SRC 5 Curry, page 1
G: It=s July 1, 2002. This is Susan Glisson in Atlanta, Geogia with Constance Curry. We=re talking
about the Southern Regional Council. Thank you for your time. Tell me a little bit about how you
came to know about the SRC and its work and came to be associated with it.
C: When I was in college at Agnes Scott in the 1950s, I was very active in a group called the United
States National Student Association, which was a confederation of student governments from all
over the country. This was just prior to the 1954 supreme court decision and there were some
southern colleges that were members of NSA, but after 1954, most of the White member schools
dropped out of NSA. For some reason Agnes Scott stayed in there, so I went as a member of
Agnes Scott student government to all of the interracial national meetings. After I graduated and
was doing various other things, NSA re-contacted me, I was living in New York, and they said that
they had had a southern B that Ray Farabee who was the first southern president of NSA had
established what was called the NSA southern student human relations seminars. Through a grant
from the Field Foundation [it] had gotten money to hold a seminar for eighteen southern students to
come from the various campuses to go to these three week seminars in the summer right prior to
the congress. [Here] they would study human relations and have Black and White students come
together based on the principle that there were southern young people, specifically college
students, who cared about what was happening in the South and who wanted to begin a discussion
and begin to break the barriers and maybe move toward some sort of solution, which of course just
went right along the ideas of what the Southern Regional Council was about. There was an
advisory committee to this southern student human relations council and on that was Will
Campbell, Benjamin Maize, Father Fictor from Loyola University, Harold Fleming from the
SRC 5 Curry, page 2
Southern Regional Council and just a long list of B Ralph McGill was on it B just a list of
Southern@ Black and White adults who wanted to nurture these young people. So Ray Farabee
held these human relations seminars, I think it was 1958 and 1959, maybe it started in 1957, but
then they decided they wanted to get money from Field to have a full time project and they
contacted me in New York and asked me I=d be interested in coming to Atlanta and establishing
that project. I came down in December of 1959, we had an advisory committee meeting, that's
when I first met Will and first met all these people. Harold Fleming, who was the director of SRC, I
believe was the person who put me in touch with Paul Anthony who was the administrator of SRC.
Paul was wonderful. He helped me find office space and he helped me to know what bank to set
up my bank account which was an all Black bank and just put me in touch with what was
happening right here on the scene, and that was really, really helpful. Then Harold Fleming was
able to direct whatever a lot of the other needs. I guess it was in January of that year, I went to my
first interagency conference, which again was the American Jewish Committee, the Anti-
Defamation League, Jean Fairfax was there from American Friends Service Committee, it was
called the Southern Interagency Conference. It was really good because that was beginning to be
a pretty crucial time and I remember at that first meeting, Jean Fairfax started talking about Prince
Edward County and that's the first time I=d heard about it and she was talking about the fact that
those kids were out of school and that the American Friends Service Committee was making this
little effort to relocate the kids because as you know, Prince Edward County had closed their
schools rather than integrate. Jean brought that up and the point of Interagency Conference was
to say how can we pool our efforts or our money or our knowledge or our talents on these various
projects. Right after that, a month after that B I believe that meeting was in January, but I=m not
sure I=11 have to look. It may have been in February, which means the sit-ins would have already
SRC 5 Curry, page 3
taken place in Greensboro, which of course in my own project turned things around completely
because what had been established is a way of getting Black and White students to merely talk to
each other or go to these seminars, now here was an option for direct action, for social change
which had never really been an option in this country before. I guess it would be important for me
to find out if that first interagency meeting was before or after the sit-ins because I can remember
at some point, getting up as a young woman in front of all these much older people on SRC and
saying don=t forget the students. That obviously was after the sit-ins, but I think they were held
four times a year. So that plus the fact that SRC people were so willing to help me, I could go to
them for anything and I=m talking about from staff members B that's when I met Glenda Waters
who I became really good friends with, it=s when I met Bob Anderson who was one of the
research people, he=s still here in Atlanta you know. Has anybody mentioned Bob Anderson?
He=d be a good person to interview. Also, there=s a guy who worked for SRC who now lives in
Florida, Jim Wood, I believe he lives in Florida now. But Bob Anderson I=m almost sure is still
here, and he was one of the early people who helped a lot. Some were in research, others were
in... but I just remember always being able to go and get such good help from everybody at SRC.
Marge Manderson is deceased, she was one of the research people and she was always helpful.
The thing that I remember was like when the sit-ins were sweeping across the South and I was
going all around to look at them, it was Paul and Harold who said why doesn't NSA put out a
report saying what=s happening? Like 300 students are arrested at Texas A&M on such and such
a date so that it will be coming from a student group, from a younger group, almost daily a report
on the sit-in movement. So they helped me get that together and helped me get that mailed out
and everything. My advisory committee, and I believe Harold Fleming was on B do you know what
year Les Dunbar came?
SRC 5 Curry, page 4
G: It was in fifty something, but I can=t remember.
C: No, Harold was before Les, wasn=t he?
G: Are you talking about Harold Fleming as the president of the board?
C: No, as the director.
G: I don=t remember the days.
C: You don=t know when Les came?
G: I don=t remember from the tape, from the interview.
C: Les was there, but I don=t know what...
G: He came, but hadn=t become the director.
C: Right, okay. Do you know when Paul Anthony became the director? Was he before or after Les?
G: He was after Les. Leslie probably left in the mid-1960s.
C: Yeah, okay. Well all of them as directors were extremely helpful. I stayed with NSA until 1964 and
that's when I went to work for the American Friends Service Committee. My first assignment was
to Mississippi. As I told you, I=11 have to Xerox you the exact stuff, but I noticed going through
those reports, it would say things like the Southern Regional Council, and Paul Anthony put us in
touch with the Mobile women in public education and is going to pay to have them sent here to
Jackson to talk with the Mississippians from public education. It was a role, from my own
standpoint, of facilitating what I was trying to do. The reason I was asking about Harold Fleming
was that in the early 1960s, my advisory committee, which included the SRC people, while they
drew the line at my going to jail, they always encouraged my work with SNCC and with the Cutting
Edge. Max Haun was the director of the Field Foundation and they could have easily said to Field,
Connie Curry=s way too radical, she=s on the SNCC executive committee, but they never did. I
considered that a really good relationship and the fact that they always encouraged me to stay part
SRC 5 Curry, page 5
and they thought it was crucial, particularly for reporting because I was traveling around and I could
call the SRC or anybody and say they just arrested 300 students in Baton Rouge and they just did
this, that, and the other. I would consider them supportive of the activities. In response to this
question was SRC always trailing and not quite there, my own personal experience was that they
always were supportive of my activities regardless.
G: They weren=t necessarily initiating because of direct activism, but when it occurred, they were
supportive of it, responsive to it. Is that accurate?
C: Yeah. That=s only in my own experience, but you know I was on the SNCC executive committee.
I do, as I told you the other day, remember getting a feeling of them being very, as everybody was
to a certain extent, being very careful of having the movement too closely associated with leftist
leaning. Everybody was a communist, even I was when I went to Mississippi. My sovereignty
commission report says that Constance Curry is a blond who talks like a communist. I=m athiest
and a communist.
G: Did you get any flak from SRC because others like that perceived you as a communist?
C: No because probably in some quarters SRC was considered communist. Anybody who did
anything was an outside agitator or a community.
G: How did they try to walk that line between the extreme left and the middle left?
C: They were very leery of groups like SCEF, and I=m one of the National Lawyer=s Guild, but they
were leery of associating with people. Whether that was golden handcuffs, whether they were
afraid they wouldn't get funding, I don=t know. I don=t really know the inside story of funding, but
I=ve always suspected that part of SRC=s problem was how do you remain mainstream and
effective and still get funded? I think that's always been part of their dilemma, although I don=t
SRC 5 Curry, page 6
know that first hand, is staying there in the middle of the road in order to get money and how much
that ties your hands, but I=m sure there=s been a dilemma all along the line.
G: How much of that is tied to funding and how much of it is tied to any personal feelings of the people
who were in the organization?
C: Exactly, yeah. And the board. You look at some of the people on their boards over the years and
they=ve been very activist oriented.
G: Did you have any sense that there was unease about the fact that African-Americans are sort of
seizing the initiative and leading the way on the part of the SRC?
C: No, but you know I was peripheral. No, I didn't ever feel that.
G: Did you have any involvement with or were you aware of the Voter Education Project as it started?
C: Yeah because I traveled a lot and, I=ve forgotten what year VEP started...
G: Is it 1962, 1963? It=s up in there.
C: Yeah. I don=t know. I think that part of my response to all that, because you have to remember
being on the SNCC executive committee we debated on whether this big input of money from
foundations for VEP was a way of cutting off direct action, and we debated that over and over
again. Particularly in terms of the Mississippi project, do we stop community organizing and direct
action and flood the jails and no bail once you get in jail and all of that, what Martin Luther King was
doing, or do we divert the SNCC workers to doing voter registration. Of course, I can remember
that Ella who was one of our main advisors in her wisdom saying why don=t we do both? SNCC
was really wise in all of its youth. We were afraid that if we went into voter registration and that
was respectable and again, we would be circumscribed by getting money. But I knew Vernon and
all of the VEP people, and Weldon Rougeau who was part of the effort to establish the federation
of southern co-ops and all of the people. I was really close to a lot of the people there. Vernon
SRC 5 Curry, page 7
was on the Georgia Council on Human Relations for awhile, or was he NAACP? I guess he was
NAACP field secretary. Ruby Hurly was on my advisory committee so I knew all those early
people. I think that VEP, some people were a little leery of it because was it a plot to divert away
from direct action.
G: So did the VEP project kind of prompt that discussion within SNCC about that?
C: I think so because we could get money from them. Of course SNCC was always broke.
G: As you all decided that you could do both things, did SNCC then work with the VEP folks?
C: To a certain extent. I don=t know because I left in the end of 1963, beginning of 1964 to go work
for the service committee, so I=m not sure how much money SNCC staff ever got from... Are you
going to interview Guillat?
G: I was trying to remember, Charles Prejean or Dr. Cook said that they didn't think that SNCC got
any money through the VEP project, but it seems...
C: They may not have, but I know communities did because I remember in the Winston Hudson
book I was so touched by Mrs. Hudson saying yeah Vernon Jordan sent us $700 from the VEP.
Harmony was one of the communities where SNCC had worked, and said we used that $700 and
gave it to people to bring people to the polls. The fact of $700 coming to a community from Atlanta
from Vernon was unbelievable and I=m sure that it may not have gone directly to SNCC, but it
certainly went to communities where SNCC had worked.
G: What were some of the major impediments to Black voter registration and what did the VEP do to
try and counteract some of that?
SRC 5 Curry, page 8
C: I don=t really know the answers to that. Getting people to the polls was a major thing and VEP
money could be used to pay drivers to take them to the polls, it was as simple as that. I=m not
sure of the other details, but there were little grants all over the place to nurture these groups. It
was phenomenally successful. If you read in Winston=s papers, the number of, going from none
to like 500 registered voters in a years, so it was phenomenally successful. Did you get the sense
that it was having that kind of effectiveness throughout this
C: Yeah, I did.
G: I guess sort of being on the outside looking in to SRC, how would you sort of describe it=s mood,
it=s philosophy, maybe changes in personnel that would have occurred over the rights of the civil
rights movement, the height of the civil rights movement? Did it change?
C: My time closest to it was say from 1960 to 1970. I =ve forgotten when George Esser came. As
you interview people for help of people of the past like me, you need to put down the terms of
people because that helps me know what I was doing. I can=t remember when George Esser
came. If I knew who was director when... But I was not in touch with it really after Paul Anthony
left. I didn't work closely with George Esser and I guess Steve came after George Esser. My
relationship with SRC from then on, see I went to work for city government in 1975 and my
relationship with them has been purely through personalities, not organizationally at all, although I
always go to the annual meetings. They were very supportive when I was writing my book about
May Bertha and they gave me a travel grant. May Bertha was an educational fellow at one of the
projects that Martha Kleinburg helped finance. I was on the William-Smith jury a couple of times
and of course my book won one year, and I=ve been a member for a couple of years. They call
me for various things like a joint letter inviting people to things, so I=ve always had a really cordial
relationship and I=ve worked closely with George Coon on Will the Circle Be Unbroken. In fact, I
SRC 5 Curry, page 9
did the public relations in three of the states for that project. It=s just been a cooperative thing over
the years since then.
G: From 1960 to 1970 is a pretty transformational time short of maybe more cooperation among White
and Black groups trying to affect change than to the point of the mid-1960s when there are some
accusations on the part of Black groups that liberals are part of the problem and not part of the
solution. How did that transformation affect SRC as you might have seen it? From your interaction
with Paul Anthony, say at the time, could you tell that he was upset by these accusations or was
trying to respond to them by changing personnel? Was there any response or acknowledgment of
those kinds of changes?
C: I really wasn=t close to all that. You have to remember, I was traveling all the time for AFSC on
school desegregation and I really wasn=t privy to this stuff happening within SRC.
G: Mr. Anthony didn't talk about it when you all were friends and just hanging out?
G: He didn't seem to be upset by those kinds of things?
C: Not that I remember.
G: Some scholars have argued that after sort of relative impotency that the civil rights movement
really kind of revitalized SRC. Do you have any sense of this kind of a charge, that it=s reactive
rather than proactive?
C: Certainly, I don =t know about prior to 1959 and 1960 when I came, but certainly if that is what they
say that it was sort of being reticent and being hesitant about doing stuff, maybe that is true
because of the feeling of support that I had when I came in 1960. I didn't know it, of course,
because I didn't know the history of SRC, but certainly helping me daily find things and do things
and set up and being happy that I was going here and going there. That would make sense that
SRC 5 Curry, page 10
the civil rights movement gave them a shot in the arm, yeah. I can=t say that in terms of my own
before and after, but it would certainly reenforce that.
G: In your experience.
G: Do you think that SRC should be given more credit for its role in helping the civil rights movement
C: Credit by who?
C: That=s a hard question. I don=t know how you judge that. You sort of hate to be modeling and
say that here is this group of Black and White people struggling to do things and it was a brave
thing to do and that on the part of the White people, that they were just White liberals who would
say things, but weren=t willing to walk the walk. But, I tell you what=s interesting is, and I=m just
thinking about this now, but in reading Pete Daniels book, have you read it? The Lost Revolution?
He really condemns the White leadership, he=s talking mostly political, but he really condemns
the White leadership in the 1950s. In fact, I heard him say if there=s one group that is going to
burn in hell forever it=s the White politicians who after 1954 could have led and changed the South
rather than saying blood will roll on the streets, the rise of massive resistance, the deep South says
never, and all of those things, and then allowing violence to occur that set the Mississippi
movement back years. It=s an interesting question to speculate on whether... see I don=t know
what SRC did after the 1954 decision. I don=t know, maybe it did speak out, but it=d be
interesting to see if there=s some way that the Southern Regional Council could have taken a
firmer stand and said it doesn't have to be this way and we demand it, we obey the law.
G: What was your sense about when February 1 when the four young men walk into the wars?
SRC 5 Curry, page 11
C: My own sense about that was that SRC was very responsive and very supportive. I went to the
organizational meeting and of course Will, who was real active in SRC and best friends with all
those guys, he was all over the place in support of the movement, in national and everything else.
The network was really supportive.
G: Do you think they made public statements in support of ?
C: I don=t know, I=11 look in my files.
G: Do you have a sense of what their relationship might have been with SCLC? Was it as cooperative
and supportive as it was with SNCC?
C: Yes, that's my feeling. Yeah. But there again, I don=t have any background.
G: Do you have any sense of the relationship that they might have had with any of the presidential
administrations? Okay. We talked about the funding and there was some speculation that there
might have been constraints placed on their work based on the funders= limitations. Did you have
any involvement with any of the publications or know the people who got the publications like the
Southern Frontier, New South?
C: I always thought their publications were really, really important and really helpful. There were so
many things during the... like the Glenda Waters book Intimidation, Reprisal, and Violence. I
don=t think anybody had any clue about the amount of violence that was going on. Things like that
probably facilitated, because of the network among funders and all that, the $100,000 that the Ford
Foundation gave to the American Friends Service Committee to help these families that were the
victims of violence because of registering to vote or because of sending the children to the White
schools. I think that their publications helped on a national level to educate the country. I always
thought that their publications were excellent.
G: That=s the first time anybody=s talked about that potentially direct effect.
SRC 5 Curry, page 12
C: I don=t know that for sure, but I sense that a lot of the publications educated. The quality of their
publications were so responsible and so good that I think it probably in retrospect, I think it may
have urged people to give money to help the causes that SRC was talking about. The information
was always so good in the little New South publications and everything.
G: You said that mostly your interaction with SRC was through personalities. Could you talk about
some of the personalities that you had the most interaction with and characterize their contributions
that you saw.
C: So much of it was personal. I played poker with Glenda and Bud Bartley and we were such a
close little network because there weren=t a whole bunch of us. We used to have parties all the
time with SNCC and SRC people. There=s just a lot of personal stuff, I was friends with
G: What did you think of Leslie Dunbar? What did you think his strengths were?
C: When I could hear him, I thought he was very wise. I=d never seen a man with such a history. We
used to go in there and take off weekends. He knew he couldn't speak loud, but we would just
always pull up close to his desk as much as possible, not that that would help a lot, but he=d say
honey, I think that maybe for the seminar you can get so on and so on and so on. Just legions of
stories of that. We were a community, and I was lucky because I had a foot in the activists as well
as in SRC, so I was very lucky.
G: If SNCC is activist, what=s SRC [primarily]? What is the one word sums up where they came
C: Research and education.
G: And those two in your mind are absolutely crucial to the work that was going on as those things
SRC 5 Curry, page 13
C: Yeah. And a willingness to respond to peoples needs including my own in terms of calling them
and saying what shall I do, this is happening. The one thing, I don=t know what era this would be
true, but I can remember people saying B and I couldn't give you names, but sort of this aura of B
and this mostly from Black friends who would say it really makes me angry, it=s probably SNCC
people, [that] we can=t get money unless you go through SRC. They control the purse strings
from the North. Whether it=s VEP or regardless of who it is, you can=t get any money. SRC is
God, is the God of the South and unless they okay you... I think this was probably more so during
the George Esser, Steve Suitts thing. I don=t think that either one of them meant that to be true,
but that's what the criticism was. There=s no question in its later years and that was not true in
G: Did you notice any internal personnel changes over this period of 1960 and 1970? Were there
more African Americans being promoted up or more women being promoted up?
C: It=s hard to know that when you don=t have a daily contact. Glenda Waters left, she was
probably my best friend there. I can't remember the year she left either. But Warren and Strat
Prichard and Glenda and that whole crowd, and Vernon, we all used to party a lot. I don=t know
what was going on in the office on a daily basis. It=s the same old story, in retrospect it=s easy to
look back and say what was the gender racial dynamics and that's much easier looking back than
it is when you=re living in it. Other people will have to tell you about the actual discrimination. At a
party, you didn't sit around and say were there any manifestations in the office today of gender
discrimination. Probably couldn't have said the words even when I look back at some of those
parties. You know Glenda Waters used to call the annual meetings of the seated drunks. She
would call the actual thing, said it was time for the seated drunk, drunk being a noun. It was really
SRC 5 Curry, page 14
funny because she used to say I don=t know whether the SRC annual meeting or the Southern
History Association is a better manifestation of counting the drunks on the elevator.
G: I know that from the SHA impressions.
C: Yeah, but back then, SHA would have people like, who=s the guy? James Dickey who was one
of the speakers in Memphis and he got so good he=d just ride up and down in the elevator in the
hotel, and there=s just legions of stories of SHA. It=s much calmer now.
G: In SNCC there=s the infamous comment attributed to Stokely about the position of women, and
then there=s the paper that circulates in response to that. There wasn=t any kind of event or
moment or anything in SRC=s history that you know about that was along those lines?
C: Not that I know of. I can remember going to the Biltmore, to the SRC annual meeting and I was
going to get drunk because Sandy Koufax was never going to pitch again, he had injured his
elbow, I was a big Brooklyn Dodger fan, and I heard driving over there that Sandy Koufax, his
elbow was beyond repair and he would never pitch again so I figured that was it. I can remember
going through the annual meetings saying Sandy will never pitch again... What is her problem?
That=s one of my main memories, shall we say, of an SRC annual meeting. There was a woman
speaking at the Biltmore, we always had them at the Biltmore, the annual meetings, and I=m trying
to remember Josephine Wilkins who was always a big donor of SRC. She was an older White
woman, she lived in a penthouse at the Biltmore and we all used to... these younger White women
being curious about this older woman who lived in the penthouse apartment in the Biltmore who
was contributing to SRC, so I don=t know much of the history of that. I=m trying to think... I don=t
know. What=s the next question?
G: Let=s do some summarizing kinds of questions. In your experience working with the organization,
how would you summarize their strengths and how would you summarize their weaknesses?
SRC 5 Curry, page 15
C: In what period?
G: In the period that you worked, that you were associated with it.
C: Closest to it? As its strengths, I would consider it=s responsiveness to me and my project. You
have to remember that their director was on my board so there was the close link there. I never felt
anything but support from SRC for me and my doings during the 1960s.
G: What about weaknesses? Do you have any sense of [weaknesses]?
C: No. Back then we were a very small, very close community. I was as close to the Black members
of it as I was to the White people. I may have been blinded, but there again, it was a small
community. Oh I know what I was thinking of. In 1960, this is way before the Accommodations
Act, there used to be a hotel called the Peach Tree Manor on Peach Tree Street and that was the
first hotel to allow Black and White gatherings, and this is before the civil rights bill. Immediately,
SRC held all its meetings there to give support to the Peach Tree Manor which was right down the
street on 5th and Peach Tree.
G: You mentioned being sort of leery of working with some of the more radical groups or some of the
groups that they perceived and that others perceived as being communist. Were you aware of that
kind of stuff going on while you were associated with it, or was it stuff that you know now in
C: I remember specifically being very leery of Anne Braden. I thought that was a little strange I must
admit, but you have to remember that... and the American Friends Service Committee also
cautioned me about that, but theirs was never on the context of it being communist or left because
the Service Committee itself was accused of that. It was beware of organizations, and I don=t
think they even named the Bradens or Skip, beware of organizations that will use you and use
your experience to get you to tell things that are happening about SNCC for their own purposes
SRC 5 Curry, page 16
which can label you and the effort as being communist or whatever. So it was beware of
manipulation. I think with SRC as Steve told you, it was finally healed when they gave justice
award to Anne Braden, but SRC admitted that it was really critical of calling Anne and did not
G: When you came on the scene, people in SRC warned you about working with her right?
C: Yeah. And it didn't bother me because Anne was so close to SNCC, and Ella Baker, who was my
other adult advisor. So I never really paid much attention to them, but I remember them warning
G: Were there any other figures that you can remember?
G: Generally despite that kind of interaction, they were supportive of and helped with the network.
G: How do you think that historians should incorporate the SRC in the African American freedom
C: They tried to build across the interracial divide in an early stage. Again, in retrospect it=s easy to
say what they should have done, what they could have done. I only know it from my own
experience and I don't know the answer to that.
G: What about in the larger sort of post-war South? What role do you think they had?
C: I can speak only from my own experience and that was they were very helpful to me and my
G: And I guess in creating this sort of community too right?
G: And bringing people together?
SRC 5 Curry, page 17
C: [Yes]. They would trust each other. I would have been out there on a limb frankly, coming down
here in 1960 without a friend in the world, not knowing what I was doing. They were instrumental
in helping me build a nucleus. Of course when SNCC came along I had two groups.
G: Why do you think that SRC=s, that contribution might have remained unacknowledged generally?
C: Because I think that the movement moved to a whole different level when between the direct action
and legislation and with the Voting Rights Act, there was a huge amount of work accomplished in
the 1960s that really made a lot of the work the SRC was doing and had been doing for years
passe. When I came down, was supposed to Aget Black and White students in the same room to
talk@, the moment the sit-ins started, that was passe. Now students could do things and I think
that was part of where SRC was caught, and as it should be. Maybe that's why they latched on to
support SNCC and me and other groups, but maybe they were hesitant to go on and become
radical because of those they would leave behind who were scared, Black and White. [End of Tape
A, side 1]. Maybe they were afraid to make that jump because of those they would leave behind.
G: So they're walking a lot of levels of tightropes. They=re walking tightropes between more radical
groups and groups that are more comfortable with the supporting educational role. They=re
walking a tightrope between northern funders and some of those more radical groups.
C: [Yes]. And they're walking a tightrope in terms of their own internal dynamics which I don=t know
about, which you hear peripherally. They=re walking the tightrope of an emerging feminist
movement, of an emerging racial movement in terms of a whole lot of new issues, the gay
movement, just a whole bunch of stuff.
G: And the conservative backlash to all that.
SRC 5 Curry, page 18
C: Exactly. When your main role has been to have a place where Black and White people can sit
together and talk together, that's a bunch of new ballgames. So profound, that is so profound.
Miss Curry=s last words were it=s a bunch of new ballgames.
G: And keeping in theme with the Sandy Koufax theme, it=s totally appropriate.
C: That=s right.
G: Maybe Brian will name the book Bunch of New Ballgames. Brian, name your book. Is there
anything that I should have asked you that I did not ask you about?
C: No, I don=t think so.
G: No drunken scandals?
C: Lots of those, which remain not told on this tape.
G: Okay, I think that were done. Thank you very much Miss Curry.
C: You=re welcome, my pleasure.
[End of interview]