• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Cover
 Front Matter
 Half Title
 Table of Contents
 Title Page
 Introduction
 Preface
 List of documents
 Communications from the United...
 Communications from Argentina
 Back Cover






Group Title: Publications of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law
Title: Diplomatic correspondence of the United States concerning the independence of the Latin-American nations
ALL VOLUMES CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00023701/00001
 Material Information
Title: Diplomatic correspondence of the United States concerning the independence of the Latin-American nations
Series Title: Publications of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law
Physical Description: 3 v. : ; 26 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Manning, William Ray
Manning, William R ( William Ray ), 1871-1942
United States -- Dept. of State
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Place of Publication: New York
Toronto
London
Bombay
Publication Date: 1925
Copyright Date: 1925
 Subjects
Subject: Foreign relations -- United States -- Latin America   ( lcsh )
Foreign relations -- Latin America -- United States   ( lcsh )
History -- Sources -- Latin America -- Wars of Independence, 1806-1830   ( lcsh )
Relations extérieures -- États-Unis -- Amérique latine   ( rvm )
Relations extérieures -- Amérique latine -- États-Unis   ( rvm )
Histoire -- Sources -- Amérique latine -- 1806-1830 (Guerres d'indépendance)   ( rvm )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Sources   ( lcsh )
 Notes
Statement of Responsibility: selected and arranged by William R. Manning.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00023701
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: notis - ADE9374
alephbibnum - 000620046
oclc - 00806763
lccn - 25019089

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Front Matter
        Front Matter 1
        Front Matter 2
        Front Matter 3
        Front Matter 4
        Front Matter 5
    Half Title
        Page i
        Page ii
    Table of Contents
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Title Page
        Page v
        Page vi
    Introduction
        Page vii
        Page viii
    Preface
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii-Xiv
    List of documents
        Page xv
        Page xvi
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    Communications from the United States
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    Communications from Argentina
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Full Text













UNIVERSITY
OF FLORIDA
LIBRARY


THE GIFT OF


Carnegie Endowment























Publications of the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Division of International Law
Washington
























DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE
UNITED STATES CONCERNING THE
INDEPENDENCE OF THE LATIN-AMERICAN NATIONS















CONTENTS

VOLUME I


I.-Communications
II.-Communications



III.-Communications
IV.-Communications
V.-Communications
VI.-Communications
VII.-Communicafions


from the United States.............
from Argentina ................. ..

VOLUME II

from B razil .......................
from Central America. ..............
from Chile ........................
from (Great) Colombia .............
from France ................... ...


VIII.-Communications
IX.-Communications


VOLUME III

from Great Britain.........
from Mexico ..............


. .. 1429
....... 1591


PART X.-Communications from the Netherlands ..............
PART XI.-Communications from Peru ........................
PART XII.-Communications from Russia .......................
PART XIII.-Communications from Spain .....................
PART XIV.-Communications from Uruguay .....................


Each volume contains a detailed list of the documents included therein.


PART
PART



PART
PART
PART
PART
PART


PAGE
I

317



667
869
893
I14I
1369


PART
PART


1709
1717
1849
1889
2173









DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE UNITED STATES


CONCERNING



THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE

LATIN-AMERICAN NATIONS






SELECTED AND ARRANGED BY

WILLIAM R. MANNING, PH.D.
Division of Latin-American Affairs
Department of State
Author of THE NOOTKA SOUND CONTROVERSY; of EARLY DIPLOMATIC
RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO, and
Editor of ARBITRATION TREATIES AMONG
THE AMERICAN NATIONS





VOLUME I
CONTAINING PARTS I AND II
DOCUMENTS 1-320









NEW YORK
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
AMERICAN BRANCH: 35 WEST 32ND STREET
LONDON, TORONTO, MELBOURNE. AND BOMBAY
1925


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COPYRIGHT 1925

BY THE

CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE






































PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
AT THE RUMPORD PRESS. CONCORD, N. R.










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INTRODUCTION


The proposal for the publication of the Diplomatic Correspondence of the
United States concerning the Independence of the Latin-American Nations was
made to the Director of the Division of International Law by Dr. Alejandro
Alvarez, then and now a distinguished publicist of Chile, in a memorandum
under date of May 12, 1916. He thus explained the need for a publication
of this kind, suggesting both its content and the service which it would
render to the Americas:
One of the necessities most strongly felt by all students of the inter-
national law and diplomatic history of our continent is the knowledge
of the documents relative to the glorious period of the emancipation of
the Latin-American nations. Among those documents, the foreign
papers or papers of a diplomatic character in the files of the Department
of State of the United States, as well as the correspondence of the states-
men who then had the honor of conducting the foreign relations of said
country, occupy a preferent place. The importance of those precedents
arises from the active and efficient part which the United States took in
the movement of emancipation of the Latin-American states and from
the careful reports which, upon the political, economical and social
situation of these states were sent to the Department at Washington by
the agents which the former credited to the latter.
This of course is equivalent to saying that in the files of the Depart-
ment of State of the United States there is a considerable quantity of
material for the diplomatic, political and economic history of Latin
America.
While many of these documents had been published in "American
State Papers, Foreign Relations" a great portion of them remain still
unpublished and therefore are unknown to historians.
In our estimation the Carnegie Endowment would accomplish some-
thing of far-reaching effect, of scientific results and Pan-American
approximation, if it should decide to pay the expenses which the printing
of all such documents should demand, and if it should solicit the
acquiescence of the Government of the United States of America for the
purpose.
The documents hereinbefore referred to are all those between I8Io,
in which the emancipation movement of the old Spanish colonies was
initiated, and 1830, the date of the dissolution of Great Colombia; and
in which the very recent Pan-Americanism began to die away in order
to revive with greater momentum and energy during the latter part of
the last century.
In order that the work in respect to which the patronage of the
Carnegie Endowment is requested, will fully meet the high aims which
will be pursued by it, it will be necessary to proceed previously to a
proper and methodic selection, arrangement and classification of the
documents which are to be published.







INTRODUCTION


Several members of the Governing Board of the Pan American Union
to whose consideration we have submitted the idea herein stated by us,
not only have welcomed it with enthusiasm and with manifestations of
approval, but they believe that in carrying it into effect, the Carnegie
Endowment will once more win the gratitude of Latin America.
While the work in question must comprise several volumes, we do not
hesitate to assert that the benefits which it will render will greatly
compensate the expenditure which its arrangement and printing may
demand.

The proposal was approved by the Executive Committee within the
course of that year, and the Director was authorized "to arrange with
William R. Manning, professor of Latin-American history in the Univer-
sity of Texas, for the collection and preparation for publication of the
official correspondence and documents of the United States concerning the
emancipation of the Latin-American countries."
Professor Manning agreed to select and arrange these documents for
publication and came to Washington for this purpose in the fall of 1917.
On April 6, 1917, when the United States entered the World War the De-
partment of State, as a consequence thereof, closed its archives to the public.
Professor Manning was therefore obliged to limit himself for some time
to the designation for republication of pertinent documents already pub-
lished by the United States. However, in 1922, the archives of the Depart-
ment were opened to the enterprise and he was enabled to continue his
investigations in the Department, where he had since 1918 been employed,
and bring the undertaking to a close.
It is the earnest hope of the authorities of the Carnegie Endowment that
these three volumes containing documents of priceless value, which enable
as they do the Latin-American countries to trace the painful steps of their
emancipation, will be accepted by them as an evidence of the friendly feeling
of the people of the United States of North America; and that in carrying
the project into effect the Endowment has accomplished, to quote Dr.
Alvarez, "something of far-reaching effect, of scientific results and Pan-
American approximation "- something for which it really will, as prophesied
by members of the Governing Board of the Pan American Union, "win the
gratitude of Latin America."
JAMES BROWN SCOTT.
WASHINGTON, D. C.,
May 13, 1925.


viii


I I-












PREFACE

An effort has been made to include in this collection all of the more
important diplomatic correspondence of the United States regarding the
independence of the Latin-American countries. Very few documents earlier
than 181o and none later than 1830, with a single exception which reviews
events of the latter year, have been selected. Geographically the compila-
tion will be found to include correspondence not only with the Latin-Ameri-
can countries whose independence was an accomplished fact before the latter
date and with which frequent communication had been established but also
with certain European countries where the Latin-American emancipation
movement elicited especial interest.
The documents which have not previously been published, comprising
by far the largest portion, have been copied from the original manuscripts
preserved in the archives of the Department of State of the United States.
In the selection of the pertinent documents and the pertinent portions of
documents only partially devoted to the subject about four hundred and
thirty bound volumes of manuscripts have been carefully examined. For
various reasons, chiefly because of inevitable human limitations, it is
probable that some important documents have been overlooked. In a few
instances series of papers which there is good reason to believe should have
reached the Department have not been found. Some such gaps are said
to be possibly attributable to the destruction of portions of the archives in
connection with the brief occupation of Washington by British troops during
the second war with Great Britain, although in this connection it should be
stated, concerning the most important missing series, that, in accordance
with instructions of President Monroe, Daniel Brent, the Chief Clerk, on
September 26, i818,1 forwarded to Joel Roberts Poinsett, his manuscript
Journal No. I, together with all the letters received from him which were
then in the files of the Department of State.
To prosecute this exploration of the archives a fortuitous circumstance
made it possible for the editor to avail himself of the services of Mr. T. John
Newton, who had for forty-eight years been connected with the Bureau of
Indexes and Archives of the Department of State and is more familiar than
any other person with the older portion of the archives. He had, in accord
with the Civil Service pension rules, retired from the Departmental service
less than a month before this work was begun. For eleven months he de-
I See letter of this date from Daniel Brent to Joel Roberts Poinsett, MS. Domestic Letters,
XVII, p. 212.








PREFACE


voted his time to it; and much of the credit for its thoroughness is due to
him. In cases of doubt whether a particular paper or portion of a paper
should or should not be included, and when he could not conveniently con-
sult the editor, it was his practice to err, if at all, on the side of inclusion.
In reviewing and arranging the transcripts for publication the editor found
textual reference to many other papers and had them added. And although
he has rejected a considerable number of documents and portions of docu-
ments believed not to be sufficiently apropos, there are still to be found some
documents and many brief portions of documents whose pertinency will be
questioned. This is due to the fact that the editor also has striven to err,
when he might err in this regard, on the side of inclusion. In some cases
wholly unrelated sentences or brief paragraphs have been permitted to stand
merely because it was considered unnecessary or undesirable to break the
continuity of the papers by such small omissions. A few entire documents
which are only remotely relevant have been allowed to remain because of
their inherent interest.
The editor has permitted most of the idiosyncrasies of the writers of these
documents to stand, making correction only in case of manifest and in-
advertent error, where the correction could in nowise affect the sense. Strict
stylists will be able to discover not only blunders but inconsistencies in spelling,
grammatical construction, punctuation, and capitalization throughout the
volumes. A casual examination will reveal the fact that to have dressed all
of the documents in comely State Department style would have required a
practical rewriting of many of them, especially those coming from consular
appointees, who at this early period were frequently selected from the few
available, usually not highly educated, practical merchants already resident
in the communities to which they were accredited. Some of the special
agents and even of the regular diplomatic appointees will also be seen to
have been far from perfect in matters of grammar and spelling.
Neither has an attempt been made to eliminate all indiscreet or undiplo-
matic language, which if published contemporaneously might have given
just offense to foreign governments or officials or have proved embarrassing
to the writers, although some obviously improper statements have been
deleted where their deletion could not materially alter the sense of the
documents. The latest of the papers being nearly a hundred years old, it is
believed that none of the governments mentioned or the living relatives of
their officials or of the writers will take offense at the publication now of
indiscretions due to the passions or prejudices of a century ago. Their
retention enables the reader of the present better to get into the atmosphere
of the past and therefore enhances the historical value of the publication.
The documents printed in the old American State Papers, Foreign Relations
which are pertinent to the present collection have been reprinted not only
because of the desire to have the collection complete in itself, or as nearly so







PREFACE


as it has been feasible to make it, but also because the former publication,
being out of print, is rather inaccessible to the public at large. Some of the
documents will also be found in other publications, especially contemporary
periodicals, in Congressional documents, and the printed correspondence of
officials who drafted the papers, and a few have been quoted in diplomatic
and historical treatises. Few citations have been made, however, except to
American State Papers, Foreign Relations, and to the volumes of manuscripts
in the archives of the Department of State. Since the documents contained
in the publication named were also copied from the archives of the Depart-
ment of State, especially since they were officially prepared and printed,
much labor in preparing the manuscript for the present publication, and some
space in the publication, could have been saved by omitting all citations of
sources except this prefatory explanation; but in order to facilitate the use of
the present publication as a work of reference it has been considered worth
while to incur the additional expense involved in citing individually the
source of each document.
In some of the footnotes will be found brief reviews of the diplomatic
careers of the more important writers or recipients of the documents to which
they are appended. These reviews are taken from the Register of the De-
partment of State printed in March 1874 of which Part II, entitled "Histori-
cal Register," contains the records, from 1789 to that date, of the
Department's officials, its more important diplomatic agents to foreign
countries, and the heads of foreign missions in the United States. The in-
tention has been to append the record to the document where the name
of the individual concerned first appears.
It will be observed that the documents have been arranged in fourteen
parts, each designated by the name of the country in which the papers
included therein originated. Part I, entitled "Communications from the
United States," contains not only the Department of State's instructions to
its representatives in foreign countries but also its notes to the representatives
in Washington from those countries; and in addition to these, which alone
are ordinarily understood to be included in the designation "diplomatic
communications from the United States", there have also been included the
more significant messages or portions thereof from the President of the
United States to Congress, commenting upon the Latin-American struggle
for independence, and a few such papers originating in Congress. The
communications from foreign countries are arranged in alphabetical order,
according to the countries of origin, and the Part designated by the name of
each contains not only despatches from the representatives of the United
States in that country and correspondence between them and the officials of
that country, but also the notes from that country's representatives in
Washington to the Department of State.
For access to the archives, and for the provision of space and other con-







PREFACE


veniences for carrying on the work, acknowledgments are due to the late
Mr. Alvey A. Adee, Second Assistant Secretary of the Department, to the
late Dr. Gaillard Hunt, Chief of the Division of Publications, and to Mr.
David A. Salmon, Chief of the Bureau of Indexes and Archives. For per-
mission to supervise the work while continuing his regular departmental
duties the editor's personal acknowledgments are due to Mr. Francis White,
Chief of the Division of Latin-American Affairs, and to the former Second
Assistant Secretary.
WILLIAM R. MANNING.










LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I

PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES

DNc. From
No. From To Date Page
No.


Robert Smith, Sec.
of State

Same
Same



Same


Same



Same


Same
Same


Same


James Monroe, Sec. of
State

Same


Same

Same


Same


Same

Same

Same


Gen. John Armstrong,
U. S. Minister to
France
Same
Thomas Sumter, Jr.,
U. S. Minister to Por-
tuguese Court in
Brazil
William Pinkney, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Joel Roberts Poinsett, ap-
pointed Special Agent
of the U. S. to South
America
Gen. John Armstrong,
U. S. Minister to
France
Same
William Shaler, U. S.
Agent for Seamen and
Commerce, Habana
William Pinkney, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Consul General
at Buenos Aires
John Quincy Adams,
U. S. Minister to
Russia
Joel Barlow, U. S. Minis-
ter to France
Samuel L. Mitchell, U. S.
Representative from
New York
Talisfero de Orea, Com-
missioner of Vene-
zuela to the U. S.
Alexander Scott, U. S.
Agent to Caracas
M. Palacio, Agent of
Cartagena to the U. S.
John Quincy Adams, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain


April 27, 1809


May I, 18o9
Aug. i, 1809



June 13, 18io


June 28, I8IO



Nov. I, 18IO


Nov. 2, 18io
Nov. 6, I18o


Jan. 22, 181


April 30, III8


Nov. 23, 181x


Nov. 27, 18II

Dec. 9, i8II


Dec. 19, 181x


May 14, 1812

Dec. 29, 1812

Dec. Io, 1815


3


3
5



5


6



7


8
9


9


II


12


12

13


14


14


xv









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I

PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued)


Doc. From To Date Page
No.


James Monroe, Sec.
of State
Same


Same


Same


Same

Same


Same

Same
Same


Same

Same

Same
Same


Same

Same


James Monroe, Sec.
of State
Richard Rush, Sec. of
State, ad interim
Same
Same


James Monroe, Presi-
dent of the U. S.


Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
John Quincy Adams,
U. S. Minister to
Great Britain
Levett Harris, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires in
Russia
William Eustis, U. S.
Minister to the
Netherlands
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George W. Erving, ap-
pointed U. S. Minister
to Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
Christopher Hughes, Jr.,
U. S. Special Agent to
Cartagena
Albert Gallatin, U. S.
Minister to France
William Pinkney, U. S.
Minister to Russia
Same
JosC Rademaker, Portu-
guese Charg6 d'Affaires
in the U. S.
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same

Same
Charles Morris, Com-
mander of U. S.
Frigate Congress
Joel R. Poinsett of
Charleston, South
Carolina


Jan. 19, 1816

Feb. 2, 1816


Feb. 2, 1816


Feb. 2, 1816


Feb. 21, 1816

March I 1816


March 13, 1816

March 20, 1816
March 25, 1816


April 15, 1816

May o1, 1816

May 27, 1816
June 5, 1816


June 0o, 1816

July 20, 1816

July 30, 1816

March 28, 1817

April 22, 1817
April 25, 1817


April 25, 1817


xvi


--~-----









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


Richard Rush, Sec. of
State, ad interim

Same


Same



John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State


Same

Same


Same




James Monroe, Presi-
dent of the U. S.
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same


Same


Same


Same


Same


Same

Same


Jose Correa de Serra,
Portuguese-Brazilian
Minister to the U. S.
Thomas Sumter, Jr.,
U. S. Minister to Por-
tuguese Court in Brazil
Caesar A. Rodney and
John Graham, Special
Commissioners of the
U. S. to South America
John B. Prevost, Special
Agent of the U. S. to
Buenos Aires, Chile and
Peru
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Thomas Sumter, U. S.
Minister to Portuguese
Court in Brazil
Caesar A. Rodney, John
Graham and Theodo-
rick Bland, Special
Commissioners of the
U. S. to South America
Message to Congress

G. Hyde de Neuville,
French Minister to
the U. S.
Thomas Sumter, U. S.
Minister to Portuguese
Court in Brazil
G. Hyde de Neuville,
French Minister to the
U.S.
Baptis Irvine, Special
Agent of the U. S. to
Venezuela
President Monroe, for
transmission to House
of Representatives
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Argentine Agent at
Washington
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.


May 28, 1817


July 18, 1817


July 18, 1817



Sept. 29, 1817



Nov. II, 1817

Nov. 19, 1817


Nov. 21, 1817




Dec. 2, 1817

Dec. 5, 1817


Dec. 30, 1817


Jan. 27, l8i8


Jan.31, 1818


March 25, 1818


April II, 1818


April 20, 1818

April 22, 1818


xvii









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued)

DNoc.
No. From To Date P,
No.


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same

Same


Same

Same


Same


Same
Same

Same

Same

Same


Same


Same


Same

President Monroe
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same



Same

Same


Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Albert Gallatin, U. S.
Minister to France
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George WV. Campbell,
U. S. Minister to
Russia
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Albert Gallatin, U. S.
Minister to France
George W. Campbell,
U. S. Minister to Russia
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Argentine Agent at
Washington
Thomas Sumter, Jr., U. S.
Minister to the Portu-
guese Court in Brazil
Joel R. Poinsett, ex-Con-
sul General of the U. S.
at Buenos Aires
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Message to Congress
Lino de Clemente, Agent
of Venezuela in the
U. S.
David C. de Forest,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America at Georgetown
Richard Rush, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain
David C. de Forest, Agent
of the United Provinces
of South America at
Georgetown
President James Monroe


April 25, 1818

May 19, I818

May 20, 1818


June 2, 1818

June 28, 1818


July 30, 1818


Aug. I5, 1818
Aug. 20, 1818

Aug. 20, 1818

Aug. 24, 1818

Aug. 27, 1818


Aug. 27, 1818


Oct. 23, 1818


Oct. 31, 18i8

Nov. 16, 1818
Dec. 16, I818


Dec. 31, 1818



Jan. I, 1819

Same


xviii


Jan. 28, I819


Same









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued)

Doc
DNo. From To Date Page
No.


74


75

76
77

78


79

80

81



82


83
84
85
86

87


88


89
90



91


92


93


President James
Monroe

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State.
Same
Same

Same


Same

Same

Same



Same


Same
Same
Same
President James
Monroe
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same


Same
Same



Same


Same


Same


U. S. House of Repre-
sentatives

John Forsyth, U. S. Min-
ister to Spain
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
John Graham, U. S. Min-
ister to Portuguese
Court in Brazil
Smith Thompson, Sec.
of the Navy
George W. Campbell,
U. S. Minister to Russia
William Lowndes, Chair-
man, Foreign Relations
Committee, U. S. House
of Representatives
Gen. Francisco Dionisio
Vives, Spanish Minister
to the U. S.
Same
Same
Same
U. S. House of Repre-
sentatives
Charles S. Todd, Confi-
dential Agent of the
U. S. to Colombia
John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the U. S. to
Chile or Buenos Aires
Same
John B. Prevost, Special
Agent of the U. S. to
Buenos Aires, Chile
and Peru
Henry Hill, Vice Consul
of the U. S. at Valpa-
raiso
John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the U. S. to
Chile or Buenos Aires
Same


July 12, 1820 140


Jan. 29, 1819;
communicated
Jan.30, 1819
March 8, 1819

March 16, 1819
April 7, 1819

April 24, 1819


May 20, 1819

June 3, 1819

Dec. 21, 1819



April 21, 1820


May 3, 1820
May 6, 1820
May 8, 1820
May 9, 1820

June 5, 1820


July 5, 1820


July 7, 1820
July o1, 1820



July 11, 1820


July 11, 182o


95


95

96
97

98


101

107

io8

10

IIo


III
115
I16
124

126


130


133
134



138


138










LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


94


95

96


97

98


99

100

101



102



1o3


104
105

io6

1o7

1o8

109


Io


III

I12


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

President James
Monroe
Same


John Quincy Adams, ,
Sec. of State
Same


Daniel Brent, Chief
Clerk, Dept. of State
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
President James
Monroe


Report of Committee
on Foreign Affairs of
the U. S. House of
Representatives
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
President James
Monroe
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same

Same r

Same


Same


Same

President James
Monroe


Sept. 30, 1820


Nov. 15, 1820

Dec. 3, 1821;
communicated
Dec. 5, 1821
Jan. 18, 1822

Jan.28, 822


Feb. 19, 1822

March 7, 1822

March 8, 1822;
communicated
March 8 and
April 26, 1822
March 19, 1822



April 6, 1822


John James Appleton,
U. S. Charge d'Affaires
at Rio de Janeiro
Message to Congress

Same


Manuel Torres, Colom-
bian Agent in the U. S.
Charles S. Todd, Confi-
dential Agent of the
U. S. to Colombia
John M. Forbes, Agent of
U. S. at Buenos Aires
President James Monroe

U. S. House of Repre-
sentatives


Congress of the U. S.



Joaquin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.
President James Monroe
U. S. Senate

Richard Rush, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain
David C. de Forest of
New Haven, Conn.
Manuel Torres, Colom-
bian Agent in the U. S.
Col. Charles S. Todd,
Confidential Agent of
the U. S. to Colombia
Pedro Gual, Sec. of State
for Foreign Affairs of
Colombia
Richard Rush, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain
Message to Congress,
communicated to
Senate


25, 1822
26, 1822


May 13, 1822

May 23, 1822

May 23, 1822

July 2, 1822


July 2, 1822


July 24, 1822

Dec. 3, 1822


April
April









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
President James
Monroe

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same

Same


Same


Same


Same


Same

Same


Same

Same

President James
Monroe

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same


Same

President James
Monroe
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State


John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
U. S. Senate


Robert K. Lowry,
appointed U. S. Consul
at La Guayra
Hugh Nelson, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Thomas Randall, Special
Agent of the U. S. in
Cuba
Caesar A. Rodney, ap-
pointed U. S. Minister
to Buenos Aires
Richard C. Anderson,
appointed U. S. Minis-
ter to Colombia
Jos6 Maria Salazar, Co-
lombian Minister to
the U. S.
Baron de Tuyll, Russian
Minister to the U. S.
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Heman Allen, appointed
U. S. Minister to Chile
Richard Rush, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain
Message to Congress,
communicated to
Senate
Jos6 Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Minister of State and
Foreign Relations of
Peru
James Brown, appointed
U. S. Minister to France
U. S. House of Represent-
atives
Joaquin Barrozo Pereira,
Portuguese Charge
d'Affaires in the U. S.


Jan. 3, 1823

Feb. 25, 1823;
communicated
Feb.26, 1823
April I 1823


April 28, 1823

April 29, 1823


May 17, 1823


May 27, 1823


Aug. 5, 1823


Nov. 15, 1823

Nov. 29, 1823


Nov. 30, 1823

Nov. 30, 1823

Dec. 2, 1823


Dec. 5, 1823


Dec. 12, 1823


Dec. 23, 1823

Jan. 12, 1824

June 9, 1824


163

164


165


166

185


186


192


209


209

210


213

213

216


218


219


221

221

222


117


I18


119


120


121

122


123

124

125


126


127


128

129

130









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued)


Doc. From To Date Page
No.


131


132


133


134

135


136


137


138


139



140

141

142


143

144

145


146

147
148


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same


Daniel Brent, Sec. of
State ad interim

President James
Monroe
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same


Same


Same


Same



Same

Same

Same


Same

Daniel Brent, Acting
Sec. of State
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same

Same
Same


Richard C. Anderson,
U. S. Minister to
Colombia
Jos6 Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Hilario de Rivas y Sal-
mon, Spanish Charg6
d'Affaires in the, U. S.
Message to Congress

Joel R. Poinsett, ap-
pointed U. S. Minister
to Mexico
Jose Silvestre Rebello,
Brazilian Charg6
d'Affaires in the U. S.
John M. Forbes, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires at
Buenos Aires
Condy Raguet, appointed
U. S. Charge d'Affaires
in Brazil
William Miller, appointed
U. S. Charge d'Affaires
to the United Provinces
of the Centre of America
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to Spain
Henry Middleton, U. S.
Minister to Russia
Rufus King, appointed
U. S. Minister to Great
Britain
James Brown, U. S. Min-
ister to France
Baron de Tuyll, Russian
Minister to the U. S.
Richard C. Anderson,
U. S. Minister to
Colombia
Rufus King, U. S. Minis-
ter to Great Britain
James Brown, U. S. Min-
ister to France
Rufus King, U. S. Minis-
ter to Great Britain


July -, 1824


Aug. 6, 1824


Sept. 22, 1824


Dec. 7, 1824

March 26, 1825


April 13, 1825


April 14, 1825


April 14, 1825


April 22, 1825



April 27, 1825

May o1, 1825

May II, 1825


May 13, 1825

May 23, 1825

Sept. 16, 1825


Oct. 17, 1825

Oct. 25, 1825
Oct. 26, 1825


xxii


223


224


226


227

229


233


235


237


239



242

244

250


251

252

252


254

260
261









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued)

Do. From To Date P,
No.


Henry Clay, Sec. of
State


Same


Same

Same

Same


Same


149


150


151

152

153


154

155

156


157

158

159


160


161
162


163


164


165
166


167


Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same

Same

Same


Same


Same
Same


Same


Same


Same
Same


Same


Hilario de Rivas y Salmon,
Spanish Charg6
d'Affaires in the U. S.
Jost Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Baron de Tuyll, Russian
Minister to the U. S.
Henry Middleton, U. S.
Minister to Russia
John M. Forbes, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires at
Buenos Aires
U. S. House of Repre-
sentatives
Same

Jose Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to Spain
Henry Middleton, U. S.
Minister to Russia
Baron de Maltitz, Rus-
sian Charg6 d'Affaires
in the U. S.
Jose Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Same
James Cooley, appointed
U. S. Charge d'Affaires
in Peru
Baron de Maltitz, Rus-
sian Charg6 d'Affaires
in the U. S.
Jos6 Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Same
Francisco Dionisio Vives,
Governor and Captain
General of Cuba
Daniel P. Cook, U. S.
Confidential Agent to
Cuba


Dec. 15, 1825


Dec. 20, 1825


Dec. 26, 1825

Dec. 26, 1825

Jan. 9, 1826


Mardh 29, 1826

March 30, 1826

April I 1826


April 13, 1826

April 21, 1826

May 26, 1826


Oct. 25, 1826


Oct. 31, 1826
Nov. 6, 1826


Dec. 23, 1826


Jan. 9, 1827


Jan. 15, 1827
Feb. 12, 1827


March 12, 1827


263


264

265

267


268

269

270


271

273

274


275


276
277


278


279


280
281


282


President
Adams


John Quincy


xxill









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


168


169


170

171


172


173


174



175


176

177


178
179


180


181


182


183

184


Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same


Same

Same


Same


Same


Same



Same


Same

Daniel Brent, Chief
Clerk of the Dept.
of State
Same
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same


Same


Same


Martin Van Buren, Sec.
of State
Same


Francisco Dionisio Vives,
Governor and Captain
General of Cuba
Jose Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister
to the U. S.
Pablo Obregon, Mexican
Minister to the U. S.
Hilario de Rivas y Sal-
mon, Spanish Charg6
d'Affaires in the U. S.
Chevalier Francisco Ta-
con, Spanish Minister
Resident to the U. S.
John M. Forbes, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires at
Buenos Aires
J. Rafael Revenga, Co-
lombian Secretary of
State for Foreign
Relations
Francisco Tacon, Spanish
Minister Resident to
the U. S.
Pablo Obregon, Mexican
Minister to the U. S.
Francisco Tacon, Spanish
Minister Resident to
the U. S.
Same
Alejandro Valez, Colom-
bian Charg6 d'Affaires
in the U. S.
F. I. Mariategui, Minister
of Foreign Affairs of
Peru
Samuel Lamed, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires in
Peru
Xavier de Medina, Co-
lombian Consul General
at New York
Same

Joaquin Campino, Chil-
ean Minister to the
U.S.


March 14, 1827


March 20, 1827


May 21, 1827

June 9, 1827


Oct. 31, 1827


Jan. 3, 1828


Jan. 30, 1828



April I 1828


May 1, 1828

Aug. 2, 1828


Sept. 20, 1828
Oct. 14, 1828


Dec. 30, 1828


Jan. I, 1829


Feb. 9, 1829


May 6, 1829

May 26, 1829


284


285


285

286


289


292


294



295


296

298


298
299


300


300


302


303

304


xxiv









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART I.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


185 Martin Van Buren, Cornelius P. Van Ness, Oct. 2, 1829 305
Sec. of State appointed U. S. Minis-
ter to Spain
186 Same Anthony Butler, ap- Oct. 16, 1829 309
pointed U. S. Charge
d'Affaires in Mexico
187 Same Cornelius P. Van Ness, Oct. 13, 1830 312
U. S. Minister to Spain
188 Same John Hamm, appointed Oct. 15, 1830 314
U. S. Charge d'Affaires
in Chile

PART II.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


Governing Junta of the
Provinces of the Rio
de la Plata
Same
Cornelio de Saavedra,
President of the Gov-
erning Junta of the
Provinces of the Rio
de la Plata, Domingo
Matheu and I I others
Cornelio de Saavedra,
President of the Gov-
erning Junta of the
Provinces of the Rio
de la Plata
W. G. Miller, U. S. Con-
sul at Buenos Aires
Same
Same
Same
Constituted Assembly
of United Provinces
of the Rio de la Plata
W. G. Miller, U. S. Con-
sul at Buenos Aires
Gervasio Antonio de
Posadas, Supreme
Director of the Unit-
ed Provinces of the
Rio de la Plata
Same


President James Madison


Same
Same





Same




James Monroe, Sec. of
State
Same
Same
Same
President James Madison


James Monroe, Sec. of
State
President James Madison


Feb. II, 181


Feb. 13, i8II
June 6, I81I





June 26, I8II




April 30. 1812

July 16, 1812
Aug. Io, 1812
Aug. 18, 1812
July 21, 1813


Aug. I, I813

March 9, 1814


Same


319


320
321





322




322

326
330
331
332


333

334


---89


- 190
I191




192




-193

194
195
196
1 97


.198

N199


XXV


Same









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART II.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


- 202


203
"04


Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Consul General
at Buenos Aires
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires
Same
Ignacio Alvarez, Su-
preme Director of the
United Provinces of
the Rio de la Plata
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires
Ignacio Alvarez, Su-
preme Director of
the United Provinces
of the Rio de la Plata
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires
Same
Same
Same
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires


June 14, 1814


Feb. II, 1815


May 5, 1815
May Io, 1815



July 17, 1815


Jan. 16, 1816



April 20, 1816


July 3, 1816


James Monroe, Sec. of
State

Same


Same
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
Consul of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires

James Monroe, Sec. of
State

President James Madison



James Monroe, Sec. of
State

Same
Same
Same
President James Madison




James Monroe, Sec. of
State

President James Madison




James Monroe, Sec. of
State

President James Monroe




Sec. of State of the U. S.


24, 1816
20, 1816


Jan. I, 1817




Jan. 30, 1817


Jan. 31, 1817




March 3, 1817


March 5, 1817




March 26, 1817


335


336


337
339



340


341



342


343
345
346
346




347


349




349


350




351


July
Aug.


206



207


208
42=9
210
-w2 II




212


213




--214


215


"216


xxvi









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART II.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


217




218



219




"920


Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
Don Jos6 Francisco de
San Martin, General
of the Army of the
Andes
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos
Aires, Chile and
Peru
Same
Same



Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America to the U. S.
Same
Same
Same
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America


Commission to Manuel
Hermenegildo de
Aguirre


President James Monroe



Same




John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State



Same
Gregorio Tagle, Sec. of
State of the United
Provinces of South
America
President James Monroe



Gregorio Tagle, Sec. of
State of the United
Provinces of South
America
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State


Same
Same
Same
Same



President James Monroe


March 28, 1817




April I, 1817



April 28, 1817




Oct. I, 1817




Oct. 4, 1817
Oct. 6, 1817



Oct. 29, 1817



Oct. 30, 1817



Dec. 16, 1817



Dec. 26, 1817
Dec. 29, 1817
Jan. 6, 1818
Jan. Io, 1818



Jan. 14, 1818


351




352



353




354




355
356



357



358



361



363
366
367
368



370


- 223



.-224



225



226
227
228
--229



230


XXVii









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART II.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA (Continued)

Doc
No. From To Date Page
No.


231



232




233




234




235




236
237




238




\ 239



240
S241



242


John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State


Same




Same




President James Monroe




John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State



Same
President James Monroe


W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America to the
U. S.
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos
Aires, Chile and
Peru
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America to the
U.S.
Same
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
United States to
Buenos Aires, Chile
and Peru
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
ex-Consul of the
U. S. at Buenos
Aires
Same
Theodorick Bland, Spe-
cial Commissioner of
the U. S. to South
America
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
ex-Agent of the
U.S. to South
America
Same


[to Dept. of


John Graham, Special
Commissioner of the
U. S. to South
America
Same


John Quincy
of State


Adams, Sec.


Same


Jan. 15, 1818



Jan. 16, i818




Jan. 21, 1818




Jan.31, 1818




March 29, 1818




April 5, 1818
May -, 1818




July I, 1818




Aug. 21, 1818



Aug. 26, 1818
Nov. 2, 1818



Nov. 4, 1818


Same Same


Statement
State?]


371



373




374




374




375




376
377




378




379



381
382



439


xxviii


Same


Same









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART II.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA (Continued)

Do. From To Date Page
No.


"'45



246




247
248
249



"250



251
252
253



254



255



256



257
258
259
260


261


John Graham, Special
Commissioner of the
U. S. to South
America
Caesar A. Rodney, Spe-
cial Commissioner of
the U. S. to South
America
David C. de Forest,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America at
Georgetown
Same
Same
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
John B. Prevost, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
Same
Same
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos
Aires, Chile and Peru
John B. Prevost, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos
Aires, Chile and Peru
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
John B. Prevost, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos
Aires, Chile and Peru
Same
Same
Same
John M. Forbes, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. at Buenos Aires
Same


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State


Same



Same




Same
Same
Same



Same



Same
Same
Same



Same



Same



Same



Same
Same
Same
Same


Same


Nov. 5, 1818



Same



Dec. 9, i8i8




Dec. 12, x818
Jan. 8,'1819
March 7, 1819



Dec. 12, 1819



Feb. 14, 820
March 9, 1820
March o1, 1820



March 20, 1820



April 8, 1820



April 30, 1820



May 24, 1820
June 8, 1820
Sept. 28, 1820
Dec. 4, 1820


March Io, 1821


486



495



515




516
516
519



537



540
541
544



545



548



549



551
552
555
557


569


xxix









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


PART II.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


262


263
264


265
266
267





268





269



270





271

272





273


274
275
276
277
278


John M. Forbes, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. at Buenos Aires
Same
Same [Minute of con-
ference with Ber-
nardo Rivadavia]
Same
Same
Same





Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign
Relations of the
United Provinces of
South America
John M. Forbes [Min-
ute of a conference
with Bernardo
Rivadavial
Same





Same

Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign
Relations of the
United Provinces of
South America
John M. Forbes, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. at Buenos Aires
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
Same


Same
Same
Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign Re-
lations of the United
Provinces of South
America
John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires



[Sec. of State]



Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign Af-
fairs of the United
Provinces of South
America
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires



John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


April I, 1821


July 3, 1821
Aug. 5, 1821


Sept. 2, 1821
Sept. II, 1821
Sept. 14, 1821





Sept. 15, 1821





Sept. 17, 1821



Sept. 22, 1821





Sept. 28, 1821

Oct. 6, 1821





Oct. 8, 1821


Oct. 26, 1821
Nov. 8, 1821
Nov. 13, 1821
Nov. 16, 1821
Dec. 12, 1821


XXX


572


576
577


579
582
583





584





585



587





587

590





591


592
593
596
597
598









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I


xxxi


PART II.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA (Continued)

Doc.
No. From To Date Page
No. Page


279





280

281
282
283
284
285
286
287
288


289
290
291
292
293
294
295
296
297
298





299



300



301


John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires



Same

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
John M. Forbes, Sec.
of the U. S. Legation
at Buenos Aires
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign
Relations of the
United Provinces of
South America
John M. Forbes, Sec.
of the U. S. Lega-
tion at Buenos
Aires
John M. Forbes, Act-
ing Charg6 d'Affaires
of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires
Same


Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign Re-
lations of the United
Provinces of South
America
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Caesar A. Rodney, U. S.
Minister at Buenos
Aires



John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State


Same



Same


May 23, 1822





June 5, 1822

July Io, 1822
July 18, 1822
Aug. 21, 1822
Aug. 23, 1822
Aug. 24, 1822
Sept. 2, 1822
Oct. 16, 1822
March 2, 1823


April 30, 1823
June 2, 1823
June 22, 1823
July 5, 1823
Sept. 12, 1823
Nov. 5, 1823
Jan. 3, 1824
Jan. 24, 1824
Feb. 12, 1824
Feb. 12, 1824





Feb. 22, 1824



July 5, 1824



Aug. 13, 1824


603





603

604
6o6
609
6II
612
614
615
616


620
622
622
623
625
627
630
632
634
635





636



638



639









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I

PART II.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA (Continued)


From


302



303



304
305



306
307
308
309
310
311
312
313
314
315
316
317
318
319

320


Same


John M. Forbes, Act-
ing Charg6 d'Affaires
of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires
Same



Same
John M. Forbes,
Charge d'Affaires of
the U. S. Legation
at Buenos Aires
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Date


Dec. 6, 1824



Dec. 17, 1824


Jan.
May


1825
1825


Manuel Jos6 Garcia,
Minister of Foreign
Relations of Buenos
Aires
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State


Same
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State


Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Martin Van Buren, Sec.
of State
Same


xxxii


Doc.
No.


Sept. 18, 1825
Nov. 29, 1825
Feb. 9, 1826
June 17, 1826
July 15, 1826
Aug. 3, 1826
Sept. 5, 1826
Oct. 25, 1826
March 8, 1827
April 12, 1827
July 18, 1827
May 2, 1828
Sept. 13, 1828
Feb. 13, 1830

Dec. 25, 1830


Page


645
647



650
651
653
653
655
656
657
658
66o
660
661
662
663
664


~I I


































NOTE
The idiosyncrasies of spelling, punctua-
tion, capitalization and grammar of the
original manuscript stand uncorrected in
this print, except in case of manifest and
inadvertent error, where the correction
could in nowise affect the sense.






















PART I
COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES












COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES

1
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to General John Armstrong, United States
Minister to France
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, D. C., April 27, 18op.
The policy or the pride of the new Spanish Monarch 2 or of the Emperor
influencing him, may, in the event of a resistance to his authority, in South
America, insist, as was done in the case of St Domingo,3 on our prohibiting
all trade therewith from the United States. It will be of much importance
that such a demand be averted, as the right to make it cannot be admitted
and the attempt may endanger the peace of the two Countries.




2
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to General John Armstrong, United States
Minister to France4
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, May I, S109.
SIR: I herewith send to you copies of letters that have recently passed
between Genl Turreau and myself. The one from him indicates what he
knows or presumes to be the sensibility of his Government as to the relations
of the United States to the Spanish Colonies. My answer will enable you
to meet its suggestions with an assurance that the conduct of this Govern-
ment will be regulated in that respect, as it invariably has been, by the
principles of good faith and by the rules prescribed by its neutral character.
It is, however, not to be understood, that the United States will be restrained
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 42. Robert Smith, of Maryland, was
commissioned Secretary of State by President Madison March 6, 1809; was asked by Presi-
dent Madison to resign; resigned April I, 18I1. John Armstrong, of New York, had been
commissioned minister plenipotentiary to France June 30, 1804. He left Paris September
14, Ix8o. Mr. Armstrong and James Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, who was then minister
plenipotentiary at Madrid, were commissioned commissioners plenipotentiary and extraor-
dinary, March 17, 1806, to treat jointly and severally with Spain concerning territories,
wrongful captures, condemnations, and other injuries. Armstrong did not go to Madrid,
but conducted negotiations at Paris. The negotiations were unsuccessful.
2 Joseph Bonaparte, who had about a year earlier been placed on the Spanish throne by
his brother Napoleon, the French Emperor, after the forced abdications of the Spanish
Bourbons.
a When that former French colony revolted against France.
4 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 43.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


from interposing in any manner that may be necessary to prevent the Ter-
ritory claimed under the Convention from being reduced under the posses-
sion of another belligerent power.
There is reason to apprehend that the suspicions of Genl Turreau have
been particularly incited by the incidental circumstance of Genl Wilkinson
having touched at the Havana in his passage to New Orleans. The candid
explanation is, that altho' no formal instructions were given to Genl Wilkin-
son, it was intended that he should avail himself of every proper occasion to
remove the impressions, made by our Embargo laws, that the United States
were in hostile cooperation against the Spanish Colonies; to obviate more-
over, attempts that might be made to draw them into a hostile collision with
the United States; and generally, to cultivate such dispositions towards the
United States as become our existing pacific and legitimate relations.
Neither Genl Wilkinson, nor any other person has been instructed or au-
thorized to take any step or hold any communication that could intermeddle
in the remotest degree with the internal affairs of the Spanish Empire, or
that could tend to a violation of the strict neutrality professed by the
United States.
From the policy and pretensions which had led to the demand heretofore
made on the United States to interdict our commerce with St Domingo, it
is not impossible, should Spanish America refuse to acknowledge the new
dynasty, that a like demand may be meditated. Altho' it may not be proper
to anticipate such a demand, yet if a purpose of the kind should be clearly
manifested, it is desirable to obviate it by frank and friendly explanations.
. . And it is only necessary to add, that it would, at this time, be as
difficult to effectuate such a prohibitory regulation, as it would be unreason-
able to require it, and that the measure is regarded by the President in
such a light as that no countenance is to be given to any hope of attaining it,
even by an offer of arrangements otherwise satisfactory, with respect to the
Floridas and the Western boundary of Louisiana.
I have the honor [etc.].








DOCUMENT 4: JUNE 13, 18IO


3

Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to Thomas Sumter, Jr., United States Min-
ister to the Portuguese Court in Brazil 1. 2
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, August I, 1809.

You will not fail to communicate the earliest information of all the ma-
terial occurrences in Spanish America, which may have been produced by
the present contest in Spain. And whatever may ultimately be the form
of Government there established it is our policy to be in harmony with it.
You will however at the same time keep in mind that in any conflicts that
may arise we will faithfully preserve our neutral character.




4
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to William Pinkney, United States Minister
to Great Britain 3
WASHINGTON, June 13, I8io.

SIR: According to present appearances a crisis is approaching which
cannot fail to dissolve the Colonial relation of Spanish America to their
parent Country. It is the duty therefore of the United States to turn their
attention particularly to the case of the two Floridas in whose destiny they
have so near an interest. Besides that which results from Geographical
position the United States consider themselves as holding a legal title to the
greater part of West Florida under the purchase made by the Convention
with France in the year 1803, And they have a fair claim of another kind,
which would certainly not be more than satisfied by the acquisition of the
residue of the West and .the whole of East Florida. Under these circum-
stances it may be proper not to conceal from the British Government (which
may otherwise form views towards these territories inconsistent with the
eventual ones entertained by the United States) that any steps on the part
1 In 1807 the Portuguese Court, in order to escape from Napoleon, fled from Lisbon and
took refuge in Brazil, where it remained until 1821.
2 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 53. Thomas Sumter, Jr., of South
Carolina, was commissioned minister plenipotentiary to Portugal, March 7, 1809, but
accredited to the Portuguese court, residing in Brazil. He took leave July 24, 1819.
MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 98. James Monroe, of Virginia, and
William Pinkney, of Maryland, were jointly and severally commissioned, May 12, 18o6, as
commissioners for the settlement of differences with Great Britain and establishing com-
merce. Mr. Monroe took leave of the British court, October 7, 1807, and Mr. Pinkney
May 7, 18II. The latter was also minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain from May 12,
x8o6, until May 7, 18ix.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


of Great Britain interfering with these will necessarily be regarded as unjust
and unfriendly, and as leading to collisions, which it must be the interest
of both nations to avoid.
This instruction from the President is given to you on the supposition that
the connection of Great Britain with Spain will have been terminated by
events in Europe. You will of course forbear to execute it in a different
state of things. And in executing it you will be careful to authorize no
inference with respect to the intentions of this Government inconsistent with
the principles of justice and neutrality on which the policy of the United
States is founded.
With great respect [etc.].


5
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to Joel Robert Poinsett of South Carolina,
appointed Special Agent of the United States to South America'
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, June 28, 18io.
SIR: As a crisis is approaching which must produce great changes in the
situation of Spanish America, and may dissolve altogether its colonial rela-
tions to Europe, and as the geographical position of the United States, and
other obvious considerations, give them an intimate interest in whatever
may effect the destiny of that part of the American continent, it is our duty
to turn our attention to this important subject, and to take such steps, not
incompatible with the neutral character and honest policy of the United
States, as the occasion renders proper. With this view, you have been
selected to proceed, without delay, to Buenos Ayres. You will make it
your object, wherever it may be proper, to diffuse the impression that the
United States cherish the sincerest good will towards the people of Spanish
America as neighbors, as belonging to the same portion of the globe, and as
having a mutual interest in cultivating friendly intercourse: that this dis-
position will exist, whatever may be their internal system or European rela-
tion, with respect to which no interference of any sort is pretended: and that,
in the event of a political separation from the parent country, and of the
1 House Report No. 72, 20th Congress, 2d session, p. 7. The original of this document was
not located in the archives of the Department of State. In the printed source from which
it has been taken the heading reads "Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe, Secretary of
State, to, etc."-an obvious error since Monroe was not Secretary of State until April 2,
1811, and Robert Smith held the post until April I, 18II.
Joel R. Poinsett, of South Carolina: In addition to this special mission to South America
was commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Mexico, March 8,
1825. He was also commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to
Congress of Panama, which was to reassemble at Tacubaya, February 12, 1827. Took
leave of Mexican government, December 25, 1829.








DOCUMENT 6: NOVEMBER I, 18IO


establishment of an independent system of National Government, it will
coincide with the sentiments and policy of the United States to promote the
most friendly relations, and the most liberal intercourse, between the in-
habitants of this hemisphere, as having all a common interest, and as lying
under a common obligation to maintain that system of peace, justice, and
good will, which is the only source of happiness for nations.
Whilst you inculcate these as the principles and dispositions of the United
States, it will be no less proper to ascertain those on the other side, not only
towards the United States, but in reference to the great nations of Europe,
and to the commercial and other connexions with them, respectively: and,
generally, to inquire into the state, the characteristics, and the proportions,
as to numbers, intelligence, and wealth, of the several parties, the amount of
population, the extent and organization of the military force, and the pecu-
niary resources of the country.
The real as well as ostensible object of your mission is to explain the
mutual advantages of commerce with the United States, to promote liberal
and stable regulations, and to transmit seasonable information on the sub-
ject. In order that you may render the more service in this respect, and
that you may, at the same time, enjoy the greater protection and respecta-
bility, you will be furnished with a credential letter, such as is held by sundry
agents of the United States in the West Indies, and as was lately held by
one at the Havana, and under the sanction of which you will give the requi-
site attention to commercial objects.



6
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to General John Armstrong, United States
Minister to France
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November I, 181o.
SIR: You will avail yourself of the first proper opportunity to bring to the
view of the French Government the trade with Spanish and Portuguese
America which the British Government is at this time pushing thro' every
avenue which its power and policy can penetrate. This monopoly not only
affords to Great Britain the means of furnishing the people of that Country
altogether with British manufactures, but it moreover enables her to main-
tain a controuling political ascendency over them which has already shewn
itself, against the neutral commerce of the United States in the late Com-
mercial arrangement of her Agent at Caraccas, to be seen in the newspapers
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 121.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


now sent you. To counteract the tendency of such an exclusive trade,
nothing could at this time be more effectual than the opening of all the
channels of a free commercial communication between the United States and
France and her allies. By such freedom of admission and the abolition of
all vexatious restrictions, France and the Nations connected with her would,
thro' the medium of American enterprise and navigation, obtain a vent for
a large portion of their produce and manufactures which in no other way
can find a market in the ports of Spanish and Portuguese America.



7
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to General John Armstrong, United States
Minister to France 1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November 2, i8io.
The recent transactions in Spain having produced in her American
Colonies a sensation tending to a change of the old established polity, the
Government of the United States could not remain an unconcerned spectator
of the occurrence of such important events in our own immediate neighbor-
hood. So long, however, as the fluctuation of opinions and policy did not
actually interfere with the jurisdiction of the United States, or place in
jeopardy the security of any of their territorial rights, the President confined
within the limits of a necessary vigilance his attention to the incidents that
had become public. But the late proceedings of the inhabitants of West
Florida having indicated in form and in fact a total overthrow there of the
Spanish authorities and a great uncertainty prevailing with respect to the
shape which affairs in that quarter might assume if left to the uncontrouled
current of a revolutionary impulse, the President has been compelled for the
maintenance of the just rights of the Union to take the necessary measures
for occupying the Country of West Florida as far as the River Perdido.
From the enclosed copy of the President's proclamation you will perceive his
determination to take possession of this Territory, and the considerations
which have constrained him to resort to this measure. In this posture of
affairs the Government of the United States will be ready to meet and discuss
the question of the right of Sovereignty to the Territory thus occupied.
This act of occupancy, which is merely a change of possession and not a
change of right, will, it is hoped, be viewed only as the natural consequence
of a state of things, which the American Government could neither foresee
nor prevent.
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 123.








DOCUMENT 9: JANUARY 22, 1811


8
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to William Shaler, United States Agent for
Seamen and Commerce, Habana .2
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, November 6, i8io.
SIR: Your Letters of the 5, 9, 18, 22, 25, 29, June & 2 July have been duly
received.
[The second paragraph of this is identical with the above from Smith to
Armstrong, November 2, i8io.]
Under the varying aspect of the affairs of Spain, it has been the anxious
endeavor of the President to regulate his conduct by the rules of the most
exact neutrality. This disposition has been manifested in the prompt sup-
pression of unlawful enterprises carried on by certain Privateers bearing the
French flag clandestinely fitted out in the Ports of the United States, and
calculated to annoy the Trade of the subjects of Spain in the Gulph of
Mexico and elsewhere and in the remonstrance against these illegal Equip-
ments made to the Government of France, through the American Minister at
Paris, a Copy of whose Letter to the Duke of Cadore is herewith sent to you.
These representations will enable you to give at Cuba and elsewhere
any explanations that may be necessary.
In the enclosed Gazette you will perceive an official Declaration of the
British Government respecting Spanish America which is transmitted to you
as an evidence of the policy and views of the British Government, in relation
as well to old Spain as to Spanish America. This in your hands may be
useful.
I am [etc.].

9
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to William Pinkney, United States Minister
to Great Britain 3
WASHINGTON, January 22, 1811.
SIR: You will herewith receive copies of two acts of Congress, which have
been passed with closed doors and which have not yet been made public.
You will thence perceive that the United States are not disposed to acquiesce
in the occupation on the part of any foreign power of any part of East or
West Florida, and that Congress have provided under certain contingencies
for the temporary occupation of the said Territory.
The same, mutatis mutandis, with the exception of the first paragraph, to William K.
Loury, Caracas, and to Joel Robert Poinsett, Buenos Aires. See doc. 115 below addressed
to Robert K. Lowry commissioning him consul at La Guayra in 1823. It is possible that
they are the same. The records of the Division of the Department of State do not include
special agents.
2 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, I, 352.
MS. Instructions to United States Ministers. VII, 140.








10 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
This proceeding is, on the part of the United States justified by national
interest and by national policy; an interest founded upon a recognized
though unliquidated claim on Spain for indemnities; and a policy impera-
tively prescribed by a legitimate principle of self preservation.
At a period prior to the purchase of Louisiana the attention of this Gov-
ernment had been directed to the peaceable acquisition of the Floridas from
Spain. That purchase, whilst it diminished the geographical extent of
West Florida, and lessened the value of the Spanish possessions in that
quarter, has increased the solicitude of the United States for the Sovereignty
of a tract of Country, whose contiguity rendered it vitally important in a
military, naval and commercial point of view. Mingled with considerations
of this nature, are claims which this Government has justly maintained
against Spain, the final adjustment of which, it was believed, might be
facilitated by a purchase for a fair price, of all the Territory of Florida East
of the River Perdido. The fate of a proposition to this effect had not been
decided when the present revolution commenced in Spain, the fury of which
has extended to and convulsed her American Colonies, has weakened in them
the authority of the parent kingdom, and in some instances has produced a
dissolution of the old form of Government and the institution of independent
States. In this condition of the Spanish Empire, with the antient system
of Government expiring, new systems of Rule growing up in her provinces
and exposed to events which the vicissitudes of a political and military
revolution render incalculable, what more natural, what more conformable
to justice, than for the United States in a spirit of friendly moderation to
seek security for those indemnities not disowned by Spain herself, but the
payment of which has been so long delayed? Should a new Government be
established in Spain under any auspices whatsoever and declare itself ab-
solved from the payment of the debts of the old Monarchy, to what source,
except a pledge in possession, could the United States recur for remuneration
for so many losses which their Citizens have suffered from the effects of the
laws and the policy of Spain?
This motive of national interest is supported and strengthened by the
obvious policy of the measure. Altho' this Government does not wantonly
seek an extension of Territory, it frankly avows the pursuit of an object
essential to its future peace and safety upon honorable and reasonable terms.
The United States cannot see with indifference a foreign power, under any
pretext whatever possess itself of the Floridas. The prospect of danger to
the Union from such a step would be too imminent, the real object too ap-
parent for them either to disguise their sentiments or to hesitate a moment as
to the conduct which they would be inevitably compelled to pursue. This
explicit declaration, uttered with sincerity and friendliness ought to ad-
monish the British Government (should it unhappily yield itself up to such
improper desires) to check all inclination of gaining a footing in the Floridas.








DOCUMENT IO: APRIL 30, 18 I


The Government of France will also be immediately apprized of this
declaration on the part of the United States.
These observations, which at an early day and on a suitable occasion
you are to present in substance to the British Government are applicable to
the two contingencies contemplated by the accompanying acts of Congress.
In either of these cases, however, the United States, you may add, intend
nothing more than the preservation of the peace and quiet of the Territory,
the prevention of anarchy, and the exclusion of all external interference;
and in this posture to await the re-establishment of a state of things, in
which all matters in dispute may be amicably and satisfactorily adjusted
upon principles of right and equity with the competent authority.
In making the communication to the British Government now confided
to your discretion, you will of course, be fully sensible of the importance of
doing it in a manner that will guard as much as possible, against irritating or
precipitating it, into the measure to be obviated; and you will lose not a mo-
ment in transmitting intelligence as to the temper in which the communica-
tion may be received, and as to the effect likely to be produced by it on the
policy of that Cabinet.
I have the honor [etc.].


10
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Joel Robert Poinsett, United States
Consul General at Buenos Aires 1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 3o, 181i.
The instructions already given you 2 are so full, that there seems to be
little cause to add to them at this time. Much solicitude is felt to hear from
you on all the topics to which they relate. The disposition shewn by most of
the Spanish provinces to separate from Europe and to erect themselves into
independent States excites great interest here. As Inhabitants of the same
Hemisphere, as Neighbors, the United States cannot be unfeeling Spectators
of so important a moment. The destiny of those provinces must depend on
themselves. Should such a revolution however take place, it cannot be
doubted that our relation with them will be more intimate, and our friend-
ship stronger than it can be while they are colonies of any European power.
I have [etc.].
1 MS. Dispatches to Consuls, I, 365. James Monroe, of Virginia: Commissioned Secretary
of State by President Madison, April 2, 1811; was appointed Secretary of War, September 26,
1814, and confirmed by the Senate, September 27, 1814; continued to serve asActing Secretary
of State also. President Madison offered the position to Daniel D. Tompkins, September 28,
1814, who declined it. Mr. Monroe was again commissioned as Secretary of State by Presi-
dent Madison, February 28, 1815, and retired, March 4, 1817, on becoming President.
2 See above, doc. 5, Smith to Poinsett, June 28, I8Io.








12 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
11
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to John Quincy Adams, United States
Minister to Russia
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November 23, 1811.
Various considerations, which will readily suggest themselves to you,
have induced this Government to look with a favorable eye to a Revolution
which is now taking place in South America. Several of the Provinces have
sent Deputies to this Country, to announce a complete Revolution in some,
and the approach of it in others, but as yet a formal recognition of a Minister
from neither has been made, nor has it been urged.




12
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Joel Barlow, United States Minister
to France 2. 3
WASHINGTON, November 27, 181i.
SIR: A Revolution in the Spanish Provinces, South of the United [States]
is making a rapid progress. The Provinces of Venezuela have declared
themselves independent and announced the event to this Government. The
same step it is said, will soon be taken at Buenos Ayres and in other quarters.
The Provinces of Venezuela have proposed to the President the recognition
of their independence, and reception of a Minister from them; and altho'
such recognition in form has not been made, yet a very friendly and con-
ciliatory answer has been given to them. They have also been informed
that the Ministers of the United States in Europe, will be instructed to
avail themselves of suitable opportunities to promote their recognition by
other powers. You will not fail to attend to this object, which is thought to
be equally due to the just claims of our Southern Brethren, to which the
United States cannot be indifferent, and to the best interests of this Country.
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 179. John Quincy Adams, of Massa-
chusetts: Commissioned minister plenipotentiary to Russia, June 27, 1809. Took leave,
April 7, 1814. Commissioned (with others) minister plenipotentiary and extraordinary,
January 18, 1814, with power to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace and a treaty of
commerce with Great Britain. Commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipo-
tentiary to Great Britain, February 28, 1815. Took leave, May 14, 1817. Commissioned
(with others) envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, April 17, 1813, with power,
jointly and severally, to conclude a peace with Great Britain. Commissioned Secretary of
State by President Monroe, March 5, 1817; retired, March 4, 1825, on becoming President.
2 A circular identical with the first paragraph of this letter was sent to the United States
Ministers to Great Britain, Russia and Denmark.
3 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 183. Joel Barlow, of Connecticut:
Commissioned minister plenipotentiary to France, February 27, 18II. Died at Zarnowice,
December 26, 1812, on his return to Paris from Vilna.









DOCUMENT 13: DECEMBER 9, 1811


In so doing you will be careful not to compromit the pacific relations sub-
sisting between the United States and other powers.
A late communication from Mr Russell,' supported by one made today,
by Mr Serurier2 by the order of his Government shews that France is
disposed to harmonise on this great subject, with the policy which has been
adopted by the United States.
I have the honor [etc.].
13
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Samuel L. Mitchill, United States
Representative from New York3

WASHINGTON, December 9, 18zI.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit to you, in compliance with the request
contained in your letter of the 5th inst.,4 a copy of the declaration of in-
SJonathan Russell of Rhode Island: Charge d'affaires to France. Left in charge of
legation, September 14, 18Io. Left Paris in November, 18 1. Appointed charge d'affaires
at London, July 27, 1811. He was received by the British government, November 15, 1811.
Received passport, at his request, September 2, 1812. Commissioned minister plenipoten-
tiary and extraordinary (with others), January 18, 1814, with power to negotiate and
conclude a treaty of peace and a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. Commissioned
minister plenipotentiary to Sweden and Norway, January 18, 1814. Took leave, October
16, 1818.
2 Mr. Serurier, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from France: Pre-
sented credentials about February 21, 1811. Took leave, January 22, I816.
'American State Papers, Foreign Relations, III, 539.
The letter of the 5th instant from the Hon. Samuel L. Mitchill to Secretary Monroe
was the following, copied from the same page:
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, December 5, 1811.
SIR: In behalf of the committee appointed to consider so much of the President's
message of the 5th November as relates to the Spanish American provinces, I beg leave
to inquire whether it is known to our Government that any of those provinces have
declared themselves independent, or that material changes have taken place in their
political relations. It is not expected, however, that my request will be understood to
extend to those communications which, in the opinion of the Executive, it would be
improper to disclose.
Be pleased, sir, to accept [etc.].
The committee submitted to the House the following recommendation:
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, December Io, 1811.
The committee to whom was referred so much of the President's message as relates
to the Spanish American colonies, have, in obedience to the order of the House, deliber-
ately considered the subject before them, and directed a report, in part, to be submitted
to the consideration of the House, in the form of a public declaration, as follows:
Whereas, several of the American Spanish provinces have represented to the United
States that it has been found expedient for them to associate and form federal Govern-
ments upon the elective and representative plan, and to declare themselves free and
independent: Therefore be it
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in
Congress assembled, That they behold, with friendly interest, the establishment of
independent sovereignties by the Spanish provinces in America, consequent upon the
actual state of the monarchy to which they belonged; that, as neighbors and inhabitants
of the same hemisphere, the United States feel great solicitude for their welfare; and
that, when those provinces shall have attained the condition of nations, by the just
exercise of their rights, the Senate and House of Representatives will unite with the
Executive in establishing with them, as sovereign and independent States, such ami-
cable relations and commercial intercourse as may require their legislative authority.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


dependence made by the provinces of Venezuela. This act was communi-
cated to this Government by order of the Congress, composed of deputies
from those provinces, assembled at Caraccas. It is not ascertained that any
other of the Spanish provinces have, as yet, entered into similar declarations;
but it is known that most, if not all of them, on the continent, are in a revo-
lutionary state. The progress made in that direction by some of them will
best appear in the documents which have already been communicated to you.
I have the honor [etc.].


14
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Talisfero de Orea, Commissioner of
Venezuela to the United States

WASHINGTON, December I9, 1811.
SIR: I have already had the honor to inform you that I had laid before
The President the copy of the declaration of Independence entered into by
the Provinces of Venezuela, which you presented to me, and that he had
received it with the interest which 'so important an event was calculated
to excite.
Of the interest which The President takes in this important event, and in
the welfare of the inhabitants of all the Spanish Provinces South of the
United-States, you have had an unequivocal proof in his remarks on that
subject, in the message to Congress at the commencement of the session.
And by the report of the committee to whom that part of the message was
referred, a strong indication is given, that the legislative branch of our
government participates in the sentiments which have been expressed by the
chief Magistrate.
I will add, Sir, that the Ministers of the United-States in Europe have been
made acquainted with these sentiments of their government, and instructed
to keep them in view in their communications, with the Courts, near which
they respectively reside.
I have the honor [etc.].
15
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Alexander Scott, United States Agent to
Caracas 2
WASHINGTON, May 14, I812.
SIR: Having sometime since apprised you of your appointment to the
Caraccas, I have now to inform you that the President wishes you to proceed
there without delay, in discharge of the duties of the trust confided to you.
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 17.
2 House Report Number 72, 20th Congress, 2d session.








DOCUMENT I5: MAY 14, I812


You will obtain a passage in one of the vessels by which the provisions pro-
cured, in compliance with a late act of Congress, for the Government of
Venezuela, will be forwarded.
I cannot better convey to you an idea of the duties which you will have
to perform with the Government of Venezuela, than by communicating to
you a copy of the instructions which were given to the Agent of the United
States at Buenos Ayres.1 The independence of the Provinces of Venezuela
forms an essential difference between their situation and that of the other
Provinces of Spain in America; but still, until their independence is more
formally acknowledged by the United States, it cannot materially affect
your duties. Until such acknowledgment may be made, your agency will be
of a character suited to the case; for which you will receive herewith creden-
tial letters, such as are held by the Agent of the United States at Buenos
Ayres.
A principal motive in delaying to recognize in greater form the inde-
pendence of the Government of Venezuela proceeds from a desire to ascertain
how far those Provinces are competent to its support; by which is to be un-
derstood the intelligence of the people, and their union and decision in its
favor. If the people are resolved to maintain their independence, their suc-
cess seems to be inevitable. The United States take a sincere interest in it,
from generous sentiments, and from a conviction, also, that, in many ways, it
will prove reciprocally advantageous. France favors it, and Great Britain
will not long oppose it, if she does at all, by force, or by exposing herself
to war. Nothing, however, would be more absurd than for the United
States to acknowledge their independence in form, until it was evident that
the people themselves were resolved and able to support it. Should a
counter-revolution take place after such acknowledgment, the United States
would sustain an injury, without having rendered any advantage to the
people.
A friendly communication may, in the mean time, be preserved, with the
same advantage as if their independence had been thus formally acknowl-
edged. The United States are disposed to render to the Government of
Venezuela, in its relations with foreign powers, all the good offices that they
may be able. Instructions have been already given to their Ministers at
Paris, St. Petersburgh, and London, to make known to those courts that the
United States take an interest in the independence of the Spanish Provinces.
It will be your duty to make yourself acquainted with the state of the
public mind in the Provinces of Venezuela, and in all the adjoining Provinces
of Spain; their competence to self-government; state of political and other
intelligence; their relations with each other; the spirit which prevails gen-
erally among them as to independence; their disposition towards the United
States, towards Old Spain, England, and France: and, in case of their final
SSee above, doc. 5, Secretary of State to Poinsett, June 28, i8Io.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


dismemberment from the parent country, what bond will hereafter exist
between them; what form it will take; how many confederations will
probably be formed, and what species of internal government is likely to
prevail. You will be sensible that the United States cannot fail to take a
deep interest in the establishment of a Republican Government in those
Provinces, from a belief that the people will be happier under it, and the
greater confidence which must exist, in consequence of it, between us.
You will also be particularly attentive to the protection of our commerce
with the Government of Venezuela, to see that it enjoys all the advantages
which may be fairly claimed; and you will furnish all useful information rela-
tive to their exports and imports.
You are already apprised of the supplies which have been procured, in
compliance with an act of Congress, for the Government of Venezuela, in con-
sequence of the distress occasioned by the late dreadful earthquake there.
These supplies will be forwarded by vessels from Baltimore, Philadelphia,
and New York, and are intended to be presented, on the part of this Govern-
ment, to that of Venezuela, for the relief of the People. You will receive
with this letter a copy of the act of Congress, which will be your guide in com-
municating the measure to that Government. It is hoped that you will ar-
rive at in time to take charge of all these supplies; but as it is possible
that this may not happen, a conditional instruction will be forwarded to
Mr. Lowry, to act in the business in your absence.
You will not fail to intimate, in suitable terms, that this interposition for
the relief of the distressed people of Venezuela is a strong proof of the friend-
ship and interest which the United States take in their welfare.
I have the honor [etc.].


16
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to M. Palacio, Agent of Cartagena to the
United States 1

WASHINGTON, December 29, 1812.
SIR: The United-States being at peace with Spain cannot take any step
in relation to the contests between the different sections of the Spanish
monarchy, which would be of a character to compromit their neutrality.
At the same time it is proper to observe, that as inhabitants of the same
hemisphere, the government and people of the United-States take a lively
interest in the prosperity and welfare of their neighbours of South-America,
and will rejoyce at any event which has a tendency to promote their happi-
ness.
I have the honor [etc.].
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 51.








DOCUMENT 17: DECEMBER IO, 1815


17
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to John Quincy Adams, United States
Minister to Great Britain
WASHINGTON, December lo, 1815.
SIR: Reports continue to circulate that the Spanish government has
ceded to Great Britain the Floridas and Louisiana. It is also stated that
measures are taken, for the equipment of an expedition to that quarter, to
consist of so large a body of men, as would not be contemplated, if it was the
intention of the British government, to preserve the existing friendly rela-
tions between the two countries. Ten thousand men, it is said, are likely to
be sent from Great-Britain and Ireland; and it has been intimated, that
some foreign troops, will be taken into British pay and employed in the
expedition. The Prussian troops, near the channel, are spoken of.
If the British government has accepted a cession of this territory from
Spain, and is taking measures for its occupancy, her conduct must be con-
sidered as decidedly hostile to the U. States. As well might the British
government send an army, to Philadelphia, or to Charlestown, as to New
Orleans, or to any portion of Louisiana Westward of the Perdido, knowing as
it does the just title of the United States to that limit. To send a consider-
able force to East-Florida, even should the British government state, that
it had accepted the cession of that province only, could not be viewed in a
friendly light. Why send a large force there, if Spain has ceded, and is
ready to surrender the province, unless the British government has objects
in view, unjust in their nature, the pursuit of which must of necessity,
produce war with the United-States? East-Florida in itself is comparatively
nothing; but as a post, in the hands of Great-Britain, it is of the highest
importance. Commanding the Gulph of Mexico, and all its waters, includ-
ing the Mississippi with its branches, and the streams emptying into the
Mobile, a vast proportion of the most fertile and productive parts of this
Union, on which the navigation and commerce so essentially depend, would
be subject to its annoyance, not to mention its influence on the Creeks and
other neighboring Indians. It is believed if Great-Britain has accepted the
cession of East-Florida, and of it only, that she has done it with intention
to establish a strong post there, and to avail herself of it for all the purposes
above suggested. If the cession has greater extent, the design is more ap-
parent.
The President desires that you will bring this subject before the British
government, without delay, in a friendly and conciliatory manner, and ascer-
tain, if it is disposed to give the information, whether such cession has been
made, and if it has, to what extent. If none has been made, the British
government, will, it is presumed, take an interest in removing the impression,
MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 13.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


which these reports, coming from so many quarters, could not fail to make.
If a cession has been made, it is probable that she will explain its extent
and her future views in regard to it, as a frank and open policy is most
becoming a great nation, and if her policy is peace, most likely to preserve it.
If she acquired it in war, be the extent of it what it may, it may have been
obtained, as an instrument to subserve the purposes of that period only;
peace having since taken place on conditions satisfactory to both parties,
her views in regard to that territory, may have undergone a similar change.
In this case she may be willing to rid herself of a property, which she may
reasonably anticipate, will never be advantageous to her, and may be pro-
ductive of much harm. If a cession has been made to Great-Britain of East-
Florida, and her views in regard to it have undergone such a change, it will
be agreeable to this government to obtain it of her, at a fair equivalent, as
you may suggest, in your conferences on the subject, should circumstances
justify it.
The revolution which is making rapid progress in South-America, becomes
daily more interesting to the United-States. From the best information
that we can obtain, there is much cause to believe, that those provinces will
separate from the mother-country. Several of them have already abrogated
its authority, and established independent governments. They insist on
the acknowledgment of their governments by the United-States, and when
it is considered that the alternative is between governments, which, in the
event of their independence, would be free and friendly, and the relation
which, reasoning from the past, must be expected from them, as colonies,
there is no cause to doubt in which scale our interest lies. What are the
views and intentions of the British government on this important subject?
Is it not the interest of Great-Britain that the Spanish provinces should
become independent? Will her government promote it, at what time and
under what circumstances? In case of a rupture, between the U. S. & Spain
at any future time, what part will Great-Britain take in the contest, it being
distinctly to be understood, that we shall ask, in regard to the Spanish
provinces, no privileges in trade which shall not be common to other nations?
Spain has been long unfriendly to the United-States, and done them positive
injuries, for which reparation has been withheld, and her government still
assumes a tone, which, in other respects, is far from being satisfactory. The
part which the United-States may act hereafter, towards that power, must
depend on circumstances. Should the Spanish government persevere in its
unjust policy, it might have some influence on our measures, and it would be
advantageous to know the views of the British government in these respects.
The President has agreed, on considerations which have been thought
sufficient to justify it, to waive objections of a personal nature, and to receive
Mr. Onis, as Minister from Spain.
Before entering into any communications with the British government,








DOCUMENT 18: JANUARY 19, 1816


relating to the part Great-Britain will take towards the Spanish provinces in
South-America, who have declared themselves independent, or may here-
after, you will satisfy yourself that the British government puts a just value
on the existing relations between the United-States and Great-Britain, and
will not convert the communication which is a proof of amity, and intended
to be confidential, into an instrument for promoting hostility between Spain
and the United-States. Your communication, in any view, had therefore
better be informal, and apparently proceeding from yourself only.
I have the honor [etc.].



18
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States1
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, January 19, I816.
SIR: I have had the honor to receive your letters2 of the 30. of December,
and 2. of January and to submit them to the President.
You demand that your Sovereign shall be put in possession of West-
Florida; that certain persons whom you have mentioned, shall be arrested
and tried on the charge of promoting insurrection in the Spanish provinces,
and exciting citizens of the United-States to join in it; and thirdly, that the
flags of Carthagena, the Mexican Congress, Buenos-Ayres, and other revolt-
ing Provinces, shall be excluded from the ports of the United-States. . .
You demand next that Mr. Toledo and others whom you mention, charged
with promoting revolt in the Spanish provinces, and exciting citizens of the
United-States to join in it, shall be arrested and tried, their troops disarmed
and dispersed.
You intimate that troops are levying in Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana,
and Georgia, for the invasion of the Spanish provinces, of whom one thousand
are from Kentucky, and three hundred from Tennessee, to be commanded
by American citizens, but you do not state at what points these men are
collected, or by whom commanded, and as to the forces said to be raised in
Louisiana and Georgia, your communication is more indefinite. The in-
formation recently obtained by this Department, from persons of high con-
sideration, is of a very different character. It is stated that no men are
collected, nor is there evidence of an attempt or design to collect any in
Kentucky, Tennessee, or Georgia, for the purpose stated, and that the force
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 121. This letter is printed in American State
Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 424. The record shows Luis de Onis as envoy extraordinary
and minister plenipotentiary of Spain from October 7, 1809, to May o1, 1819.
2 See below, pt. xim, docs. 1037 and 1038.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


said to be assembled under Mr. Toledo, is very inconsiderable, and composed
principally of Spaniards and Frenchmen. If any portion of it, consists of
citizens of the United-States, their conduct is unauthorized and illegal.
This force is not within the settled parts of Louisiana, but in the wilderness,
between the settlements of the United-States and Spain, beyond the actual
operation of our laws. I have to request that you will have the goodness to
state, at what points, in Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia and Louisiana, any
force is collected, the number in each instance, and by whom commanded.
If such force is collected, or collecting, within the United-States, for the
purpose suggested, or other illegal purpose, it will be dispersed, and the
parties prosecuted according to law.
This government is under no obligation, nor has it the power, by any law
or treaty, to surrender any inhabitant of Spain, or the Spanish provinces, on
the demand of the government of Spain; nor is any such inhabitant punish-
able by the laws of the United-States, for acts committed beyond their
jurisdiction, the case of pirates alone excepted. This is a fundamental law
of our system. It is not however confined to us. It is believed to be the
law of all civilized nations, where not particularly varied by Treaties.
In reply to your third demand, the exclusion of the Flag of the revolting
provinces, I have to observe, that in consequence of the unsettled state of
many countries, and repeated changes of the ruling authority in each, there
being, at the same time, several competitors, and each party bearing its
appropriate flag, the President thought it proper, some time past, to give
orders to the Collectors, not to make the flag of any vessel, a criterion on
condition of its admission into the ports of the United-States. Having taken
no part, in the differences and convulsions, which have disturbed those
countries, it is consistent with the just principles, as it is with the interests
of the United-States, to receive the vessels of all countries, into their ports,
to whatever party belonging, and under whatever flag sailing, pirates ex-
cepted, requiring of them only the payment of the duties, and obedience to
the laws while under their jurisdiction; without adverting to the question
whether they had committed any violation of the allegiance or laws obliga-
tory on them, in the countries to which they belonged, either in assuming
such flag, or in any other respect.
In the differences which have subsisted between Spain and her colonies,
the United-States have observed all proper respect to their friendly relations
with Spain. They took no measure to indemnify themselves for losses and
injuries; none to guard against the occupancy of the Spanish territory, by
the British forces in the late war, or to occupy the territory to which the
United-States consider their title good, except in the instance of West-
Florida, and in that instance, under circumstances, which made their inter-
position, as much an act of accommodation to the Spanish authority there,
as of security to themselves. They have also prohibited their citizens, from








DOCUMENT 19: FEBRUARY 2, 1816


taking any part in the war, and the inhabitants of the colonies and other
foreigners connected with them, from recruiting in the United-States for
that purpose. The proclamations, which have been issued by the Governors
of some of the States and Territories, at the instance of the President, and
the Proclamation lately issued by the President himself, are not unknown to
your government. This conduct, under such circumstances, and at such a
time, is of a character too marked, to be mistaken by the impartial world.
What will be the final result of the civil war, which prevails, between Spain
and the Spanish provinces in America, is beyond the reach of human fore-
sight. It has already existed many years, and with various success, some-
times one party prevailing and then the other. In some of the Provinces, the
success of the Revolutionists, appears to have given to their cause, more
stability than in others. All that your government had a right to claim of
the United-States, was, that they should not interfere in the contest, or
promote by any active service, the success of the Revolution, admitting that
they continued to overlook the injuries received from Spain, and remained
at peace. This right was common to the colonists. With equal justice,
might they claim, that we would not interfere to their disadvantage: that
our ports should remain open to both parties, as they were, before the com-
mencement of the struggle: that our laws regulating commerce with foreign
nations, should not be changed to their injury. On these principles the
United-States have acted.
So much have I thought proper to state respecting the relations existing
between the United-States and Spain. The restoration of the diplomatic
intercourse between our governments forms an epoch which cannot fail to
be important to both nations. If it does not produce a result, favorable to
their future friendship and good understanding, to your government will the
failure be imputable. The United-States have at all times been willing, to
settle their differences, on just principles and conditions, and they still
are.


19
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to John Quincy Adams, United States
Minister to Great Britain
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, February 2, i8i6.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit to you a copy of a late communication2
with the Minister of Spain, on subjects highly interesting to the United-
States. You will I am persuaded see strong proof of the justice and modera-
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 23.
2 See above, doc. 18, Monroe to Onis, January 19, 1816.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


tion of this government, as well in what regards the future as the past, in
the reply to his letters.
A strong suspicion is entertained here by many that the Spanish govern-
ment relies on the support, of the British, if it is not instigated by it, to
make those demands. It will be very satisfactory, and is indeed highly
important, to ascertain what the views of the British government are in
these respects. You have I presume received my letter of the 10 of Decem-
ber,1 which suggests enquiries much connected with the present one . .





20
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Levett Harris, United States Charg6
d'Affaires in Russia2
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, February 2, i8i6.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit to you a copy of a late communication3
with the Minister of Spain, on subjects highly interesting to the United-
States. You will I am persuaded see strong proof of the justice and modera-
tion of the United-States, as well in what regards the future as the past, in
the reply to his letters.
It is important to be made acquainted with the views of the Emperor of
Russia, respecting the independence of the Spanish Provinces. In former
communications we had reason to believe that he favored it. It will be
highly gratifying to find that he still entertains that disposition. You will
doubtless have no difficulty in ascertaining his sentiments, which I shall be
glad to be apprized of without delay. The anxiety to possess this informa-
tion, is increased by a presumption, that the Spanish government would not
make these extraordinary demands, if it was not countenanced in them
by some other power.
1 See above, doc. 17.
2 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 24.
3 See above, doc. 18, Monroe to Onis, January 19, 1816.








DOCUMENT 22: FEBRUARY 21, 1816


21
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to William Eustis, United States Minister
to the Netherlands 2

WASHINGTON, February 2, i816.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit to you a copy of a late communication
with the Minister of Spain, on subjects highly interesting to the United-
States. You will I am persuaded see strong proof of the justice and modera-
tion of this government, as well in what regards the future as the past, in the
reply to his letters.
I have the honor [etc.].


22
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States3

WASHINGTON, February 21, i816.
SIR: It is represented that many American Citizens have been made
prisoners at Carthagena, by order of the Commander of the forces of His
Catholic Majesty, and that they are treated with the greatest severity. A
number of these persons are said to have been seized on the high seas, on a
charge of having violated the blockade of the port, or on pretexts of other
kinds; others to have been decoyed there after the place was captured; some
who were resident merchants; and it is possible, that some may have been
engaged, as parties, in the civil war, between Spain and her colonies.
With respect to all those, first above mentioned, it is presumed, that they
will be discharged, as soon as the circumstances of their respective cases are
known. With respect to the last class of prisoners, such of our citizens as
may have been taken in arms, I flatter myself that you will not be less ready
to interpose your good offices to obtain their discharge. In such commo-
tions, individuals of various nations, often find themselves, in that situation,
and it is as contrary to the Law of nations as it is to humanity, to treat them
otherwise than with the lenity due to prisoners of war.
The President intends to send immediately a public vessel to Carthagena,
for these persons, and it will be very satisfactory to commit to the Officer,
who may be charged with his commands, a letter from you to the Governor
1 A circular identical with this was on the same date sent to Jonathan Russell, United States
minister to Sweden and Norway, to Thomas Sumter, United States minister to Brazil, and
to Henry Jackson, United States secretary of legation in France acting as charge d'affaires
ad interim from April 22, 1815, to July 9, 1816.
2 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 25. William Eustis, of Massa-
chusetts: Commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the Nether-
lands, December 19, 1814. Took leave, May 5, 1818.
3 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 131.








24 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES

of'the Province, or other person in authority there, favorable to the object
of:his mission.
I have the honor [etc.].


23
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to George W. Erving, appointed United
States Minister to Spain '
WASHINGTON, March iz, 1816.
SIR: You will set out in discharge of the duties of your mission to Spain as
soon after the receipt of this letter as circumstances will permit. Our re-
lations with that country are, from many causes, becoming daily more and
more interesting. They will require your assiduous and zealous attention
as soon as you are recognized by the Spanish Government.
The restoration of the diplomatic intercourse between the two countries,
long interrupted by causes well known to you, presents a favorable oppor-
tunity for the settlement of every difference with that Power. The Presi-
dent has already manifested his sincere desire to take advantage of it for
that purpose, and hopes that the Spanish Government cherishes a similar
disposition.
The primary causes of difference proceeded from spoliations on their
commerce, for which Spain is held responsible, the justice of which she
admitted by a convention; and from the refusal of the Spanish Government
to settle on just principles the boundaries of Louisiana, and to compensate,
on like principles, for the injuries arising from the suppression of the de-
posite at New Orleans in the breach of the treaty of 1795. The grounds of
these differences have been so often discussed, and the justice of our claims
so completely established in the instructions heretofore given, and in com-
munications with the Spanish Government, that it is thought unnecessary
to enter into them in this letter. Other injuries have likewise been since
received from Spain, particularly in the late war with Great Britain, to which
it may be proper for you to advert. I shall transmit to you, herewith, such
papers relating to our claims in every instance, as will place their merits in a
just light.
In a conversation with Mr. Onis, shortly after the late correspondence with
him, he intimated that his Government was sincerely desirous of settling
these differences, and that it might be willing to cede its claim to territory
on the eastern side of the Mississippi, in satisfaction of claims, and in ex-
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 433. George W. Erving, of Massa-
chusetts: Commissioned secretary of legation in Spain, November 22, 1804. Acted as
charge d'affaires ad interim from January 12, 1805. (Direct and official relations with Spain
were broken off in 1808 and not renewed until 1814. Mr. Erving, however, remained until
February, I8Io.) Commissioned minister plenipotentiary to Spain, August 0o, 1814. Took
leave April 29, 1819.








DOCUMENT 24: MARCH 13, 1816


change for territory on the western side. He expressed also a desire that the
negotiation might take place at Madrid, rather than in this city. It was
expected that he had been already furnished with full powers to negotiate
such a treaty, and it would be more agreeable to conclude it here if he had
such powers, or might soon procure them, provided there was any ground to
hope an early termination of it. But, from the experience we have already
had, it may be fairly apprehended that a negotiation here would lead to
very extraordinary delays, which it is wished to avoid.
The President will soon decide on the whole subject; after which, you shall
be duly instructed of the course to be pursued, and of the measures to be
taken. These instructions shall be forwarded to you at Madrid by Mr.
Henry B. Smith.



24
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States
WASHINGTON, March 13, I816.
SIR: I have the honor to inform you that the President has decided to send
Christopher Hughes Esqre., late Secretary of Legation at Ghent, in the
frigate Macedonian, to Carthagena, to make application, to the Commander
of the Spanish forces there, for the restoration of such American citizens as
may have been made prisoners within the dominions of Spain under his
command, relative to whom I lately addressed you.2 Mr. Hughes will have
the honor to deliver you this letter, and I have to request that you will have
the goodness to give him the letter to the proper authority promised in yours
to me of the 26. ultimo.
Altho' you make a distinction between the prisoners to the disadvantage
of those engaged in the contest prevailing between Spain and the Provinces,
yet as the latter are entitled by the law of nations, as well as by humanity,
to be considered and treated as prisoners of war, I flatter myself, on recon-
sideration of the subject, that you will include them likewise in the benefit
of your intercession.
Orders will be given to the Commander of the Macedonian to bring home
all the citizens of the United-States, who may be thus discharged.
I have the honor [etc.].
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 132.
2 On February 21, 1816. See above, doc. 22.







PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


25
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States
WASHINGTON, March 20, i8x6.
SIR: I have had the honor to receive your letter of March 2d. announcing
the continuance of a blockade of the Spanish coast, in South-America, from
Santa Marta, to the River Atrato, inclusive of the latter, by the Commander
in Chief of His Catholic Majesty's forces, and that if any vessel is met South
of the mouths of the Magdalena, or North of the parallel of Cape Tiburon, on
the Mosquito Coast, and between the meridian of those points, she shall be
seized and condemned as prize, whatever may be her documents or destina-
tion. You state also that the ports of Santa Marta and Porto-Bello are left
open to neutrals.
I have to state that this proclamation of General Morillo, is evidently
repugnant to the law of nations, for several reasons, particularly the follow-
ing, that it declares a coast of several hundred miles, to be in a state of
blockade, and because it authorizes the seizure of neutral vessels, at an
unjustifiable distance from the coast. No maxim of the law of nations is
better established, than that a blockade shall be confined to particular ports,
and that an adequate force shall be stationed at each, to support it. The
force should be stationary, and not a cruizing squadron, and placed so near
the entrance of the harbour, or mouth of the river, as to make it evidently
dangerous for a vessel to enter. I have to add that a vessel entering the port,
ought not to be seized, except in returning to it, after being warned off, by
the blockading squadron, stationed near it.
I am instructed by the President to state to you these objections, to the
blockade, which has been announced in your letter, that you may com-
municate them to your government, and in confidence that you will, in the
mean time, interpose your good offices, and prevail on General Morillo, to
alter his proclamation and practice under it, in such manner, as to conform
in both respects to the law of nations.
In stating to you these well founded objections, to this blockade, of
General Morillo, I have the honor to observe that your motive for communi-
cating it, is duly appreciated.
I have the honor [etc.]
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 134. The same is printed in American State Papers.
Foreign Relations, IV, 156.








DOCUMENT 26: MARCH 25, 1816


26
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Christopher Hughes, Jr., Special Agent
of the United States to Cartagena'
WASHINGTON, March 25, i816.
SIR: In discharge of the trust reposed in you, by the President, you will
embark on board the Frigate, Macedonian, at Boston, and proceed without
delay to Carthagena.
You will receive with this, a letter to the Commander in Chief of the
Spanish forces, or other person in authority, informing him that you are in-
structed by the President to request the discharge of such of our citizens as
may have been taken and detained as prisoners there, or elsewhere within the
sphere of his command, with their property and to bring them home. It is
presumed that General Morillo is the officer to whom the letter ought to be
addressed, but it is given to you, blank, that in case the authority should be
vested in another, you may direct it to him.
My letter to the Chevr. de Onis, of February 21,2 states the causes, so far
as they are known here, for which these persons have been made prisoners.
By his reply, it may be inferred, that the objections entertained to the dis-
charge of all who have not borne arms, on the side of the Revolutionists, may
be, without much difficulty, surmounted. If a difficulty exists with respect
to any of either of the first classes, it must apply, as is presumed, to those
who are charged with having violated the blockade. That that should have
been made a pretext, even had the blockade been legal, is cause of surprise,
since the forfeiture of the property is the highest penalty recognized by the
law of nations for such an act. But the blockade is not legal, for the reasons
stated in my letter to the Chevr. de Onis, of the 20 instant,3 to which I have
not yet received an answer. The illegality of the blockade vitiates the whole
proceeding, and is an additional reason for an accommodation in that and all
similar cases.
The claim to the discharge of such as have been confined, for joining the
Revolutionists, is considered, fully sanctioned by the law of nations. The
war between Spain and her provinces, is marked with all the circumstances
which characterize a civil war. It has been of long continuance: govern-
ments regularly organized, are established in the provinces, by whom troops
are raised, and the war is carried on. Very different is the situation of the
Spanish provinces from that of an ordinary popular movement, which is
called an insurrection or rebellion. Nor does the contest take the character
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 4o. Christopher Hughes, Jr., of
Maryland: Commissioned secretary of legation to Sweden and Norway, September 26, i816.
Acted as charge d'affaires ad interim from the middle of April to December o1, 1817. Was
left in charge by Mr. Russell on retiring, October 16, 1818, and remained until he received
a commission as charge d'affaires, January 20, 1819. Retired, July 15, 1825, having been
appointed charge d'affaires to the Netherlands.
See above, doc. 22.
*See above, doc. 25.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


of a civil war, from the manner of its termination, as is known by the example
of our own revolution. Till the peace of 1783, the fortune of the war was not
settled; notwithstanding which, the rights of war were observed on both
sides, flags passed between them, discussions took place, cartels were settled
and exchanges made, from the commencement. Just principles, as well as
example, require, that these humane usages should be observed in the war
between Spain and her colonies, and if yielding to a more vindictive spirit,
they be disregarded, the consequences will excite the horror of the civilized
world. Should either of the parties disregard these rules in respect to the
other, it does not follow that it has a right to do it, with respect to the
citizens or subjects of other powers. As to the latter, the character of the
war, is still the same, and the United-States have a right, that the protection
secured by the law of nations, be extended to them. In the war of our
Revolution, foreigners in our service, were not only exchanged, but treated
with marked attention by the British authorities.
We have seen a Proclamation in the Gazettes, imputed to General Morillo,
of the vindictive character above described, which, as the Spanish Minister
has not announced it, may possibly be, a fabrication. In the project of a
cool and deliberate massacre of prisoners, for various offences, which it
avows and threatens, it appears that our citizens and the subjects of other
powers, are equally comprized, with the inhabitants of the Provinces. It is
hoped that this is not the act of General Morillo, and that he will disavow it.
It would be a cause of deep regret, if it be his act, that it should be carried into
effect, against any citizen of the United-States.
The restoration of the property is supposed to be a necessary consequence
of the discharge of the persons to whom it belongs. The Blockade being
unlawful, and the whole proceeding against our citizens of the same charac-
ter, authorizes the expectation that a conciliatory spirit will be manifested,
even in cases of doubtful right, should there be such, in deciding on this
application.
It is believed that no example can be adduced, in such a contest, under all
the circumstances attending it, where the inhabitants of a neighboring
country, have participated so little in it. This neutrality and impartiality
of the United-States, will, doubtless, be duly appreciated by the Spanish
commander.
The application which you are instructed to make for the restoration of
our citizens with their property, rests on the ground of right. It will
nevertheless be proper, while you enforce it on that principle, to mingle in
your communications with the Spanish commander, in the manner, a spirit
of friendly conciliation.
I have the honor [etc.].








DOCUMENT 28: MAY IO, 1816


27
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Albert Gallatin, United States Minister
to France1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 15, 1816.
You are acquainted with our situation with Spain, and with the state of her
contest with her American provinces. It is believed to be the interest of
most, if not all the other powers of Europe that the provinces should establish
their Independence. It is very uncertain what part England will take in
this contest, on which much will depend. If she aids the parent country, the
colonies may fail. Equally uncertain is it, what part France will take. An-
other attempt will be made to settle our differences with Spain, on the most
liberal conditions, but, reasoning from the past, it is impossible to foresee a
satisfactory result. Should this fail, and a brilliant success attend the Span-
ish operations against the colonies, its effect will probably be felt in our
negotiations with the Spanish government. It is therefore important to as-
certain what the views of the French government are, respecting the Inde-
pendence of these Provinces, and the differences existing between the United-
States and Spain, and generally what the connexion is between France and
Spain, and the support which the latter may derive under any circumstances,
from the former. It will be your duty to promote such views as may be
favorable to the United-States.


28
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to William Pinkney, United States Minister
to Russia2
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, May IO, I816.2
To the general policy of Russia with other powers, your attention will be
very properly directed. It is particularly desirable however to ascertain it,
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 45. Albert Gallatin, of Pennsyl-
vania: Commissioned with James A. Bayard and John Quincy Adams envoys extraordinary
and ministers plenipotentiary, April 22, 1813, jointly and severally empowered to negotiate
a treaty of commerce with Russia. The Senate, on the 19th of July, 1813, assented to the
appointment of Messrs. Adams and Bayard and rejected Mr. Gallatin. Mr. Gallatin ad-
dressed a note to the chancellor on November 2, 1813, stating that he was no longer a member
of the Mission. Messrs. Gallatin and Bayard left St. Petersburg, January 25, 1814. Com-
missioned, with others, minister plenipotentiary and extraordinary, February 9, 1814, em-
powered to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace and a treaty of commerce with Great
Britain. Commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to France,
February 28, 1815. Left Paris, May 16, 1823, on leave. Was associated with Richard
Rush, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain, May 22, I818,
to conclude treaties for the renewal of the convention of July 3, 1815, and for commerce with
Great Britain.
MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 52.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


in regard to the contest now existing between Spain and her colonies, in
which, the latter are contending for their Independence. To the result of
this contest the United-States, from a variety of considerations, cannot be
altogether indifferent. The government of Spain has long manifested a
jealousy of the growth of the United-States, and in several instances done
them serious injury, for which it has hitherto refused to make reparation.
An attempt will soon be made to adjust these differences, on fair conditions,
but such has been the conduct of the Spanish government, that much de-
pendence cannot be placed on a favorable result.




29
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to William Pinkney, United States Minister
to Russia
WASHINGTON, May 27, 81i6.
SIR: As the letters 2 of Mr Onis to this Department which were published
during the last session of Congress, may have excited some interest in Europe,
I have deemed it proper to put you in possession of the enclosed copy of a
communication 3 to me from the Attorney of the United-States for the Dis-
trict of Louisiana. It will enable you, should occasion require it, to place the
conduct of this government and its agents, in relation to the contest between
Spain and her Provinces, in a proper point of view.
From this communication you will see that the statements of Mr Onis, as
respects both the military movements and the conduct of the local authori-
ties in Louisiana, are entirely groundless. I need scarcely add that what he
has said about the collection of large bodies of armed men in Kentucky &
Tennessee, for the purpose of invading the possessions of His Catholic Maj-
esty is equally so.
I have the honor [etc.].
SMS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 70.
2 See above, doc. 18, Monroe to Onis, January 19, 1816, first paragraph.
3 See below, pt. I, doc. 31, note 4.








DOCUMENT 31: JUNE IO, 1816


30
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Jose Rademaker, Portuguese Charge
d'Affaires in the United States1
WASHINGTON, June 5, i816.
SIR: I have received the letter which you did me the honor to address to me,
with a copy of the order or law, by which your Sovereign has erected Brazil
into a Kingdom, and annexed it to his Kingdoms of Portugal and Algarves,
so as to form one and the same political Body under the Title of the United-
Kingdoms of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves.
Having submitted these Papers to the President, I have it in charge from
him to assure you that the measure adopted by your Sovereign is seen with
great satisfaction by this Government, as it cannot fail to promote the pros-
perity of his dominions, and may probably strengthen the ties of friendship
and good understanding which have long happily subsisted between the two
nations. Both these objects interest the United-States and any measure
calculated to promote them will be highly acceptable to them.
You will be pleased to communicate these sentiments to your government
and to accept the assurances of the great respect with which
I have the honor [etc.].



31
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States2
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, June IO, 1816.
In adverting to the parts of your letter which relate to the revolted Prov-
inces of Spain in America, and the aid which you state, the revolutionary
party have derived from the United-States, I cannot avoid expressing,
equally my surprise and regret. I stated in my letter to you of Jan. 19:3
that no aid had ever been afforded them, either in men, money or supplies of
any kind, by the government, not presuming that the gratuitous supply of
provisions, to the unfortunate people of Caraccas, in consequence of the
calamity with which they were visited, would be viewed in that light, and
that aid to them from our citizens, inconsistent with the laws of the United-
States and with the law of nations, had been prohibited, and that the prohi-
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 139. Jose Rademaker, consul general of Portugal
in the United States: Acted as charge d'affaires ad interim.
2 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 146.
See above, doc. 18.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


bition had been enforced with care and attention. You stated in your letter
of Jany. 2d,1 that forces were collecting in different parts of our Western and
Southern country, particularly in Kentucky, Tennessee and Louisiana for the
purpose of invading the Spanish Provinces. I stated to you in reply,2 that
I knew of no such collection of troops in any quarter, and that from informa-
tion derived from the highest authorities, I was satisfied that none such had
been made. I requested you to state, at what points these troops were col-
lected, and who were the commanders. You have sent me in reply3 extracts
of letters from persons whose names are withheld, which establish none of the
facts alleged as to the raising of troops in the United-States, but recite only
vague rumours, to that effect. I have the honor to transmit to you a copy
of a letter on this subject from Mr Dick,4 the Attorney of the United-States

1 See below, pt. xiI, doc. 1038.
2 See above, doc. 18, Monroe to Onis, January 19, 1816.
3 See below, pt. XIII, doc. 1039, Onis to Secretary of State, February 22, 1816.
The enclosed letter from Mr. John Dick to the Secretary of State, above referred to,
which follows, is reprinted from American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 431:
NEW ORLEANS, March z, z8i6.
SIR: I have just had an opportunity of perusing the letters of the Chevalier de Onis,
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of His Catholic Majesty, addressed
to you under dates of the 3oth of December and the 2d of January. As these letters
dwell largely upon transactions affecting the neutrality of the United States, which are
said to have occurred, and to be still occurring here, and as they charge the public
authorities of this city with giving, in the face of the President's proclamation of the Ist
of September last, protection and support to the enemies of His Catholic Majesty, I
think it not improper to address you in relation to these charges.
It is affirmed by the Chevalier de Onis, "and it is," says he, "universally public and
notorious, that a factious band of insurgents and incendiaries continue with impunity,
in the province of Louisiana, and especially in New Orleans and Natchitoches, the un-
interrupted system of raising and arming troops to light the flame of revolution in the
kingdom of New Spain. All Louisiana," he continues, "has witnessed these armaments,
the public enlistments, the transportation of arms, the junction of the insurgents, and
their hostile and warlike march from the territory of this republic against the possessions
of a friendly and neighboring Power."
No troops at present are, or at any former period were, openly raised, armed, or
enlisted, at Natchitoches, or at New Orleans, or at any other point within the State of
Louisiana. Arms have been transported from this place, by sea and otherwise, as
objects of merchandise, and probably have been disposed of to some of the revolutionary
Governments of New Spain. It has not been supposed here that there was any law of
the United States, any provision by treaty, or any principle of national law, that pro-
hibits this species of commerce. It was considered that the purchasing and exporting,
by way of merchandise, of articles termed contraband, were free alike to both bellig-
erents; and that, if our citizens engaged in it, they would be abandoned to the penalties
which the laws of war authorize.
What is said, too, about the junction of the insurgents, and their hostile and warlike
march from the territory of the United States against the possessions of Spain, is un-
founded. In the summer of the year 1812, a band of adventurers, without organization,
and apparently without any definite object, made an incursion into the province of
Texas, as far as San Antonio, by the way of Nacogdoches. No doubt many of the
persons belonging to this party passed by the way of Natchitoches, but separately, in
no kind of military array, and under such circumstances as to preclude the interference
of the civil or military authorities of the United States, or of the State of Louisiana.
What could be effected in this respect was done; twice in the years 18II-'I2, parties
of adventurers, who had assembled between the Rio Hondo and the Sabine, (the neutral
territory,) were dispersed by the garrison of Natchitoches, their huts demolished, and
their whole establishment broken up.









DOCUMENT 31: JUNE IO, 1816


for the District of Louisiana, by which you will see how attentive the public
authorities there have been to the execution of the Laws of the United-States
The party that marched upon San Antonio assembled to the west of the Sabine,
beyond the operation of our laws, and from thence carried on their operations. So far
from troops, upon this occasion, assembling at different points, forming a junction
within the territories of the United States, and marching thence, I am assured, by
various and most respectable authorities, that, although it was generally understood
at Natchitoches that some enterprise was on foot, it was extraordinary to see two of the
persons supposed to be engaged in it together. The officer commanding at that time
the United States troops at Natchitoches (Major Wolstoncraft) offered his services to
the civil authorities in aid of the laws, and to preserve inviolate the neutrality which
they enforce.
In consequence, several individuals found with arms were arrested; they alleged that
they were hunters; and there being no evidence to the contrary, or rather no proof of
their being engaged in any illegal undertaking, they were, of course, discharged. So
well satisfied, indeed, were the Spanish authorities of the adjoining province that
neither our Government nor its agents gave succors or countenance to this expedition,
that, during the time they knew it to be organized, or organizing, they applied to the
garrison at Natchitoches for an escort to bring in some specie, which was immediately
granted.
Toledo, who, at the time of its defeat, commanded the party that penetrated to San
Antonio, came to this city in the autumn of 1814, when he was immediately arrested,
and recognized to answer, at the succeeding term of the federal court, to a charge of
setting on foot, within the territory of the United States, a military expedition or enter-
prise, to be carried on from thence against the territories or dominions of the King of
Spain; six months having passed, and no testimony whatever appearing against him,
his recognizance was delivered up.
After the discomfiture of the party under Toledo, no enterprise destined to aid the
revolutionists of New Spain appears to have been set on foot from the vicinity of the
United States, until late in the summer of last year, when it was rumored that a party,
under a person of the name of Perry, was forming for that purpose somewhere on the
western coast of Louisiana. Upon the first intimation that this enterprise was medi-
tated, steps were taken here to frustrate it. Nothing occurred to justify prosecutions
or arrests; a large quantity of arms, however, supposed to be intended for this party,
were seized on the river, and detained at the custom-house for several months; and
Commodore Patterson, commanding naval officer on this station, instructed the officers
under his command, cruising in the neighborhood of the suspected place of rendezvous,
(Belleisle, at the mouth of Bayou Teche,) to ascertain the truth of the rumors in circu-
lation, and, if verified, to use the force under their respective commands in dispersing
the persons assembled, and in frustrating their illegal intentions. In obedience to these
orders, the coast, as far as the Sabine, was examined, and no persons discovered. It
is now ascertained that Perry, Humbert, and their followers, inconsiderable in number,
passed separately through Attakapas, and assembled about two leagues to the west of
the Sabine. Thence they embarked for some place on the coast of Mexico, were
wrecked, dispersed, and their plans, whatever they were, totally defeated.
I have, in the foregoing detail, sir, given, partly from information entitled to perfect
confidence, and partly from my own knowledge, a brief and hurried outline of two fruit-
less attempts of a handful of restless and uninfluential individuals, stimulated by the
desire of aiding the cause of Mexican independence, or that of bettering their own
fortunes. These are the only military enterprises against the dominions of the Spanish
Crown that have drawn any portion of their aid or support from Louisiana: in both,
the mass of adventurers was composed of Spaniards, Frenchmen, and Italians. I need
not say that these enterprises, whether in aid of the revolutionists or merely predatory,
were not only feeble and insignificant, but that they were formed under circumstances
which forbid a surmise of their being sanctioned or connived at. Every man acquainted
with the state of public feeling throughout the southern and western sections of the
United States knows that had our Government but manifested the slightest disposition
to sanction enterprises in aid of the revolutionists of New Spain, the condition of these
provinces would not at this day be doubtful.
It is said that troops have been recently enlisted, and that expeditions have been
preparing, or are prepared, in this city to invade the dominions of Spain. The enlist-
ing of men and the preparing of enterprises, or the means for enterprises, of the kind









PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


and to the orders of their government, and how little they have deserved the
charges made against them.

spoken of, cannot be accomplished without means, or be carried on in the midst of a
populous city in solitude and silence. Yet it is known, in the first place, that neither
Mr. Toledo nor Mr. Herrera had or have pecuniary means for such purposes; and, in
the second, so far as negative proof can go, or so far as the absence of one thing implies
another, it is most certain that no enlistments have taken place, and that no expedi-
tions, or the means of expeditions, have been prepared or are preparing here.
A regard to truth makes it necessary to say that what is alleged respecting the arm-
ing and fitting out of vessels within the waters of Louisiana, to be employed in the
service of the revolutionary Governments against the subjects or property of the King
of Spain, is unfounded. At no period since the commencement of the struggle between
the Spanish colonies and the mother country have vessels, to be employed in the service
of the colonies, been permitted to fit out and arm, or to augment their force at New
Orleans, or elsewhere within the State of Louisiana.
On the contrary, it is notorious that to no one point of duty have the civil and military
authorities of the United States directed more strenuously, or, it is believed, more
successfully, their attention, than to the discovering and suppression of all attempts to
violate the laws in these respects. Attempts to violate them by fitting out and arm-
ing, and by augmenting the force of vessels, have no doubt been frequent, but certainly
in no instance successful, except where conducted under circumstances of concealment
that eluded discovery and almost suspicion, or where carried on at some remote point
of the coast beyond the reach of detection or discovery. In every instance where it
was known that these illegal acts were attempting, or where it was afterwards discovered
that they had been committed, the persons engaged, as far as they were known, have
been prosecuted, while the vessels fitted out, or attempted to be fitted out, have been
seized and libelled, under the act of the 5th of June, 1794; and when captures have
been made by vessels thus fitted out and armed, or in which their force was augmented
or increased within our waters, where the property taken was brought within our juris-
diction, or even found upon the high seas by our cruisers, and brought in, it has been
restored to the original Spanish owners, and, in some instances, damages awarded
against the captors.
An enumeration of the cases in which individuals have been prosecuted for infringing,
or attempting to infringe, our neutrality, in aid of the Governments of New Spain, and
in which vessels have been seized and libelled, under the act of the 5th June, 1794,
together with a list of the vessels and property restored to the original Spanish owners,
(confining the whole to the operations of the year commencing March, 1815, and ending
February, 1816,) will show more conclusively, perhaps, than any thing else can, how
totally without foundation are the complaints of Spain on this head.
The names of individuals presented in the district court of the United States for the Louisiana
district, during the year 1815, for violating, or attempting to violate, the neutrality of the
United States, in aid of the Governments of the United Provinces of New Granada and of
the United Provinces of Mexico
Jose Alvarez de Toledo, Romain Very,
Julius Caesar Amazoni, Pierre Scemeson,
Vincent Gamble, Bernard Bourdin.
John Robinson,
List of vessels libelled for illegal outfits, in aid of the same Governments, during the same
period
Brig Flora Americana, restored. Schooner General Bolivar, discontinued.
Schooner Presidente, condemned. Schooner Eugenia, alias Indiana, condemned.
Schooner Petit Milan, condemned. Schooner Two Brothers, restored.
Enumeration of vessels and property brought within the Louisiana district, captured under
the flags and by the authority of the Governments of New Granada and of Mexico, libelled
on the part of the original Spanish owners, and restored upon the ground that the capturing
vessels had been fitted out and armed, or had their force augmented, within the waters of
the United States
I. Schooner Cometa, restored April, 1815.
2. Schooner Dorada, proceeds restored I6th May, 1815, $3,050.
3. Schooner Amiable Maria, proceeds restored I6th May, 1815, $3,850.









DOCUMENT 32: JULY 20, 1816


As I cannot doubt that you have taken erroneous impressions, from the
misrepresentation, of partial or misinformed individuals, and that you have
communicated the same to your government, I rely on your candour to
adopt such measures, as may appear to you best calculated to place the whole
subject before it, in a true light. It is important that the effort which The
President is now making to adjust our differences with Spain, should have the
desired result, and it is presumable that a correct knowledge of the conduct
of the United-States, in these circumstances, would promote it.
I have the honor [etc.].

32
James Monroe Secretary of State to George W. Erving, United States Minister
to Spain1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, July 20, I816.
SIR: You have been apprized already of a similar measure which was taken
in regard to the vessels which had been seized at Carthagena, and the citizens
of the United States, who, under various pretexts, had been arrested and
imprisoned there. I have the pleasure to state that the application 2 suc-
ceeded as to our citizens, though it failed as to the vessels. You will inter-
pose directly with the Spanish Government in favor of the latter; documents
respecting which shall be forwarded to you, either by the present or some
other early opportunity.
SAmerican State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 157.
2 See above, doc. 26, Monroe to Hughes, March 25, 1816.

4. Schooner Experimento, restored 3d August.
5. The polacre brig De Regla and cargo, proceeds restored 18th December, 1815,
$19,209.50.
6. Schooner Alerta and cargo, being the proceeds of the capture of about eighteen
small vessels, restored I8th December, 1815, $62,150.05.
Damages awarded to the original owners against the captors in the two foregoing
cases, $55,272.97.
7. The cargo of the schooner Petit Milan, restored February, 1816, $2,444.31.
8. The cargo of the schooner Presidente, February I, 1816, $10,931.15.
9. Schooner Sankita and cargo, restored February I, 1816, $37,962.94.
The preceding account of Spanish property restored to the original proprietors, after
being in possession of the enemies of Spain, is defective, inasmuch as it does not com-
prehend the whole of the cases of restoration that have taken place within the period
to which the detail is confined; the very hasty manner in which I have made this enu-
meration did not admit of a more accurate statement. The principal cases, however,
are included in it. In several other cases, where the property was claimed for the
original Spanish owners, the claims were dismissed, because it did not appear that any
violation of our neutrality had taken place.
The capturing vessels were not armed, nor was their force augmented within our
jurisdiction; nor had the captures been made within a marine league of our shore. The
principles that guided the decisions of the court, as well in restoring the property cap-
tured, where our neutral means had been used, as in declining all interference where
that was not the case, manifest, I think, a disposition to, and an exercise of, the most
rigid neutrality between the parties.
I have the honor [etc.].








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


33
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States'

WASHINGTON, July 30, 1816.
SIR: I had the honor to receive your Letter of the 3d. instant.
As the discussion of the subjects to which it principally relates, has been
transferred to Madrid, I shall confine my reply to that part of it in which,
after manifesting your satisfaction at the measures that had been adopted at
New Orleans, as detailed in the Letter of the District Attorney of which I
had the honor to transmit you a copy,2 you express regret that like measures
were not adopted in other ports of the United-States and state, that five
vessels had been armed in the port of Baltimore, by a company of merchants
residing in different parts of the Union, and that one was now arming in the
port of New-York, all of which were to be sent to cruize off the port of Cadiz,
under the flag of Buenos-Ayres, for the purpose of intercepting vessels
belonging to the subjects of His Catholic Majesty.
As such a proceeding would have been inconsistent with the laws of the
United-States, and with what is due to the government of His Catholic
Majesty, I considered it proper to communicate the statement you had made,
to the officers of this government, whose duty it was to act upon it. I
accordingly wrote to the Collector of the Customs at Baltimore, and to the
Attorney of the United-States at New-York. I have now the honor to
transmit you the answers I have received in relation to the vessels named.
From these you will perceive that there is no reason known to these officers
for supposing that either of the vessels was destined to cruize against the
commerce of your country. It appears however one of them was so em-
ployed, having changed her character and destination after she left the port
of Baltimore, and that measures the most prompt and efficient were immedi-
ately taken for her arrest and detention. Her Crew are now in confinement
under a warrant from the Judge of the Court for the District of Virginia,
and orders are given to prosecute the owners for a violation of our laws.
Had you given me the facts on which your allegations as to the other
vessels rested, they should have been particularly enquired into; but until
this is done, I cannot doubt that you will be perfectly satisfied with the
steps already taken, more especially as you will find that one of the vessels
you have named is not known to have been in the port where you state she
was fitted out, and that two of the others have been sold to your govern-
ment, and are now employed to protect that commerce upon which you had
supposed they were destined to commit depredations.
I have the honor [etc.]
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 157.
s See above, doc. 31, Monroe to Onis, June Io, 1816, and note 4.








DOCUMENT 34: MARCH 28, 1817


34
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister
to the United States

WASHINGTON, March 28, 1817.
SIR: I have had the honor to receive your two notes,2 dated the 26th of this
month, stating that you have been informed that two armed vessels, which
have been committing unauthorized depredations upon the commerce of
Spain, have recently arrived at Norfolk, and that a third, liable to the same
charge, has arrived at Baltimore; thus bringing themselves within the reach
of those laws against which, in the above, and in other ways, it is alleged
they have offended.
Conformably to the constant desire of this Government to vindicate the
authority of its laws and the faith of its treaties, I have lost no time in writ-
ing to the proper officers, both at Norfolk and Baltimore, in order that full
inquiry may be made into the allegations contained in your notes, and ade-
quate redress and punishment enforced, should it appear that the laws have
been infringed by any of the acts complained of.
I use the present occasion to acknowledge also the receipt of your note of
the 14th3 of this month, which you did me the honor to address to me, com-
municating information that had reached you of other and like infractions
of our laws within the port of Baltimore; in relation to which I have to state,
that letters were also written to the proper officers in that city, with a view
to promote every fit measure of investigation and redress. Should it prove
necessary, I will have the honor to address you more fully at another time
upon the subjects embraced in these several notes. In the mean time, I
venture to assure myself, that in the readiness with which they have thus
far been attended to, you will perceive a spirit of just conciliation on the
part of this Government, as well as a prompt sensibility to the rights of your
sovereign.
I pray you, sir, to accept [etc.].
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 190. Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania:
Acting Secretary of State from March I 1817, to September 22, 1817; commissioned envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain, October, 1817; confirmed,
December 16; took leave, April 27, 1825. Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania, envoy extraor-
dinary and minister plenipotentiary to France, was associated with him, May 22, 1818, to
conclude treaties for the renewal of the convention of July 3, 1815, and for commerce.
See below, pt. xIIm, docs. 1058 and o159.
*The IIth? See below, pt. xIII, doc. 1056.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


35
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister
to the United States
WASHINGTON, April 22, 1817.
SIR: By direction of The President I have the honor to ask, whether you
have received instructions from your Government to conclude a Treaty for
the adjustment of all differences existing between the two nations, according
to the expectation stated in your note to this Department of the 21st. of
February. If you have, I shall be happy to meet you for that purpose. If
you have not, it is deemed improper to entertain discussions of the kind in-
vited by your late notes.2 This Government, well acquainted with and
faithful to its obligations, and respectful to the opinion of an impartial
world, will continue to pursue a course in relation to the civil war between
Spain and the Spanish Provinces in America, imposed by the existing laws,
and prescribed by a just regard to the rights and honor of the United-States.
I have the honor [etc.].



36
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Charles Morris, Commander
of the United States Frigate Congress "3
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 25, 1817.
Having performed this service, it is the desire of the President that you
extend your cruise to the Spanish Main. It is important that this govern-
ment should possess correct information as to the progress of the revolution-
ary movement in the Spanish Colonies, and of its probable result. It is
specially with a view to this object that you will cruise along the Main,
endeavoring to obtain, in every practicable way, all the information that can
be had upon this subject. It is thought best that you should go as far to the
east as Margarita and thence proceed westwardly as far as Carthagena,
looking in at Cumana, Barcelona, Caracas, Guayra, and any other ports or
places as you coast along. The design however being to obtain as much and
as precise information of events as may be, comprehending not only the
actual posture of the countries in that quarter in relation to Spain but their
known or probable dispositions, you will not consider yourself as restricted to
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 223. The same is printed in American State Papers,
Foreign Relations, IV, 197.
2 Regarding Spanish American privateers in ports of the United States. See below, pt.
xii, does. 1046 to 1054.
3 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 27.








DOCUMENT 37: APRIL 25, 1817


the above limits or places. You will be at liberty to deviate from them as
your own judgment, acting upon circumstances and looking to the special
object in view, may point out. Wherever you may touch, you will take care
to respect the existing authority, the United States holding a neutral attitude
between Spain and the colonies.
I have only to add, that the President has great confidence in the discretion
and effect, so far as the latter may be found practicable, with which you will
fulfil the instructions given to you.
With great respect [etc.].




37
James Monroe, President of the United States, to Joel R. Poinsett of Charleston,
South Carolina'

WASHINGTON, April 25, 187.
DEAR SIR: The progress of the Revolution in the Spanish Provinces, which
has always been interesting to the U. States, is made much more so, by many
causes, and particularly by a well founded hope, that it will succeed. It is of
1 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 29. Poinsett declined the appointment
and it was conferred on others. See below, pt. I, docs. 40 and 44, Rush to Rodney and
Graham, July 18, 1817, and Adams to Rodney, Graham and Bland, November 2, 1817. The
following letter from Poinsett to the Acting Secretary of State contained suggestions for the
guidance of the Commission (MS. South American Missions, I):
CHARLESTON, 23d. May 1817.
DEAR SIR: In compliance with the President's request contained in your letter of
the 15th. inst. I have the honor to enclose to you some letters for the Spanish Colonies,
which will, I hope, prove useful to the gentleman entrusted with this commission.
As far as my information extends, there is no government in Mexico, and no reason-
able hopes of success can be entertained from the disunited efforts of the present com-
manders, who act independently, and who would rather sacrifice the safety of the cause
they are engaged in, than resign their command. They support their followers by
plunder, and the better class of Creoles are united against them, and in some instances
have volunteered their services to preserve order. Should the Liberales, who are
numerous in Mexico, and the Creoles of that city unite, the revolution would be speedy
and effectual. It would spread rapidly from the Capital to the extreme provinces; but
I much doubt the success of a revolution, which begins at the extremities of a Kingdom,
and has to work its way to such a capital as Mexico.
In Caraccas there is no government, but the forces are united under the command of
Bolivar. It would be important to know the connection existing between this Chief
and the authorities of San Domingo; and the number of negroes in arms.
In Buenos Ayres it will be well to ascertain the stability of the existing government,
and the probable policy of their successors. It is rare that the same party remains in
power two years. It will be necessary to enquire, particularly, into the extent of their
Authority, as many of the provinces have established separate and independent govern-
ments. All the Commanders, both civil and military, will be found extremely jealous
of their dignity, and it will be useful to observe a great deal of form and ceremony in
treating with them.
With regard to a revolution in the Brazils, I have always been of opinion that to be
permanent and successful, it must arise from the interior, where the strength of that
country resides.
I have the honor [etc.].








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


the highest importance to obtain correct information, of its actual state, in
the principal sections of the country, and through an organ, whose talents
and character, will facilitate, enquiries in the colonies, and give weight to his
report to this Government, throughout the U. States, in case their Independ-
ence should be acknowledged.
To obtain the desired information, it is decided, to send an agent of the
prominent character stated, in a public ship, along the coast, as far at least as
Buenos Ayres, with instructions to communicate with the existing govern-
ments, at different points, in order that all the light practicable, being
derived, on the progress and prospect of events, this Government may be the
better enabled to determine on the part, it may be proper for it to take. No
one has better qualifications for this trust than yourself, and I can assure you
that your acceptance of it will be particularly gratifying to me. Your
compensation will be put on a liberal footing. As a public Ship, will be
ready for this service in a few weeks, I shall be happy to receive your early
answer to this Letter.
I am Dear Sir [etc.].


38
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Jose Correa de Serra, Portu-
guese-Brazilian Minister to the United States
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, May 28, 1817.
It appears that the notification of the blockade of Pernambuco and the
coast adjacent, inserted in the National Intelligencer of Thursday last, was a
measure taken by you on full deliberation; and that, on grounds which you
have particularly explained, you feel yourself called upon to justify it.
It is with great regret I have the honor to state, that, on a careful examina-
tion of these grounds, this Government is not at all able to view them in the
same light. Settled and approved usage, founded upon reasons too familiar
to be dwelt upon, required, that whatever communication you had to make
relative to the alleged blockade, and upon whatever foundation it rested,
should have been made, if at all, to this Government, not promulgated with-
out its knowledge through the medium of a news-paper. Had you been
pleased to communicate it to the Government upon any intelligence or
grounds less than the highest, it would have remained with itself to judge, on
its own responsibility, whether or not to make it known to its citizens. The
illustrations deduced from the merit of timely warnings, on the approach of
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 229. Jos6 Correa da Serra, minister plenipotenti-
ary of Portugal to the United States. Transmitted copy of letter of credence to the Secretary
of State, July 22, 1816. Announced intention to leave United States, November 9, 1820.








DOCUMENT 39: JULY 18, 1817


natural perils, if of force under any view, are not supposed to hold up just
analogies to so well regulated a proceeding between nations as the notifica-
tion of a blockade. It is obvious, that if the Minister of a foreign power can
pass by the Government and address himself to the country in a case like the
present, he may do so in any other. Equally obvious are the consequences to
which such a departure from rules long sanctioned in their application to
public Ministers might lead.
Nor is the justification perceived in the imputed delay in answering your
note of the 13th of this month. The intervening space from that date until
the 22d lays no ground for the charge, keeping in mind that other engage-
ments may be supposed to press upon the time of this Department. I add,
that I had the honor to inform you verbally of its receipt, and that it had
been submitted to The President. But most of all I have to remark, that
the note itself, as well as the one from you of the 20th of this month, to
which mine of the 22d also replied, treated of matters in relation to which
none of the duties of this Government rendered it necessary to take any act,
or express any opinion. An answer was not, therefore, to have been looked
for as of official obligation; nor is it seen how the anticipation of one, of
whatever character, could justly have coupled itself with the step taken.
That which I had the honor to transmit, was founded in the spirit of con-
ciliation which this Government, is ever desirous to cultivate between the
two nations, and which it has always been happy in occasions of manifesting
towards you personally.
As you now not only communicate to this Government, the existence of
the blockade in question, but also candidly declare, that it is not founded
upon any order or intelligence derived from your Government, the informa-
tion will naturally be respected as resting upon your own responsibility alone,
without the instructions of your Sovereign.
I have the honor [etc.].



39
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Thomas Sumter, Jr., United
States Minister to the Portuguese Court in Brazil1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, July 18, 1817.
SIR: This letter will be delivered to you by Caesar Rodney and John
Graham Esquires, who are visiting several parts of the coast of South Amer-
ica in the capacity of Commissioners, and are directed to call in the first
instance at Rio de Janeiro. The objects upon which they go are interesting
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 142.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


and they will unfold them to you in person with all the fulness that is
necessary. You will doubtless enter cordially into them and feel a disposi-
tion to advance them in every way that you may find in your power. You
cannot fail to derive from an intercourse with these gentlemen while at Rio
de Janeiro, as much gratification as they anticipate from seeing you. I
also beg leave to commend to your kind notice and attentions their Secretary,
Mr Brackenridge.
The events which took place at Pernambuco in March last gave rise to
some correspondence between this government and the Minister of Portugal.
Copies of all the Notes that passed are enclosed for your information. The
correspondence closed with the note from this Department of the 28th of
May.1 Altho' Mr Correa's conduct was deemed irregular and unjustifiable,
yet it has not been thought necessary to take any further notice of it than
that which is presented in the note last mentioned, and none other than
harmonious intercourse continues to exist between the Government and
himself. The blockade and other events at Pernambuco, which have be-
come subsequently known, are not supposed to alter in any degree the views
that have been taken of the Minister's conduct.
The President is still engaged in making a tour through part of the
United States, for the interesting nature and progress of which I must refer
you to Mr. Rodney and Mr. Graham, from whose conversation upon all
subjects you will not fail to derive great pleasure.



40
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Caesar A. Rodney and John
Graham, Special Commissioners of the United States to South America2
WASHINGTON, July 18, 1817.
GENTLEMEN: The contest between Spain and the Spanish colonies in the
southern parts of this continent has been, from its commencement, highly
interesting, under many views, to the United States. As inhabitants of the
same hemisphere, it was natural that we should feel a solicitude for the
1 See above, doc. 38.
2 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 34. Caesar A. Rodney, of Delaware;
John Graham; and Theodorick Bland: The two former instructed as commissioners, July 18,
1817, to visit Buenos Ayres and Montevideo for obtaining accurate information respecting
the conflict between Spain and her colonies. Bland added to the commission, November 21,
1817. Caesar A. Rodney: Commissioned minister plenipotentiary, January 27, 1823, to
Argentine Confederation. Accredited to Buenos Ayres. Died at his post, June o1, 1824.
John Graham, of Virginia: Commissioned minister plenipotentiary to Portugal, January 6,
1819. Accredited to the Portuguese court, residing in Brazil. Left Rio de Janeiro on ac-
count of illness, June 13, 1820. Died in the United States, July 31, 1820. They were pre-
vented from departing at the anticipated time but were sent later. See below, pt. I,
docs. 42 and 44, Adams to Erving, November i 1817, and Adams to Rodney, Graham and
Bland, November 21, 1817. The last is a supplementary instruction.








DOCUMENT 40: JULY 18, I817


welfare of the colonists. It was nevertheless our duty to maintain the
neutral character with impartiality and allow of no privileges of any kind to
one party, which were not extended to the other. The government of Spain
viewing the colonies as in a state of rebellion, has endeavored to impose upon
foreign powers in their intercourse with them, the conditions applicable to
such a state. This pretension has not been acceded to by this government,
which has considered the contest in the light of a civil war, in which the
parties were equal. An entire conviction exists that the view taken on this
point has been correct, and that the United States have fully satisfied every
just claim of Spain.
In other respects we have been made to feel sensibly the progress of this
contest. Our vessels have been seized and condemned, our citizens made
captives and our lawful commerce, even at a distance from the theatre of the
war, been interrupted. Acting with impartiality towards the parties, we
have endeavored to secure from each a just return. In whatever quarter
the authority of Spain was abrogated and an independent government
erected, it was essential to the security of our rights that we should enjoy its
friendship. Spain could not impose conditions on other powers incident to
complete sovereignty in places where she did not maintain it. On this
principle the United States have sent agents into the Spanish colonies, ad-
dressed to the existing authority, whether of Spain or of the colony, with
instructions to cultivate its friendship and secure as far as practicable the
faithful observance of our rights.
The contest, by the extension of the revolutionary movement and the
greater stability which it appears to have acquired, becomes daily of more
importance to the United States. It is by success that the colonists acquire
new claims on other powers, which it may comport neither with their in-
terest nor duty to disregard. Several of the colonies having declared their
independence and enjoyed it for some years, and the authority of Spain
being shaken in others, it seems probable that, if the parties be left to them-
selves, the most permanent political changes will be effected. It therefore
seems incumbent on the United States to watch the movement in its subse-
quent steps with particular attention, with a view to pursue such course as a
just regard for all those considerations which they are bound to respect may
dictate.
Under these impressions, the President deems it a duty to obtain, in a
manner more comprehensive than has heretofore been done, correct informa-
tion of the actual state of affairs in those colonies. For this purpose he has
appointed you commissioners, with authority to proceed, in a public ship,
along the coast of South America, touching at the points where it is probable
that the most precise and ample knowledge may be gained. The Ontario,
Captain Biddle, is prepared to receive you on board at New York, and will
have orders to sail as soon as you are ready to embark.








44 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
It is the President's desire that you go first to the River la Plate, visiting
Buenos Ayres and Monte Video. On your way thither, you will call at
Rio Janeiro delivering to our minister at that court the despatches which will
be committed to your hands. On your return from Buenos Ayres, you
will also touch, should circumstances allow it, at St. Salvador and Pernam-
buco. You will thence proceed to the Spanish Main, going to Margaretta,
Cumana, Barcelona, Caracas and as far westward as Carthagena, looking in
at any other convenient ports or places as you coast along.
In the different provinces or towns which you visit, your attention will be
usefully, if not primarily, drawn to the following objects.
I. The form of government established, with the amount of population
and pecuniary resources and the state and proportion as to numbers intelli-
gence and wealth of the contending parties, wherever a contest exists.
2. The extent and organization of the military force on each side, with
the means open to each of keeping it up.
i 3. The names and characters of leading men, whether in civil life or as
military chiefs, whose conduct and opinions shed an influence upon events.
4. The dispositions that prevail among the public authorities and people
towards the United States and towards the great nations of Europe, with
the probability of commercial or other connections being on foot, or desired,
with either.
5. The principal articles of commerce, regarding the export and import
trade. What articles from the United States find the best market? What
prices do their productions, most useful in the United States, usually bear?
The duties on exports and imports; are all nations charged the same?
6. The principal ports and harbors, with the works of defence.
7. The real prospect, so far as seems justly inferrable from existing events
and the operation of causes as well moral as physical in all the provinces
where a struggle is going on, of the final and permanent issue.
8. The probable durability of the governments that have already been
established with their credit, and the extent of their authority, in relation
to adjoining provinces. This remark will be especially applicable to Buenos
Ayres. If there be any reason to think, that the government established
there is not likely to be permanent, as to which no opinion is here expressed,
it will become desirable to ascertain the probable character and policy of
that which is expected to succeed it.
9. In Caracas it is understood that there is, at present, no government,
but that the forces are united under General Bolivar. It might be useful to
know, whether any and what connection exists between this chief, and the
chiefs or rulers at St. Domingo; also the number of negroes in arms.
Your stay at each place will not be longer than is necessary to a fair
accomplishment of the objects held up. You will see the propriety, in all
instances, of showing respect to the existing authority or government of








DOCUMENT 41: SEPTEMBER 29, 1817


whatever kind it may be, and of mingling a conciliatory demeanor with a
strict observance of all established usages.
The track marked out for your voyage has been deemed the most eligible;
but you will not consider yourselves as positively restricted to the limits or
places specified. You will be free to deviate and touch at other places as
your own judgments, acting upon circumstances and looking to the objects
in view, may point out. In this respect the commander of the ship will have
orders to conform to such directions as you may think fit to give him. You
will however call first at Rio Janeiro, and not go further south than Buenos
Ayres. At this point it is hoped that you may be able to command the
means of obtaining useful information as respects Chili and Peru. You
will also not fail to go to the Spanish Main, returning to the United States
at as early a day as will comport with the nature and extent of your mission.
Your observation and enquiries will not be exclusively confined to the heads
indicated, but take other scope, keeping to the spirit of these instructions,
as your own view of things upon the spot may suggest.
It only remains for me to add, that the President has great confidence in
the ability and discretion with which you will execute, in all things, the
trust committed to you, and that he anticipates from your report to this
department such a statement of facts and views as may prove highly useful
to the nation.
I have the honor [etc.].

41
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to John B. Prevost, Special Agent of
the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile and Peru1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, September 29, 1817.
SIR: Circumstances having occurred to suspend for the present the execu-
tion of the purposes upon which you were instructed on the 20. of July last,
to embark in the Corvette Ontario, Captain Biddle, upon a voyage from
New-York to Buenos-Ayres, and thence to proceed by land over the South-
American Continent to Chili and Peru:-The President has seen fit to give
that vessel another direction; to point out for you a different mode of con-
veyance, and to commit additional trusts to your charge.
In pursuance therefore of directions from him, you are now instructed to
embark as soon as possible in that vessel; to touch at Rio Janeiro, and there
deliver to Mr. Sumter the despatches for him which will be delivered to you
by the Collector of New-York-Thence to proceed in the same vessel round
Cape Horn, and afterward, to touch at the principal port in Chile (Callao)
and at Lima in Peru. At each of these ports the vessel is to make a short
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 148.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


stay to afford you the opportunity of writing to this Department, for which
it is hoped you will be enabled to find some means of conveyance for your
letters. . The ship is then to return to the United-States, stopping
at Lima, where you are to disembark, and to remain there and in the adjoin-
ing Province, to act under the instructions from this Department heretofore
given, and now in your possession.
I have the honor [etc.].

42
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to George W. Erving, United States
Minister to Spain
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November 1I, 1817.
Early in the course of the last Summer Mr Caesar A. Rodney and Mr
John Graham were appointed 2 by The President Commissioners, to pro-
ceed and touch at various places on the Eastern Coast of South-America, to
obtain and report to this Government, correct information with regard to
the real state of affairs in that Country; to explain to the existing Authorities
wherever they might land the principles of impartial neutrality between all
the contending parties in that region which this Government had adopted
and should continue to pursue, and to make reclamations in behalf of citizens
of the United-States who had suffered in their persons or property, by the
agency of persons possessing or pretending authority from the various exist-
ing Powers whether derived from Spain or from the Provinces in revolt.
Circumstances of a private nature in the family of one of the Commissioners
prevented them from sailing at the time that had been intended. They are
now on the point of embarking together with Mr Theodoric Bland, appointed
the third Commissioner, and will proceed in the Congress Frigate from
Annapolis to Buenos-Ayres. The measures above noticed in regard to
Amelia Island and Galvezton, have formed additional motives to The
President for directing their immediate departure-To the end that they
may give such explanations and make such representations of the views of
this Government in adopting those measures, as the circumstances may
require. The subject will be noticed in The President's Message to Congress
at the opening of the ensuing Session; and if any reference to it should occur
in your communications with the Spanish Government, you will explain it
upon these grounds which it is not doubted will prove satisfactory to them.
The Ontario Captain Biddle sailed some weeks since, with Mr. J. B. Prevost,
going on a similar mission round Cape-Horn.
I am [etc.].
'MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 170.
2See above, doc. 4o, Rush to Rodney and Graham, July 18, 1817.








DOCUMENT 44: NOVEMBER 21, 1817


43
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Thomas Sumter, United States
Minister to the Portuguese Court in Brazil L
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November 19, 1817.
These Gentlemen [Messrs. Rodney, Graham and Bland] have been ap-
pointed Commissioners, to proceed to various parts of South-America, upon
objects which they will particularly explain to you. They are specially
recommended to any assistance which it may be in your power to give them,
in executing the purposes of their mission. Among these purposes is that
of explaining where it may be necessary, the views of this Government, and
its policy in relation to the contest between Spain and the South American
Provinces. In this respect they will enable you to give it is presumed a
satisfactory answer to the Note of 19 March, from the late Count da Barca,
founded on a complaint from the Governor of Madeira; unless you shall
before their arrival have already given an answer.




44
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Caesar A. Rodney, John Graham,
and Theodorick Bland, Special Commissioners of the United States to
South America2
WASHINGTON, November 21, 1817.
GENTLEMEN: In reviewing the Instructions to you from this Department
of 18 July,a a copy of which has been furnished to Mr. Bland, the President
finds little in them, which subsequent occurrences have rendered it necessary
to alter, but he thinks that some additional observations to you, relating to
the execution of the trust committed to you, may be not inexpedient.
Since the circumstances occurred, which prevented the departure of
Messrs. Rodney, and Graham, at the time first contemplated, another desti-
nation has been given to the Corvette Ontario, and you are now to embark in
the Frigate Congress Captain Sinclair, which has been ordered to Annapolis
to receive you.
You will as before directed proceed in the first instance to Rio de Janeiro,
& there deliver the despatches committed to you, for Mr. Sumter. From
thence you will go to Buenos Ayres, but without touching at St. Salvador
or Pernambuco. On your return you will visit such places of the Spanish
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 174.
2 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 72.
3 See above, doc. 40, and note 2 thereto.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


Main, as you shall yourselves deem expedient without being restricted to
any of the places mentioned in your former Instructions.
Among the objects, to which it is desired that you will call the attention
of the existing revolutionary authorities, with whom you may have occasion
to enter into communication, will be the irregular, injurious, and it is hoped
unwarranted use of their flags and of Commissions real or pretended derived
from them.
You have been made acquainted through the public channels of informa-
tion, with the lodgments which separate and successive bands of these adven-
turers have made at Amelia Island and at Galveston. At the former,
possession was first taken early in the course of last summer, by a party,
under the command of a British subject named M'Gregor, pretending au-
thority from Venezuela. He was succeeded by persons disgracing and
forfeiting by such acts the character of Citizens of the United States, and
pretending authority from some pretended Government of Florida; and
they are now by the last accounts received, sharing the fruits of their dep-
redations, and at the same time contesting the command of the place with
a Frenchman having under him a body of Blacks from St. Domingo, and
pretending authority from a Government of Mexico. In the mean time the
place from its immediate vicinity to the United States, has become a recep-
tacle for fugitive negroes, for every species of illicit traffic, and for slave-
trading ships by means of which multitudes of African Blacks are surrepti-
tiously introduced into the Southern States and Territories, in defiance of
the Laws. The Revenue, the Morals, and the Peace of the country are so
seriously menaced and compromitted by this state of things, that the Presi-
dent after observing the feeble and ineffectual effort made by the Spanish
Government of Florida, to recover possession of the Island, and the apparent
inability of Spain to accomplish that recovery, has determined to break up
this nest of foreign Adventurers, with pretended South American commis-
sions, but among whom not a single South American name has yet appeared.
The settlement at Galveston is of the same character and will be treated in
the same manner. Possession will be taken of Galveston as within the limits
of the United States; and of Amelia Island, to prevent the repetition of the
same misuse of it in future, and subject to explanations to be given of the
motives for the measure to Spain. Should you find that any of the Revolu-
tionary Governments with whom you may communicate have really au-
thorized any of these foreign Adventures to take possession of those places,
you will explain to them that this measure could not be submitted to or
acquiesced in by the United States; because Galveston is considered as
within their limits, and Amelia Island is too insignificant in itself and too
important by its local position in reference to the United States, to be left
by them in the possession of such persons.
You will at the same time remonstrate to them in the most serious








DOCUMENT 44: NOVEMBER 21, 1817


manner against the practice itself of issuing indiscriminate Commission, to
the abandoned and desperate characters of all other nations, whose objects
in using their authority and their flags, are not to promote the cause of their
Liberty and Independence, but merely to amass plunder for themselves.
You will inform them that a citizen of the United States cannot accept and
act under such a commission, without at once violating the Laws of his
country, and forfeiting his rights and character as a citizen. That the fitting
out of privateers in our Ports, to cruize either for or against them is pro-
hibited by our Laws; that many such privateers have been fitted out in our
Ports, (unknown to this Government) and though manned and officered
entirely by people of this country they have captured the property of na-
tions with whom we are at peace, and have used the flags sometimes of more
than one of the South American Governments, just as it suited their pur-
poses to be Officers of Buenos Ayres or of Chili, of Caraccas or of Venezuela.
That if these clandestine and illegal armaments in our Ports have been made
with the sanction and by the authority of those Governments, the United
States have just cause to complain of them, and to claim satisfaction and
indemnity for all losses and damages which may result to them or to any of
their citizens from them; and if they have not been thus authorized, it would
be but justly reasonable that those Governments should not only publicly
disavow them, but in issuing their commissions and authorizing the use of
their flags, subject them at least to the restrictions conformable to the Law
of Nations. That the licentious abuse of their flags by these freebooters, of
every nation but their own, has an influence unpropitious to the cause of
their freedom, and tendency to deter other countries from recognizing them
as regular Governments.
It is expected that your absence from the United States will be of seven
or eight months. But if while in the execution of your Instructions at
Buenos Ayres you should find it expedient, or useful with reference to the
public service, that one or more of you should proceed over land to Chili, you
are authorized to act accordingly. Should only one of you go, he will there
co-operate jointly with Mr. J. B. Prevost, whom it is probable he will find
already there, and a copy of whose Instructions is herewith furnished. The
compensation which the President has thought proper to fix for the perform-
ance of the service assigned to you is of six thousand dollars to each of you;
from which it is understood you are to defray all your expenses while on
shore. Stores have been provided for you, for the passage, both outward
and returning. You will communicate with this Department, by any direct
opportunity that may occur from any of the Ports at which you may touch.
I have the honor [etc.].








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


45
Message of President James Monroe at the commencement of the first session
of the Fifteenth Congress of the United States
[EXTRACT]
December 2, 1817.
It was anticipated at an early stage that the contest between Spain and the
colonies would become highly interesting to the United States. It was
natural that our citizens should sympathize in events which affected their
neighbors. It seemed probable, also, that the prosecution of the con-
flict along our coast, and in contiguous countries, would occasionally inter-
rupt our commerce, and otherwise affect the persons and property of our
citizens. These anticipations have been realized. Such injuries have been
received from persons acting under the authority of both the parties, and
for which redress has, in most instances, been withheld. Through every
stage of the conflict the United States have maintained an impartial neu-
trality, giving aid to neither of the parties in men, money, ships, or muni-
tions of war. They have regarded the contest, not in the light of an ordinary
insurrection or rebellion, but as a civil war between parties nearly equal,
having, as to neutral Powers, equal rights. Our ports have been open to
both; and every article, the fruit of our soil, or of the industry of our citizens,
which either was permitted to take, has been equally free to the other.
Should the colonies establish their independence, it is proper now to state
that this Government neither seeks nor would accept from them any advan-
tage in commerce or otherwise which will not be equally open to all other
nations. The colonies will, in that event, become independent States, free
from any obligation to or connexion with us, which it may not then be their
interest to form on the basis of a fair reciprocity.
In the summer of the present year, an expedition was set on foot against
East Florida, by persons claiming to act under the authority of some of the
colonies, who took possession of Amelia island, at the mouth of the St. Mary's
river, near the boundary of the State of Georgia. As this province lies
eastward of the Mississippi, and is bounded by the United States and the
ocean on every side, and has been a subject of negotiation with the Govern-
ment of Spain as an indemnity for losses by spoliation, or in exchange for
territory of equal value westward of the Mississippi, (a fact well known to
the world,) it excited surprise that any countenance should be given to this
measure by any of the colonies. As it would be difficult to reconcile it with
the friendly relations existing between the United States and the colonies, a
doubt was entertained whether it had been authorized by them, or any of
them. This doubt has gained strength, by the circumstances which have
unfolded themselves in the prosecution of the enterprise, which have marked
it as a mere private, unauthorized adventure. Projected and commenced
with an incompetent force, reliance seems to have been placed on what
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 129.








DOCUMENT 46: DECEMBER 5, 1817


might be drawn, in defiance of our laws, from within our limits; and of late,
as their resources have failed, it has assumed a more marked character of
unfriendliness to us; the island being made a channel for the illicit introduc-
tion of slaves from Africa into the United States, an asylum for fugitive
slaves from the neighboring States, and a port for smuggling of every kind.
A similar establishment was made, at an earlier period, by persons of the
same description in the Gulf of Mexico, at a place called Galvezton, within
the limits of the United States, as we contend, under the cession of Louisiana.
This enterprise has been marked, in a more signal manner, by all the objec-
tionable circumstances which characterized the other, and more particularly
by the equipment of privateers which have annoyed our commerce, and by
smuggling. These establishments, if ever sanctioned by any authority
whatever, which is not believed, have abused their trust, and forfeited all
claim to consideration. A just regard for the rights and interests of the
United States required that they should be suppressed, and orders have been
accordingly issued to that effect. The imperious considerations which
produced this measure will be explained to the parties whom it may in any
degree concern.
To obtain correct information on every subject in which the United States
are interested, to inspire just sentiments in all persons in authority, on either
side, of our friendly disposition, so far as it may comport with an impartial
neutrality, and to secure proper respect to our commerce in every port, and
from every flag, it has been thought proper to send a ship of war, with three
distinguished citizens, along the southern coast, with instruction to touch
at such ports as they may find most expedient for these purposes. With the
existing authorities, with those in the possession of and exercising the sov-
ereignty, must the communication be held; from them alone can redress for
past injuries, committed by those persons acting under them, be obtained;
by them alone can the commission of the like, in future, be prevented.


46
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Mr. G. Hyde de Neuville, French
Minister to the United States'
WASHINGTON, December 5, 1817.
SIR: In reference to your Letter of the 12. September" last, and the com-
munications to this Department with which it was accompanied, I have the
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 261. G. Hyde de Neuville, envoy extraordinary
and minister plenipotentiary of France to the United States: Forwarded his letter of credence
from New York, June 18, 1816. Took leave, June 29, 1822.
2 Not printed in this collection. The note of about six pages and enclosures of about
thirty report a supposed plot by Napoleonic exiles from France to start an expedition in the
United States to seize control of Mexico and there proclaim the restoration of Joseph Bona-
parte as King of Spain and the Indies.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


honour to inform you, that they were received by The President with a just
sensibility to the disposition friendly to the Peace and tranquility of the
United-States, with which they were made-That immediate measures were
taken by the Government to ascertain whether any levies of men were mak-
ing within the United-States, such as those which you apprehended, and to
repress any project of unlawful combination which might exist for purposes
of hostility to the foreign Provinces bordering upon the United-States. I
have much satisfaction in assuring you that no such levies of men have been
carried into effect, and that whatever absurd projects may have been in the
contemplation of one or more individuals, nothing is to be dreaded from them
in regard to the Peace of the United-States and the due observance of their
Laws.
I pray you, Sir, [etc.].


47
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Thomas Sumter, United States
Minister to the Portuguese Court in Brazil
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, December 30, 1817.
SIR: Your letter of Ist July, with its enclosures, relating to the extraor-
dinary controversy between the Russian Ambassador Mr. Balk Poleff and
the Portuguese Government, or rather with the late Count da Barca, has
been received since I had the honor of writing you last. As the measure of
furnishing Credentials with the highest diplomatic rank, to a Minister al-
ready residing at the Court with a character of the second order, was
ostensibly complimentary, and for the express purpose of doing honor to the
King of Portugal, it is natural to infer that the coolness with which it was
received and which appears in the first instance to have given offence to the
Russian Minister, was occasioned by some cause, not apparent upon the face
of the papers communicated by either of the parties. It is remarkable that,
while these indications of misunderstanding between Portugal and Russia
have been exhibited to the world, the appearances of more than usual good
intelligence have been manifesting themselves between Russia and Spain.
If the object of Mr. Balk Poleff's new Credentials had simply been to give
additional dignity and solemnity to the Emperor's compliments to the King
upon his accession to the throne, it is hardly to be imagined that it would
have been so uncourteously received-As a mere question of courtly etiquette
this dispute can be of little interest to us; but if, as appears probable, it was
connected with affairs of business between the two Governments, it would
be very acceptable to have information more particular concerning it.-
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 302.








DOCUMENT 48: JANUARY 27, 1818


This will be still more desirable, if, as has been represented by some of the
public Journals abroad, Mr. Balk upon arriving in Europe, and proceeding
towards St. Petersburgh was stopped on his way by an order from the Em-
peror to turn back and return to Rio de Janeiro-an order, if the news be
authentic, either of extreme disapprobation of the Ambassador's conduct, or
of insulting defiance to the Court upon which he has thus been forced back-
There are at the same time movements of military and naval forces between
Russia and Spain, which have given rise to much speculation in Europe, and
of which South America, if not even Brazil, has been conjectured to be the
ultimate object and destination-In that event (for we are as yet left con-
cerning it to the wide field of conjecture) we hope to receive early and
authentic intelligence from you.-


48
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to G. Hyde de Neuville, French Min-
ister to the United States'
WASHINGTON, January 27, 18i8.
SIR: Your Notes 2 to this Department of 20 November, and of 15 and 22
December, and of 17 January have remained until this time unanswered,
only with the view of communicating to you the result of the measures taken
by the Government of the United States, in regard to the subjects to which
they relate.
In the civil wars which for several years past have subsisted between Spain
and the Provinces heretofore her Colonies in this Hemisphere, the policy
deliberately adopted and invariably pursued by the United-States has been
that of impartial neutrality. It is understood that the Policy of all the
European Powers, and particularly that of France has been the same.
As a consequence from this principle, while the Ports of the United-States
have been open to both the parties to this war, for all the lawful purposes of
Commerce, the Government of the United-States both in its Legislative and
Executive Branches, have used every exertion in their power warranted by
the Laws of Nations, and by our own Constitution, to admonish and restrain
the Citizens of these States from taking any part in this Contest, incompati-
ble with the obligations of Neutrality. If in these endeavours they have not
been entirely successful, the Governments of Europe have not been more so,
and among the occupants of Amelia-Island, for the piratical purposes com-
plained of in your Notes, natives or Subjects of France have been included no
less than Citizens of these States.
It is known to you Sir, that the Leader of the Party which first occupied
I MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 278.
2 Not printed as insufficiently apropos. Their purport is evident from this reply.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


Amelia-Island in the course of the last Summer, was a British Subject.
From the time when that Event was first made known to this Government, it
was perceived that its immediate consequences would be very injurious to the
Laws, Commerce and Revenue of this Country; and measures of precaution
adapted to the circumstances were immediately taken, the effect of which was
partially to give the protection necessary to the Commerce of Nations at
peace with the United States, endangered by that establishment as well as
our own. Those measures however not proving effectual while a Port in the
immediate vicinity of the United States, but not within the reach of their
Jurisdiction continued to be held by the persons who had wrested the Island
from the possession of Spain, this Government after having seen the total
inability of Spain either to defend the place from the assault of the in-
significant forces by which it was taken, or to recover it from them, found it
necessary, to take the possession of it into its own hands-Thereby depriving
those lawless plunderers of every Nation and Colour, of the refuge where they
had found a shelter, and from whence they had issued to commit their
depradations upon the peaceful commerce of all Nations, and among the rest
upon the French vessels mentioned in your Notes-the Confiance-en Dieu,
the Jean Charles and the Maly.
It is hoped Sir, that this measure will prove effectual to prevent the.
repetition of such outrages upon the commercial Vessels of France frequent-
ing our coasts. An intimation in your Note of the 20 November, that due
attention had not been paid to the demand of the Agent of the French Consul
at Savannah in regard to the seizure of some of the Merchandize captured in
the above mentioned Vessels and introduced into the United States, is
believed to have arisen from misapprehension-The restitution of the
property could by the Nature of our Institutions be effected only through the
prosecution of their claims by the original owners or their Agents before
the ordinary Tribunals-The illness of the Judge of the District Court of the
United States in Georgia, and that of the District attorney are circumstances
to be lamented, as having necessarily caused some delay; but which it is
presumed you will consider as occasions rather of regret than of complaint.
By your Letter of 22 December it appears that the Captain and another
man, belonging to the crew of the Privateer which had taken the Maly, were
at the instance of the French Consul at Charleston arrested upon a charge of
piracy; but that the Consul has thought proper to desist from the prosecution
of this charge, upon the advice of legal Counsel, founded upon a supposed
defect in the 8th. Section of the Law of the U. States in which the crime of
Piracy is defined-I have had the honour of observing to you, that the
opinion of this defect, has not received the sanction of the Supreme Court of
the U. States, the only authority competent to pronounce upon it in the last
resort-That the crime of Piracy has been more than once prosecuted, and
punished, under the Section of the Law to which your Letter refers, and that








DOCUMENT 49: JANUARY 31, 1818


if the Consul has thought proper in deference to the advice given him, to
abandon the prosecution of the persons who had captured the Maly, it
cannot be inferred that he would have failed to obtain their conviction, if he
had persisted in his pursuit for the execution of the Law.
Be pleased, Sir, to accept [etc.].


49
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Baptis Irvine, Special Agent of the
United States to Venezuela'
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, January 31, i8i8.
Among the papers of which copies are furnished you, is a communication2
rec'd at this dept. in July last, by the course of the mail from Baltimore, and
appearing to have been transmitted from the Island of Jamaica. It is in
official form, and announces the re-establishment of the Supreme Govern-
ment of the Venezuelan Republic, consisting of the Provinces of Barcelona,
Caraccas, Cumana, Margarita, Merida, Truxillo & Varinas; mentioning Don
Jos. Cortes Madariaga, as the person charged with the correspondence with
foreign Governments. This act appears to have been consummated in the
Island of Margarita, and one of the parties of it is Admiral Brion. No other
communication has however been rec'd from them, and if credit can be
given to the very imperfect information from that country which reaches us
thro' the medium of the public Prints, General Bolivar has refused to ac-
knowledge this Government, and another constitutional organization has
taken place, by which the Executive authority is vested in a Council with
General Bolivar at its head, & of which Brion himself is a member. To the
Supreme authority, recognized by Brion, however constituted and whereso-
ever residing, you will make application for the restitution or indemnity due
to our citizens in these two cases. You will pursue this object with all that
discretion, moderation, & conciliatory deportment towards the existing
authority, which would be due to any Government firmly established &
universally recognized. But with every proper & respectful deference in
point of form, it is expected you will maintain with firmness, and it is hoped,
with effect the rights of the injured sufferers, committed to your charge.
You will at the same time take suitable occasion, to ask explanations, and
to make known the sentiments of this Government, with regard to certain
other proceedings, in which the name of the Venezuelan Republic, has been
used, & a pretence of authority from its Government, set forth, it is hoped
altogether without foundation, and in a manner deeply affecting both the
1 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 95.
2 See below, pt. vi, doc. 577, the President of Venezuela to the President of the United
States, May 21, 1817.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


rights & the interests of the U. S. You will represent that General M'-
Gregor came to this country, & enjoyed its hospitality as an individual
foreigner; that while here, without the permission of this Government, con-
trary to the laws of nations, and in violation of those of the U. S., he is
believed to have prepared and fitted out a military expedition against the
territories of a nation with which we are at peace; to have levied a force,
and enlisted men within our jurisdiction, and by their means so far to have
accomplished his purpose as to take forcible possession of Amelia Island,
situated close upon the borders of this country, and the occupation of which
for the purposes intended by him, could not but be in a high degree noxious
to the interests of this Union; that while in possession of the Island, he
issued public proclamations declaring the purpose of taking possession of the
whole and of both the Floridas; and issued commissions to vessels secretly
fitted out and armed in our ports and officered & manned by our citizens, to
cruize against a nation with which we are at peace; that finding himself
unable to maintain possession of the Island he abandoned it to some of his
followers, after which it was occupied by another armed force, under a pre-
tended authority from Mexico, & became a seat of disorders of a character
so directly hostile to the U. S., that the President found himself under the
necessity of taking possession of it in the name of the U. S. It is not ex-
pected either that the proceedings of M'Gregor, here referred to, will be
avowed as having been authorized by the Government of Venezuela, or that
any dissatisfaction will be manifested by them at the occupation of the
Island by the U. S. Should it however prove otherwise, you will have no
difficulty in demonstrating that the conduct of M'Gregor was an infraction
of our neutral rights, of which we have serious cause to complain. Besides
the Laws of the U. S., for the preservation of our neutrality, I refer you to
the correspondence between Mr. Jefferson & the Ministers of France &
Great Britain in the year 1793, in the first volume of the American State
Papers, for a full and luminous exposition of the rights and obligations of
neutrality then recognized by this Government and applicable with en-
creased force to the present occasion, from the sanction of our practice then
given to the principles generally admitted by the usages of civilized na-
tions.' With regard to the Floridas the Messages of the President to
Congress during their present session, & the Acts of January 1811 & Feby.
1813 now published will enable you to explain the views & the policy of the
United States in relation to them. You will give it distinctly to be under-
stood that the dispositions of this Government are as friendly towards the
South Americans, as can be consistent with the obligations of neutrality;
but that the United States have been for several years in negotiation with
Spain for the cession of all her remaining rights in those Provinces to them;
x See American State Papers, vol. I, pp. 71, I8, 92. (140. Vattel, bk. 3, sec. 1o4, Wolff 1174;
Vattel, bk. 3, sec. 15) pp. 142, 143, 149, 150 154. These citations are in the manuscript.








DOCUMENT 49: JANUARY 31, 1818


that it has been long an established part of our Laws not to permit them to
pass into the hands of any other Power; and that those Laws must receive
their execution.
Since the suppression of the establishment at Amelia-Island, attempts have
been made to impress upon the public in this country the belief that the
Government of the United States were acquainted with and even privy to
the design of Mac Gregor upon that place, before it was carried into execu-
tion. That Mac Gregor himself avowed to various persons here that he had
such a design in contemplation, and that it was thus communicated as a
project of adventure, to persons connected with the administration may be
true. But it was never disclosed as a subject upon which their approbation
was desired or their opinion consulted; nor was it ever stated as involving a
violation either of the neutrality or the Laws of the Union. No communica-
tion was ever had between the Government of the U. S. and M'Gregor, and
if he or those with whom he connected himself here gave obscure & illusive
hints of his purpose, in order to ascertain for his information the moment
when their unequivocal illegality, ascertained by the Government, might
draw upon him the active enforcement of the Laws, such ambiguous intima-
tions, far from evincing the connivance of the Executive in his plan, would
only prove their ignorance of his real designs, and his consciousness of the
opposition to them which he must encounter, if they should be explicitly
made known. The same suggestions which imparted his project, to a person
in the confidence of the President, at the same time led to the idea, that it
was concerted with the concurrence and favor of the British Government.
Thus one deception was laid as the foundation for the superstructure of
another; and while the exposure to this Government of the object, was, in a
point of view concealing its illegal features, their attention was studiously
averted from the means of execution, involving the violation of the Laws,
towards others against which neither direct resistance, nor immediate prep-
aration could be made. Neither M'Gregor nor his partizans made it known
either that the authority by which he was to act, was assumed to be given
him within our jurisdiction, or that the force with which he was to operate,
would be levied, within our limits. Had either of these circumstances been
divulged to this Government, its resistance to them would have been as
immediate, as its duty to make such resistance would have been indubitable.
Should any intimation be given to you of a desire that a formal acknowl-
edgement of the Venezuelan Government should be made by that of the
United States, you will observe that in the present stage of the conflict,
that step would be a departure from that system of neutrality, which the
U. S. have adopted, and which is believed to be as much the interest of the
South-Americans themselves as of the U. S. You may add that without this
formal acknowledgement they enjoy all the advantages of a friendly &
commercial intercourse with us, which they could enjoy with it; and that









PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


the effect of such a measure might probably be, without benefiting them,
to entangle us in disputes with other powers. You may take occasion at
the same time, in a friendly & respectful manner to suggest that such irregu-
lar proceedings as those of which you are deputed to complain, as they could
not be justified by any established and recognized Government, cannot but
operate as a discouragement to the U. S., and to all other nations of the
disposition to recognize a new power, in whose name, and under the pretense
of whose authority such practices are pursued; that they cannot claim the
rights & prerogatives of independent States, without conforming to the
duties by which independent States are bound; that the usurped exercise of
Sovereign authority by individuals, is the essential character of lawless
power; and that the practices of pirates are inconsistent with the obligations
of every constituted State.
The situation of the country to which you are to proceed, and the state of
the respective parties to the war, render it uncertain whether you will find
it expedient to make more than a very transient residence in any one place;
or to remain long without returning to the U. S. The determination upon
this subject, will in the first instance be left to your own judgment & discre-
tion. After obtaining a definitive answer, upon the two claims of restitution
& indemnity with which you are charged, and making the representations
herein directed, there may be no public interest of adequate importance to
require your continuance there any longer; in which case, you will take as
early an opportunity to return as may be convenient. In the mean time,
you will collect & transmit to this dept. the most correct information that
you can obtain, respecting the real state of the country; the relative situation
& prospects of the Patriot & Royal forces; the present effects & probable
consequences of the emancipation of the slaves; the population & resources
of the Provinces in the Venezuelan Confederation; their views & expectations
in relation to the other South American Provinces; their commercial situation
& prospects, especially with reference to the U. S. & to our commercial
intercourse with them; and generally whatever may fall under your observa-
tion, and the knowledge of which it may be interesting to us to possess.1
I am [etc.].
1Irvine's reports to the Department fill a manuscript volume of several hundred pages,
about a third consisting of correspondence between him and Bolivar at Angostura chiefly
regarding rights and claims of United States merchant vessels in view of the pretended
blockade and his transmitting dispatches to the Department. The rest consists of "Notes
on Venezuela," a detailed description written after his return. Though interesting, his
papers are not sufficiently apropos to warrant printing in this collection. An injudicious
though not entirely incorrect response to his cordial reception, to the effect that the United
States had "in effect" recognized the independence of Venezuela gave rise to a false im-
pression.








DOCUMENT 50: MARCH 25, 1818


50
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to President Monroe, for transmission
to the United States House of Representatives 1
WASHINGTON, March 25, i818.
The Secretary of State, to whom has been referred the resolution of the
House of Representatives of the 5th December, has the honor of submitting
the documents herewith transmitted, as containing the information possessed
at this Department requested by that resolution.
In the communications received from Don Manuel H. de Aguirre, there
are references to certain conferences between him and the Secretary of State,
which appear to require some explanation.
The character in which Mr. Aguirre presented himself was that of a public
agent from the Government of La Plata, and of private agent from that of
Chili. His commissions from both simply qualified himas agent. But his
letter from the Supreme Director (Pueyrredon) to the President of the
United States requested that he might be received with the consideration due
to his diplomatic character. He had no commission as a public minister of
any rank, nor any full power to negotiate as such. Neither the letter of
which he was the bearer, nor he himself, at his first interviews with the
Secretary of State, suggested that he was authorized to ask the acknowledg-
ment of his Government as independent; a circumstance which derived ad-
ditional weight from the fact that his predecessor, Don Martin Thompson,
had been dismissed by the Director Pueyrredon, for having transcended his
powers, of which the letter brought by Mr. Aguirre gave notice to the
President.
It was some time after the commencement of the session of Congress that
he made this demand, as will be seen by the dates of his written communica-
tions to the Department. In the conferences held with him on that subject,
among other questions which it naturally suggested were those of the manner
in which the acknowledgment of his Government, should it be deemed
advisable, might be made; and what were the territories which he considered
as forming the state or nation to be recognized. It was observed, that the
manner in which the United States had been acknowledged as an independent
Power by France was by a treaty concluded with them, as an existing inde-
pendent Power; and in which each one of the States then composing the
Union was distinctly named; that something of the same kind seemed to be
necessary in the first acknowledgment of a new Government, that some
definite idea might be formed, not of the precise boundaries, but of the
general extent of the country thus recognized. He said the Government of
which he desired the acknowledgment was the country which had, before the
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 173. By a letter of the same date the
President communicated this and its enclosed documents to the House of Representatives.








PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES


revolution, been the viceroyalty of La Plata. It was then asked whether
that did not include Montevideo, and the territory occupied by the Portu-
guese; the Banda Oriental, understood to be under the government of General
Artigas; and several provinces still in the undisputed possession of the
Spanish Government? He said it did; but observed that Artigas, though in
hostility with the Government of Buenos Ayres, supported, however, the
cause of independence against Spain; and that the Portuguese could not
ultimately maintain their possession of Montevideo. It was after this that
Mr. Aguirre wrote the letter offering to enter into a negotiation for concluding
a treaty, though admitting that he had no authority to that effect from his
Government. It may be proper to observe, that the mode of recognition
by concluding a treaty had not been suggested as the only one practicable
or usual, but merely as that which had been adopted by France with the
United States, and as offering the most convenient means of designating the
extent of the territory acknowledged as a new dominion.
The remark to Mr. Aguirre, that, if Buenos Ayres should be acknowledged
as independent, others of the contending provinces would, perhaps, demand
the same, had particular reference to the Banda Oriental. The inquiry was,
whether General Artigas might not advance a claim of independence for those
provinces, conflicting with that of Buenos Ayres, for the whole viceroyalty of
La Plata. The Portuguese possession of Montevideo was noticed in
reference to a similar question.
It should be added, that these observations were connected with others,
stating the reasons upon which the present acknowledgment of the Govern-
ment of La Plata, in any mode, was deemed by the President inexpedient, in
regard as well to their interests as to those of the United States.




51
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Manuel H. de Aguirre, Argentine
Agent at Washington
WASHINGTON, April 11, 1818.
SIR: I have had the honour of receiving your Note of the 5. instant. You
suppose me to have stated in the Report to The President, communicated to
Congress in his Message of 25 March,2 that you had said General Artigas
supported the cause of the Independence of Spain-But as the Cause of
Spain in South-America, is not Independence, that would have been an
absurdity which I neither understood you, nor have represented you as
asserting. The Cause of Independence of Spain in South America, is not the


1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 318.


2 See above, doc. 50.








DOCUMENT 52: APRIL 20, 1818


Cause of Spain's Independence, but the Cause in opposition to Spain; and
that is the Cause which I understood you to say General Artegas supported,
though being at the same time in hostility with the Government of Buenos-
Ayres.
With regard to the merits of the controversies between the Government of
Buenos-Ayres and General Artegas, I certainly never expressed, nor do I
recollect that you expressed to me any opinion. I understood you to say,
that so far as related to the opposition to Spain, the Government of Buenos-
Ayres and General Artegas were supporting a common cause.
I forbear to notice the remarks in your Note, preceding the quotation
from the Report of the passage which you have understood as conveying an
idea, directly contrary to that which I intended; being persuaded that you
also have used expressions, without intending to convey the exceptionable
meaning of which they are susceptible.
I have the honour [etc.].



52
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to George W. Erving, United States
Minister to Spain 1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 20, I818.
From the complexion of the Debates in the House of Representatives
during the Session of Congress which terminates this day, you will infer the
great and increasing interest felt in this Country with regard to the Events
occurring in that part of the American Hemisphere. The part pursued by
the Government of the United-States in this contest, has been unequivocal
Neutrality. None of the Revolutionary Governments has yet been formally
acknowledged; but if that of Buenos Ayres, should maintain the stability
which it appears to have acquired since the Declaration of Independence of
9 July 1816 it cannot be long before they will demand that acknowledgment
of right-and however questionable that right may be now considered; it
will deserve very seriously the consideration of the European Powers, as
well as of the United States, how long that acknowledgment can rightfully
be refused. Since beginning this letter I have received your Despatch No.
60 of 26 February,2 enclosing the Memoir of Russia,3 on these South Ameri-
can affairs.
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 179.
2 See below, pt.'xim, doc. 1079.
3 See below, pt. xi, doc. ioli, under date, November 17, 1817.




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