• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Cover
 Front Matter
 Half Title
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 List of documents in volume...
 Note
 Part VIII: Communications from...
 Part IX: Communications from...
 Part X: Communications from the...
 Part XI: Communications from...
 Part XII: Communications from...
 Part XIII: Communications from...
 Part XIV: Communications from...
 Index
 Front Matter
 Back Cover






Group Title: Publications of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law
Title: Diplomatic correspondence of the United States concerning the independence of the Latin-American nations
ALL VOLUMES CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00023701/00003
 Material Information
Title: Diplomatic correspondence of the United States concerning the independence of the Latin-American nations
Series Title: Publications of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law
Physical Description: 3 v. : ; 26 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Manning, William R ( William Ray ), 1871-1942
United States -- Dept. of State
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Place of Publication: New York
Toronto
London
Bombay
Publication Date: 1925
 Subjects
Subject: Foreign relations -- United States -- Latin America   ( lcsh )
Foreign relations -- Latin America -- United States   ( lcsh )
History -- Sources -- Latin America -- Wars of Independence, 1806-1830   ( lcsh )
Relations extérieures -- États-Unis -- Amérique latine   ( rvm )
Relations extérieures -- Amérique latine -- États-Unis   ( rvm )
Histoire -- Sources -- Amérique latine -- 1806-1830 (Guerres d'indépendance)   ( rvm )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Sources   ( lcsh )
 Notes
Statement of Responsibility: selected and arranged by William R. Manning.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00023701
Volume ID: VID00003
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: notis - ADE9374
alephbibnum - 000620046
oclc - 00806763
lccn - 25019089

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Front Matter
        Page i
        Page i-a
        Page ii
    Half Title
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Title Page
        Page v
        Page vi
    Table of Contents
        Page vii
        Page viii
    List of documents in volume III
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
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        Page xxix
    Note
        Page xxx
    Part VIII: Communications from Great Britain
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    Part IX: Communications from Mexico
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    Part X: Communications from the Netherlands
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    Part XI: Communications from Peru
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    Part XII: Communications from Russia
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    Part XIII: Communications from Spain
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    Part XIV: Communications from Uruguay
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    Index
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    Front Matter
        Front Matter
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text



















UNIVERSITY
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THE GIFT OF
Carnegie Endowment






















Publications of the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Division of International Law
Washington
























DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE
UNITED STATES CONCERNING THE
INDEPENDENCE OF THE LATIN-AMERICAN NATIONS








DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE UNITED STATES


CONCERNING


THE INDEPENDENCE


OF THE


LATIN-AMERICAN NATIONS




SELECTED AND ARRANGED BY
WILLIAM R. MANNING, PH.D.
Division of Latin-American Affairs
Department of State
Author of THE NOOTKA SOUND CONTROVERSY; of EARLY DIPLOMATIC
RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO, and
Editor of ARBITRATION TREATIES AMONG
THE AMERICAN NATIONS




VOLUME III
CONTAINING PARTS VIII TO XIV
DOCUMENTS 755-1191








NEW YORK
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
AMERICAN BRANCH: 35 WEST 32ND STREET
LONDON, TORONTO, MELBOURNE, AND BOMBAY
1925


'
9* *


::: :



























/ /


COPYRIGHT 1926


BY THE


CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE


PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

AT THE RUMFORD PRESS, CONCORD, N. H.


* *


.
* *


.* .. * i* *


* *


ft


* <
*
*

&













CONTENTS

VOLUME I
PAGE
PART I.-Communications from the United States............ I
PART II.-Communications from Argentina .................... 317

VOLUME II
PART III.-Communications from Brazil. .................. .... 667
PART IV.-Communications from Central America.............. 869
PART V.-Communications from Chile ...................... 893
PART VI.-Communications from (Great) Colombia ............ 1141
PART VII.-Communications from France ............. ...... 369

VOLUME III
PART VIII.-Communications from Great Britain ................ 1429
PART IX.-Communications from Mexico ................... .. 1591
PART X.-Communications from the Netherlands. ............ 1709
PART XI.-Communications from Peru. ................ ...... 1717
PART XII.-Communications from Russia ................. ... 1849
PART XIII.-Communications from Spain. ..................... 1889
PART XIV.-Communications from Uruguay. ................... 2173




Each volume contains a detailed list of the documents included therein.


'bA44A-'










LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III

PART VIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN

Doc. From To Date
No.


John Spear Smith,
U. S. Charge d'Af-
faires at London
Jonathan Russell,
U. S. Charge d'Af-
faires at London
Same
John Quincy Adams,
U. S. Minister to
Great Britain
Same
Same
Same
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Colonel Yrisarri,
Envoy of Chile to
Europe and the
U.S.
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same

Same
Same
Same


James Monroe, Sec. of
State

Same


Same
Same


Same
Same
Same
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

Colonel Yrisarri, Envoy
of Chile to Europe
and the U. S.
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same
Same
Same


Oct. 22, 1811


Jan. 14, 1812


Feb.
Jan.


1812
1816


Feb. 8, 1816
March 30, 1816
April 30, 1816
March 21, 1818


April 20, 1818
July 25, 1818
Aug. 3, 1818
Nov. 20, 1818
Feb. 15, 1819
March 22, 1819
May 14, 1819
July 21, 1819
Aug. 24, I819
Sept. 17, 1819
Oct. 5, 1819
Oct. 15, 1819
Nov. 3, 1819



Nov. 6, 1819


Nov. 10, 1819

July 20, 1820
April 22, 1822
May 6, 1822


1431


1431


1432
1432


1435
1436
1439
1440


1442
1443
1445
1449
1450
1454
1455
1456
1456
1458
1458
1459
1460



1461


1461

1463
1464
1465


-----


I









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART VIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


781


782
783
784
785
786
787
788
w 789



O- 790


791

-^ 792



w 793


794

W- 795



796


797
798
799



800


80o


Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same

George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same

George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same
Prince de Polignac,
French Ambassador
to Great Britain

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
Same
Conference with Mr.
Canning, Sec. of State
for Foreign Affairs of
Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same


June o1, 1822


June 24, 1822
July 24, 1822
July 26, 1822
Aug. 27, 1822'
Oct. 12, 1822
March 20, 1823
Aug. 19, 1823
Aug. 20, 1823'



Aug. 23, 1823


Aug. 23, 1823

Aug. 23, 1823



Aug. 27, 1823


Aug. 28, 1823

Aug. 31, 1823



Sept. 8, 1823


Sept. 19, 1823
Oct. 2, I82A
Oct. 9 to 12, 1823



Oct. 10, 1823


Nov. 26, 1823


1467


1468
1468
1472
1473
1474
1475
1475
'1478



1479


1480

1482



1482


1483

1485



1486


1487
1494
1495



1500


1503







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART VIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


802



803
804


805


806


807
808

809
81o
811



812


813



814


815

816


817
818
819
820
821


George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Same
Conde de Ofalia,
Spanish Minister for
Foreign Affairs
Mr. Planta, of the
British Foreign Office

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same

Same
Same
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same
Same
Same
Francisco de Zea Ber-
mudez, Minister of
Foreign Affairs of
Spain


Richard Rush, U. S
Minister to Great
Britain

Same
Sir William a Court,
British Minister to Spain

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
Same
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same
Same
William & Court, British
Minister to Spain


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same


Same
Same
Same
Same
His Britannic Majesty's
Charge d'Affaires at
Madrid


Dec. 13, 1823



Same
Dec. 26, 1823


Dec. 26, 1823


Dec. 27, 1823


Same
Same

Jan. 6, 1824
Jan. 16, 1824
Jan. 30, 1824



Feb. 9, 1824


March 4, 1824



March 5, 1824


March 6, 1824

June 30, 1824


July o1, 1824
July 31, 1824
Dec. 30, 1824
Jan. 18, 1825
Jan. 21, 1825


1506



1507
1507-


1509


1509


1510 i-
1510o "

1513
1514
1515



1519


1522



1523


1523

1524


1525
1526
1527-7
1528
1530 .-









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART VIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN (Continued)


From


822


-- 823


S824


825


Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Count Lieven, Russian
Ambassador to
Great Britain
Prince Esterhazy,
Austrian Ambassa-
dor to Great Britain
Baron de Maltzahn,
Prussian Minister to
Great Britain
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same
Same
John Adams Smith,
U. S. Charge d'Af-
faires ad interim at
London
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
John Adams Smith,
U. S. Charge d'Af-
faires ad interim at
London
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain


Date


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
Same


Same


Chevalier de los Rios,
Spanish Minister to
Great Britain

Henry Clay, Sec. of State


Same
Same
Same
Same



Same


Same
Same



Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain


Henry Clay, Sec. of
State


Aug.
Aug.


II, 1825
13, 1825


Aug. 21, 1825



Aug. 24, 1825


Sept.
Sept.


4, 1825
8, 1825


827


828
4.*829
830
831



832


S833
-834



*--835



836


837
838



839


Doc.
No.


Feb. 5, 1825


March 2, 1825
1M

March 3, 1825


March 4, 1825


March 25, 1825



March 26, 1825


April 4, 1825
April 12, 1825
May 2,.-1825
July o1, 1825



Aug. 9, 1825


Sept.,13, 1825


Page


1537


1538


1540


1541


1541



1547


1548
155o
1551
1552



1552


1557
1561



1561



1563


1564
1565



1567







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART VIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN (Continued)


From


Doc.
No.


840


841


George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same



Same

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

Same

George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Albert-Gallatin, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same
Same
Same


Date


Sept. 15, 1825


Sept. 18, 1825


Sept. 21, 1825



Sept. 26, 1825

Oct. 12, 1825
Oct. 29, 1825
Nov. 12, 1825
Nov. 14, 1825
Dec. 5, 1825
Dec. 21,.1825
Dec. 25, 1825
Jan. Io, 1826


Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain

Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain


George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain


Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Same


Same
Same
Same
James Brown, U. S.
Minister to France


843

844
845
846
847
848
849
850
851



852



853

854



855


856
857


858
859
860
861


1826
1826


16, 1826
22, 1826
30, 1826
2, 1827


Page


1568


1569


1570



1571

1571 -
1572
1573
1574
1575
1576
1576
1577 --



1578



1579 --

1579



1580


1581 -
1582


1583 -
1585 -
1586
1587


Jan. 12, 1826



Jan. 12, 1826

Jan. 13, 1826



Jan. 14, 1826


Feb.
Oct.


Dec.
Dec.
Dec.
Feb.


I 1~1


xiii
XI11








LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART VIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


Albert Gallatin, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
William Beach Law-
rence, U. S. Charge
d'Affaires at London
ad interim


Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same


Feb. 5, 1827


Aug. 14, 1828


1588


1589


PART IX.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


Francisco Mariano
Sora, Mexican
Curate, and Jos6
Bernardo Gutierrez,
Mexican Lieutenant
Colonel
Juan Pablo y Anaya,
Mexican Agent to
the U. S.
Jose Maria Morelos,
President of Mexico,
Jos6 Maria Linaga
and Remigio de
Yarza, Secretary of
Government
Jos6 Manuel Herrera,
appointed Mexican
Minister to the U. S.
James Smith Wilcocks,
subsequently U. S.
Consul at Mexico
City
Jos6 Manuel Herrera,
Sec. of State of
Mexico
Same
Iturbide



Jose Manuel Zozaya,
Mexican Minister to
the U. S.
T. Reilly, U. S. Vice
Consul at Vera Cruz


James Monroe, Sec. of
State




James Madison, Presi-
dent of the U. S.

Same





Same


John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State


Same


Same
Letter of credence to
Jos6 Manuel Zozaya,
Mexican Minister to
the U. S.
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same


Sept. 27, 1811





March 18, 1815


July 14, 1815





March I, 1816


Oct. 25, 1821



Nov. 30, 1821


Sept. 24, 1822
Sept. 25, 1822



April 4, 1823 [?]


Oct. 2 & 3, 1823


1593





1594


1596





1598


1599



1614


1615
1616



1617


1618


- 862


S863


864





865


866





867


868



869


870
871



872







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART IX.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO (Continued)


From


874



875

876


877
878
879
880


881


882


883


884


885
886


887


888
889
890
891
892

893
894
895

896


---' ---*1


T. Reilly, U. S. Vice
Consul at Vera Cruz


Same

William Taylor, U. S.
Consul for Vera Cruz
and Alvarado
Same
Same
Same
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Address of Guadalupe
Victoria, President of
Mexico
Address of Joel Roberts
Poinsett, U. S.
Minister to Mexico
Reply of Guadalupe
Victoria, President
of Mexico
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Same
Lucas Alaman, Sec. of
State of Mexico

Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same -

Same
Same
Guadalupe Victoria,
President of Mexico
Pablo Obregon, Mexi-
can Minister to the
U.S.


Date


Commodore David Porter,
commanding U. S.
Squadron at Thomp-
son's Island
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same


Same
Same
Henry Clay, Sec. of State
James Smith Wilcocks,
U. S. Consul at Mexico

British Charge d'Affaires


Guadalupe Victoria,
President of Mexico

Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Lucas Alaman, Sec. of
State of Mexico

Henry Clay, Sec of State
Same
Same
Same
Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain
Henry Clay, Sec. of State
Same
John Quincy Adams,
President of the U. S.
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State


June
Aug.


1825
1825


Aug. 17, 1825


Same
Aug. 21,
Sept. 22,
Sept. 24,


1825
1825
1825


Oct. Io, 1825

Oct. 12, 1825
Oct. 29, 1825
Transmitted
Nov. I, 1825
Nov. 3, 1825


Doc.
No.


Oct. 4, 1823



Oct. 13, 1823

Oct. 25, 1823


March 29, 1824
Oct. 20, 1824
April 8, 1825
May 15, 1825


May 31, 1825


June I, 1825


Same


June 4, 1825


Page


1618



1619

1620


1620
1621
1621
1622


1623


1623


1625


1626


1626
1628


1629


1630
1631
1632
1633
1634

1636
1640
1641

1642









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART IX.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


897


898


899


900


901


902


903
904
905
906
907
908
909
910
911
912
913
914
915
916
917
918
919
920
921

922


William Taylor, U. S.
Consul for Vera Cruz
and Alvarado
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
William Taylor, U. S.
Consul for Vera Cruz
and Alvarado
Pablo Obregon, Mexi-
can Minister to the
U.S.
Sebastian Camacho,
Sec. of State of
Mexico
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same

Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Same


Same


Henry Clay, Sec. of State


Same


Same


Same


Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Sebastian Camacho, Sec.
of State of Mexico

Henry Clay, Sec. of State
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Martin Van Buren, Sec.
of State
Same


Aug. 9, 1829


Nov. 18, 1825


Dec. 2, 1825


Dec. 7, 1825


Jan. 4, 1826


Jan. 13, 1826


Jan. 14, 1826


Jan. 14, 1826
Jan. 28, 1826
Feb. I, 1826
Feb. 25, 1826
March 8, 1826
March 18, 1826
April 8, 1826
May 6, 1826
Nov. 15, 1826
March 28, 1827
May 12, 1827
June 16, 1827
June 20, 1827
July 8, 1827
April 24, 1828
Oct. 28, 1828
Nov. 5, 1828
Dec. 30, 1828
March o1, 1829

Aug. 7, 1829


1643


1644


1644


1645


1646


1647


1649
1650
1651
1653
1653
1655
1656
1657
1658
1659
1659
1661
1662
1662
1668
1669
1670
1672
1673

1685


1697


xvi







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART IX.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


924 George Prager, U. S. Martin Van Buren, Aug. Io, 1829 1699
Vice Consul at Sec. of State
Tampico
925 Joel Roberts Poinsett, Same Aug. 22, 1829 1700
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
926 Same Same Sept. 2, 1829 1701
927 Same Same Sept. 22, 1829 1702
928 Jose Maria de Bocane- Joel Roberts Poinsett, Same 1702
gra, Sec. of State of U. S. Minister to
Mexico Mexico
929 Joel Roberts Poinsett, Martin Van Buren, Oct. 2, 1829 1704
U. S. Minister to Sec. of State
Mexico
930 Same Same Oct. 14, 1829 1705
931 Same Same Same 1706
932 George R. Robertson, Same Dec. 4, 1829 1706
U. S. Consul at
Tampico
933 Jos6 Maria Tornel, Daniel Brent, Acting Aug. 22, 1830 1707
Mexican Minister to Secretary of State of
the U. S. the U. S.




PART X.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE NETHERLANDS


Doc. From To Date Page
No.


934 Alexander H. Everett, John Quincy Adams, Jan. 5, 1819 1711
Charge d'Affaires of Sec. of State
the U. S. at Brussels
935 Same Same Aug. 8, 1819 1711
936 Same Same Dec. 8, 1823 1712
937 Same Same Jan. 12, 1824 1713
938 Same Same Feb. 21, 1824 1714
939 Same Same March 26, 1824 1716
940 Christopher Hughes, Henry Clay, Sec. of July 17, 1826 1716
Charge d'Affaires of State
the U. S. at The
Hague


xvii









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XI.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM PERU

oc. From To Date Page
No.


941




942


944

945



946
947
948
949
950
951
952
953
954
955
956
957
958
959
960
961

962
963


964

965
966



967


Statement of W. G. D.
Worthington, U. S.
Special Agent to
Peru, Chile and
Buenos Aires
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
ex-Agent of U. S.
to South America
Act of Independence
of Peru
John B. Prevost, U. S.
Special Agent to
Peru, Buenos Aires
and Chile
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
Same
John B. Prevost, U. S.
Special Agent to Peru,
Bueno Aires and Chile
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
Same
Jos6 Ram6n Rodil,
Military and Politi-
cal Governor of the
Province of Lima
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima


July I, 1818




Nov. 4, 1818


July 15, 1821

Dec. 7, 1821



Feb. 6, 1822
March 4, 1822
April I, 1822
April 16, 1822
March 13, 1823
March 29, 1823
April 24, 1823
May 15, 1823
May 27, 1823
June 29, 1823
July o1, 1823
July 21, 1823
Jan. o1, 1824
March 13, 1824
April 4, 1824
May 3, 1824

June 7, 1824
June o1, 1824


July ii, 1824


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State



Same



Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same

Same
Same


Same

Same
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima


Jose Ram6n Rodil, Mili-
tary and Political Gov-
ernor of the Province
of Lima


1824
1824


Sept. 6, 1824


1719




1720


1729

1729



1731
1734
1735
1736
1737
1739
1739
1741
1742
1742
1743
1744
1745
1747
1749
1749

1752
1754


1755

1758
1761



1762


Aug.
Sept.


xviii







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III

PART XI.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM PERU (Continued)


From


968

969
970
971



972

973
974
975



976

977



978
979

980
981
982
983
984
985
986
987
988
989
990
991
992
993
994
995
996


William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
Same
Same
John B. Prevost, U. S.
Special Agent to
Peru, Buenos Aires
and Chile
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
Same
Same
John B. Prevost, U. S.
Special Agent to
Peru, Buenos Aires
and Chile
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
John B. Prevost,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Peru, Bue-
nos Aires and Chile
Stanhope Prevost
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Henry
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Clay, Sec. of State


Date


Sij


Sept. 18, 1824

Sept. 27, 1824
Oct. 17, 1824
Nov. 9, 1824



Nov. II, 1824

Dec. 7, 1824
Dec. 22, 1824
Same


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same
Same
Same



Same

Same
Same
Same



Same

Same



Same
Same


Jan. 29,
Feb. 25,


1825
1825


March 21, 1825
May 26, 1825
June 4, 1825
Jan. 24, 1826
Feb. 23, 1826
Feb. 28, 1826
April 9, 1826
April 25, 1826
May 6, 1826
May 17, 1826
June II, 1826
July 5, 1826
July 26, 1826
Aug. I, 1826
Aug. 24, 1826
Nov. 25, 1826
Jan. 8, 1827


xix


Doc.
No.


Jan. 8, 1825

Jan. Io, 1825


Page


1764

1766
1768
1771



1772

1773
1774
1775



1776

1776



1778
1778

1780
1781
1782
1783
1783
1785
1786
1788
1791
1792
1798
1799
18oo
1803
1805
1812
1814









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XI.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM PERU (Continued)


From


Doc.
No.


997

998
999
1000
1001
1002


1003
1004


1005

ioo6


1007

100oo8
loo6


loo7

Ioo8


Henry Clay,


Sec. of State


Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Same
Same


Same

Same


Martin Van Buren,
Sec. of State
Same


Date


Feb. 3, 1827

Feb. 21, 1827
March 23, 1827
May 23, 1827
June 15, 1827
Sept. 19, 1827


Nov. 7, 1827
Nov. 16, 1827


Nov. 20, 1827

Dec. 12, 1827


Aug. I, 1829

Dec. 15, 1829


PART XII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM RUSSIA

Doc.
No. From To Date Page



1009 William Pinkney, John Quincy Adams, Sept. 13/25, 1851
U. S. Minister to Sec. of State 1817
Russia
o101 Same Same Sept. 29/Oct. 1852
II, 1817
10io Russian Memorial on For communication to Nov. 17, 1817 1853
the Negotiation rela- the interested Courts
tive to the question and to the Cabinets of
of Rio de la Plata, the Mediating Powers
and in general, on
the pacification of
the Colonies
1012 George W. Campbell, John Quincy Adams, Dec. 10/22, 1859
U. S. Minister to Sec. of State 1818
Russia
1013 Same Same Feb. 6/18, 1819 1860


William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
Same
Same
Same
Same
James Cooley, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires at
Lima
Same
F. I. Mariategui,
Minister of Foreign
Relations of Peru
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
James Cooley, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires at
Lima
William Tudor, U. S.
ex-Consul at Lima
Samuel Lamed, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires at
Lima


Page


1815

1823
1825
1831
1833
1835


1835
1837


1840

1843


1844

1846







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM RUSSIA (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


1014


1015




1017





1019


1020


1021
1022

1023


1024

1025



1026


1027
1028

1029


1030

1031

1032


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same

Pierre de Poletica, Rus-
sian Minister to the
U. S.
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same


Same


Same


Same
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State


George W. Campbell,
U. S. Minister to
Russia
Same

Count Nesselrode, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Russia
George W. Campbell,
U. S. Minister to
Russia
Henry Middleton,
U. S. Minister to
Russia
Baron de Tuyll, Rus-
sian Minister to the
U.S.
Henry Middleton,
U. S. Minister to
Russia
Same
Same

Same


Same

Count Nesselrode,
Sec. of State for
Foreign Affairs of
Russia
Henry Middleton,
U. S. Minister to
Russia
Same
Same

Same


Same

Same

Same


April 21/May
3, 1819

Sept. 24/Oct.
6, 1819
Nov. 27/Dec. 9,
1819

Dec. 31, 1819/
Jan. 12, 1820

July 8/20, 1822


Oct. 4/16, 1823


Feb. 5/17, 1824


Feb. 7/19, 1825
April 7/13, 1825


of July 2/14, 1825


July 15/27,
1825
Aug. 20, 1825



Aug. 27/Sept.
8, 1825

Same
Sept. 18/30,
1825
Feb. 27/March
II, 1826

Feb. 28/March
12, 1826
July 18/30,
1826
Aug. 30, 1826


1862


1863

1864


1864


1866


1868


1868


1869
1870

1873


1874

1875



1877


1877
1878

1879


1881

1881

1883


Count Nesselrode, Sec.
State for Foreign
Affairs of Russia
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Henry Middleton, U. S
Minister to Russia


Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Same

Count Nesselrode, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Russia
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Same

Count Nesselrode, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Russia


xxi









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM RUSSIA (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


1033 Henry Middleton, Henry Clay, Sec. of Sept. 5/17, 1884
U. S. Minister to State 1826
Russia
1034 Same Same Sept. 8/20, 1885
1826
1035 Baron de Maltitz, Same Nov. 18/30, 1886
Charge d'Affaires of 1826
Russia at Wash-
ington


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN


From


Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Pedro Cevallos, First
Minister of State of
Spain
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


James Monroe, Sec. of
State
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Pedro Cevallos, First
Minister of State of
Spain
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain

Pedro Cevallos, First
Minister of State of
Spain
James Monroe, Sec. of
State
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Date


Sept. 5, 1815

Dec. 30,1815
Jan. 2, 1816
Feb. 22, 1816
March 2, 1816
March 25, 1816
Sept. 26, 1816


Oct. 17, 1816


Oct. 25, 1816


Oct. 26, 1816

Jan. 2, 1817
Jan. 15, 1817
Jan. 16, 1817
Same
Feb. Io, 1817
Feb. II, 1817
Feb. 12, 1817
Feb. 22, 1817
Feb. 28, 1817


Doc.
No.


1036

1037
1038
1039
1040
1041
1042


1043


1044


1045

1046
1047
1048
1049
1050
ro51
1052
1053
ro54


Page


1891

1891
1895
1897
1904
1905
1907


1908


1909


1909

1910
1913
1914
1914
1915
1917
1918
1919
1919


i i ~ -


xxii







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


1055

1056


1057

1058
1059
io6o

lo61
1062
1063


1064
1065

1066

1067

o168

o169

1070

1071
1072

1073
1074
1075
1076

1077

1078


1079
io8o


George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the
U.S.
Same

Same
Same
Same

Same
Same
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to U. S.
Same

Same

Jos6 Pizarro, First Sec.
of State of Spain
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same

Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
Same
Same
George-W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
Same


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Richard Rush, Acting
Sec. of State

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same
Same
Richard Rush, Acting
Sec. of State
Same
Same
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
Acting Sec. of State

Richard Rush, Acting
Sec. of State
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Jose Pizarro, First Sec. of
of State of Spain
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
Same
Same

Same
Same
Same
Same

Same

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
Same


March o1, 1817

March II, 1817


March 15, 1817

March 26, 1817
Same
March 29, 1817

April 4, 1817
April 5, 1817
April 6, 1817


Same
April 18, 1817

April 19, 1817

July 9, 1817

Aug. 17, 1817

Aug. 19, 1817

Aug. 27, 1817

Same
Sept. 2, 1817

Sept. 19, 1817
Nov. 2, 1817
Same
Jan. I, 1818

Jan.24, I88

Feb. Io, 1818


Feb. 26, 1818
March 1,1818


1920

1920


1922

1923
1924
1925

1927
1929
1930


1932
1934

1935

1942

1944

1945

1946

1948
1949

1950
1951
1953
1957

1959

1961


1962
1963


XXiii









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


o181

1082
io83


1084

1085
o186


1087

1088
1089
1090


1091
1092

1093
1094


1095
1096
1097
1098
1099

11o00
1101







1104
1105


Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
Same
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Francisco Dionisio
Vives, Spanish Min-
ister to the U. S.
Same
Same
Same
Same
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Thomas L. L. Brent,
Charge d'Affaires ad
interim of the U. S.
at Madrid
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Same
Joaquin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.


May 7, 1818


June 9,
June II


1818
, I818


July 27, 1818

July 28, 1818
Aug. 9, 1818


Oct. 24, 1818

Nov. 16, 1818
Dec. 12, 1818
Jan. 4, 1819


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same
Same


Same

Same
Same


Same

Same
Same
Same


Same
Same

Same
Same


Same
Same
Same
Same
Same

Same
Same



Same

Same
Same
Same


1819
1819


Same
April 14, 1820


April 19, 1820
April 24, 1820
May 5, 1820
May 9, 1820
June 29, 1820


July
July


1820
1821


Sept. 19, 1821

Dec. 17, 1821
Feb. 14, 1822
March 9, 1822


1966

1967
1969


1971

1975
1977


1979

1980
1984
1984


1985
1986

1987
1988


1990
1990
1992
1994
1995

1996
2000



2005

2006
2006
2009


Feb. II,
Aug. 22,


xxiv








LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


IIo6

1107



iio8
1109

1110

III2
1113
III3
1114
1115
1116
1117
1118


1119

II20

II2I

1122



T123
1124


1125



1126

1127
1128
1129


John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Joaquin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.
Same
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Joaquin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Joaquin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.
Same
John J. Appleton,
Charge d'Affaires ad
interim of the U. S.
at Madrid
Same
John J. Appleton,
Charge d'Affaires
ad interim at Madrid
William a Court, Brit-
ish Minister to Spain


Hugh Nelson, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Same
Francisco Hilario de
Rivas y Salmon,
Acting Charg6
d'Affaires of Spain
at Washington


March 21, 1822

April 11, 1822


April
May


24, 1822
2, 1822


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same


Same
Same

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Same

Same


Same
Same



Same
Same


Conversation with John
J. Appleton, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires ad
interim at Madrid
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same
Same
Daniel Brent, Acting
Sec. of State


2011

2012


2012
2013

2014
2016
2022
2022
2023
2024
2025
2028
2028


2030

2031


2032
2035



2038
2040


2044



2046

2047
2048
2049


May 20, 1822
June 23, 1822
June 28, 1822
July 18, 1822
Aug. 26, 1822
Oct. 31, 1822
Nov. 20, 1822
Dec. 13, 1822
Dec. 14, 1822


Jan. Io, 1823

March 6, 1823


March 7, 1823
March 20, 1823



July 9, 1823
Aug. 6, 1823


Dec. 7, 1823



Dec. 18, 1823

June 18, 1824
July 15, 1824
Sept. 29, 1824


XXV









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


1130


1131
1132


1133
1134
1135


1136

1137
1138
1139
1140
1141


1142
1143

1144
1145
1146
1147


1148


1149
1150
1151
1152


1153

1154

1155


Hugh Nelson, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
Same
Same


Same

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Same
Same

Same
Same
Same
Duke del Infantado,
First Sec. of State of
Spain
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
Same
Same
Same


Same

Same


Oct. 17, 1824


Nov.
Aug.


1824
1825


Sept. 8, 1825
Sept. 25, 1825
Oct. 10, 1825


Oct. 16, 1825


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Same
Francisco de Zea Bermu-
dez, First Sec. of State
of Spain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Same
Same
Same
Same
Duke del Infantado,
First Sec. of State of
Spain
Same
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Same
Same
Same
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to Spain

Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Same
Same
Duke del Infantado,
First Secretary of State
of Spain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Frederick Lamb, British
Minister to Spain
Same


1825
1825
1825
826
1826


1826
1826


Feb. 3, 1826
Feb. 8, 1826
Feb. 13, 1826
Feb. 14, 1826


Feb. 24, 1826


March 13, 1826
April 5, 1826
May 20, 1826
Same


June 2, 1826

June 7, 1826


June 8, 1826


2054

2055
2056


2058
2059
2063


2065

2066
2071
2072
2073
2075


2096
2097

2100
2100
2103
2107


2107


2III
2111
2114
2118
2I19


2120

2127

2127


Oct.
Nov.
Dec.
Jan.
Jan.


Jan.
Jan.


Same


xxvi







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN (Continued)


From


1156


1157
1158


1159


1160


1161

1162

1163


1164


1165
I166
1167
1168
1169
1170
1171
1172
1173
1174
1175
1176
1177


1178


1179

118o


Same


Frederick Lamb,
British Minister to
Spain
Same
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same


Same


Same

Same

Duke del Infantado,
First Sec. of State of
Spain
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Manuel Gonzalez Sal-
mon, First Sec. of
State of Spain
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same


Date


Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Duke del Infantado,
First Sec. of State of
Spain
Marquis de Moustiers,
French Ambassador to
Spain
Frederick Lamb, British
Minister to Spain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to Spain

Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to Spain

Manuel Gonzalez Salmon,
First Sec. of State of
Spain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Same


Doc.
No.


June 8, 1826


June 9, 1826
Same


June lo, 1826


June 12, 1826


Same

June 25, 1826

July 8, 1826


July I3, 1826


Sept. I, 1826
Nov. 7, 1826
Jan. 7, 1827
March 31, 1827
April 7, 1827
April 19, 1827
June 9, 1827
Aug. 17, 1827
Nov. 8, 1827
Dec. 12, 1827
April 4, 1828
April 29, 1828
April, 1828


April 30, 1828


May I, 1828

June 23, 1828


Page


2128


2128
2129


2130


2131


2132

2132

2134


2134


2135
2137
2139
2140
2141
2142
2143
2146
2148
2149
2152
2157
2158


2159


2160

2161


Xxvii








LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


1181 Alexander H. Everett, Manuel Gonzalez Salmon, Dec. 15, 1828 2162
U. S. Minister to First Sec. of State of
Spain Spain
1182 Same F. M. de Madrid, Colom- Dec. 30, 1828 2163
bian Minister to Great
Britain
1183 Same Henry Clay, Sec. of State Jan. Io, 1829 2169


PART XIV.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM URUGUAY

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


1184 General Jos6 Artigas, President James Monroe Sept. I, 1817 2175
revolutionary leader
of Uruguay
1185 W. G. Miller, U. S. John Quincy Adams, Sec. April 17, 1821 2175
Consul at Montevideo of State
1186 Same Same April 18, 1821 2176
1187 Same Same July 13, 1821 2177
1188 W. G. Miller, U. S. Same July 20, 1821 2183
Consul at Montevideo
1189 Same Same Sept. 14, 1821 2184
1190 Joshua Bond, U. S. Henry Clay, Sec. of State Feb. 20, 1829 2186
Consul at Montevideo
1191 Same Martin Van Buren, Sec. Nov. 20, 1830 2188
of State


XXViii

































NOTE

The idiosyncrasies of spelling, punctua-
tion, capitalization and grammar of the
original manuscript stand uncorrected in
this print, except in case of manifest and
inadvertent error, where the correction
could in nowise affect the sense.





















PART VIII
COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN








COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN

755
John Spear Smith, Charge d'Affaires of the United States at London, to James
Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, October 22, 18zz.
Mr. Stuart, Mr. Morrier [Morier?] & Captain Cockburn are the persons
appointed by the Prince Regent, for the purpose of reconciling the Spanish
Colonies in South America, to the Mother Country.
I have the honour [etc.].




756
Jonathan Russell, Charge d'Affaires of the United States at London, to James
Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States 2
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, January 14, 1812.
SIR: I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your two letters of
the 27th of Nov'. last.3 .
I shall endeavour to perform the trust committed to me relative to the
independence of the Provinces of Venezuela in a manner calculated to
accomplish the wishes of those provinces & the United States without
compromitting the pacific relations of the latter with other powers. I feel
it however to be in the existing state of things a delicate undertaking &
should I defer it until I have a more accurate knowledge of the spirit which
prevails here in relation to those Provinces I hope the delay will be approved
by the President.
I have the honour [etc.].
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XVII. John Spear Smith left in charge of legation
in Great Britain from May 7, 18II, to November 15, 1811.
2 MS. Dispatches-from Great Britain, XVIII.
See above, pt. I, doc. 12, Monroe to Barlow, November 27, 1811, a copy of which also
went to the legation in London.








PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


757
Jonathan Russell, Charge d'Affaires of the United States at London, to James
Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, February 3, i812.
The persons appointed here as mediators between Spain & her colonies
will, I am well informed, immediately proceed to the execution of their trust.
Capt. Coburn probably leaves England this day for Lisbon with Mr. Ben-
ham on board who goes thither to replace Mr. Stuart. Capt. Coburn2 will
thence proceed with Mr. Stuart to join Mr. Morier. The object of this
mission as far as I can learn is to persuade the Spanish colonies to aid the
mother country in her present struggle and to promise them new privileges
immediately-and even to flatter them with independence when this conflict
is over. Much good is not indeed sanguinely expected from this interfer-
ence but it appears generally to be admitted that the efforts of old Spain
will cease the moment she is cut off from the resources of the new world.
England will no doubt endeavour to draw from those provinces all the sup-
plies which she possibly can for the aid of her ally during the war & to secure
for herself the monopoly of their commerce afterwards. If we go to war
with England these projects may not be unworthy of attention as we shall
have ample means to render them abortive.




758
John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States 3
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, January 22, I8I6.
On the 14th I wrote a Note to Lord Castlereagh, requesting an interview
with him. On the 18th I received his answer, appointing the 25th to meet
me, and apologizing for the delay, on account of his being detained in the
country. The Ratification by the President, of the Commercial Convention,
was received here on the 17th and was published in the Newspapers of the
next day, together with the speech of the Chevalier Onis, upon his reception
by the President. It is to be hoped that the restoration of the ordinary
Diplomatic Relations, between the United States and Spain, will be followed
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XVIII.
2 Cockburn? See above pt. vii, doc. 755.
3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.


1432






DOCUMENT 758: JANUARY 22, 1816


by a more conciliatory policy on the part of the latter Power, than she has
hitherto pursued. The internal administration of Spain has given so much
disgust to the public feeling of Europe, and particularly of this Country,
that the British Cabinet itself has in some sort partaken of it. The National
Sentiment in England is likewise strong in favour of the South Americans;
and the prevailing opinion is that their Independence would be highly
advantageous to the interests of this Country. A different and directly
opposite sentiment is entertained by the Government. Their Disposition
is decided against the South Americans; but by a political obliquity, not
without example, it is not so unequivocally, in favour of the mother country.
In the year 1776, that wise and honest Minister, Mr. Turgot, reported to
the King of France, that it was for the interest of his kingdom, that the
insurrection in North America should be suppressed; because the Insurgents
when subdued, would still be such turbulent and mutinous subjects, that
it would employ all the force of Great Britain to keep them down; and her
weakness would make her a peaceable, or at least a harmless neighbour.
In the month of February 1778, France concluded a Treaty of Commerce,
and an eventual Treaty of Alliance, with the United States, because they
were de facto Independent. In the interval between those two periods,
France was wavering, and temporizing-With one hand seizing American
privateers in her Ports, and with the other sending supplies of arms and
ammunition to America. This is precisely the present situation of Great
Britain towards Spain. The Cabinet have many other reasons, besides that
of Mr. Turgot, to secure the good neighbourhood of impotence, for wishing
that the Insurrection should be suppressed. I. They have a deep-rooted
and inveterate prejudice, fortified by all the painful recollections of their
own unfortunate contest, against any revolution by which Colonies are
emanicipated and become Independent States. 2. They have a forcible
moral impression, like that of their antipathy to the Slave Trade, that it is
wrong, to assist or encourage Colonies in the attempt to throw off the yoke
of their mother Country. 3. They dread the influence of example, and
always remember how many Colonies they themselves still possess. 4. They
fear the consequences of South American Independence upon the whole
system of European Colonial Policy. Their attachment to this has been
amply displayed, in their anxious and persevering efforts to draw the
Braganza family back to Lisbon; efforts, well known to you; and which will
probably yet be successful. 5. The mystic Virtues of Legitimacy. It is
impossible to write with proper gravity upon this subject. But it has no
small operation against the South American Independents. 6. And last
but not least, they look with no propitious eye to the relations which will
naturally arise between Independent Governments on the two American
Continents. They foresee less direct advantage to themselves, from a free
commercial intercourse with South America, than indirect injury, by its


1433







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


tendency to promote the interests of the United States-Perhaps they think
a period may arise when one of the parties to their struggle, will offer exclu-
sive advantages and privileges to them as the price of their assistance.
Hitherto they have professed to be neutral, and at one time offered their
mediation between the parties-But they have assisted Ferdinand at least
with money; without which, Morillo's armament never could have sailed
from Cadiz, and they have suffered all sorts of supplies to be sent to the
insurgents, from Jamaica. For, as, notwithstanding their inclinations, they
are aware the South Americans may ultimately prove de facto Independent,
they hold themselves ready to take advantage of the proper moment to
acknowledge them, if it should occur. This is one of the points upon which
the Opposition are continually urging the Ministry, but hitherto without
effect.
Should the United States be involved in a War with Spain, whether by
acknowledging the South Americans, or from any other cause, we may take
it for granted that all the propensities of the British Government will be
against us. Those of the Nation will be so, perhaps in equal degree; for we
must not disguise to ourselves that the national feeling against the United
States is more strong and more universal than it ever has been. The State
of Peace instead of being attended by general prosperity is found only to
have aggravated the burdens of taxation which press upon the Country.
There is considerable distress weighing chiefly upon the landed interest,
although the accounts which you will see of it, are excessively exaggerated.
Enough however is felt to prompt a strong wish for a new War, in a great
portion of the community; and there is no Nation with which a War would
be so popular as with America. But I have no hesitation in stating my
conviction that the present policy of the Ministry towards America is more
pacific than that of the Nation. They are aware of the responsibility which
such a War would bring upon them, and are not at this time prepared to
encounter it. Of the cession of Florida, I have not lately heard, but I
think there is no considerable armed force prepared or preparing to be sent
there either from England or Ireland. The Navy, as I have informed you,
is reduced to a Peace Establishment unusually small, and even the ships
that are recommissioned cannot be manned, without bounties and impress-
ment. There is a Col'. Stapleton, Secretary to the Commissioners of the
Barrack Office, going out in the frigate with Mr. Bagot. He goes to Charles-
ton, South Carolina, as he says, on private business of his own. This is the
only symptom I have yet perceived, of a large military expedition to Florida.


1434






DOCUMENT 759: FEBRUARY 8, 1816


759
John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACTS]
LONDON, February 8, 1816.
The tone of struggling irritation and complacency with which this was
said, induced me to observe that I did not precisely understand what he
[Lord Castlereagh] intended by this advice of moderation. That the United
States had no design of encroachment upon their neighbours, or of exercising
any injustice towards Spain. . Instead of an explanation, he replied
only by recurring to the British policy with regard to Spain. "You may be
sure (said he) that Great Britain has no design of acquiring any addition
to her possessions there. Great Britain has done every thing for Spain.
We have saved, we have delivered her. We have restored her Government
to her, and we had hoped the result would have proved more advantageous
to herself as well as more useful to the world than it has been. We are
sorry that the Event has not altogether answered our expectations. We
lament the unfortunate situation of her internal circumstances; owing to
which we are afraid that she can neither exercise her own faculties for the
comfort and happiness of the Nation, nor avail herself of her resources for
the effectual exertion of her Power. We regret this, but we have no disposi-
tion to take advantage of this state of things to obtain from it any exclusive
privilege for ourselves. In the unfortunate troubles of her colonies in South
America, we have not only avoided to seek, but we have declined every
exclusive indulgence or privilege to ourselves. We went even so far as to
offer to take upon us that most unpleasant and thankless of all offices, that
of mediating between the parties to those differences. We appointed a
formal mission for that purpose, who proceeded to Madrid; but there, the
Court of Spain declined accepting our offer, and we have had the usual
fortune of impartiality; we have displeased both parties. The Spanish
Government for not taking part with them against their Colonies, and the
South Americans for not countenancing their resistance." . I told
him that the policy of the American Government towards Spain, had in
this particular been the same. They had not indeed made any offer of their
mediation. The state of their Relations with the Spanish Government,
could neither have warranted, nor admitted of such an offer. But they have
observed the same system of impartial neutrality between the parties. They
have sought no peculiar, or exclusive advantage for the United States, and
I was happy to hear from him that such was the policy of Great Britain; for
it might have an influence upon the Views of my own Government, to co-
operate with it"- "I have always, (resumed he) "avowed it to be our
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.


1435







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


policy, in Parliament. We have never acknowledged the Governments set
up by the South Americans, because that would not have comported with
our views of neutrality. But we have not consented to prohibit the com-
merce of our People, with them, because that was what Spain had no right
to require of us. Our plan, in offering the mediation which Spain rejected
was that the South Americans should submit themselves to the Govern-
ment of Spain, as Colonies, because we thought she had the right to authority
over them, as the Mother Country. But that she should allow them com-
merce with other nations. Nothing exclusive to us. We neither asked, nor
would have accepted any exclusive privileges for ourselves. We have no
little, or contracted policy. But we proposed that Spain should allow a liberal
commercial intercourse between her Colonies and other Nations, similar to
that which we allow, in our Possessions in India." I then asked him what
he thought would be the ultimate issue of this struggle in South America?
whether Spain would subdue them, or that they would maintain their
Independence? He answered, that every thing was so fluctuating in the
Councils of Spain, and generally, every thing was so dependent upon Events,
not to be calculated, that it was not possible to say what the result might be.
The actual state of things was the only safe foundation for present Policy,
which must be shaped to Events, as they may happen. In closing
this part of our Conversation, Lord Castlereagh desired me to consider all
that he had just said with regard to Spain, the situation of her internal
affairs, and the conduct of her Government, as confidential; it having been
spoken with the most perfect freedom, and openness; and that if I should
report it to my Government, I would so state it. I have therefore to request
that it may be so received.



760
John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, March 30, 1816.
SIR: A few days since, Mr. Del Real, residing here as a Deputy from New
Grenada called upon me and enquired if I had any knowledge of the arrival
at Washington of Mr. Peter Gual, in a similar capacity from that Country.
I told him I had heard generally that there were at Washington, deputies
from the South American Provinces, but not particularly the name of that
Gentleman. Mr. Del Real said he knew of his arrival at New York; but
had not heard from him at Washington. He then enquired what foundation
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.


1436






DOCUMENT 760: MARCH 30, 1816


there was for a rumour generally circulating here, of a rupture between the
United States and Spain. I knew nothing further than had appeared in the
English Newspapers. I had heard of a correspondence in December and
January between the Secretary of State, and the Spanish Minister Onis,
which had been communicated by the President to Congress, and the sup-
posed substance of which had been published here. It had further been
said that about the 12th of last month, Mr. Onis had left Washington, and
that all communication between him and the American Government had
been broken off. Later accounts equally unauthenticated, contradicted
this last circumstance, but repeated that Mr. Onis had left Washington
much dissatisfied. It was impossible for me to say what the real state of
the Relations, between the United States and Spain were, but as to the
question of Peace or War, I was persuaded it would depend upon Spain
herself. If the demands of Mr. Onis, had been such as they were represented,
the American Government neither would nor could comply with them-
The present course of Spanish Policy was incomprehensible. If such de-
mands were made, it could not be but with a knowledge that they must, and
would be refused. In ordinary cases the very making of such demands
would imply a settled determination of the Power, advancing them to follow
up the refusal of them by immediate War. If such was the intention of
Spain, the United States would have no alternative left, but to defend them-
selves. But they had no desire for a War with Spain. As to the South
American Provinces struggling for their Independence, the general sentiment
in the United States was certainly in their favour. But the Policy of the
Government, a Policy dictated equally by their duty to their own Country,
by their state of amity with Spain, and by their good-will to the South
Americans themselves, was a strict and impartial neutrality between them
and Spain. I said by their good-will for the South Americans themselves,
because the neutrality of the United States was more advantageous to them,
by securing to them the neutrality also of Great Britain, than any support
which the United States could give them, by declaring in their favour, and
making common cause with them, the effect of which probably would be to
make Great Britain declare against both. He was aware that the popular
feeling in this country was now favourable to the South Americans. More
so than the dispositions of the present Ministry. They complied so far with
the prevailing opinion as to observe a neutrality. But the same popular
sentiment here, he knew was very strong against the North Americans; and
if the United States, were openly to join the cause of South America, and
consequently be engaged in a War with Spain, the British People would
immediately consider them as the Principals in the contest: all their jealous-
ies, and national antipathies would be enlisted against the common American
cause, and as they are even now tormented with an uneasy hankering for
War, which they think would relieve them from their embarrassments,


1437







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


their Ministers would take advantage of these Passions, and engage this
Nation upon the side of Spain, merely because the United States would be
on the other side. He said he was perfectly convinced of the justice of these
observations. I asked him if he had any knowledge of an order in Council,
lately issued here, prohibiting all British subjects from supplying arms,
ammunition and warlike stores to the South Americans. He said he had
not. That the professed system of this Government had always been and
continued to be neutrality. That they allowed a free intercourse between
Jamaica and the South American Continent; and had given orders to their
Admirals on the Station, not to molest the Independent flag, and had re-
fused to deliver up vessels bearing it, which had entered their Ports. But
whenever applied to for an acknowledgment of the Independent Govern-
ments, they had declined upon the ground of their engagements with Spain.
I had shortly before had some conversation upon these subjects with
Count Fernan Nufiez, the Spanish Ambassador at this Court, who spoke to
me, with some courteous expressions of concern, of this abrupt departure
of Mr. Onis from Washington; which he said was altogether unexpected to
him--though he supposed Onis could not have acted without Orders. He
then referred to the points which had been mentioned in the summary pub-
lished here of your correspondence with Onis. He thought the expeditions
from Kentuckey and Tennessee, might justly be considered by the Spanish
Government as offensive; and that after the surrender of Carthagena, there
was no insurgent Government and that all Vessels under its pretended flag
were to be considered, and treated as Pirates- I said that I had no knowl-
edge what the alleged expeditions from Kentuckey and Tennessee were, but
was very sure they had no countenance from the Government of the United
States. The President's Proclamation had on the contrary warned all the
Citizens of the United States against engaging in any enterprise hostile to
Spain. He said that the proceedings complained of were subsequent to the
Proclamation. I replied that if any illegal combination for such a purpose
had been formed at a distance from the seat of Government, it was to be
considered that the Government of the United States had not the same
means of immediate or of complete control over them, as in similar cases
were possessed by European Governments. They had an open Country.
No barrier of fortified cities, to stop persons intending to pass the frontiers.
No army, or corps of Gensdarmerie to support and give efficacy to measures
of Police; and no authority to arrest individuals, or disperse assemblages,
until possessed of proof that they have committed acts, or are in the process
of committing acts in violation of the Law. With these considerations, I
was very sure that if any such expeditions had been undertaken, they had
neither been sanctioned nor connived at by the American Government.
That they would on the contrary, in the manner, and according to the forms
allowed by our Constitutions be ultimately and effectually prevented, unless


1438






DOCUMENT 761: APRIL 30, 1816


this impatience and heat of Mr. Onis should precipitate the two Countries
into a state of hostility which we sincerely deprecated. That as to com-
mercial intercourse with the Independents, and the admission of their flag
into our Ports, this he knew was conformable to the received usages of
Nations. It was practised in this case by Great Britain, the closest ally of
Spain, and no one knew better than he, that she had refused either to inter-
dict the commerce with the insurgents to her Subjects, or to exclude their
flag from her Ports. He at first nodded assent to these remarks; and I
observed that if his Colleague Onis was ordered to demand his Passports for
causes such as these, I should expect to hear that he Fernan Nufiez had also
left this Court without taking leave, as the causes of offence to Spain were
the same here, as had been alleged by him at Washington. The Count said
he did not know what Onis' orders were, and in truth it was not his concern
. . but for himself, he was pretty well satisfied with what he had
lately obtained here against the insurgents. By which I understood him to
allude to the recent order in Council, which I mentioned to Mr. Del Real,
but of which he had not heard. Fernan-Nufiez is a man of great softness of
manners and politeness of demeanour, and throughout the whole of this
conversation, preserved the most perfect good humour.




761
John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, April 30, i8i6.
My letters of 22. and 31. January, and 8. February,2 have given you a
very full account of the execution of your Instructions of io. December,3
and of the views of this Government, in relation to Spain and Spanish Affairs.
The debates in Parliament have occasionally furnished since then further
elucidations of the British Policy. At the very commencement of the Session
of Parliament, Mr. Brougham made a motion in the House of Commons
for an Address to the Prince Regent, requesting him to interpose in behalf
of the Spanish Patriots, who are suffering under Prosecutions by the Govern-
ment of Ferdinand 7. On that occasion, after a very long speech of Mr.
Brougham, and an animated debate, Lord Castlereagh closed the whole by
a speech equally long, the main object of which was to inculpate the Spanish
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.
2 See above, pt. vmi, docs. 758 and 759. The letter of January 31 is not printed in this
collection.
8 See above, pt. I, doc. 17.


1439







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


Patriots, and to defend the proceedings of Ferdinand's Government against
them, but in which he at the same time said that this Government had inter-
posed, and were yet interposing in behalf of the Patriots. If he had men-
tioned this at the time when Mr. Brougham gave notice of his motion the
whole debate would have been superseded, and it appears that the motive
for letting the debate take its course, must have been to have the opportunity
of displaying in the face of Europe, a formal defence of Ferdinand's Govern-
ment. The interference in behalf of the Patriots, was thus an ostensible
compliance with the strong public sentiment of this Country, while the
Spanish Government easily understood, that against these representations,
it might assert all its spirit of Independence without much offending the
remonstrants. It does not appear that there has been any relaxation of
rigour, in the treatment of the Patriots, but the Madrid Gazette has given
the utmost publicity in Spain to Lord Castlereagh's defence of Ferdinand.
Since then in other debates, notice has been taken of the commerce between
this Country and South America, and of the British Subjects taken at
Carthagena by Morillo. Lord Castlereagh said this Government were
taking all the measures in their power, to increase the commerce with South
America, and that the Spanish Government were disposed to treat the British
Subjects taken at Carthagena with indulgence. From all this, and especially
from a comparison between Lord Castlereagh's speech on Mr. Brougham's
motion, and what he was nearly at the same time saying to me, concerning
Spain, under an injunction of confidence, the present British policy towards
that Country may be accurately ascertained.




762
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACTS]
LONDON, March 21, 1818.
Since my arrival here, I have not been unmindful of the interest which
the government and people of the United States take in the efforts which
South America is making for its emancipation; nor how desirable it hence
becomes to ascertain the intentions of this cabinet, and those of the principal
continental powers in relation to that contest. .
In the absence of other sympathies, the actual and swiftly rising power of
the United States, guided as it is known to be by a policy liberal and just in
international intercourse, may then open more distinctly to view; gaining
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXII.


1440






DOCUMENT 762: MARCH 21, 1818


for her government, through the medium of its appointed agents abroad, a
more quick and intimate participation in the councils of kings and princes
than any other considerations but such as spring from a sense of her resources,
and above all her complete independence, can promise to inspire.
I hope the digression of these remarks will be pardoned. They are merely
designed, if of any force, as hinting at some excuse for imparting so much
less of authentic information on the affairs of South America, than I should
desire to do, or than it has been my invariable aim to obtain. Should the
projected congress take place, it may be affirmed, with reasonable certainty,
that those affairs will engage in part its deliberations. In the meanwhile,
were I to venture upon opinions, resting upon the best observation which the
imperfect opportunities of a short residence have yet afforded, they would
be chiefly, though not confidently, to the effect following.
And first as to England. Notwithstanding the scarcely disguised antip-
athies of her ministers to the principle of that struggle; notwithstanding their
late majority of one hundred and seventy five on the indemnity bill, and their
increased security derived from a really meliorated condition of the country
in most of its internal concerns, I do not believe that the cabinet of England
contemplates a departure from its hitherto substantially neutral course.
The cause of the patriots has numerous and powerful friends. Any active
or declared interference against it, would be denounced as a wanton crusade
against human liberty. It would want all the excuses that have marked
out France as the victim of foreign dictation, and besides being thought to
strike at some of the solid interests of the British nation, would shock the
spirit of freedom yet left in whole classes, and be likely to create and bind
together the elements of an opposition, that ministers with all their power
may not choose to face. As respects Russia, recent acts will best speak for
themselves. Judging from the little that has been open to me on this theatre,
I should infer a decided predominance of friendly feeling on her part towards
old Spain. France, from the force of several motives, seems to be more
inclined than the others to see the quarrel made up by free offers of the
olive branch proceeding from Ferdinand. But what France thinks, under
her actual circumstances, is of so little account, that I will not further
hazard inaccuracy by dwelling upon her views. It is an anxiety to make
even the slightest contributions on a subject which I know is regarded with
deep interest by the President under all its aspects, that alone has led me as
far as I have gone. Paris and St. Petersburgh, the former too being now the
scene of European discussions, will be the fountain of opinions far more ample
and satisfactory.


1441







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


763
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, April 20, I818.
Leaving both papers in the hands of his Lordship, [Lord Castlereagh] I
next reminded him of his apparent intention to say something further on
Spanish affairs at the moment of the breaking up of our last meeting. He
resumed the thread. First he gave me an account more in detail than before
of the manner in which their late mediation had been offered, and the
grounds of rejection. This being all known at Washington need not here
be repeated. He then said, speaking of the contest with the colonies and
lamenting its long continuance, that Great Britain had done all in her
power to cause it to be made up; but hitherto without success. That she
would not wholly give over her efforts, always desiring that Spain should
pursue a liberal course. He explained by saying, a course that would look
largely to the commercial emancipation of the colonies. The communica-
tion which he made of chief importance was this: that Great Britain would
not be instrumental to the settlement of the dispute upon terms, which,
drawing to herself peculiar advantages, would exclude the U. States, or any
other nation, from a just participation in the trade of South America. He
hoped that the United States would continue to be actuated by the same
policy. I naturally reminded him of the declaration on this point contained
in the President's Message at the opening of Congress in December last.
He asked if our government had given notice beforehand to Spain, of its
intention to take possession of Amelia Island; also, whether I was acquainted
with its determination as to the reception of deputies from the provinces,
and the character with which it designed to clothe them.
Respecting the first question, I replied, that I had no precise information.
It afforded me an opportunity for the first time, which I was careful to im-
prove, of alluding to the imperious considerations which led to that measure.
Even if Spain had had no previous formal notice, I said, that not only was the
government of the United States always ready to explain satisfactorily the
grounds of its conduct, but had also, I was sure, made the movement under a
proper sense of all the just rights and claims of that power to the territory
occupied. His Lordship offered no reply. While on that part of the sub-
ject which led me to speak of the vexatious interruptions of our neighboring
commerce as one of the motives for the occupation, his manner indicated an
acquiescence in its force.
The second question I thought still more pointed. It induced me to speak
with some particularity on our general relations with Spain. In doing so I
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXII.


1442






DOCUMENT 764: JULY 25, 1818


had only to recall to his recollection facts contained in the many state papers
that have gone to the world. I referred especially to the leading one of Jan-
uary the nineteenth 1816 1 from the department of state to Mr. Onis, and to
the occasion which drew it forth. In that paper was stated at large the prin-
ciples upon which the United States had acted. Regarding the contest in
the light of a civil war, they had, as well before as since the distinctive ex-
position there given of the line of their policy, observed all the corresponding
duties of a fair neutrality. I went on to say, that, urged by a sincere desire
to accommodate their differences in a friendly manner with Spain, and a con-
stant reluctance to disturb the peace of the world; they had maintained this
neutrality in the face of long-standing and as they conceived well-founded
causes of complaint against the justice of the parent state. He neither as-
sented to nor impugned any of my remarks. I said in conclusion, answer-
ing more directly the inquiry, that up to the time of my leaving Washington,
those deputies had not been formally received, and that I was without infor-
mation from my government since.





764
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 2
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, July 25, 1818.
I now proceed to state all that passed in these interviews relative to the
affairs of South America. This subject has taken a turn little anticipated;
but to me it only belongs to possess the department of the declarations of
Lord Castlereagh.
I endeavoured in the most ample and exact manner in my power, consis-
tently with the spirit of a friendly communication, to fulfil the instructions
of your number 4 3 on the interesting points which it discusses. Explaining
the views and expectations of the government of the United States I said that
it was not from a mere desire to draw aside the veil of European politics that
it sought information on the plans respecting Spanish America; but from the
real and deep interest which it had such good reason to take in that strug-
gle. That moreover it asked nothing which it was not willing to impart, be-
ing ready to disclose with candour and fulness its own course and intentions,
as in fact it had been doing; and that especially it was the wish of the Presi-
1 See above, pt. I, doc. 18.
2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.
I See above, pt. I, doc. 56, Adams to Rush, May 20, 1818.


1443







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


dent, if so allowed, to act in perfect good understanding with this government
in relation to all that bore upon that great question.
To a full opening on my part, his Lordship offered the following replies.
He began by declaring not merely the willingness but the desire which the
British government felt to communicate to that of the United States the
whole plan of mediation which had been projected, at the instance of Spain,
by the European alliance. That it most fully acknowledged our strong and
natural interest in the questions; but that, in truth, there was, to this hour,
no plan matured. That such difficulties had grown up with Spain touching
the very fundamental points upon which a general mediation should be in-
terposed, that no adjustment of them had taken place. That these diffi-
culties were increased by the obstacles to a quick intercourse of counsels
where some of the parties were so remote from each other as St. Petersburgh,
Vienna, and Madrid. That he was aware of the promise made by Mr. Bagot
the latter end of January, of which I had reminded him, and which had not
been kept only for the reasons mentioned, viz., an inability, prolonged much
beyond any period that had been expected, to do so upon any precise or satis-
factory grounds. That even the place of meeting for the mediation was not
fixed. That when the sovereigns got together in the Autumn, the subject
would be taken up, though not the primary one of the meeting, and efforts
made to arrange it. That whenever the terms and conditions of a pacifi-
cation could be settled, which still continued to rest in total uncertainty, the
promise made to our government would be redeemed. His Lordship ex-
pressed himself in a way full of conciliation towards the United States, say-
ing that the British government naturally abstained from all steps that might
have brought them in as party to the mediation, from a belief that it would
contradict their general wish and policy to be league with Europe for such
an object, added to the consideration of the peculiar nature of their subsist-
ing relations with Spain.
Here I took care distinctly to disavow for my government all desire to have
the least participation in the mediation. From the turn and exigencies of
the conversation I did not go on further and make known the terms upon
which alone it would ever yield its concurring assent to any plan of pacifica-
tion. Nothing having been said of terms on the other side, except to inform
me that none whatever had been agreed upon, I thought that such a com-
munication was not, for the present, called for. Other and more appropriate
opportunities may occur to me of disclosing that the United States look to
the absolute and unqualified independence of the colonies, and would
embark their consent on no other basis, if indeed it has not long since been
abundantly inferred that such is their fixed policy and determination.
Premising that I do not include the legations of either Russia or France
among the sources of my knowledge, I have incidentally heard, in diplo-
matic circles, thus much touching the mediation. Ist. That as regards the


1444






DOCUMENT 765: AUGUST 3, 1818


Alliance, it is the undoubted wish of one and all the potentates that a
mediation must, by all means, assume as its basis a continuance of the royal
government and supremacy of Spain-a delusion which seems even to survive
the annihilations of Osorio's forces in Chili. Next that as regards the
determinations of Ferdinand, he insists upon the following points, agreeing
to the concessions which they import. I. That he will grant an amnesty to
the colonies on condition that they submit and lay down their arms. 2.
That henceforth, in his royal service in America, he will, at his option,
occasionally employ the natives, taking also, whenever he chooses, the
European Spaniard. 3. That he will grant the colonies certain privileges
of trade, which he does not define. And 4th, That in the progress of the
mediation he will concur in all measures proposed by the sovereigns, pro-
vided he approves of them. Neither the indistinct, nor the ludicrous,
character of these terms must be viewed as impugning their reality. I am
very credibly informed that they are such as he substantially and peremp-
torily holds to, somewhat to the discomfiture of the deliberations of those
who would stand by him.
In my interview with Lord Castlereagh on the sixteenth, he mentioned
the order of this government of the eighth of June respecting those unau-
thorised cruisers, which, under colour of the South American flag, commit
depredations upon British vessels or commerce on the high seas. It will be
seen by this document, of which no other than a verbal mention was made
to me but which will be found in the newspapers that go to the department,
that the colonies are recognized as competent to grant lawful commissions
of war. His Lordship made no comment upon the order, nor did I.
I have the honor [etc.].



765
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States '
LONDON, August 3, i818.
SIR: On the thirty first of last month I met Lord Castlereagh at the
French ambassador's. It was on the occasion of a dinner given to the
Prince Regent, to which the whole diplomatic corps was invited.
In the evening his Lordship took me aside to say, that he had a communi-
cation to make on the affairs of South America. That since our last con-
versations, the Spanish government had made new propositions, through
the medium of the Spanish ambassador at this court, tothe British govern-
ment upon the subject of a mediation, inviting also the European alliance
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.


1445







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


generally as parties to it. That the note from the Spanish ambassador,
had been written early last month, but that the first interview with me had
taken place so immediately after his own return from Ireland that he had
not then seen it, and that at our second a convenient opportunity did not
present itself for dwelling upon the matter which it contained. He men-
tioned these circumstances as explanatory of the nature of his recent com-
munications to me, and which will of course be likewise applicable to the
contents of my despatch number thirty,1 which embodies all that had been
said to me up to the period of its date. He added, that it had been his
desire to seek another and early interview specially upon this topic to which
end he invited me to come to his house on the following day at eleven in the
morning.
I went accordingly. Premising that what he was about to impart was to
be considered as confidential, he proceeded without further remark to put
into my hands a copy of the note itself from the Spanish ambassador, which
I read. It bears date on the third of July. Next he furnished me with a
copy of the answer of this government dated in July, which I also read.
Thirdly, as coupling itself with the subject, he likewise offered to my perusal
the paper drawn up by this government on the twenty eighth of August
1817 addressed not to Spain, but to the other powers of Europe, and con-
taining the sentiments of the British court at that epoch, of the nature of
which Spain was made acquainted through the channel of the British em-
bassy at Madrid.
If the knowledge of all that these several papers embrace was to be
communicated to the department through me alone, I should anxiously
strive to go through the task; but I am happy to subjoin, that his Lordship
stated it to be his intention, in compliance with former declarations, to trans-
mit them at once to Mr. Bagot with instructions to lay their contents fully
and unreservedly before our government. It is therefore unnecessary that
I should run the risk of inaccuracy by attempting to detail them, minutely,
after but a single perusal in quick succession; yet, knowing the anxiety of
the President upon this interesting subject, and in the possible hope of
anticipating the arrival of his Lordship's despatches to Mr. Bagot, I will
make known, for the President's early information, the most material and
prominent points.
As respects the paper of the twenty eighth of last August, I need say noth-
ing. Such of its matter as is not superseded by lapse of time, is recapitu-
lated in the late note from this government of which I shall have occasion
to speak. It may be sufficient to remark, that the attempt at mediation
went off at that time on the point of the slave trade, Great Britain insisting
on its cessation, for an agreement to which Spain was not then ripe.
The note from the Spanish ambassador of July the third, solicits in the
1 See above, pt. VIII, doc. 764, Rush to Adams, July 25, 1818.


1446






DOCUMENT 765: AUGUST 3, 1818 1447

most formal manner the mediation of this court. Its introductory remarks
dwell upon the rebellious character of the war, upon the past clemency of the
parent country, and its present willingness to see the unhappy quarrel ter-
minated upon principles that are moderate and just. The basis upon which
the mediation is asked is than stated. It consists of four conditions. It so
falls out that, as well in real meaning from all that I could discover, as in the
order in which they are set out, they are the same as those unofficially men-
tioned at the close of my number thirty:1 that is to say, Ist. An amnesty is
to be granted to the colonies on their being reduced. Lord Castlereagh ex-
plained this word, which was a translation from the Spanish, by saying that
Spain did not mean by it conquered, but merely that the colonies must desist
from hostility. 2ndly. The King agrees to employ in the public service in
America, qualified Americans, as well as European Spaniards. 3rdly. He
agrees to grant the colonists privileges of trade, adapted to the existing
posture of things. 4thly. He engages to acquiesce in all measures which the
mediating powers may suggest calculated to effect, in their true intent, the
above objects, which he further hopes will be speedily brought about by their
cooperating counsels and efforts.
I do not pretend to give the words, but believe that the above will be
found to be the purport of each condition.
I come to what is most important in proceeding to state the answer of the
British court.
I. It approves of these propositions, considered as general propositions,
but calls for explanations in detail that the meaning of some of them may be
rendered more definite.
2. It expresses an unequivocal opinion, that the dispute ought to be healed
without overthrowing the political supremacy of the parent state.
3. Touching commerce, it declares, that the trade of the colonies ought to
be free to the rest of the world, the mother country being placed upon a foot-
ing of reasonable preference.
4. It is very explicit in making known, that Great Britain will do no more
than interpose her friendly offices, repudiating every idea of compulsion or
force, should they fail.
Under these explanations, the mediation is accepted. The note of the
twenty-eighth of August 1817 is alike explicit in disavowing all intention of
forcing by arms the colonies into any measures whatever. It is very full also
on the point of their commercial freedom, and goes the length of saying, that
Great Britain will accept no privileges in this respect but on equal ground
with other nations.
Thus much will, I hope, be found to possess the President of the essential
features of both the notes, and consequently of the present views and deter-
minations of the British government upon this great question.
1 See above, pt. viii, doc. 764.







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


Having gone through the reading of all three, and expressed, as I took leave
to do, an approbation of some of the principles disclosed by this court as be-
ing in unison with those held by the United States, his Lordship put the ques-
tion to me directly, whether I knew the views of my own government in re-
lation to the final termination of the struggle.
Here an occasion was made to my hand of distinctly communicating them,
which I accordingly improved. I said, that its desire was, to see the colonies
completely emancipated, and that such too was its belief, would be the only
permanent issue of the contest.
He received the communication with apparent regret. He was, he said,
sincerely desirous that the two governments should act in harmony, and this
was perhaps the only point where their policy would be found divergent. I
replied, that it was, unfortunately, a fundamental one. He reiterated his ex-
pressions of the interest which the United States naturally had in the whole
question, on which account its being known that they coincided in opinion
with Europe on all the points of pacification, though they took no part in it,
would have, as it ought to have, an influence in rendering it effectual. I
gave his Lordship no reason to expect that their policy would change. The
conversation soon afterwards ended in the same conciliatory spirit in which
it began,-a spirit which has invariably marked all the official conversations
I have held with his Lordship during my residence, thus far at this court.
Before parting, he asked in a way altogether casual, if I had any accounts
respecting the capture of Pensacola, by General Jackson. I replied that I
had not. I added, being careful that my manner should take from every
thing offensive in the sentiment, that although the United States felt them-
selves free to act, in their relations with Spain, without any appeal to Europe,
they nevertheless respected the moral force of opinion, and would, I doubted
not, be able in due time strictly to justify the measure. At the dinner at the
French ambassador's I was pointedly asked the same question by the Russian
and Prussian ambassadors, to which I gave, in effect, the same answer. An-
other of the corps said to me, that the duke of San Carlos, the Spanish am-
bassador, was greatly excited under the news. If I may be pardoned the
familiarity of repeating the very words of my informant, they were, that the
duke "had got the fidgets." It will be seen from the newspapers what sen-
sation it has produced upon at least a portion of the British public. Insur-
ance upon vessels of the United States has, I have just been told, risen one
half per cent within the last few days. Whether this has been occasioned by
the possible apprehension of a Spanish war, or arises from the increasing ac-
counts of depredations upon all ships going to America by piratical cruisers
under colour of some Spanish American flag, I have not, at this moment, the
means of determining.
I take this occasion to mention, that no reply has been given to my note to
this government of the eighteenth of June, relative to the four articles on


1448







DOCUMENT 766: NOVEMBER 20, 1818


colonial trade; and that, from the harmony of all the intermediate conver-
sations 1 have had with Lord Castlereagh in the course of which the subject
has not again been referred to, I no longer anticipate one.
I have the honor [etc.].



766
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States'
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, November 20, i818.
I have anxiously watched, with the best lights I could command in this
quarter, the progress of events at Aix la Chapelle, so far as they chiefly
concern us. I mean in regard to the affairs of South America and Spain.
The government of the latter might perhaps receive commiseration for its
imbecility, did not its conduct in all other respects strip it, day by day, of
all remaining titles to confidence and respect. Accordingly, deserving no
friends at Aix la Chapelle, it appears to have found none. From what I
can collect in diplomatic circles, there exists no serious intention on the
part of any of the great sovereigns to take the cause of Ferdinand effectively
in hand. I have been told, that when the king of Prussia first heard of his"
capricious removal of Pirano, and tyranical treatment of him afterwards, he
really uttered the exclamation which the journals of Europe ascribed to
him: "This is the policy of Asia." Pirano had once been ambassador at
Berlin. This unpopularity of a king among kings; this political solecism
happily produces another. It softens if it does not subdue their natural
hostility against his former subjects struggling for their freedom. The
assembling of this congress at a period up to which the United States had
maintained a passive course, appears to have created a favorable and
peculiar juncture respecting that interesting contest, which will perhaps
leave them henceforth more at liberty to act upon their own views of it;
views springing from feelings known to be alike dear to the American
government and people. I will add, that I have reason to think, that the
communication which, by order of the President, I made some time ago
to this government, of the unequivocal determination of the United States
to acquiesce in no plan of settling the contest that did not look to the abso-
lute independence of the colonies as a fundamental point, has not been
without its influence in working a change in British councils; and that it
may even prove the means, in connexion with other causes, of exciting
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII. The portion of this document printed in
small capital letters was received in cipher.


1449







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


kinder feelings in them towards the patriots, not indeed from sympathy in
their cause, but an apprehension of other consequences. But on this head
I speak doubtfully.
IT WILL BE ENOUGH THAT I REPEAT WITH INCREASING CONFIDENCE THE
BELIEF WHICH I HAVE HERETOFORE EXPRESSED THAT G. B. WOULD NOT CON-
SIDER OUR RECOGNITION OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF ANY OF THE COLONIES
AS IN ITSELF CAUSE OF WAR.
I have the honor [etc.].


767
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, February 15, Iz89.
SIR: Your despatch, number fifteen, of the first of January,2 got to hand
on the eighth of this month. On the ninth I addressed a note to Lord
Castlereagh, asking an interview for the purpose of making known to him
the matters of which it treats. He named Friday the twelfth at nine in the
evening, for me to call upon him.
I informed him that the despatch which I had received related altogether
to the struggle going on in South America, and was very distinct and full in
its disclosure of the intentions of the President upon that subject. That it
set out with stating, that the government of the United States, continued
to consider the controversy in the light of a civil war, under which head a
course of general reasoning followed, going to ascertain the true duty of a
neutral state, which had been the condition of the United States, towards
both the parties to this war. It showed next in order, that the conduct
of the United States had, in point of fact, always strictly conformed, as far
as had been possible, to this duty. It then spoke of the mediation invoked
by Spain for the settlement of the dispute, bringing into view what had also
been the uniform conduct of the United States in relation to it up to the
present period. Dwelling upon the visible progress which some of the newly
formed states in South America had made towards an independent existence,
it next gave into a hope, that the time was rapidly approaching if it had not
arrived when the British government and the powers of Europe generally,
might perhaps see their own interest, that of Spain herself, as well as of these
new states, in such a recognition of the latter as would bring them within
the pale of nations. Finally it declared, that, as regarded Buenos Ayres,
the President had come to a determination to grant an exequatur to a consul
general who had been appointed by the government of that country so long
ago as before the month of May last to reside in the United States; or to
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII. 2 See above, pt. I, doc. 71.


I450






DOCUMENT 767: FEBRUARY 15, 1819


recognize its independence in some other way, should no event occur in the
meantime to justify a postponement of his intention.
After this summary of the points, I thought that I could in no way so well
put his Lordship in possession of the facts and reasoning by which they were
elucidated and enforced, as by reading to him the despatch itself. Besides
the advantage which this course would be sure to bring with it of enabling
me to fulfil with perfect precision my instructions, I was the more induced
to it by the recollection that he had himself, in more than one instance,
adopted it as a means of informing me of the intentions of this government.
It seemed to be the first occasion which I have yet deemed a suitable one for
reciprocating on my part this kind of confidence. The despatch embracing
no other topick, and dealing of this, throughout, in terms which it appeared
to me proper for this government to hear, and better than any I could have
employed, I accordingly proceeded to read the whole of it to him.
It was evident, when I had done that some passages were unexpected to
him. They were those the spirit of which seemed to import, that the govern-
ment of Great Britain was, in reality, inclining to our view of the subject as
regarded the emancipation of the colonies. He said he was not aware upon
what occasion his government had uttered sentiments leading to this im-
pression. At any rate, none such had been intended to be conveyed. On
the contrary, he observed, that while Great Britain had, from the first, anx-
iously desired to see the controversy at an end, and had done her best to effect
this desire, it had always been upon the basis of a restoration of the suprem-
acy of Spain; on an improved plan of government indeed, especially as re-
garded the commercial interests of the colonies, but still a complete and total
supremacy. That he candidly thought, that this mode of ending the con-
flict, besides being the one pointed out to Great Britain by all the subsisting
relations between herself and Spain, would prove the best for both parties,
and the world at large, as the materials of regular and orderly government
among the colonies did not, at present, appear to exist. That it was there-
fore impossible to predict in what manner they would be able to sustain
themselves as independent communities, whether as it concerned their own
happiness and prosperity or the principles which might affect their intercourse
with established nations. These had been the leading motives with Great
Britain to wish that the colonies might be brought back again under the au-
thority of the parent state, motives that still had their operation, and must
continue to have as long as any room or hope was left of the result at which
they aimed being accomplished. The employment of force as a means of
bringing it about, Great Britain had ever repudiated, and still did, the moral
power of opinion and advice being the sole ground upon which he had acted,
hitherto he admitted to no effective purpose. It was, upon this basis,
however, that she had agreed to become party to the mediation in the man-
ner made known to me during the last summer, and the relations which


1451







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


bound her to the allied powers as well as to Spain, held her to this course, in
whatever degree the councils and conduct of Spain might seem to retard the
hope of its success.
Such was the nature of his remarks. They corresponded, as he observed,
with what had been stated to me in the summer, for a detail of which I must
beg to refer to my number thirty two, of the third of last August.' Things
stood, he said, in regard to the mediation upon the same footing, substantial-
ly, now as then; that is, although it had been acceded to by the European al-
liance, nothing in effect had been done. The subject had several times been
brought into discussion at Aix la Chapelle, but no act had yet followed.
Spain seemed bent upon a prosecution of the contest upon her own means, and
was rallying them at the present moment in the hope of bringing it to a close
upon her own terms. In the discussions above alluded to, he had found both
France and Russia labouring under a belief that the United States desired to
be associated in the mediation, and that they would be willing to come in up-
on the same basis with the other powers, until he had removed it. The duke
of Richelieu had been very decided in this belief. His Lordship concluded
with expressing anew his regrets, that my government viewed the question of
emancipation in a light opposite to that in which it was still looked at by the
government of Great Britain.
What fell from him on this occasion may seem to clash with some of the
opinions expressed, on less authentic grounds, in my despatch number forty
six.2 I am bound on the other hand to add, that his whole manner was con-
ciliatory. While he expressed regret at the divergent views of our two govern-
ments upon the point of emancipation, he indulged in no other sentiment than
regret, nor was this expressed but in the mildest way. The known opinions
of the United States, he thought, from obvious political and local causes,
could not fail to have had an influence upon the South Americans. Hence,
he said, the wish that had been cherished here, that their policy had harmo-
nized with that of Europe upon this fundamental point, thinking that it
might have been the means, although they were not formal parties to the
mediation, of sooner healing the dispute upon terms which the governments
of Britain and of Europe really thought best for the colonies, best for Spain,
and best for all other nations. How far it was yet practicable to settle it,
giving back to Spain her supremacy, and granting to the colonies a just govern-
ment under her sway, he could not affirm; but it was the hope to which the
European alliance clung. He admitted that Buenos Ayres stood upon a bet-
ter footing in the proofs it had afforded of capacity to exist as an independent
community, than any of the other colonies; and freely admitted also the pres-
ent and prospective value of our commerce in that quarter when I had oc-
casion to mention that it already consisted on our side of articles so important
1 See above, pt. vii, doc. 765.
2 Ibid., 766, Rush to Adams, November 20, 1818.


1452






DOCUMENT 767: FEBRUARY 15, 1819


to particular portions of the United States as fish, naval stores, ready built
vessels, furniture, and lumber of every description.
The conversation closed with a declaration on his part, that the unreserved
and candid disclosure which had been made to this government of the Presi-
dent's intentions respecting this struggle, and especially of the intended rec-
ognition of Buenos Ayres, would be taken as a mark of confidence, and re-
ceived in the spirit in which they had been communicated. He said nothing
further.
Being the first interview I had had with his Lordship since the arrival in
this country of your despatch to Mr. Erving of the twenty eighth of Novem-
ber,1 and the other documents relating to the transactions in Florida which
were laid before Congress on the twenty eighth of December, I was not sure
that he would not have made some allusion to them. He, however, did not.
This leaves me to infer, for the present, that no exception is taken by this
court to any of them. The names of Arbuthnot and Ambrister were only
once glanced at, and that incidentally. His Lordship was saying, that
notwithstanding the neutrality of the government of Great Britain as be-
tween Spain and the colonies, the latter had undoubtedly received aid from
England, as from the United States, in arms, ammunition, and men, in ways
that the laws could not prevent. This led him to speak of the order of the
court of Madrid of the fourteenth of January last, denouncing such heavy
penalties against all subjects of foreign states, who join the standard of the
colonists. "This order" said he, "is very much felt by France; but we give
ourselves no concern at it, to whatever remarks the principles on which it
assumes to rest might be open. Those of our subjects who choose to join
the colonists must take all consequences; we can hold out no hand to protect
them, any more than we thought ourselves bound to do in the case of the
two men who intermeddled with the savages along your borders." I have
learned that the Spanish ambassador at this court, makes frequent and
earnest remonstances against the military supplies and assistance which it
is notorious are going almost daily from English ports to South America.
It seems difficult to reconcile the professions with the conduct of the British
cabinet upon this subject; for certainly, lax as the existing laws of Eng-
land may be in all power to restrain these armaments, it would be easy to
strengthen them. Lord Castlereagh did hint at a half-formed intention
that had existed of bringing a bill into parliament with this object, which
however had been abandoned from the difficulties attending any attempt
to conciliate with all other parts of their present system, any new prohibitory
or restraining statutes.
I have the honor [etc.].
Not printed in this collection.


1453







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


768
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, March 22, 1819.
His Lordship [Lord Castlereagh] informed me that, since our conversation
of the twelfth of last month,2 the long standing topick of the mediation,
had taken a decisive turn. This turn consisted, in Spain having absolutely
and finally declined it. There was therefore he said at present an entire end
of the subject, as to any further steps to be taken either by Great Britain,
or, as I also understood him, by any of the powers of Europe in relation to it.
Recapitulating the history of this mediation, now, after so much expecta-
tion, come to an abortive close, he went over many of the grounds connected
with its origin and progress to which he had alluded in past conversations,
and which have had place from time to time in my former despatches.
Referring to what had passed at Aix la Chapelle, he said, that it had entered
into the plan of the allies, that if the mediation had been acted upon, it
should have been upon the basis, superadded to every other, of Spain con-
ceding to such of her South American colonies as had not been in general
revolt, the same terms, so far as would be applicable to their future govern-
ment, as were proposed to be granted to those that had openly resisted her
authority. He also said, that it had been suggested, that some one indi-
vidual in whom as well Spain herself as the allies had confidence, should be
selected to repair to Madrid as the representative with full powers of the
latter, in the whole business of the mediation, and that the duke of Welling-
ton should be that individual; but that this proposition had not been acceded
to by Spain. Further he observed, that Spain had made a request to be
permitted to send a representative to the congress at Aix la Chapelle; but
that this request was deemed of a nature not to be acquiesced in by the allies.
These were the only points adverted to by his Lordship which had not been
stated to me upon former occasions. I collected from all he said, that the
part Spain has now acted, has grown out of the change of minister in that
country. It will be recollected that this event took place contemporaneously
with the assemblage of the sovereigns at Aix la Chapelle. It appears, that
those who have since directed the public councils at Madrid, are resolved
to place exclusive reliance upon their own efforts of vigor by sea and land,
and upon the supplies of their own treasury, for putting down all insurrec-
tion throughout the dominions of Ferdinand.
His Lordship concluded by remarking, that this total rejection of the
mediation would not influence the course which this government would
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.
2 See above, pt. vmii, doc. 767, Rush to Adams, February 15, 1819.


1454






DOCUMENT 769: MAY 14, 1819


otherwise have adopted under the communication which I made to him on
the twelfth of February; meaning, as he explained, that it had created no
unfriendly sensibility in the British cabinet towards Spain. I am left to
infer from this remark, that the precise and final views which are to be
taken by this government of our recognition of the independence of Buenos
Ayres, are not yet determined upon. The intentions of the President
upon this point, have doubtless been under consideration; but beyond the
expressions of a general nature uttered by his Lordship on first being made
acquainted with them, he has said nothing except what dropped from him
as above. I was desirous that he should have pursued the subject; but he
was evidently disinclined to go into it with any more particularity.




769
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, May 14, 1819.
S. I have been in company with the Portuguese charge d'affaires.
He informed me, that he has little hope of count Palmella's succeeding in the
object of his visit to Paris, and that the great armament at Cadiz was carry-
ing on its preparations with all expedition to go against Monte Video, which
he thought would certainly be its first destination should this last attempt at
negotiation fail. He spoke as if his court was under but slight alarm from
the meditated hostility of Spain, and alluded with complacency to the sub-
sisting guarantee of the European possessions of Portugal by Great Britain.
He inquired with some interest as to the intentions of the United States re-
specting the acknowledgement of Buenos Ayres, saying that whenever that
event took place, he believed that Portugal would not be slow to follow the
example. It was at the table of the duke of San Carlos that I met this gen-
tleman. With the former I exchanged congratulations on the happy pros-
pect of seeing Spain and the United States placed by the late treaty upon the
best of terms, both of us agreeing, that the happiness of each nation was
thereby best to be promoted.
Last week, I had a request from Mr. Hamilton, that I would refer him to
all our Acts of Congress passed to preserve our neutral relations, but chiefly
those that were known to have been aimed at Spain and the colonies. It is
not the first time since I have been here, that I have sent these laws to the
foreign office. The motive and result of this second application for them,
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.


1455







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


may be seen in the proceedings of the house of commons yesterday. It ap-
pears that the attorney general has asked leave to bring in a bill the object of
which is to prevent for the future the departure from the ports of this king-
dom of men, ships, or military supplies, for the use of the Spanish patriots.
Thus is the British government at last about to tread in the steps of our legis-
lation upon this subject, with a declaration from Lord Castlereagh, that his
majesty's ministers owe an apology to Europe, for not having adopted the
measure sooner. Other parts of this debate may attract the eye of the Presi-
dent.



770
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, July 21, 18I9.
A minister or deputy, Mr. Yrisari [Yrisarri], has lately arrived here from
Chili. It will be taken for granted, that the government has not received
him. It is said that he has been invested by the Independents with five hun-
dred thousand pounds to aid their cause in this capital, and that he cherishes
the expectation of being able to send out assistance to them in men as well as
in other ways, notwithstanding the provisions of the foreign enlistment law.
I presume by evading them. Rumours add, that the great banker, Roths-
child, has declared that he will advance the whole sum if Sir Robert Wilson
will take the command of the expedition to be sent out, and that the latter
has actually gone to Paris to see if he can select and organize a corps of officers.
The Cadiz armament is now said to be bound to Venezuela, to cut up the
English auxiliaries.
I have the honor [etc.].


771
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, August 24, 1819.
Knowing that the course of events in South America must influence more
or less the wayward councils of Ferdinand, I feel a desire more frequently
than it is in my power to execute it to report for the information of the Presi-
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV.


1456






DOCUMENT 771: AUGUST 24, 1819


dent all such occurrences in this quarter as held out any prospect of affecting
the progress of those events. I had the honor upon former occasions, to
speak of the intended departure of Lord Cochrane to act in a naval capacity
with the South Americans at Chili, and of the embarkation from the Thames
of the recruits under Colonel English that have since been associated with the
arms of the patriots at Venezuela. With the same views I have watched the
armament of Ireland under General Devereux, notoriously set on foot with
the same intentions of aiding the cause of Spanish emancipation. But I
have it not in my power to impart all the information I could wish respecting
it.
I believe it to be a fact, that about twelve hundred men have actually sailed
within the last month from Dublin, and that two or three hundred more may
be expected to sail very shortly. These numbers fall far below the accounts
stated in the newspapers. Their immediate destination I understand to be
Margaritta, whence they will act as events in Venezuela may render expedi-
ent. General Devereux is to command them, but has not yet embarked.
'Tis said that he is expected here before his final departure. This is all the
information pretending to authenticity that I find myself able at this time to
transmit in regard to this enterprise.
As far as I may judge from all indications of opinion within the compass
of my observations, the cause of South American freedom continues to ripen
in the judgment and affections of the British public. I consequently
continue to hold to the belief, and even more strongly than heretofore, that
whenever it may be thought to comport with a wise policy in all other
respects for the government of the United States to recognize Buenos Ayres,
that the British government will not consider such a measure, per se, as any
cause of breach with us. It will not have escaped attention in what manner
our presumed intention to recognize this new state was treated in the debate
on the foreign enlistment bill, both by the ministerialists and the whigs, in
connexion with the treaty by which the Floridas are ceded to us.
There is good reason for believing, as might so naturally have been
expected, that as soon as the mutiny broke out among the troops at Cadiz,
Spain began to give ground in the negotiations with Portugal respecting
Monte Video. These negotiations are still unclosed, and will probably
remain in a state of vibration while the fate of this long-talked of expedi-
tion hangs in any degree in suspense.






,J ,J i t*. L


1457







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


772
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, September 17, i819.
Another short anecdote, with which I will conclude, may help us to infer
how general an interest is taken throughout the courts of Europe, even
those that are inland and subordinate, in our supposed intention to recognize
the independence of Buenos Ayres. It is of date some little time back;
but present circumstances serve to recall it. During the last spring, Baron
Just, the minister at this court from the king of Saxony, opened a conversa-
tion with me upon this express subject. He did not conceal his wish to be
informed upon it, stating as a reason, that he had on the day preceding
received a despatch from his government, in which it was mentioned that
I had, by order of mine, made a communication to Lord Castlereagh in
relation to it, in February. The precise nature of this communication it
was the Baron's anxious desire to learn through what he imagined to be the
best source. That the communication should thus have been wafted
through the circle of cabinets, and reach for the first time the ears of a
Saxon minister at London in the shape of a despatch from his own court,
made, at the moment, an impression upon me.
With the greatest respect [etc.].



773
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, October 5, 189g.
SIR: In a late communication,2 I had the honor to allude to the prepara-
tions that were going on under the auspices of General Devereux, in aid of
the cause of South American freedom.
In addition to the troops heretofore dispatched on this service, I learn,
that from two to three thousand will be embarked from Ireland, by the first
of December. Their first destination, as with the former, will be Margaritta.
It is from General Devereux himself, that I have this information. He
intends to embark with this principal section of his force, placing himself
at its head. The foreign enlistment law is evaded by the men going out
under colour of settling as farmers and labourers in the province of Vene-
1 MS. Dispatches from G-eat Britain, XXIV.
2 See above,,pt. vinI,-.oce 7 1? Rush to Adams, August 24, 1819.


1458






DOCUMENT 774: OCTOBER 15, 1819


zuela. The better to mask this project, General Devereux has received
either an actual or an ostensible grant from General Bolivar, of fifty square
leagues of land in that province. Against this mode of violating the law,
the Spanish ambassador has, as I hear, remonstrated with the British
ministry; but to no effect. The inference would seem to be unavoidable,
that their zeal for its execution, must be very slack. They fold their arms
whilst it is infringed almost in open day. In Ireland, it is well understood,
that an attachment to the cause of the South Americans, is nearly universal.
It takes in men of the highest standing, and what is remarkable but true,
embraces conspicuous individuals who on all other points of their political
conduct, are entirely identified with the ministers. Whence the pecuniary
supplies are derived of fitting out so large an expedition, is not known to me.
General Devereux professes to do it upon his own resources. But this seems
impossible. Troops have been raised and equipped, transports hired, muni-
tions of war provided, and a great military enterprise in all things completed
upon the scale I have stated. The whole number of men by the time the
next division is sent off, will scarcely fall short of four thousand. All this
would appear to be an undertaking too much for the purse of an individual.
That General Devereux's movements will be ahead of those of the armada
at Cadiz, is, to the last degree, probable.
There arrived in this capital a fortnight ago, from Venezuela, two indi-
viduals, Don Fernando Penalvez and Colonel Bergara, in capacity of new
deputies from that province. I have been informed, that a Mr. Vondam,
now here from Sweden, and who alleges himself to be possessed of an informal
authority for what he does, has proposed to these deputies to be the bearer of
propositions to his Swedish Majesty for entering into some commercial
arrangements, with Venezuela and New Granada. This information, while
I do not confidently rely upon it, reaches me through a channel entitled to
some respect.
With very great respect [etc.].


774
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, October 15, 1819.
I have lately heard, through a channel upon which I can rely, that Mr.
Irisari [Yrisarri], the deputy from Chili, of whom I made mention in a former
despatch,2 had an interview with Lord Castlereagh soon after his arrival.
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV.
2 See above, pt. vii, doc. 770, Rush to Adams, July 21, 1819.


1459







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


He inquired in the course of it, if the vessels of Chili would be admitted and
hospitably received, when they came to the ports of Great Britain? His
Lordship replied certainly, at all times. Would their prizes be admitted,
it was next asked. Here an objection was interposed by Lord Castlereagh,
who said that such a permission might give cause of complaint to Spain.
Whether England allows Chilian prizes taken by Spain, to be brought into
her ports, is a point that cannot so well be known, as it is understood to be a
fact, that Spain has never yet captured a vessel belonging to Chili! His
Lordship went on to say, that Sir Thomas Hardy, who was appointed to the
command of the squadron destined 'to act in the South Seas, was charged to
attend to British interests in that quarter, and specially authorised to be the
medium of any communications between his government and the authorities
at Chili, which events upon his arrival there might make necessary or con-
venient. He would thus exercise, substantially, the functions of a consul.
Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] inquired if England would not in return receive a consul
from Chili. His Lordship replied, that such reciprocity did not appear to
follow as a duty, Chili not being recognized by other nations as an established
power. Finally, his Lordship read to Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] the instructions
given to Sir Thomas Hardy. Far from being hostile, they bore a friendly
aspect towards Chili, and directed Sir Thomas to respect all the just regula-
tions touching trade and commerce, which those who exercised the powers of
government in that community, might establish.
Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] preferred no request for the acknowledgment of the
independence of Chili, by England. His government deemed it better to
let that matter rest where it is, than run the hazard of receiving a direct re-
fusal.



775
Colonel Yrisarri, Envoy of Chile to Europe and the United States, to Richard
Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain
LONDON, November 3, I8ip.
Col'. Yrisarri presents his compliments to His Excellency the Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, Mr. Rush, and begs leave
to inform him through Mr. Ribas on some points, which Col Y. hopes His
Excellency's goodness will consider with interest.
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV, enclosed in Rush to Adams, November lo,
1819, which see below, pt. viii, doc. 777.


1460






DOCUMENT 777: NOVEMBER IO, 1819


776
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Colonel Yrisarri,
Envoy of Chile to Europe and the United States 1
LONDON, November 6, 1819.
Mr. Rush presents his compliments to Colonel Yrisarri, and has had the
honor to receive this day, through the hands of Mr. Ribas, his note of the
third of this month.2 Mr. Rush had not the good fortune to see Mr. Ribas;
but the papers which he left with the secretary of his Legation, Mr. R has
read with the interest that belongs to them. The official document,3 signed
by the Supreme Director of the state of Chili, is herewith returned. A copy
of it, together with Colonel Yrisarri's letter to the Secretary of State,3
Mr. R. will have great pleasure in transmitting to Washington, by the earliest
opportunity.



777
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 4
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, November o1, 1819.
The interview 5 might here have closed. But I was unwilling to let pass
the opportunity which it presented of touching upon our affairs with Spain.
In a letter from Mr. Forsyth, of the seventeenth of October, informing me of
the continued refusal of Ferdinand to ratify the treaty, he also says that it
was rumoured whilst he was writing, that some agreement in relation to
Spain and her colonies, or to Spain and the United States, was then actually
about to be transmitted by the court of Madrid to that of London, and by
the very same courier despatchedd by Sir Henry Wellesley) that had charge
of my letter. What the agreement was, Mr. F. did not profess accurately
to know. His impressions pointed to its being one by which Great Britain
had pledged herself, on sufficient inducements, to convey for Spain the troops
now in the neighbourhood of Cadiz, to some of her possessions in America.
Nothing that I had heard, or no scrutiny that it has fallen within my power
to make in this quarter, had reflected any light upon this rumour. Perhaps
his Lordship might not have felt himself bound to answer to it, at such a
moment; yet I thought it right to take the chances of what he might say
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV, enclosed in Rush to Adams, November 1o,
1819, which see below, pt. vmi, doc. 777.
SSee above, pt. vim, doc. 775.
3 See above, pt. v, doc. 472, Yrisarri to the Secretary of State, October 31, 1819.
MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV.
SWith Lord Castlereagh.


1461







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


under an allusion to it. I described the rumour in terms that appeared to me
best adapted to the end proposed. In spite of my best caution, his Lordship
I thought manifested a slight, momentary, excitement. "Falsehoods", he
said, "will get into circulation upon this, as upon other occasions." Re-
suming his complacency he observed, "I can assure you, that our policy
upon this subject remains unchanged." I replied, that my government
would, I well knew, hear his declaration with new satisfaction, anticipating
no other.
Here the matter ended. The above report of the little that fell from his
Lordship is given, for the information of the President, with as close an ad-
herence as possible to his words as well as manner.
On the sixth instant I received from Mr. Yrisarri a note dated on the third,
of which a copy is enclosed.' This is the gentleman of whom I have spoken
heretofore (with a deviation in the spelling of his name) who came to London
a few months ago in capacity of deputy or envoy from the new state of Chili.
A copy of my reply to his note is also enclosed,' together with the papers re-
ferred to; one being a letter to your address as secretary of state; the other a
copy of Mr. Yrisarri's credentials, or diploma from the government of Chili.
The original of this instrument, I Have seen. It is stamped with every mark
of authenticity. It bears date at Santiago, on the eighteenth of November,
1818. It sets forth in the name of the Supreme Director and Senate of Chili,
that, having determined to send a public minister from Chili, to solicit from
the governments of Europe and of the United States, an acknowledgment
of the independence of that state, the said Director, has appointed for that
purpose, Mr. Yrisarri, constituting him also minister envoy from Chile to the
United States, with all necessary powers to enter upon negotiations respect-
ing such acknowledgment; and engaging to confirm whatever he may do in
fulfilment of his trust. Mr. Yrisarri continues to be confined by ill-health,
which hinders him from embarking for the United States. In this state of
things I could not hesitate to become the medium, at his request, of trans-
mitting to your hands the documents in question.
With the highest respect [etc.].
1 See above, pt. vIII, doc. 775 and 776, Yrisarri to Rush, November 3, 1819, and Rush to
Yrisarri, November 6, 1819.


1462






DOCUMENT 778: JULY 20, 1820


778
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, July 20, 1820,
I send herewith a pamphlet containing, in a convenient form, all the docu-
ments which have been published in this country respecting the attempt of
France to set up a throne in Buenos Ayres, and place upon it a prince of the
house of Bourbon. The subject has excited universal interest in the political
circles of this capital. I have good information for saying, that this project
was not known to the British cabinet until it burst upon it by the recent ar-
rival from South America of these documents. The duke de Cazes, I under-
stand, does not admit them to be genuine. He positively disavows, I have
heard, ever having seen the South American envoy, Gomez. Whether he
disavows for the Marquis Desolles also, I have not heard. That France has
been engaged in the project, nobody doubts; and this government, as might
be expected, evidently regards the whole transaction with no complacency.
In an interesting debate in the house of commons on the eleventh of this
month, on a call for information respecting the above documents, Dr. Lush-
ington argued the broad principle, that England ought to recognize immedi-
ately and fully the independence of Buenos Ayres. Already he said the gov-
ernment had an accredited consul residing in that country, an- assertion that
was not afterwards controverted. Lord Castlereagh, in reply, expressed his
entire dissent as to the policy of taking an early opportunity of recognizing
any of those communities. Sir James Macintosh plainly intimated it as his
opinion, that, since the altered state of things in Spain, the question of desir-
ing a separation of the colonies from the parent state, had also essentially
changed. This I take to be now a prevailing sentiment with the whigs. The
very preliminary dissertation to the pamphlet which I send, was, I have rea-
son to think, drawn up by one of the conductors of the Morning Chronicle,
the leading whig journal of London. During the debate, a sentiment was
uttered by Mr. Canning which may deserve to be repeated. He said, that
as history had shown the condition of colonies always to have been more ser-
vile under the government of a popular assembly, than under the authority
of even absolute monarchies, (a position which the learned speaker assumed
without proving,) all those persons who had wished to see the colonies eman-
cipated from monarchical Spain, ought to cherish this wish with much more
zeal, now that Spain was democratical! This sentiment, not perhaps the less
significant from its having escaped the lips of distinguished member of the
ministry, points to a prophecy which there need be little scruple in hazard-
ing. It is this. That if Spain makes the advances in energy and power to
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXV.


1463







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


be naturally expected from her free constitution, to which no compliment was
intended by the epithet of democratical, we shall find parties here shifting
sides. All the branches of the opposition will desire to see Spain reinstated
in full sovereignty over her dominions beyond sea; whilst the ministerialists,
through an instinctive counterpart of feeling, will desire to see them struck
off. The government will, I believe, observe great caution for a while,
watching events. But, on the contingency presupposed, we can scarcely err
in predicting this ultimate reverse in the public opinion of the country.
Mr. Forsyth has stated to me in a letter, dated Madrid, June the twenty
ninth, that he had understood, that the agents in London from Caraccas,
Buenos Ayres and Chili held a meeting in May, when it was determined to
address applications to Russia, Austria and Prussia, desiring that princes of
their families might be given to Spanish America generally, and that one
might be specially selected from the Brazils for Buenos Ayres. This is as I
understand his statement. But it comes to me in cypher, and, either from
some inadvertence on the part of his copyist, so liable to happen with figures,
or possibly from there not being a perfect conformity between our cyphers,
there are parts which I cannot make out, and may therefore have taken up
the meaning inaccurately. I am aware of no such facts as Mr. Forsyth states.
What I have heard is, that, in the month of April, (being subsequent to the
establishment of the constitution of 1812,) the agents of Chili, Buenos Ayres
and Venezuela, did meet together in this city, with however a different ob-
ject. They jointly signed an address to the king of Spain asking that the
independence of these countries might be acknowledged. This address was
transmitted to Ferdinand through the medium of the duke of San Carlos,
then the Spanish ambassador at this court. The reply to it through the same
channel was, that no proposition would be listened to that had not for its
basis the return of the colonies to their subjection to the mother country.
This information I have derived since the publicity of the project of France
upon Buenos Ayres.



779
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACTS]
LONDON, April 22, 1822.
Our acknowledgement of the South American states, has produced an
effect upon those communities on this side of the water, of which the evi-
dences are universal in the public opinion of all circles. It seems to have
] MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.


1464







DOCUMENT 780: MAY 6, 1822


spoken them into being; to have cleared away the doubts that lingered in
men's minds as to their true condition; to have revealed and defined before
the world the maturity of their attributes for sovereign and independent
existence. It has formed a foundation point around which the judgment of
the world can rally, undistracted by the uncertainties and contradictions
under which the destinies of those new empires seemed hidden. It has come
at the happy moment when their destiny complete in all things else by exer-
tions of their own, seemed to wait only this moral welcome from the sister
Republick of the north, as its last finish. So the citizen of the United States
is happy to contemplate it, so mankind have hailed it. The day after the
news arrived, the value of the Colombian bonds, a species of security for a
loan contracted by that state, rose in the London market, nor have I caught
from any source as yet a single objection to the measure. To this govern-
ment, it is not my intention to speak of or allude to it in any way, in the first
instance. To Mr. Onis, I broached the topick at the levee last week, as one
of familiar conversation, saying, in the spirit of the President's message, that
I hoped Spain would see no unfriendliness in the step, but rather one out of
which good fruits would grow up to all parties. He replied, that he thought
Spain ought to follow the example. If the commercial penalties which a
French newspaper states as those which the Republick of Colombia designs
to inflict upon the nations withholding a recognition, be correctly stated, and
if the other new Republicks do the same, it may be presumed that the ex-
ample of the United States will not be long without imitators. .
I received the day before yesterday from Mr. Sartoris, at Rio Janeiro, a
letter dated February the 15th, in which he states that the Portuguese
troops had been compelled, through the firmness of the Prince Regent, to
embark for Europe, and that he had little doubt but that the whole of the
Brazils in a few months more would declare independence, organizing a
separate government with the Prince Regent at its head.




780
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, May 6, 1822.
A meeting was held on the twenty third of last month of the merchants,
ship owners, manufacturers, and traders, of London for the purpose of taking
into consideration the means of opening a beneficial conimercial intercourse
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.


1465







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


with the countries of South America formerly under the dominion of Spain, a
mode of expression which it is remarkable has sprung into use since the
President's message on the recognition, and seems already to have become
as universal, as it was before unknown. It was agreed at the meeting, to
present a memorial to the Lords of the privy council submitting whether it
would not be expedient to open the ports of Great Britain to the ships of
these "newly established countries in the same manner as to the ships of the
United States and the Brazils. The Lords of the privy council have replied,
in general terms, that the vessels of these countries will be admitted into the
ports of the United Kingdom.
They have, in fact, been admitted heretofore, whenever they have chosen
to come, but not as vessels of the Independent governments of South America, eo
nominee. They have come as other vessels, that comply in all things with
the British laws of navigation and trade. No interdict existed against them,
founded upon the nature of their flag, which was not inquired into on their
arrival at British ports, but admitted like other foreign flags. As to their
being admitted upon the same terms with the vessels of the United States or
the Brazils, this could only be the effect of compact. None whatever exist-
ing between Britain and these new states, the prayer of the memorialists in
this respect goes unattended to. It is in this way that my inquiries lead me
to understand the subject, though aware of the contradictory assertions in
the English journals in relation to it.
It will be seen, that Lord Londonderry stated in the house of commons
on the second instant, in answer to the questions of Sir James Mackintosh,
that whilst this government had neither formally recognized, or entered into
any correspondence that would imply a recognition of, these new govern-
ments, it had nevertheless considered them as governments de facto; had
looked upon the parties at war in that quarter of the world as belligerents;
had respected as such their rights of blockade, and that the commercial
intercourse with them would be found to be provided for by Mr. Robinson's
bill on the subject of foreign trade. This bill is not yet published, as far as I
can learn, and probably not yet fully matured.


1466







DOCUMENT 781: JUNE 10, 1822


781
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States '
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, June Io, 1822.
Touching the question of South American independence, I am happy to
find that I have taken the same view of the part proper for me to act at
this court that your despatch has now presented to me. From the moment
of the arrival of the President's message of the 8th of March proposing the
recognition, it appeared to me, that, as it was a measure adopted on our
own views of its intrinsick justice and expediency, without concert with
other nations, and as the great principles upon which it stood were suffi-
ciently promulgated to the world in that message, no further mention of it
by me was due to conciliation, or to any other duty in my intercourse with
this government; but that, on the contrary, to avoid all notice of the subject
in the first instance, would be the course most proper on my part. I have,
accordingly, abstained from alluding to it when with Lord Londonderry,
and he has not mentioned it to me. Whenever he may do so, I will not fail
to express the sentiments with which you have charged me.
But although the measure has not been mentioned on either side, I have
no reason to suppose that it is regarded by this cabinet otherwise than as its
true nature demands. The public voice of the country is manifestly and
loudly in its favor. The manufacturers and merchants take the lead, and
urge the government to follow our example, rather than arraign it. When
to this we add what Lord Londonderry has said upon the subject in parlia-
ment, and the step already taken by the lords of the privy council, and the
further steps projected in parliament, for encouraging commercial relations
with the new-born states in those regions, we should perhaps rather be
warranted in inferring that it cannot be very long before our example, will,
in effect, be followed. I have heard, indeed, from a respectable though not
official source, that a person who has. heretofore been in diplomatic trusts
under this government (the name I did not hear) is going out at once to
Buenos Ayres. Whether as agent or minister, or with what distinct objects,
my informant could not say, but we may suppose with some view to the
commencement of an official intercourse with that community f. a character
more marked than has yet existed. As to any formal or perfect recognition
of the independence of that or any of the other new states of South America,
I greatly doubt whether this government will give in to it, except on con-
sultation with the European Alliance, which the reanimated hope of pre-
serving peace in the East will probably tend to bind still more closely to-
gether.
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.


1467







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


782
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, June 24, 1822.
SIR: Mr. Zea, the representative of the Republic of Colombia, arrived here
lately from France. He waited upon me on the twenty first instant, but
not being in at the moment of his call, I did not see him. I have on my part
made efforts to see him since, but as yet we have not met.
I learn that he has had an interview with Lord Londonderry. The partic-
ulars of what passed at it, I am not instructed in, but understand that the
following is the result.
That to the application which he distinctly preferred to this government
to recognize the independence of Colombia, his lordship gave as distinct a
refusal. He alleged that Great Britain would make no movement towards
the recognition of any of those new states, except in concert with her Euro-
pean Allies, and that these latter were not at present disposed, any more than
Great Britain, to take any steps in regard to the subject without consulting
Spain.
What was said by his lordship in explanation of this policy; whether or
not he took any notice of our act of recognition, or touched upon any of the
prospects of commercial intercourse between this country and those new
states, I am not informed. Upon such and other points that may be inter-
esting in connexion with this subject, I will transmit whatever further
information I may be able to obtain henceforth.




783
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, July 24, 1822.
SIR: Mr. Echeverria, representing himself to be the minister plenipoten-
tiary from the Republick of Colombia to this court, called upon me last
week. I say representing himself as such, as there appears to be some
question whether he or Mr. Zea actually holds this trust at the present
moment, the latter having asked his recall from Europe some time ago on
account of ill health, but now as it is understood intending to remain longer,
his health having become better. Without deciding this point between them
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.


1468







DOCUMENT 783: JULY 24, 1822


Mr. Echeverria is, at all events, a prominent citizen of his country having
been selected as one of the deputies or commissioners sent by Colombia
to Madrid last year, with proposals from his government to treat with Spain,
on the basis of recognition, but to which, as is known, Spain utterly refused
to accede. He expressed in a warm and feeling manner the satisfaction he
had derived from the acknowledgement of the independence of his country
by the United States, and requested my acceptance of a copy of the consti-
tution of Colombia which has lately been republished in Paris, and which
was rendered the more worthy to be accepted from having the President's
message and the report of the committee of the house of representatives on
the question of recognition, bound up with it. This volume, forwarded
herewith, I ask leave to send to the department of state, having in my
possession other copies of the instruments which it contains.
I must take occasion to mention, that after my despatch of the 24th of
June,' I was deprived, by circumstances not in my power to control, of all
opportunity of seeing Mr. Zea, who has I believe since gone out of town.
The public dinner given to this gentleman by the merchants of London
on the tenth of this month, at which the duke of Somerset presided, and
which was attended by several members of parliament without distinction of
party-where amongst others of the group we saw Sir William Curtis ranged
by the side of Sir James Macintosh,--carries with it stronger indications
than are usually to be attached to festivals of this nature, and goes to show
how impressive and loud public opinion is becoming in this country in favor
of South American independence. This voice will grow louder and louder,
nor can it, I believe, be ultimately resisted by the government. In effect,
the states of South America are already regarded by Great Britain as in-
dependent, for two acts of parliament have been passed by which commercial
intercourse has been opened between them and every part of the British
dominions. These acts [the] government will be in possession of through
the parliamentary documents which are forwarded by this legation to the
Treasury, as well as probably through the consul at this port, who mentioned
to me that he has sent them.
I return to Mr. Echeverria. He informed me that he had had an inter-
view with Lord Londonderry; but that h\had in vain urged upon him the
claims of Colombia to be recognized by this government. His Lordship
said, that this was a measure into which Great Britain could not come con-
sistently with what she owed to Spain. That Spain had been consulted re-
specting it, and had replied in a way which showed that she felt it to concern
her interests and her rights that other nations should forbear to take such a
step. Nor could Great Britain, he said, take it without the concurrence of
France, and France was not prepared to lend her concurrence. Spain had
also replied, that she had just despatched commissioners to her colonies,
1 See above, pt. viii, doc. 782.


1469







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


carrying out the most liberal offers of compromise, from which she still
hoped for the best results, and which would serve to render but the more
objectionable the interference of other Powers. Mr. Echeverria adverted to
the fallacy of such hopes, and asked his Lordship whether this government
would not use its influence to induce Spain herself to recognize the inde-
pendence of the colonies as the best and only policy left to her. His Lordship
replied, that Great Britain would hold up this course to Spain. He alluded to
the recognition by the government of the United States, which, he remarked,
stood upon a ground by itself, the United States having no European connex-
ions to look to when determining upon such a policy, which was not the case
with Great Britain. But whilst Gt. Britain could not justify to herself the
political measure of formally recognizing the independence of those com-
munities at'present, his Lordship said, that it was her intention to maintain
an unrestricted intercourse of commerce with them all, and of this intention
Spain had been informed. I here mentioned to Mr. Echeverria the case of
the Lord Collingwood, and asked if he ascertained from Ld Londonderry what
Great Britain meant to do if Spain continued to capture British merchant
vessels trading with those countries which Spain still assumed to treat as her
colonies. He replied that his Lordship intimated, that as Great Britain
would consider such a trade as regularly open to her merchants, she would
sustain them in it.
The foregoing is the amount of what Mr. Echeverria told me. The
Lord Collingwood it will be recollected was an English merchant vessel bound
from Buenos Ayres to the Havannah with a cargo of hides. Pursuing this
voyage, she was captured by a Spanish privateer, carried into Porto Rico
and there condemned as good prize on the ground of trading with a Spanish
colony, without a license from the king of Spain. A copy of the decree of
condemnation in this case was sent to Lord Londonderry by Dr. Lushington,
and its circumstances have been the subject of full remark in the house of
commons.
Mr. Echeverria's interview with Lord Londonderry and his call upon me,
were prior to the disclosures made as well by Lord Liverpool as Lord London-
derry in parliament on the same subject on the fifteenth and seventeenth
instant. Taken together, they may be considered as affording a sufficiently
satisfactory clue to the present feelings of this cabinet in relation to South
American Independence. How much longer it will be able to withhold the
formal recognition, and thus stand out against the importunities so universal
of the commercial and manufacturing classes; against the just claims of those
new states themselves, and against such cogent and irresistible appeals to
the authority of public law and historical facts as were yesterday again
made by Sir James Macintosh in the house of commons in support of those
claims, time must show. These appeals are the more gratifying from follow-
ing up as they do the grounds taken in the state papers of the United States.


1470







DOCUMENT 783: JULY 24, 1822


As we have lately seen an important branch of the colonial policy of Britain,
give way before the remonstrances of only her West India merchants and
proprietors, it can scarcely be too much to imagine that we shall before very
long behold her on this question of South America giving way to the uni-
versal demand of her merchants and manufacturers, backed too as their
solicitations are by a commanding eloquence in her senate, and by the en-
lightened dictates of public opinion throughout the nation. To motives so
powerful for fully acknowledging the independence of South America, her
ministers have nothing to oppose but their connexions with the European
Alliance, and their obligations to old Spain. From the trammels of the
former it would be wise to extricate themselves, whilst it may be strongly
suspected that their alleged delicacy towards Spain will not last longer than
their hope of still seeing the ancient state of things brought back in that
country. How far this hope will survive the events which have transpired
at Madrid since the present month set in, we do not as yet know. In the
meantime, British interests are suffering, and will probably continue more or
less to suffer, as long as the full recognition is delayed. The journals of the
day announce, that insurance upon ships from London to the ports of
Colombia, cannot be effected at Lloyds but at great cost, and this not merely
on account of the risk of capture from pirates in those seas, but also from
Spanish ships of war and privateers. From these and other considerations \
we may infer, that British commerce with those new states will never have
its full scope and fair advantage of competition, until their independence is
completely acknowledged. If I have accurately understood Mr. Echeverria,
and he in turn Lord Londonderry, it is plain that this government has taken
in no ill part the act of recognition by the United States. It would seem.
that it is rather awake to the advantages of our situation which has enabled
us to take our own measures freed from the incubus of the Holy Alliance.
That Britain will take the step herself at a day not distant, is my confident
belief, for whatever present excuses her statesmen may have laid hold of, I
can scarcely believe it possible that they will not be roused to it by our
rivalry, which they must be sensible will be rendered more formidable and
dangerous by every hour of their procrastination.
Mr. Echeverria having had an object of his own in calling upon me, pro-
ceeded, after his other communications to state it. He said that he was about
to set out for Paris in a few days, and requested that in the event of any des-
patches arriving for him in London during his absence, I would permit them
to be forwarded to him in Paris, under cover of my seal to the minister of the
United States in that capital. I replied that I feared they would have little
additional security by this course, as I seldom wrote to Mr. Gallatin but by
the mail, and it was well known that no seals, whether of foreign ministers or
others, enjoyed much inviolability in the French post offices. He said that
he believed the risk to his correspondence would be less if it could be put


1471







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


under cover to our legation at Paris, to which I replied again that I would for-
ward it in that manner, if Mr. Gallatin had no objections; but that as it was a
measure which would concern him also, I could not make him a party to it
without his consent. Something was said of special couriers, upon which I
remarked that I had never yet had occasion to employ one in my correspond-
ence with Paris. Mr. E. here upon asked whether I could employ one for his
despatches, allowing him to be at the expense. I replied that such a course
would be objectionable, but that if ever I found it necessary to employ one
on the objects of my own government, I would send any letters addressed to
him by the same conveyance, with Mr. Gallatin's concurrence, to whom I re-
ferred him, more especially as he would have an opportunity of consulting
him at Paris. He then asked my permission to address a note to me em-
bracing the request which he had made in person, adding that it was at the
wish of his government that he had made it.
A copy of the note which he subsequently wrote to me, with a copy of my
answer, is enclosed.' It appears that he had not conceived with entire ac-
curacy what fell from me in conversation. I will either act in this matter on
my own discretion henceforth, or receive any suggestions with which you may
think it necessary to favor me.
I have the honor [etc.].



784
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 2
LONDON, July 26, 1822.
SIR: Mr. Zea called upon me this day. He confirms all that Mr. Echeverria
told me respecting the views and intentions of this government on the ques-
tion of South American independence. To repeat what he said, would there-
fore only be to go over again what is recounted in my last despatch,3 there
having been a substantial and entire agreement in their communications to me.
Those of Mr. Zea have, if any thing, been given with rather the most strength.
He says that Lord Londonderry explicitly remarked, that Great Britain
would not carry her consideration for Spain so far as to postpone too long her
rights of acting as she might think fit; in other words, as the sentiment may
be understood, that she will acknowledge the independence of the colonies
after a little more formality, whatever may be the conduct or opinions of
Spain in relation to the subject. Mr. Zea also represents Lord Londonderry
as saying, that this court would strongly advise Spain herself to recognize the
1 Not printed in this collection.
2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.
3 See above, pt. viii, doc. 783.


1472






DOCUMENT 785: AUGUST 27, 1822


colonies, and thus free the powers of Europe from all further embarrassment
upon the occasion.
I collected from Mr. Zea that he, and not Mr. Echeverria, is the actual rep-
resentative of Colombia at the present juncture. This may render unneces-
sary all notice of what I have written concerning the despatches of the latter.
Should any similar requests ever be made to me by any of the representa-
tives of these our new sister republics, whilst they remain unacknowledged
in Europe, I shall feel a disposition to do what courtesy demands, without
however going further than my proper duties to my own government will
warrant. I shall, at the least, be ever disposed to extend to them as much ac-
commodation in this line, as I have myself received from members of the resi-
dent diplomatic corps, from time to time since I have been in London.
I have the honor [etc.].



785
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, August 27, 1822.
To all that is said in your number 58,2 respecting Mr. Ravenga, I will take
care to pay special attention, so as to execute as far as circumstances may al-
low, the President's desire in the spirit that it is conveyed to me. As yet I
have not seen, or heard of this gentleman's arrival, in this capital. Mr. Eche-
verria, and Mr. Zea, both called upon me, as I have mentioned in former com-
munications. The latter still claims, as I understand, to be considered the
representative of Colombia. Heretofore there has been some difficulty in
ascertaining with precision who has filled this trust, from the circumstance
of that new Republick not being acknowledged here; but your despatch be-
comes full authority to me that it is in Mr. Ravenga's hands, and I will act
accordingly.
I MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.
2 See above, pt. I, doc. 111, Adams to Rush, July 24, 1822.


1473







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


786
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States L
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, October 12, 1822.
On the eighth instant, Mr. Garcia and General Paroissien, the Peruvian
envoys mentioned in my number 267,2 waited upon me. They did not lay
before me any complaints whatever respecting our naval officers in the Pa-
cific, or any other of our officers or citizens residing in Peru or Chili, or trading
there. They confined their visit, for this time, to one of personal and official
civility, making it the occasion of expressing their gratitude and thankfulness
to the United States for acknowledging the independence of their country.
I gathered from them that their hopes of a speedy recognition by this govern-
ment are not sanguine; yet they think the prospect better since Mr. Canning's
appointment, than before. On what ground they rest this hope I know not, un-
less it be that Mr. Canning's long connexion with Liverpool, as the representa-
tive in parliament of that town, may be thought to have predisposed him to a
participation in the sympathies of its commercial population upon this ques-
tion. Mr. Garcia apologized for the medals he had sent me.3 I said to him,
that the last gift of this kind which I had declined previously to his, was that
of a coronation medal, set apart for my acceptance by one of the officers of
this government on the occasion of the king's coronation last year; and that I
was bound on such a point as this to look upon all foreign states in the same
light, that of Great Britain and that of Peru, the latter being now in the eyes
of my government, sovereign and independent like the former. The ex-
planation being offered in a friendly and conciliating spirit, was so received,-
a spirit which marked the whole conversation of both these gentlemen dur-
ing the half hour they sat with me. I returned their visit on the following
day, and shall omit no opportunity within my power of keeping up good will
between us. I distinctly said to them, that it fell within the desire of the
President, that I should use such endeavours as circumstances might justify
in my intercourse with this court, to dispose it towards a recognition of the
independence of their country, for I consider what is said in your number 58 4
in regard to Colombia, as in its spirit extending to the other states of South
America, comprehended in the President's message. They seemed to be sen-
sible of the benefits which our act of recognition has already conferred upon
the cause of South American freedom and independence throughout the
world, and received with satisfaction this assurance from me, that the Presi-
dent did not cease to take an active interest in it.
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVIII.
2 Not printed in this collection.
3 See below, pt. viii, doc. 787.
4 See above, pt. I, doc. 111, Adams to Rush, July 24, 1822.


1474






DOCUMENT 788: AUGUST 19, 1823


787
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, March 20, 1823.
SIR: Mr. Garcia del Rio, one of the envoys from Peru, whose name I have
mentioned to you in communications 2 at a former period, has given into
my care, for the government of the United States, a medal struck to com-
memorate the Independence of Lima. In compliance with his request,
having heretofore informed him that I could not accept such gifts myself,
I now transmit this medal to your hands. It is enclosed in this despatch
and I hope will reach you safely. I send also from Mr. Garcia, four pam-
phlets on Peruvian affairs, two of which he designs for the President, and two
for your acceptance.
A conspicuous journal here, the Morning Chronicle, intimated a week ago
that this government was upon the eve of recognizing the Independence of
Colombia. I can only say that if this be the case I have heard nothing of
it through any other channel, nor has Mr. Ravenga. This gentleman has
not yet had an interview with MNr. Canning, or any other member of this
government, nor does he know at present when one will be granted him.




788
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 3
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, August 19, 1823.
SIR: When my interview with Mr. Canning on Saturday was about to
close, I transiently asked him whether, notwithstanding the late news from
Spain, we might not still hope that the Spaniards would get the better of all
their difficulties. I had allusion to the defection of Ballasteros, in Andalu-
sia, an event seeming to threaten with new dangers the constitutional cause.
His reply was general, importing nothing more than his opinion of the
increased difficulties and dangers with which, undoubtedly, this event was
calculated to surround the Spanish cause.
Pursuing the topick of Spanish affairs, I remarked that should France
MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVIII.
2 See above, pt. vii, doc. 786, Rush to Adams, October 12, 1822.
a MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.


1475







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


ultimately effect her purposes in Spain, there was at least the consolation
left, that Great Britain would not allow her to go farther and lay her hands
upon the Spanish colonies, bringing them too under her grasp. I here had
in my mind the sentiments promulgated upon this subject in Mr. Canning's
note to the British ambassador at Paris of the 31st of March, during the
negotiations that preceded the invasion of Spain. It will be recollected
that the British government say in this note, that time and the course of
events appeared to have substantially decided the question of the separa-
tion of these colonies from the mother country, although their formal
recognition as independent states by Gt. Britain might be hastened or
retarded by external circumstances, as well as by the internal condition
of those new states themselves; and that as his Britannic majesty disclaimed
all intention of appropriating to himself the smallest portion of the late
Spanish possessions in America, he was also satisfied that no attempt would
be made by France to bring any of them under her dominion, either by
conquest, or by cession from Spain.
By this we are to understand, in terms sufficiently distinct, that Great
Britain would not be passive under such an attempt by France, and Mr.
Canning, on my having referred to this note, asked me what I thought my
government would say to going hand in hand with his, in the same senti-
ment; not as he added that any concert in action under it, could become
necessary between the two countries, but that the simple fact of our being
known to hold the same sentiment would, he had no doubt, by its moral
effect, put down the intention on the part of France, admitting that she
should ever entertain it. This belief was founded he said tipon the large
share of the maritime power of the world which Gt. Britain and the United
States shared between them, and the consequent influence which the knowl-
edge that they held a common opinion upon a question on which such large
maritime interests, present and future, hung, could not fail to produce
upon the rest of the world.
I replied, that in what manner my government would look upon such a
suggestion, I was unable to say, but that I would communicate it in the
same informal manner in which he threw it out. I said, however, that I
did not think I should do so with full advantage, unless he would at the
same time enlighten me as to the precise situation in which His Majesty's
government stood at this moment in relation to those new states, and espe-
cially on the material point of their own independence.
He replied that Great Britain certainly never again intended to lend her
instrumentality or aid, whether by mediation or otherwise, towards making
up the dispute between Spain and her colonies; but that if this result could
still be brought about, she would not interfere to prevent it. Upon my
intimating that I had supposed that all idea of Spain ever recovering her
authority over the colonies had long since gone by, he explained by saying


1476






DOCUMENT 788: AUGUST 19, 1823


that he did not mean to controvert that opinion, for he too believed that the
day had arrived when all America might be considered as lost to Europe,
so far as the tie of political dependence was concerned. All that he meant
was, that if Spain and the colonies should still be able to bring the dispute,
not yet totally extinct between them, to a close upon terms satisfactory to
both sides, and which should at the same time secure to Spain commercial
or other advantages not extended to other nations, that Great Britain
would not object to a compromise in this spirit of preference to Spain. All
that she would ask would be, to stand upon as favoured a footing as any other
nation after Spain. Upon my again alluding to the improbability of the
dispute ever settling down now even upon this basis, he said that it was not
his intention to maintain such a position, and that he had expressed himself
as above rather for the purpose of indicating the feeling which this cabinet
still had towards Spain in relation to the controversy, than of predicting
results.
Wishing, however, to be still more specifically informed, I asked whether
Great Britain was at this moment taking any step, or contemplating any,
which had reference to the recognition to those states, this being the point
in which we felt the chief interest.
He replied that she had taken none whatever, as yet, but was upon the
eve of taking one, not final, but preparatory, and which would still leave her
at large to recognize or not according to the position of events at a future
period. The measure in question was, to send out one or more individuals
under authority from this government to South America, not strictly dip-
lomatic, but clothed with powers in the nature of a commission of inquiry,
and which in short he described as analagous to those exercised by our com-
missioners in 1817; and that upon the result of this commission much might
depend as to the ulterior conduct of Gt. Britain. I asked whether I was to
understand that it would comprehend all the new states, or which of them;
to which he replied that, for the present it would be limited to Mexico.
Reverting to his first idea he again said, that he hoped that France would
not, should even events in the Peninsula be favorable to her, extend her views
to South America for the purpose of reducing the colonies, nominally perhaps
for Spain, but in effect to subserve ends of her own; but that in case she should
meditate such a policy, he was satisfied that the knowledge of the United
States being opposed to it as well as Gt. Britain, could not fail to have its
influence in checking her steps. In this way he thought good might be done
by prevention, and peaceful prospects all round increased. As to the form
in which such knowledge might be made to reach France, and even the other
powers of Europe, he said in conclusion that that might probably be arranged
in a manner that would be free from objection.
I again told him that I would convey his suggestions to you for the in-
formation of the President, and impart to him whatever reply I might


1477







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


receive. My own inference rather is, that his proposition was a fortuitous
one; yet he entered into it I thought with some interest, and appeared to
receive with a corresponding satisfaction the assurance I gave him that it
should be made known to the President. I did not feel myself at liberty to
express any opinion unfavorable to it, and was as careful to give none in its
favor.



789
George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain 1
Private & confidential. FOREIGN OFFICE, August 20, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: Before leaving Town, I am desirous of bringing before you
in a more distinct, but still in an unofficial and confidential, shape, the ques-
tion which we shortly discussed the last time that I had the pleasure of
seeing you.
Is not the moment come when our Governments might understand each
other as to the Spanish American Colonies? And if we can arrive at such an
understanding, would it not be expedient for ourselves, and beneficial for
all the world, that the principles of it should be clearly settled and plainly
avowed?
For ourselves we have no disguise.
I. We conceive the recovery of the Colonies by Spain to be hopeless.
2. We conceive the question of the Recognition of them, as Independent
States, to be one of time and circumstances.
3. We are, however, by no means disposed to throw any impediment in
the way of an arrangement between them, and the mother country by
amicable negotiation.
4. We aim not at the possession of any portion of them ourselves.
5. We could not see any portion of them transferred to any other Power,
with indifference.
If these opinions and feelings are as I firmly believe them to be, common to
your Government with ours, why should we hesitate mutually to confide
them to each other; and to declare them in the face of the world?
If there be any European Power which cherishes other projects, which
looks to a forcible enterprise for reducing the Colonies to subjugation, on the
behalf or in the name of Spain; or which meditates the acquisition of any
part of them to itself, by cession or by conquest; such a declaration on the
part of your government and ours would be at once the most effectual and
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 23,
1823, which see below, pt. vIII, doc. 791.


1478







DOCUMENT 790: AUGUST 23, 1823


the least offensive mode of intimating our joint disapprobation of such
projects.
It would at the same time put an end to all the jealousies of Spain with
respect to her remaining Colonies-and to the agitation which prevails in
those Colonies, an agitation which it would be but humane to allay; being
determined (as we are) not to profit by encouraging it.-
Do you conceive that under the power which you have recently received,
you are authorized to enter into negotiation, and to sign any Convention
upon this subject? Do you conceive, if that be not within your competence,
you could exchange with me ministerial notes upon it?
Nothing could be more gratifying to me than to join with you in such a
work, and, I am persuaded, there has seldom, in the history of the world,
occurred an opportunity, when so small an effort, of two friendly Govern-
ments, might produce so unequivocal a good and prevent such extensive
calamities.
I shall be absent from London but three weeks at the utmost: but never so
far distant, but that I can receive and reply to any communication, within
three or four days.
I have the honor [etc.].


790
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain 1
LONDON, August 23, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: Your unofficial and confidential note of the 20th instant2
reached me yesterday, and has commanded from me all the reflection due to
the interest of its subject, and to the friendly spirit of confidence upon which
it is so emphatically founded.
The government of the United States having, in the most formal manner,
acknowledged the independence of the late Spanish provinces in America,
desires nothing more anxiously than to see this independence maintained
with stability, and under auspices that may promise prosperity and happiness
to these new states themselves, as well as advantage to the rest of the world.
As conducing to these great ends, my government has always desired, and
still desires, to see them received into the family of nations by the powers of
Europe, and especially, I may add, by Great Britain.
My government is also under a sincere conviction, that the epoch has ar-
rived when the interests of humanity and justice, as well as all other interests
would be essentially subserved by the general recognition of these states.
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 23,
1823, which see below, pt. vii, doc. 791.
2 See above, pt. viii, doc. 789.


1479







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


Making these remarks, I believe I may confidently say, that the senti-
ments unfolded in your note are fully those which belong also to my govern-
ment.
It conceives the recovery of the colonies by Spain, to be hopeless.
It would throw no impediment in the way of an arrangement between them
and the mother country, by amicable negociation-supposing an arrange-
ment of this nature to be possible.
It does not aim at the possession of any portion of those communities, for
or on behalf of the United States.
It would regard as highly unjust, and fruitful of disastrous consequences,
any attempt on the part of any European power to take possession of them by
conquest, or by cession; or on any ground or pretext whatever.
But, in what manner my government might deem it expedient to avow
these principles and feelings, or express its disapprobation of such projects as
the last, are points which none of my instructions, or the power which I have
recently received, embrace; and they involve I am forced to add considera-
tions of too much delicacy for me to act upon them in advance.
It will yield me particular pleasure to be the organ of promptly causing to
be brought under the notice of the President, the opinions and views of which
you have made me the depository upon this subject, and I am of.nothing
more sure than that he will fully appreciate their intrinsick interest, and not
less the frank and friendly feelings towards the United States in which they
have been conceived and communicated to me on your part.
Nor, do I take too much upon myself, when I anticipate the peculiar satis-
faction the President will also derive from the intimation which you have
not scrupled to afford me, as to the just and liberal determinations of His
Majesty's government, in regard to the colonies which still remain to Spain.
With a full reciprocation of the personal cordiality which your note also
breathes, and begging you to accept [etc.].





791
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, August 23, 1823.
SIR: I yesterday received from Mr. Canning a note headed "private and
confidential" setting before me in a more distinct form the proposition re-
specting South America affairs, which he communicated to me in conversa-
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.


1480






DOCUMENT 791: AUGUST 23, 1823


tion, on the I6th, as already reported in my number 323.1 Of his note2 I
lose no time in transmitting a copy for your information, as well as a copy of
my answer2 to it written and sent this day.
In shaping the answer on my own judgment alone, I feel that I have had a
task of some embarrassment to perform, and shall be happy if it receives the
President's approbation.
I believe that this government has the subject of Mr. Canning's proposi-
tion much at heart, and certainly his note bears, upon the face of it, a charac-
ter of cordiality towards the government of the United States which cannot
escape notice.
I have therefore thought it proper to impart to my note a like character,
and to meet the points laid down in his, as far as I could, consistently with
other and paramount considerations.
These I conceived to be chiefly twofold; first the danger of pledging my
government to any measure or course of policy which might in any degree,
now or hereafter, implicate it in the federative system of Europe; and, second-
ly, I have felt myself alike without warrant to take a step which might prove
exceptionable in the eyes of France, with whom our pacific and friendly re-
lations remain I presume undisturbed, whatever may be our speculative ab-
horrence of her attack upon the liberties of Spain.
In framing my answer, I had also to consider what was due to Spain her-
self, and I hope that I have not overlooked what was due to the colonies.
The whole subject is open to views on which my mind has deliberated anx-
iously. If the matter of my answer shall be thought to bear properly upon
motives and considerations which belong most materially to the occasion, it
will be a source of great satisfaction to me.
The tone of earnestness in Mr. Canning's note and the force of some of his
expressions, naturally start the inference that the British cabinet cannot be
without its serious apprehensions that ambitious enterprises are meditated
against the independence of the South American states. Whether by France
alone, I cannot now say, on any authentic grounds.
I have the honor [etc.].
'See above, pt. viii, doc. 788, Rush to Adams, August 19, 1823.
SSee above, pt. viii, docs. 789 and 790, Canning to Rush, August 20, and Rush to Can-
ning, August 23, 1823.


1481








PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


792
George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain 1
Private & confidential. LIVERPOOL, August 23, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: Since I wrote to you on the 20th,2 an additional motive has
occurred for wishing that we might be able to come to some understanding on
the part of our respective Governments on the subject of my letter; to come
to it soon, and to be at liberty to announce it to the world.
It is this. I have received notice, but not such a notice as imposes upon me
the necessity of any immediate answer or proceeding-that so soon as the
military objects in Spain are achieved (of which the French expect, how just-
ly I know not a very speedy achievement) a proposal will be made for a Con-
gress, or some less formal concert and consultation, specially upon the affairs
of Spanish America.
I need not point out to you all the complications to which this proposal,
however dealt with by us, may lead.
Pray receive this communication in the same confidence with the former;
and believe me with great truth [etc.].




793
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain 3
LONDON, August 27, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: Your favor of the 23d,4 dated at Liverpool, got to hand
yesterday, and I perceive in its contents new motives for attaching impor-
tance to the subject to which it relates.
In the note which I had the honor to address to you on the 23rd, two prin-
cipal ideas have place.
I. That the government of the United States earnestly desires to see main-
tained, permanently, the independence of the late Spanish provinces in
America.
2. That it would view with uneasiness any attempt on the part of the powers
of Europe to intrench upon that independence.
I will add, in the present note, that my government would view with like
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 28,
1823, which see below, pt. viii, doc. 794.
2 See above, pt. viii, doc. 789.
3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 28,
1823, which see below, pt. vmi, doc. 794.
See above, pt. viii, doc. 792.


1482







DOCUMENT 794: AUGUST 28, 1823


uneasiness any interference whatever, by the powers of Europe in the affairs
of those new states, unsolicited by the latter and against their will. It would
regard the convening of a congress, for example, at this period of time, to de-
liberate upon their affairs, as a measure uncalled for, and indicative of a pol-
icy highly unfriendly to the tranquillity of the world. It could never look
with insensibility upon such an exercise of European jurisdiction over com-
munities now of right exempt from it, and entitled to regulate their own con-
cerns unmolested from abroad. In speaking thus, I am entirely confident
that I do nothing more than strictly interpret the opinions of my government,
and of the whole people of the United States. It is only as to the mode in
which the former might choose to give expression to its strong disapproba-
tion of such enterprises, that my instructions at this moment, as I think, fail
me.
If you suppose any of the sentiments of this, or my preceding, note,' sus-
ceptible of being moulded by me into a form promising to achieve the object
proposed in your note of the 20th, or make2 any useful approximation to it,
I shall be most happy to take into consideration whatever suggestions you
may favor me with, towards this end, either immediately in writing, or in the
more unreserved intercourse of conversation when you return to town, being
in this respect altogether at your disposal.
I will, for the present, only add, that could His Majesty's government see
fit to consider the time now arrived for a full acknowledgment of the inde-
pendence of the South American states by Great Britain, it is my unequivo-
cal belief, entertained not on light grounds, that it would accelerate the steps
of my government in a course of policy intimated as being common to this
government, for the welfare of those states. It would also naturally place
me in a new position in my further conferences with you, upon this interesting
subject.
Begging to assure you that the notes with which you favor me are treated
in the spirit of confidence with which they are written, I have the honor [etc.].



794
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 3
LONDON, August 28, 1823.
SIR: Since my last despatch, I have received a second confidential note4
from Mr. Canning, dated at Liverpool, the 23rd, a copy of which and of my
1 See above, pt. vii, doc. 790, Rush to Canning, August 23, 1823.
2 Ibid., 789.
3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.
I See above, pt. vii, doc. 792.


1483







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


answer,i dated yesterday, are enclosed. The subject of our correspondence
being, as appears to me, of deep interest, I think proper to apprize you of it
from step to step, without waiting for the further developments to which it
may possibly lead. I hence hope that this communication will be in time to
accompany my last, in the packet ship that will leave Liverpool on the first of
September.
Mr. Canning having now distinctly informed me, that he has received no-
tice of measures being in projection by the powers of Europe relative to the
affairs of Spanish America, as soon as the French succeed in their military
movements in Spain,-which it would seem they expect soon to do,-I can-
not avoid seeing this subject under the complications to which Mr. Canning
alludes.
My first object will be to urge upon this government the obvious expediency
of an immediate and unreserved recognition of the independence of the
South American states.
It will be seen by my note to Mr. Canning of yesterday, that I have made a
beginning in this work, and, should the opportunity be afforded me, it is my
intention to follow it up zealously.
Should I be asked by Mr. Canning, whether, if the recognition be made by
Great Britain without more delay, I am, on my part, prepared to make a dec-
laration in the name of my government that it will not remain inactive under
an attack upon the independence of those states by the Holy Alliance, the
present determination of my judgment is, that I will make this declaration,
explicitly, and avow it before the world.
I am not unaware of the responsibility which I should, by such a measure,
assume upon myself. My reasons for assuming it, I have not, at present, the
leisure to recount with the requisite fulness. The leading ones would be, in
brief, as follow:
I. I may thereby aid in achieving an immediate and positive good to those
rising states in our hemisphere; for such I should conceive their recognition
at this juncture by Great Britain, in itself, to be.
2. Such recognition, cooperating with the declaration which this govern-
ment has already in effect made, that it will not look quietly on if Spanish
America is attacked, and followed up by a similar (though not joint) declara-
tion from me that neither will the United States, would prove at least a prob-
able means of warding off the attack. The minister of foreign affairs of this
government, it appears, is under a strong persuasion that it would forestall it,
and this without the recognition by England being, as yet, a part of his case.
3. Should the issue of things be different, and events notwithstanding arise
threatening the peace of the United States, or otherwise seriously to commit
them, under such a declaration from me, it would still remain with the wis-
dom of my government to disavow my conduct, as I should manifestly have
1 See above, pt. viii, doc. 793.


1484






DOCUMENT 795: AUGUST 31, 1823


acted without its previous warrant, though hoping for its subsequent sanc-
tion. I would take to myself all the reproach, consoled if not justified under
the desire that had animated me to render benefits of great magnitude to the
cause of South American independence and freedom at a point of time, which,
if lost, was not to be regained; and believing that, at all events, I should have
rendered some benefits to it, in being instrumental towards accelerating the
recognition by Great Britain.
My conduct might be disavowed in any,-issue of the transaction, and I
should still not be left without a hope, that the President would see in it
proofs of good intention, mixed with a zeal for the advancement of great politi-
cal interests, not appearing at the moment, to be indifferent ultimately to
the welfare of the United States themselves.
The result of my reasoning in a word then, is, that I find myself placed in a
situation in which, by deciding and acting promptly, I may do much public
good, whilst public mischiefs may be arrested by the controuling hand of
my government, should my conduct be likely to draw any down.
I conclude with the usual assurances [etc.].




795
George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain '
Private & confidential. STORRS, WESTMORLAND, August 31, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: I have now to acknowledge the receipt of your answer to
both my letters; & whatever may be the practical result of our confidential
communication, it is an unmixed satisfaction to me that the spirit in which it
began on my part, has been met so cordially on yours.
To a practical result eminently beneficial I see no obstacle; except in your
want of specific powers, & in the delay which may intervene before you can
procure them; & during which events may get before us.
Had you felt yourself authorized to entertain any formal propositions, and
to decide upon it, without reference home, I would immediately have taken
measures for assembling my Colleagues in London, upon my return, in order
to be enabled to submit to you as t.ie act of my government, all that I have
stated to you as my own sentiments & theirs.. But with such a delay in pros-
pect, I think I should hardly be justified in proposing to bind ourselves to
any thing positively, & unconditionally; and think on the other hand that a
proposition qualified either in respect to the contingency of your concurrence
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, September 8,
1823, which see below, pt. vmII, doc. 796.


1485







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


in it, or with reference to possible change of circumstances, would want the
decision & frankness which I should wish to mark our proceeding.
Not that I anticipate any change of circumstances, which could vary the
views opened to you in my first letter:-nor that, after what you have written
to me in return, I apprehend any essential dissimilarity of views on the part
of your Government.
But we must not place ourselves in a position, in which, if called upon from
other quarters for an opinion, we cannot give a clear & definite account not
only of what we think & feel, but of what we have done or are doing, upon the
matter in question. To be able to say, in answer to such an appeal, that the
Ud. States & Great Britain concur in thinking so & so-would be well. To
anticipate any such appeal by a voluntary declaration to the same effect
would be still better. But to have to say that we are in communication with
the U. States, but have no conclusive understanding with them, would be in-
convenient-Our free agency would thus be fettered with respect to other
powers; while our agreement with you would be yet unascertained.
What appears to me, therefore, the most advisable is that you should see
in my unofficial communication enough hope of good to warrant you in re-
quiring Powers & Instructions from your Government on this point, in addi-
tion to the others upon which you have recently been instructed & empowered;
treating that communication not as a proposition made to you, but as the
evidence of the nature of a proposition which it would have been my desire
to make to you, if I had found you provided with authority to entertain it.
I have the honor [etc.].



796
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, September 8, 1823.
SIR: I yesterday received another confidential note from Mr. Canning,
dated the thirty first of August, a copy 2 of which I have the honor to enclose
herewith for the President's information.
From this note it would appear, that Mr. Canning is not prepared to
pledge this government to an immediate recognition of the independence of
the South American states. I shall renew to him a proposition to this effect
when we meet; but should he continue to draw back from it, I shall on my
part not act upon the overture contained in his first note, not feeling myself
at liberty to accede to them in the name of my government, but upon the
basis of an equivalent. This equivalent as I now view the subject could be
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX. 2 See above, pt. vIII, doc. 795.


1486







DOCUMENT 797: SEPTEMBER 19, 1823


nothing less than the immediate and full acknowledgment of those states, or
some of them, by Gt. Britain.
I shall send this despatch by this evening's mail to Liverpool, and have
reason to hope that it will go in a ship that sails on the eighth, whereby there
will have been not a moment's delay in putting you in possession of all the
correspondence that has passed between Mr. Canning and me, or that now
seems likely to pass, upon this delicate subject. I cannot help thinking,
however, that its apparent urgency may, after all, be lessened by the turn
which we may yet witness in affairs, military and political, in Spain.
I have the honor [etc.].



797
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States L
LONDON, September 19, 1823.
SIR: Mr. Secretary Canning returned to town about a week ago, and I had
an interview with him yesterday at the foreign office, at his request.
He entered at once upon the subject of Spanish America, remarking that
he thought it claimed precedence, at present, over all others between us.
Military events in the Peninsula seemed every day to be drawing nearer to a
crisis in favor of the French arms, and the political arrangements projected
afterwards, would, there was good reason to suppose, be immediately direct-
ed to the affairs of the late colonies. He would therefore not give up the
hope, notwithstanding the footing upon which this subject appeared to be
placed at the close of our recent correspondence, that I might yet see my way
towards a substantial acquiescence in his proposals. They were hourly ac-
quiring new importance and urgency under aspects that neither of our
governments could be insensible to.
Having perceived, since we had last been together, the publication in the
newspapers of the correspondence between a portion of the merchants of
London and the foreign office, respecting the appointment of consuls, or
commercial agents, for the South American states, I asked Mr. Canning
whether I was to infer that this government was speedily about to adopt
such a measure, to which he replied in the affirmative, saying that commer-
cial agents would certainly be soon appointed, and sent out to the proper
ports in those quarters.
As to the proposals he had submitted to me, I said that I was sure that he
would himself appreciate the delicacy of the ground upon which I stood. The
United States, it was true, would view any attempt on the part of France and
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.


1487







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


the continental alliance to re-subjugate those new states, as a transcendent
act of national injustice, and indicative of a progressive and most alarming
ambition. Yet, to join Great Britain in a declaration to this effect might
lay them open in some respects to consequences upon the character and ex-
tent of which it became my duty to reflect with great caution, before I made
up my mind to meet the responsibilities of them. The value of the declara-
tion, it was agreed, would depend upon its being formally made known to
Europe. Would not such a step wear the appearance of the United States
implicating themselves in the political connexions of Europe? Would it not
be acceding, in this instance at least, to the policy of one of its leading powers
in opposition to the projects avowed by other powers? This heretofore had
been no part of the system of the United States. Their foreign policy had
been essentially bottomed on the maxim of keeping peace and harmony with
all powers, without offending any. Upon the institutions as upon the dis-
sentions of foreign nations, the government and the people of the United
States might have, and might express, their speculative opinions; but it had
been no part of their past conduct to interfere with the one, or, being un-
molested themselves, to become parties to the other. In this broad princi-
ple laid one of my difficulties under his proposals.
He replied, that however just such a policy might have been formerly, or
might continue to be as a general policy, he apprehended that powerful and
controuling circumstances made it inapplicable on the present occasion. The
question was a new and a complicated one in modern affairs. It was also, to
the full, as much American as European, to say no more. It concerned the
United States under interests as immediate and commanding, as it did or
could any of the states of Europe. They (the United States) were the first
power established on that continent, and now confessedly the leading power.
They were connected with Spanish America by their position, as with Europe
by their relations. They also stood connected with these new states by
political relations. Was it possible that they could see with'indifference
their fate decided upon by Europe? Could Europe expect this indifference?
Had not a new epoch arrived in the relative position of the United States to-
wards Europe, which Europe must acknowledge? Were the great political
and commercial interests which hung upon the destinies of the new continent,
to be canvassed and adjusted in this hemisphere without the cooperation or
even knowledge of the United States? Were they to be canvassed and ad-
justed, he would add, without some proper understanding between the
United States and Great Britain, as the two chief commercial and maritime
states of both worlds? He hoped not, he would wish to persuade himself
not. Such was the tenor of his remarks. I said, that his suggestions were
not unworthy of great consideration, and that such and others of the same
nature would probably not escape the attention of my government. There
might, I was aware, be room for thinking, that the late formation of these


1488






DOCUMENT 797: SEPTEMBER 19, 1823


new states would impose new political duties upon the United States, not
merely as coupled with the great cause of national justice and freedom, but
as more closely coupled with their own present and future interests, and with
the very existence finally of their own institutions. That I might, perhaps,
speaking for myself as an individual, be able to imagine that the expression
of a voice by the United States, upon the destinies of these states, admitting
that the powers of Europe usurped a right to bring them under deliberation,
would imply no real departure from the principles that had heretofore regulat-
ed their foreign intercourse, or pledge them henceforth to the federative or
political connexions of the old world. If, too, that voice happened to be in
unison with the voice of Great Britain, I admitted that it might prove but
the more auspicious to the common object which both nations had in view,
without committing either to any systematic or ulterior concert. But I
said, that as the question of the United States expressing this voice, and pro-
mulgating it under official authority to the powers of Europe, was one of
novelty as well as magnitude in their history, it was for my government
and not for me to decide upon it. Concomitant and after-duties of a grave
and momentous character might be bound up in such a step. I was willing
to take upon myself any fair responsibility growing out of the station which
I hold under the confidence of my government. But here was a case wholly
new, and not seeming to fall within the range of any of the contingent or dis-
cretionary duties that could have been in contemplation when I was clothed
with my commission. For meeting a case thus extraordinary, if I could do
so at all, I ought to have some justification beyond any that had yet been
laid before me. Such was my opinion; such the conclusion to which I had
been forced to come after full and anxious reflection.
He said that the case being new, might serve to account for my not being in
possession of previous or specific powers respecting it, but that its very nature
seemed to preclude delay. He had the strongest reasons for believing, that '--
the cooperation of the United States with England through my instrumen-
tality, afforded with promptitude, would ward off altogether the meditated
jurisdiction of the European powers over the affairs of the new world. Delay
this cooperation until I could receive specific powers, and the day might go
by; the progress of events was rapid; the evil might come on. A portion of it
might and probably would be consummated, and if Great Britain could by
herself afterwards arrest it, there was at least more of uncertainty in this, be-
sides that preventive measures were always, whether on the score of humani-
ty or efficacy, preferable to those that were remedial. Why then should the
United States whose institutions always, and whose policy in this instance,
approximated them so much more closely to Great Britain than to any other
power in Europe, hesitate to act with her to promote a common object ap-
proved alike by both; to achieve a common good estimated alike by both?
To this effect did he express himself, amplifying his ideas of which I present


1489







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


but the substance and outline. He finished by saying, that his station and
duties as the organ of this government would oblige him to call upon me in
another way, if I continued to feel unable to assent to his past proposals;
for, said he, "if a congress be in fact assembled on the affairs of Spanish
America, I shall ask that you, as the representative of the United States at
this court, be invited to attend it. If you are not invited, I shall reserve to
myself the option of determining whether or not Great Britain will send a rep-
resentative to it. If you are invited and refuse to go, I shall still reserve to
myself the same option. Hence you see the complication of the whole sub-
ject; hence you see how essential it is, in the opinion of Great Britain, that
the United States should not be left out of view, if Europe determine to take
cognizance of the subject." These last declarations could not fail to make
an impression upon me, and I give them as nearly as may be in his own words.
The complication of the subject said I, continuing the discussion, may be
cured at once, and by Great Britain. Let Great Britain immediately and
unequivocally acknowledge the independence of the new states. This will
put an end to all difficulty. The moment is auspicious, every thing invites
to the measure, justice, expediency, humanity; the repose of the world, the
cause of national independence, the prosperity and happiness of both hemi-
spheres. Let Britain but adopt this measure-so just in itself, so recommend-
ed by the point of time before us-the cause of all Spanish America tri-
umphs. The European congress may meet afterwards, if it sees fit!
He said that such a measure was open to objection, but asked if he was to
understand that it would make any difference in my powers or conduct.
I replied, the greatest difference. I had frankly told him that I had no
powers that would cover my consent to his proposals in the shape that he had
first made them to me. I would as frankly say, that I had no specific
/powers to consent to them coupled with the fact of this government acknowl-
edging at once the independence of Spanish America. But, this being done,
I would stand upon my general powers. I had no hesitation in saying that,
under their warrant, I would put forth with Great Britain the declaration to
which he had invited me; that I would do so in the name of my government,
and consent to its being promulgated, with all the present validity that I
could give it, to the world. I had carefully examined all my instructions for
years past bearing either directly or remotely on the great cause of these states.
I saw in them all, so steady and so strong a desire for the firm establishment
of their freedom and independence; I saw, too, sometimes in their letter and
Always in their spirit, so concurrent a desire to see their independence ac-
knowledged by Great Britain, that I would not scruple, on seeing the latter
Seventh brought about, to lend my official name, as far as it could go, to the
course which he had proposed, and count upon my government stamping with
its subsequent sanction the part which I acted. If I could be in any degree in-
strumental towards accelerating this acknowledgment, I should feel that I


1490






DOCUMENT 797: SEPTEMBER 19, 1823


had achieved a great and positive good. Upon British recognition hung, not
indeed the final, but perhaps in an eminent degree the present tranquility and
happiness of those states. Their final safety was not, as I believed, at the
mercy of European dictation; but we could not disguise that it might pro-
long their sufferings, and throw fresh clouds over all their prospects. It was
in this manner that I expressed myself, displaying to him with entire can-
dour my feelings and determinations, as well as the precise ground upon which
the steps that I took, whatever they might be, would rest.
He said that among the objections to recognizing at present, was still that
of the uncertain condition, internally, of these new states, or, at any rate, of
some of them. He had, for example, sent an agent in January last to Mexico,
supposing that Iturbide was at the head of affairs; but by the time he had ar-
rived, a fresh revolution had set up other representatives of the executive'
power. The same internal vicissitudes were to be remarked in others of these
communities, more to the south.
Another objection he said was started by the circumstances of this very
Colombian loan, which had created so much agitation on the stock exchange-
of London for a twelvemonth past. It was true, that as this subject actually'
stood, the British Government owed no obligation to those British subjects
who had embarked their money in an adventure of the safety of which they
had themselves chosen to be the judges. But suppose the recognition to
have been made by Great Britain sometime ago, as was wished, and the loan
to have followed, would not the duty of countenance and protection have
attached, and might not this serve to portray the hazards of coming too hastily
into relations with distant states whose credit or whose means, in their deal-
ings with the subjects of other nations, did not as yet appear to rest on any
sure or adequate foundations?
Respecting the latter topick I replied, that it was beyond my competence
to disentangle all its details. All I could say was, that the government of
Colombia as far as I was informed had fallen into no departure from good
faith in the transaction, and it yet remained to- be known whether it would
not in the end give satisfaction to all the parties concerned. But,-far from
an obstacle in the way of recognizing, it appeared to me that the incident
fairly led to different conclusions; for had Colombia at the period of the loan
been admitted to regular relations with this government, it is to be presumed
that the powers of her diplomatic agents would have been open to other
examinations than they appear to have received, and the whole transaction
thus been freed from the subsequent embarrassments which surrounded it.
As to internal vicissitudes, I remarked that the dilemma thence arising was
not greater than had been witnessed in France from time to time during a
period of more than twenty years, than had been seen in Naples since, or
than was experienced at this very moment by Britain herself in her diplo-
matick intercourse with Portugal and Spain. Had we not seen revolutions


1491







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


and counter-revolutions, royal governments, constitutional governments,
regencies, succeeding each other almost day by day in the oldest countries
of Europe, whose affairs too were still as unsettled as when these commotions
began? Why then be surprised at changes in the new world? Besides,
these changes would be likely to be largely if not entirely checked by the fact
of the new states being recognized by Europe. This would give stability
to their institutions, and, by breaking down the hopes of the discontented
and the factions amongst themselves, become the sure guarantees of their
greater internal prosperity and repose. What proofs had they not given of
military power? What proofs were they not giving of political wisdom?
Look at Buenos Ayres, that as long ago as 1807 could repulse the well-
appointed legions of Britain herself. Look at Colombia,-she was at this
moment, at one and the same time, laying the ground work of a confederacy
for all Spanish America, and by her auxiliary veterans marched into Peru,
upholding the cause of emancipation upon that shore. Every thing attested
the reality of that emancipation. It was irrevocable. Spain might go on
with her languid efforts and protract, through her delusion, the miseries of
war. But over Spanish American independence, she had no longer any
controul-Europe had no control. It was a question forever settled. It
would soon be seen by Britain, that the United States, in their proposals for
adjusting with Russia, and with Britain, the respective pretensions of the
three powers on the coasts of the Pacific, were forced to take for granted the
independence of all the late colonies of Spain on that continent, as the
inevitable basis of all just and practical negotiation. Their independence
was, in fine, the new political element of modern times and must henceforth
.pervade the political arrangements of both worlds. Why then should
Britain longer forbear to acknowledge this independence? She had already
done so in effect; why should she not in form? She had, by her solemn
Statutes, made her trade with those new states lawful; she had stood ready
to support that trade with her squadrons; she was on the eve of sending out
commercial agents to reside in some or all of them, as the guardians of
British interests; all this she had done, and more. She had even declared in
her state papers, that the question of their independence was substantially
decided though the formal recognition of it might indeed be retarded, or be
hastened, by external circumstances. What external circumstances could
( be imagined more imperious for hastening this formal recognition than the
present, when Spain is seen to be doubly incapacitated from regaining
dominion over these states, and continental Europe actually meditating such
unwarrantable designs upon them?
It was thus that I endeavoured to develop what I suppose to be the views
and convictions of the President upon this important subject. Our conver-
sation was prolonged to a couple of hours, and, although informal, was, I
need not say, of extraordinary interest. It was characterized by the freedom


1492






DOCUMENT 797: SEPTEMBER 19, 1823


with which I have reported it. In condensing it within the limits of these
sheets, I can only hope that I have faithfully preserved its material point
I do not flatter myself with any sanguine belief, that this government will b
prepared to yield to my appeals in favor of immediate recognition; but I am
to have another interview with Mr. Canning some day next week, or the
week after, which he is yet to name, and I can only say that I will zealously
renew and extend these appeals as opportunities may be fitly afforded me.
Not knowing what other topicks might have been handled at our interview
yesterday, I had carried several of my papers with me, and amongst them a
copy of your despatch number seventy one.' I was glad that I had done so,
for thinking that the sentiments which it expresses on the value of the
existing and prospective concord between the two countries, were in unison
with the spirit of parts of our conversation, I did not scruple to read to him
before we separated its introductory pages. He was alike struck with their
applicability, and I flatter myself that so opportune an exhibition to him of
these sentiments so recently conveyed to me from the high source of my
government, may not be without its uses.
Should a congress be assembled under the. guilty intention and hope of
crushing South American freedom, and I receive an invitation to it, I shall
not go, though the time for me to say so will not arrive until the invitation
comes. For, first, I have no warrant from the President for such a step.
Next, I infer from Mr. Canning's intimations, that Great Britain will send
no representative to it, should the United States have none there. I should
in this manner, by my absence, do more good than I possibly could b'y.my.
presence. It is thus that I already make known my contingent determina-
tions upon events that are contingent!
Mr. Canning was not, as it appeared, aware until yesterday, that I was
prepared to come into his views, on condition of this government immedi-
ately and formally recognizing the new states. I had intended that the
concluding sentence of my note2 to him of the twenty seventh of August
should start this idea to his mind, though I had designedly abstained from
putting it forth more openly at that period of our correspondence.
I have the honor [etc.].
1 Not profited. 2 See above, pt. viu, doc. 793.

7 "


1493







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


798
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, October 2, 1823.
SIR: I had another interview with Mr. Canning on the twenty sixth of
last month, at Gloucester Lodge, his residence a short distance from town.
The immediate motive of his inviting me to this interview was, to show me
a despatch which he had just received from Sir Charles Stewart, the British
ambassador at Paris, which had a bearing upon our late conferences respect-
ing Spanish America. It recounted a short conversation which he had had
with our charge d'affaires at that court, Mr. Sheldon, the purport of which
was, that Sir Charles having taken occasion to mention to Mr. Sheldon the
projects of France and the Alliance upon Spanish America, Mr. Sheldon
replied that the government of the United States was aware of them all, and
disapproved of them. Mr. Canning, inferring that this reply of our charge
d'affaires probably rested upon some instructions or information from the
government of the United States, also inferred that it might lend its aid
towards my consent to his proposals 2 of the 20th of August. He added, that
the despatch of Sir Charles Stewart had proceeded from no previous com-
munication whatever from him (Mr. Canning) upon the subject, but had
been altogether written on his own motion.
I replied, that what instructions or information the Legation of the U.
States at Paris might have received upon this subject, I could not undertake
to say with confidence; but that I scarcely believed any had reached it, which
were not common to me. That certainly I had none, other than those
general instructions which I had already mentioned to him, evidently never
framed to meet the precise crisis which he supposed to be at hand respecting
Spanish America, but under the comprehensive spirit of which I was never-
theless willing to go forward with him in his proposals upon the terms I had
stated, in the hope of arresting this crisis.
He now declared that this government felt great embarrassments as re-
garded the immediate recognition of these new states, embarrassments which
had not been common to the U. States, and asked whether I could not give
my assent to his proposals on a promise by Great Britain of future acknowl-
edgment. To this intimation I gave an immediate and unequivocal refusal.
Further conversation passed between us though chiefly of a desultory nature,
(it shall be reported at a future time,) and the conference ended by his say-
ing that he would invite me to another interview in the course of a few days.
Having waited until now without yet hearing from him, I have concluded
to write you thus much of what passed on the 26th without more delay. It
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.
2 See above, pt. viii, doc. 789.


1494






DOCUMENT 799: OCTOBER 9, 1823


does not fall within any of my intentions to accede to Mr. Canning's over-
tures but on the basis of a previous and explicit acknowledgment of the new
states by this government in manner as formal and ample in all respects as
was done by the United States, whose act of acknowledgment will be the
example upon which I shall stand. Even then, the guarded manner in
which alone my consent will be given when I come to use the name of my
government, will, I trust, be found to free the step from all serious exception
on my part, should I finally take it.
I cannot be unaware, that in this whole transaction the British cabinet
are striving for their own ends; yet if these ends promise in this instance to
be also auspicious to the safety and independence of all Spanish America,
I persuade myself that we cannot look upon them but with approbation.
England it is true has given her countenance, and still does, to all the evils
with which the holy Alliance have afflicted Europe; but if she at length has
determined to stay the career of their formidable and despotick ambition in
the other hemisphere, the United States seem to owe it to all the policy and
to all the principles of their system, to hail the effects whatever may be the
motives of her conduct.
Mr. Canning at the close of the above interview, expressed his desire, that
in informing my government of his communications to me, I would treat
them as entirely confidential, as well the verbal as the written; the more so
if no act resulted from them. That no act will result from them, is my pres-
ent belief.
I have the honor [etc.].


799
Memorandum.of a Conference between the Prince de Polignac, French Am-
bassador to Great Britain, and Mr. Canning, Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, begun Thursday, October
9, and concluded Sunday, October 12, 1823 '
The Prince de Polignac, having announced to Mr. Canning, that His
Excellency was now prepared to enter with Mr. Canning into a frank ex-
planation of the views of his Government respecting the question of Span-
ish America, in return for a similar communication which Mr. Canning had
previously offered to make to the Prince de Polignac on the part 'of the
British Cabinet, Mr. Canning stated:
That the British Cabinet has no disguise or reservation on that subject:
That their opinions and intentions were substantially the same as were an-
nounced to the French Government by the dispatch of Mr. Canning to Sir
Charles Stuart [Stewart?] of the 31st of March; which that Ambassador
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed with Rush to Adams, December
27, 1823, which see below, pt. VII, doc. 808.


1495




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