26
censis), 5.5 ,
H Jamaica forget-me-not (Browallia M
demiss ), 55
Habits, native, 66 Jamaica rose (Hlahea trinervis), 55 Macaca, 28
Hammock, the word, 60 Jadin de la Reyna, 31, 43 Macquarie (ance, 69
HaR k, heNwr, JEROME, ST., 47 Madeira, I
ARR mb,HENRY, "Christophe Jerusalem thorn (Prkisoia acu- MADOC. Prince, OF WALES, 2
Havana, 50 oleata), 54 Mago, 45
ai discovery of 20 JOAO II., 12 : invites Columbus to Maguana, 34
Helluland, 2 Portuguese Court, 21 Mahoe (Hibiscus elatus), 54
HNRY VII.. 14 JOAQUIM, Abb6, 47 Mahogany (Swietenia malhagoni),
HENRY vii..THE NA14 IGTOi Jocahuna. 65 55
HENRYTHE NAVIGATOR Prince, John-crow bush (Bocconia frut- Maima, 41, 49
Heron, ( rdeescens), 68 Maize, the word, 60
Heron.rA (A4rdenT) 58 JOHN OFl1 ANJOU, 5 MAJOR, R. H." Select Letters," 4
Higuey, 34 Juana, 19 Mammals in Jamaica when dis-
Hog-nose Mullet, (Dajaus ehoiro- June fish (Plectropoma monoca: covered by Columbus, 56-58
rynchets) 58 thus, 58 Mammec Bay, 49
Holy Sepulchre, proposed rescue Mammee (8 e Americana), 55
of, 15, 35, 38 Mammee (3M8u ea America0a), 55
HOLYWOOD1, 3JON, 8 K Manatee, 20, 32,56
HUAREO, 30, 41, 59 Manatee, the word, 60
Hluelva, 12 Karamanni wax, 73 MANDEVILLE, Sir JOHN, 8, 26
Huerta, La, 39 Kenaimas, 66 Mangi. 31, 46
Huino, 25 Kill-buckra weed (Tribulus cis- Mango (31angifera indlea), 56
Hunting, 69 toides), 54 Manufactures, Native, 70
Hurricane, the word, 60 King-fish, 58 Manzon, 31
Kitchen-middens, 72 Map, Admiral's, 53
KITCHIN, THOMAS, 30 --, Moll's, 53
VON, 1 Maps of Jamaica, 30
Idol-worship of EspaSola, 65 Kola (Cola acuminata), 56 MARGARIT, MOSEN PEDRO, 22, 33
IM TIURN, E. F., 58 Komaka, 65 Maigaiita, 36


Marien, 34 Newfoundland, discovery of, 2 Plovers, (fam. Charadriadc) 58
" Marigalante," 23 Neyva River, 33 POLO, MAFFEI, 10
Mariegalante, Discovery of, 25 NICUESA, DIEGO DE, 51 POLO, MARCO, 8, 10
MARINUS, 44 "Nifia," 16,17, 20,23, 26,32,34, 35 POLO, NICCOLO, 10
Markland, 2 Norbrook, native settlement at, 72 Second rebellion, 50
MARQUE, DIEGO, 22 Nova Scotia, 2 Portland, native remains found
Marquis of Jamaica, 52 Nutmeg (Myristicafragrans), 56 at, 72
Marriage, 66 Port Maria, WO
MARTIN, MONTGOMERY, 30 Porto Santo, 7
MARTINEZ, FERNANDO, 8 0 Portraits of Columbus, 7
Martinique, 39 Portuguese in India, 3,
Matinino, 39 O r Portulaca, Yellow (I'ortvlaca ole-
Mauritia flexuosa, 59, 68 OcamPniro, 25 3acea 54
MAURO, Fra, 6 OCAM G I DE, 3 Portulaca, Purple (Partulaca pi-
MEDINA CELI, Count of, 13 Ocho Rios, 30 Portulani, 5
Mellila, 30, 41 Ochres, Jamaica, 68 Potato, the word, 60
MENDE, DIE account of OJEDA, ALONSO DE, 23, 34. 37, 51 Pottery, Native, 72
maica, 41: sent to Espainola Old Harbour Bay, 32 PRESTER JAN, 26
for help, 41 : sent help, 0 Ophir, 34 Prickly pear (Opuntia Tuna), 54,
for help, 41 : sent help, 50 Ophir, 54
MENDOZA, Cardinal, 13 Opossum, 56 55
MECATO, GEARDUS, 35 Ora Cabessa, 30 Prickly Yellow (ZanthoxyIlumaclara
Mexican Mopsy, 56 Orange (Citrus aurantium), 56 Herculis) 55
Mexican Poppy (Argemone exi- Ormus, 10 Printing, invention of,
cana), 55 Ornamentation, Native, 68, 69 Privileges of Columbus, 38
MIDAS, King of Prygia, 1 OVANDO, NICOLAO DE, 7. 48, Prune tree (Primnis occidentalis),
Milkwithe (Forsteronia floribun. OVIEDO, GONZALO FERNANDEZ TOLEY 8, 11, 44
da). 55, 69
Moguer, 12 DE, 3 Puerto Bcllo, 39
Mona, 33, 51 Ozema, River, 34 Puerto Bueno, 29, 30 31, 40
Mongoose, 58 Puerto de Bastimcntos, 29
MONIZ, FILIPPA, 6: dead, 12 Puerto de la Concepcion, 20
Monte Cristi, 20, 25 P Puerto de las Vacas, 32
Montego Bay, 29 Puerto Gordo, 44
Montserrat, Discovery of, 25 Paiwari, 70 Puerto Grande. 26, 27
Morant Keys, 39 Palmetto thatch (Thrinax parvi- Puerto Naranja, 19
Mountain cinnamon (Cinnamo- flora), 68 Puerto Rico, 25
dendron corticosum), 56 Palos, 12, 15, 21 Puerto Santa Gloria, 40
Mountain guava (Psidium monta- PAOLO GIOVIO, 7 Punta del Farol, 33
num), 54, 55 Papaw (CGrica papaya), 55 Punta de Maysi, 19
Mountain mahoe (Hibiscus elatus) PARETO, BARTOLOMMEO, 5, 6
55 Paria, Gulf of. 36 Q
Mountain mullet (family, Mlugi- Parotte Point, 58
lidw), 58 Parrot, 58
Mountain partridge (Geotnjgon Pastimes, Native. 67 Quail, (Ortyx virginiana) 58
montana), 58 Pea-dove (Zenaida amabilig), 58 Quakes, 73
MountainPride (Spathelia sim- Peaimen, 66 Queyu, 68
plea), 55 Peccary, 56 QUIBIAN, 40, 44, 45, 47
Mountain torchwood (Amyris bal- Pecheere, 58 QUINTANILLA, ALFONSO DE, 13
samifera), 56 PENALOSO, FRANCISCO DE, 22 Quinto al Mare, 4
Mountain-witch, 58 PERESTRELLO, BASTOLOMEU, 7 Quiriviri, 39
MOYA, Marquesa de, 14 PEREZ DE MARCHENA. JUAN. 13.
Mulatas, 40 14
MUNOZ, JUAN BAUTISTA, 3 Pimento (Pimenta officinalis), 54 Rabida, Convent of La, 12, 14
Musical Instruments 69 Pindar-nut (Arachis hypogl.qa), 56 RAFN, Professor, 1
Pine-apple, (Ananas sativa) 25 Ragged Isles, 19
Pinta," 16, 17 RALEIGHI, Sir WALTER, 59
N PINZON, MARTIN ALONZO. 15, 18, Ramoon, (Trophis Americana) 54,
19 56
Naseberry (Achras Sapota), 55 -- VINCENTE YANES, 3, 15 RAMIREZ DE'PRADO, LORENZO,
Naseberry bullet-tree (Sapota Sid- Piragua, 69 42
eroxylon), 55 Pirogue, the word, 60, 69 Rastelo, 21
Natives of Jamaica, 58, et seq. PIZARRO, FRANCISCO, 18 Red Mangrove, (Rhizophora man-
NAVARRETE, MARTIN FERNAN- Plantain, (Musa paradisiaca) 56 gle) 55
DEZ DE, 3 Plants in Jamaica when Colum- REGIOMONTANUS, 8, 16
Navaza, 42 bus discovered it, 54, 55. Religion of the Arawaks, 65
Navidad, building of, 20: destruc- introduced into Jamaica Remora, (Echeneis albicauda) 69
tion of, 25 since its discovery, 55 RENE OF ANJOU, 5, 35
Nevis, 25 PLATO, 36 Repartimentos, 37
New England, 2 PLINY( 11 Retrete, 44


Rice (Oryza sativa), 56
Ring-tail pigeon, (Columba Car-
ibbea) 58
Rio Bueno, 31
Rio de Disastre, 39
Rio de la Misa, 32
Rio de Mares, 19
Rio Grande, 2
Royllo, 5
Rum Cay, 19
Runs, Record of, 17


Sagres, College at, 2
St. Anne's Bay, 31, 40
St. Brandan Isle, 5, 16, 17
St. Kitts, 25
St. Lucia, discovery of, 39
St. Nicholas Mole, 20
Salamanca, 13
Salt, 70
Samana, Gulf of, 20
San Domingo, 34, 36, 39, 50 : Diego
Columbus' palace at, 51
" San Juan," 26
San Juan Bautista, 25
San Lucar, 50
San Martin, 25
San Miguel Cape 33, 42
San Salvador, 19
band-pipers, 58
Santa Cruz, Leeward Islands, 25
Santa Cruz, Brazil, 37
" Santa Cruz," 34
Santa Gloria, 28-31
Santa Maria de la Concepci6n,
discovery of, 19
Santa Maria de la Redonda, 25
Santa Maria in the Azores, 20
" Santa Maria," 16, wreck of, 20
" Santiago de Palos," 40
Sapakana, 64
Sappoora, 72
Sargasso Sea, 18
Sea-side grape, (Uoccoloba uvifera)
Seats, native, 68
SENECA, 8, 11
Sevilla Nueva, (or Sevilla d'Oro)
30, 50
Shaddock, 56
bhame-weed, (M.imosa pudica) 54
Shape of the harth, old beliefs, 36
Sicily, Jamaica compared to, 27,
Signature of Columbus, 35

Silver thatch, (Thrinax argentea) V
Sixibei, 25 Valladolid, 50
Skulls, native, found in Jamaica, Vanilla (Vanilla planifolia) 55
63 Vega Real, 26: Battle of, 34
Slavery, proposal to send Caribs Venezuela, discovery of, 37
into, 25 : Advocacy of, by Col- Veragua, 39, 43, 44, 47
umbus, 37 VERGARA, JUAN DE, 37
Snapper, (genus, Lutjanus) 58 VESPUCCI, AMERIGO, 4, 35, 37, 53
Snipe, (G~atlinago Wilsoni) 58 VINCI, LEONARDO DA, 35
SOLON, 1 Vinland, 2
SOUTHEY, THOMAS, 30 Virgin Isles, 25
Spirits, native belief in, 66 Vizcaina," 40
btar-apple (6hrysophyltuntcainito) Vocabulary of Arawliks, 62
54, 55
Storm, Columbus's description of W
a, 43, 44
STRABO, 8, 11
Straight beyond Jamaica, 38 WALDSEEMULLER, WALTER, 35
String, native, 73 Wapiana, 60
Sucking-nsh, (Echeneis albicauda) Warrau, 60
69 Watling Island, 18
Sugar-cane, (Saccharum offcina- Weapons, native, 68
rum) 56 Weimar portulano, 6
Supplejack (Paulliniacurassavica) West Indian Ebony, (Brya ebenus)
56 54, 55
Suriana, 73 West Indian Islands, Aboriginal
bZKOLNY, JOHN, 2 names, compared with those
given by Columbus and with
modern names, 24
West Indian words in the English
T language, 60
TALAVE FEWNANDO DE, hite-belly dove, (Peristera Ja-
TALAVERA, FERNANDO DE, 13 mnaicensis) 58
TERstEio PEDRO, DE, 26 White-wing pigeon, (Turtnr leU-
'Testigos, 36 copterus) 58
Ti'aten palm, (Copernicia tectorun Wild Ipecacuanha, (Asclepias cur-
and Calyptragyle Swartzil,) 68 assavica) 55
THEOPOMiUa, 1 Wild olive, (Bueida Buceras) 55
THOPFINN, KARLSEFNE, 2 Wild plantain, (Heliconia Bihai)
'tibisiri, 73 68
Ticks, 56 Wild tamarind, Pithecolobium fili.
limber, sweet-wood, (Nectandra cifolimn) 55
exaltata), 55 Will of Columbus, 38
Tobacco, the word, 60 WINSOR, JUSTIN, 4
Tooago, discovery of, 36 Wood-skin, 73
TORRES, J UANA DE, 12: letter to, X
Tortugas, Las, 40 Xaragua, 34, 42
Trinidad, discovery of, J6 y
Tioolie palm, (Maluucaria sac-
Tufpera)() 6i6- (
Trumpet flower, (Datura suave- Ycca (Podocarpscoriacles), 54,

owns) 55
Trumpet-tree, 69
Turtle, 56, 69
Turun palm, 68
Two-penny chick, 5S


Uru burial, probable

Yam (Dolichos tuberosts), 56
Yauhahn, 64
Yebra, 39
Yellow Sanders, (Bucida capitata)
Yoke-wood, (Catalpa longissinma)

in Jamaica, ZENO, ANTONIO, 2

Printed by Mortimer C. DeSouza, Kingston, Ja.

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