Title Page
 Introductory Remarks
 Foreign Interference
 The Uganda Situation
 Specific Questions facing PNM
 Back Cover

Title: Address by the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago and political leader of the PNM, fourteenth annual convention, September 29-October 1, 1972, at the Convention Centre, Chaguaramas
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00003587/00001
 Material Information
Title: Address by the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago and political leader of the PNM, fourteenth annual convention, September 29-October 1, 1972, at the Convention Centre, Chaguaramas
Physical Description: 50 p. : ; 21 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Williams, Eric Eustace, 1911-
People's National Movement
Publisher: PNM Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Port-of-Spain Trinidad
Publication Date: [1972?]
Subject: Politics and government -- Trinidad and Tobago -- 1962-   ( lcsh )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Trinidad and Tobago
General Note: At head of title: People's National Movement.
Funding: Eric Williams Memorial Collection
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00003587
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000412802
oclc - 07463596
notis - ACF9806
lccn - 80136706

Table of Contents
        Cover 1
        Cover 2
    Title Page
        Title 1
        Title 2
    Introductory Remarks
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
    Foreign Interference
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
    The Uganda Situation
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
    Specific Questions facing PNM
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
    Back Cover
        Page 51
        Page 52
Full Text


The Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago and Political Leader
of the PNM




The Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago and Politial Leader

of the PNM




Printed by
PNM Publishing Co., Ltd
27 Pembroke Street

OUR 14th Annual Convention finds our Party, the Peoole's
National Movement, in contininnl co-trol of the Govern-
ment of Trinindad and Tobaoo. Thij co-trol, looking at the
situat'n at oblectivelv as nwssible, is likely to c-ntInue. I have
come to this concl'ition after an analysis of the forces, and
interests in opposition to the PNM.

First, there are the political parties and their leaders.
Notwithstanding all their predictions of doom, the country
has not collapsed since the elections in May last year. Not-
withstanding their persistent efforts at home and abroad to
smear and ddniqrate our Police Service, we have no police
state. Despite all their talk of repressive laws, they say.what
they like, meet as they like, the only prohl-m being that it
would anoear that they cannot qet neon]e to coma out to
them. Their eivil disohed'ence campaign oronosal h~s had no
impact. They spend thair time be'abourinq o"e a-oth-r. The.
electorate can see all this for it-elf without any int-rferenee
from the PNM. anel will draw the i-e"it*.ble cercliron that
they are accustomed to draw for 15 vears: if this is the sort
of way these neoeld behave in oonosition. what can one ex-
pect of them if they ever form the government ?

It is quite obvious to the electorate that one can no more
form an opposition by defection from the ruling party than
one can form a government. After the elec+ins last year, 1
drew the country's attention to the parallel position in Sinqa-
pore. Sinnapore has recently held another e'ection.-The op.
position forces that'boycotted three years ago got the beating
of their lves. The parallel situation is shaoinq up here with
apparently only one difference: the opposition forces here
can always consult their obeah man.

in the second place we have the press, a section of wh'ch
has boasted for some years now th-t it is thi opposition to the
PNM. May the good Lord protect us from such an opposition I
They call one day for appoi-tme-t to a par'icular
post, and when the appol-tment is made, they
fume that no appointment should have been
made. They call for a Covmm'ssion o0 Inquiry
on some matter-with a Judge as Chairman; we annoint a Com-
mission of Inuirv with a Jiedre s CMhirrma* r but *hen thAv
say we choulA not have anointed th"t na-*.cular Jud-e With
all the crocodile tears they rhed about the independence of

the Judiciary, they continue to attack a particular judge;
while they encourage and inspire the most deplorable attacks
on holders of other principal offices of state as well as
Day after day they seek to crucify the Prime Minister,
even to the extent of supporting a foreign government or a
foreign corporation; but when they want to sell their news-
paper they write to the Prime1 Minister and try to mamaguy
him by claiming that they "feel strongly that the magazine-
without your views-as Prime Minister, as the leader of the
nationalist movement that achieved Independence and as an
historian-would lack depth and perspective."' It took the
dopes all these years to see that!
In the third place there is the University. It continues
to be associated in the public eye with political parties that
get nowhere, with yellow journalism which is a disgrace to
a so-called intellectual community, and now it would appear
as if members of the University fraternity are actively en-
gaged in the trade union movement, so'that we never know
when the so-called claim to academic freedom will be.further
distorted by applying it to non-academic members of the staff.
This is a more serious matter, however, than the question
of the political parties end the press. Neither of these involve
taxpayers' money. The University however has cost the Trin-
idad and Tobago taxpayer $75 million over the years, and
in 1970 University lecturers, who teach verV fdw hours
a week (one of the most glaring examples of low productivity
in the country) have received salary increases varying from
50% for the Vice-Chancellor to approximately 25% for a
lecturer, over and above their standard allowances, children,
housing, entertainment, etc.

In the; fourth place we haye certain elements in the
field of big business. One of the latest outpourings has pro-
posed that the unemployment levy of per cent should bd
abolished as serving no useful purpose, that incomes under
$10,000 a year should not be taxed, that the maximum tax
levied should be 40 per cent, that death duties should be
abolished. The implication is that more money should be
availalile to investors, but that investment should be left
entirely to the whims and caprices of the individual mem-
bers of the business community. We have our own experi-
ences with thd advocate of these proposals in respect of his
own whims and caprices where investment is' concerned.

The business community in general continues to talk
about free enterprise and to oppose what they call state inter-
ference. Party members and the citizens generally will have
seen by now the government White Paper on Public Parti-
cipation. When they see the State's participation in Angos-
tura, I hope that they will remember that it was the Siegert
family that called on the government to intervene in order
to save the industry from being taken out by foreigners
to another country.

On the general question of free enterprise, TIME ma-
gazine of February 14, 1972 had an essay entitled "The
future of free enterprise" from which I select the following
extracts for the education of our local business community:

"Only in the U.S. are airlines, radio and television net-
works, telephone systems, power companies and all other
major industries owned primarily by private individuals.
By contrast, Japan is a corporate state in which govern-
ment and industry are so closely interrelated that it is
'difficult to tell which segment is in control. Half of
France's auto 'industry is owned by the state; 35 per
cent of Italy's industrial production is state controlled.

Recently, however, free enterprise in the U.S. has
been under heavy pressure-not so much from thb New
Left or consumerist critics as from some of the system's
primary defenders, namely the Republican Party and
private businessmen. By ordering the first controls in the
nation's history (outside of a military emergency)
-clamped ori wages; prices and rehts, President Nixon
made one of the boldest encroachments so far on the
free-enterprise system. Nixon's New Economic Policy
Is, in fact, only the latest and most dramatic in a series
of events that seem to challenge the principle of free
enterprise. In business, the role of Government is fast
growing larger-as savior, subsidfzer, owner, regulator,

It is business leaders themselves who often urged the
Government to step in. When the. aerospace industry
tumbled into trouble last year, its'generally conservative
captains -importuned Washington for subsidies to bail out
SLockheed (successful) and save the SST (unsuccessful ).
When the housing industry slumped in the late 1960's,
home builders pressured the Government to increase sub-

sides greatly; under the present Administration, the
number of fedral.y assisted housing starts has jumped
150% to almost 400,000. After passenger ra 1 service had
became a hopeless drain on profit, Congress last year
relieved the railroads of that burden by creating Amtrak,
the Government-sponsored rail corporation.

The Government's influence on the private economy
will become dven greater in the future.. .the Govern-
ment will increasingly exert its great power in three ways:

First, Washington will involve itself more and more
as a goal-setter and ru:e-maker for business largely
because many business leaders want it to do so...
Second, the Government will become a sterner
policeman of private enterprise...
Third, the Government will likely continue some
form of surveillance over wages and prices."

Finally, in the 2% years since February 1970, we have
had an opportunity to assess the general situation which every
effort has been made, both at home and abroad, to exaggerate.
Ladies and gentlemen, today, all over the five continents there
is turmoil and disorder. One can no longer just get up one
morning and take an aeroplane to fly somewhere. International
sport has become merely one aspect of international politics,
and, as the recent Olympic Games have shown, it can be
hiahlv dangerous. Bombs go off anywhere at any time, whether
outside a church in Belfast, or in a dance hall in Montreal,
or in a letter to a diplomat, or in a post-office
in Antiqua. Eve'vwhare the history of the past 500
years is being 'stea.i'y reversed the religious strug.
gle in Northen Ireland, the Afro-As'an conflict in, Uganda, the
Hindu-Muslim conflict in Pakistan, the Arab-Israell confronta-
tion in the Middle East, Britain's naval domination in Malta,
the Anglo-French struggle in Quebbc, the British capture of
Gibraltar from Spain 260 years ago.
The most important of all these challenges to the im-
perialist history of the past is the black revolt-in Africa
against apartheid, in the United States against ra-lal discrim-
ination ;n all its forms. The Caribbean could not hope to
escape this explosion against centuries of oppression. But our
history being what it is, there is always the call for repression.
As a Governor of Barbados wrote over 150 years ago with re-

spect to the aqitation against the continuation of slavery,
"in a community formed like this, the public mind is ever
tremblingly alive to the dangers of insurrection."

The fact of the matter is, however, that, once the basic
question of the control of arms at the disposal of the Protec-
tive Services was settled, what we had here was a storm in
a teacup, a minor stomach upset, compared with the tremend-
ous dislocation and upheavals taking place all over the world.
As I have said more than once, Trinidad and Tobago is a verit-
able oasis as compared with the deserts that have emerged
in many parts of the world.

The society today has a better appreciation of the policy
of tolerance and patience pursued in the face of much criti-
cism at the time in respect of the demonstrations and public
utterances of 1970. It was a very simple strategy: give them
rope and they will hanq themselves. But more important than
that, you would be able to see who is who. who were really
subversive, who were just exuberant and following for the
most part what many regarded as a fashion parade. We have
been able to see who is who not only at home, not only abroad,
but also in the West Indian region. There has been some
agitation about the oublicat;on of a report abmut a Committee
appointed in 1970 to consider the role of the De'ence Force.
When somebody does not have anything to say he says it at
great length, especially when he has a forum 'at hand. For.
your information there are several documents related to 1970,
and the Government proposes to publish all of them.

Our casualty list was less than the results of any respect-
able football riot in other parts of the world. On one condi-
tion, however: the. 1970 development was a warning to the
population that, in the state of the wnrld today, it is totally
,impossible to perpetuate historical injustices.

The businessman who talked about abandoning the unem.
ployment levy was a voice' from the dead past. The business.
man who asked me in May 1970 whether he had now become a
second-class citizen was a prehistoric survival. Some months
before the 1970 development, I had askeA the former Gov-
ernor-General, Sir Solomon Hochoy, as the svmbol of national
integration and to avoid any appearance of partisanship, to call
in all the malor business firms, with special reference to the
banks, and advise them of the dissatisfaction they were aen-
erating by their restrictive racial policies in employment. With

1970.the prlod -of ~sxhortation- is over. it has. been a matter
since thereof laying:down the law and saving-thesocety as
a whole from.thO. shortsightedness of 'a minority of its
At a. Gnerat.Councli meeting In April 1970to discuss the
general'situat!onf;,, as Chairman of a Committee appointed
by the-General' Council, outlined a certain line of approach
to the whole..question. I was particularly careful to empha-
sise to.-the part -members:that the PNM, with the right un-
.derstanding. of the. issues involved and the right strategy,
could emerge stronger than- it had ever been. This is the
situation today, What it means, however, is that much greater
responsibilities are imposed: on P.NM, because of its position
of strength, because of the absence of any responsible opposi-
tion inr the country. As I. have told-you party members over
anm over again PNM's job is to save the Nation aridd not to
limitits sights to just one partisan section bf the Nation.

Thus- Itu rn.to 'one -of-the great :questions facing the
country today-as it faces all: developing countries--the ques-
tion.:of foreig- interference.
Perhaps ther- -isno -area -in the wbtld which-has been
subj~cted-4to .foreign .interference -more, intenselyor over a
longer. period than- the- Caribbean -area. During- the-colonial
period this-interference- tookrprincipally three forms:

(aD Domination of the trade and markets of the colonies
by the-metropolitan countries, always in-the interests
ofi the metropolitan- countries. Foi-,exnriple,.when the
:British-got tired of-the system of colonial-preferences
of- rthe -8th century, -with particular reference to
sugar,-they simply by an.-Act-of-Parlidment in 1852
abolished these preferences and went in for free
trade, in sugar, ,which; -naturally, ruinedt.the West
Indian planters: Eighty-years later, faced-withUintense
Japanese.compeititon in-the West Indian-dolonial mar-
kets,-they simply reversed this. arid reintoduced im-
perial preferences,v this time .to -bnefit iCanada as
-well as England :against-the-cheaper Japanese goods.
Another-notorious example of-the ,metropolitan domi-
nation-of. the -colonial economy isthe Uidit&d States
Coastkwise Shipping Act,. restricting trade-with'Puerto
Ri c,)tp ships flying- the:.Ameraicaflag,in-the same

way as th Brzitish trie to doaw/y bak-in-48i1 with
the Navigation ActL
(b) The .appointnment of nmetropoitean :itiens t the
highest solontal positions. Thus it was that Trinidad
and Tobago was saddled with a Director of Education
who had, o educationalqualificaions, ahd only ew
years ago the highest education. authority In Puerto
Rico was by law appointed by the President of 4tM
United States of America. AmericanS*ecretaryof State
William Jennings Bryan emphasised the underlying
philosophy in: 1913 'n respect of. appointmentsItn thi
Domimfian .R-public. He wote: ',"Cn yots let te.
know what positions you have at your.disposatkith
which tar reward Adeserving Democrats1". -. *
(c) At the Idvel of. private citizens, the Caribbein was
the happy Hunting ground of pirates and buccaneers,
who went about':the plate plundering arid ravagfng
and buildirtg uo their private fortunes, sometimes td
end up, as in one notorious case in Jamaica, in the
second highest" post In the iietropolitian--ctrolled
Political lad6pendence has only inton*ifled'th pressures. One can h6er any day in Trinidad and Tobago abet
this foreign government preferring this or that Trinidadian
,-or Tobagoniames. Prime Mriister; with rumoUrs of threats
of assassination or foreign inspired coupss detat." Let me
give you. some precise examples from tr 6own :perusonar 'e*
perience ver the last few years. of this steady, persisteatt
and increasing.intrusion in our domestic affarl*: '
(1) On the question before the United Nations General
Assembly of the admission of the People's Republic
of China, their Ambassador of one Cuntry catled t ni
at my residence, after outs, asking. me't intervene
to vary the-decision that Cabinet had taken that morn-
ing. Howv e knew that decision, I leave to yow imagii
nation, especially in the context of many statements
in the foreign press suggesting that Trinidad anfd o-;
bago had givenPen.undertaking to: vote in favour ofw a
particular resolution siubritted by "one overnmint"
Trinidad and Tobago had given no such undertaking.
On this- sahie matter Of the positihrObfTaiwan,'
another government sent anr missary to thew Print
Mrnistdr with.a letfer urging supotl't '* Ta wal,.

() On the qubstiar of the recognition of Bangladesh,
great pressure; including the despatch of a special
emissary to the Prime Minister, was brought to bear
an Trinidad and Tobago, notwithslanaing the two ob-
vious facts of the Trinidad and Tobago situation:
first, our concern with the possible repercussions of
a Hindu-Muslim split in Trinidad, and second, the im-
plications of an approval of Bangladesh secession from
Pakistan on the dissidents in Tobago shouting for
secession from'Trinidad.

(3) On three specific occasions in the past six or seven
years, the dipomas.c reproben.aLive of one
'country has persistently lobbied the Prime
Minister in respect of contracts in which nationals of
his country had expressed interest. In one instance
the lobbying took place at a private dinner party
organized by one of the Ambassadors in Trinidad. You
_may perhaps understand why it is the Prime Minipter
seldom goes to parties. In tne case of one contract
there were serious errors or omissions or inaccurate
statements in the proposed prospectus which re-
quired the attention, and nearly caied for the inter-
vention, of the Attorney General of Trinidad and

(4) There are one or two non-resident Ambassadors who
seem to believe (or perhaps operate on specific
'Instructions from their governments) that whenever
they visit Trinidad, they have a right to see the Prime
Minister and seek. to involve him and Trinidad and
Tobago in all their international problems and man,

(5) 'Many representatives of Missions in Trinidad behave
in a way that would suggest that, whenever something
comes up invo ving their country, they have a right
to see the Prime Minister at once, and he has a duty
to stop whatever Trinidad and Tobago work he is
doing to deal with their problem. I have known cases
where the Ambassador even indicates the day on which
he wishes to see the Prime Minister.

(6) Foreign interference has in the recent past taken
the form of a foreign government se'ecting nationals
of Trinidad' and Tobago for visits to their countries.

In one case the selection was that of two members
of the Government, without any reference whatso-
ever to the Prime M'nister of Triidad and Tobago.
When Trinidad and Tobago protested against this in-
terference with the ministerial system of -overnment,
we were blandly told that other Caribbean govern-
ments had not objected, and that the government
making the offer would go to the Oppositi-n. You w'll
therefore' understand that and of the principal
factors involved in the current concern with the ex-
istence of an Opposition is that fore'qn governments
wiFr to be able to ao to people out4sHe he governn.
meit in order to bring pressure on the Go,.rn-ment
of Trinidad and Tobaeo. Once a Ari i+inl, dinnitry
even Pnal"i-ed whether tho Prime Mi I-'er ,-ou14 ob-
ject to hi' disciscsinq with an O-nos't-^n le'eiat'on
pure'y local'questions in Trinidad and To'ago.
(C) Th's policy of seducin, rati-nals by bla-d'nshm-nte of
all sorts is not ve-y eavsil covrn+rod when one has
to desl with a community i- wh'ch everyt'-ini rore:qn
has a h ih market vluo. The P-ime Mi-if+er was
comolatelv flahberaasted when one day he was told
that a nartcular oroani-a+:on had ma4e -n annronch
to a foreign qove-nme-t fov a srholnrsL-in 9-r nne
of ;+- -rnfae-A at the ve-v +tjva luhamn 1the Trit-Aid
and T-baao Gnve-nment. ws cemnpi-lrinrn thk avl paoun
of ench a <;cholar-hi.. hut w'eh-d to ral-tf the sck-blr-
sIh'n to the evamtinst'n ne-fr'rmn-o. 4f ,%e ct*'Aent
which was at th. time not av-tflb'e rn another
occasion, as I advised you last year, a senior cloery.
man wrote querulously to the Prime Mi- ter urqsinq
approval of a tourist proposal put uo by a forel-n
investor; the Prime Minister was at the time having
the investor's bona fides invectina+ed it emorned
that he was a bad financial risk. Moet r-centlv local
ve.ted interests have been p'edlnq the case of
another fo-e:qn investor: an i-vest'-at-nn has dis-
closed that he was twice declared a bankrupt.

This brinas me to one of the most curo-,'s aspects of the
situation which has developed in the last two to three vears,
when an enormous number of novwrnments and ornpnicatfons
abroad as well as cities ab-ra-1. are sho,-i-q an almost
incredib'e interest if sa'ectina Tr~l iad and Tobago as some
guinea pig for study of this, tkat or the other.

In one case it is a government seeking the Prime Min-
ister's approval for its involvement in one way or the other
in the economic life and organisation of the country. In another
case it is another government selecting Trinidad and Tobago as
the centrepiece in the Caribbean of its own ethnic interests.
In a third case it is a government seeking indiscriminately
to make grants to organizations of its own choosing; if I told
you the quantum of money involved, you would not
believe that anyone could think that the sophisticated popu-
lation of Trinidad and Tobaqo could still be so seduced by
trifles which in the slave period were contemptuously referred
to as "pacotille."

In another ease it is an individual, a citizen of Trinidad
and Tobago, writing to the Prime Minister from abroad to
say that Trinidad and Tobago, together with three other
countries, Indonesia,- Costa Rica, Tanzania, had been
selected as a pilot study by a church group in a programme
for the mobilisation of public opinion in industrialized na-
tions in favour of the development of Third World nations.
He wished to discuss it with the Prime Minister when he
returned to Trinidad. He never discussed it, whether it was
because he knew what the response would have been, or
whether it-was because he spent his timejn Trinidad engaged
in attacks on what it is fashionable to call "The Establish-
mdnt," 1 am not in a position to say.

All this recently came to a head with public disclosures
that a foreign labour organisation, allegedly private, had set
up an office in Port-of-Spain and appointed a particular indi-
vidual in charge. There was much talk of operations of the
Central Intelligence Agency; the sensitiveness on this matter
could be understood, if not excused, in the liaht of public
disclosures in the United States not so long ago of CIA in.
fluence in and control over universities and labour unions.

The labour organisation involved is the American Insti-
tute of Free Labour Develonment, know to be established
in othdr parts of the Caribbean. It came to the attention of
the Prime Minister when the Labour Congress requested in
. a lette'-dated July 27, 1970, that the Prime Minister should
use his influence to obtain from the American Institute a
housing loan on easy terms which the Labour Conaress pro-'
posed to utilise in connection with its application to the Gov-

ernment of Trindaed and Tobago for several sites for the de-
velopment of cooperative low-cost housing. This was followed
by another letter of 23rd September 1970 by the Labour Con-
gress requesting the Prime Minister to make a statement that
the Government of Trinidad and Tobago was not opposed to
the Labour Congress receiving the loan from AFFLD for this

The Prime Minister agreed to this and made the necessary
statement to the United Srates Ambassador in Trinidad and To.
bago. The Prime Minister was subsequently advised privately by
the Labour Congress that the terms offered by the American Insti-
tuwe were too onerous, and he was left with the impression that
the project had fallen through. At no time was the question raised,
certainly not with the Prime Minister, either by the Labour Con-
gress or by the American Ambassador, of the AIFLD establishing
and running an office here in Trinidad. Both understood pre-
sumably that that would have been unacceptable.

In respect of these developments no request for the establish-
ment or an once at tne Insmrure was ever submitted to the
Government of Trinidad and Tobago, nor was any request sub-
mined to the Government tor the aamission of the individual con-
cerned to take charge of the office. The individual therefore had
no work permit, but that really was not the crux of the matter.
What has emerged is that in respect of the Institute receiving
funds from the Government of the United Slates of America, a
- diplomatic representative of that Government intervened with
the Immigration Authorities of Trinidad and Tobago directly In
respect of the required visa. This is, to put it as mildly as possible,
a curious, diplomatic manoeuvre. To make matters worse, the
parent private organisation in the United States wrote directly to
the Minister of Labour to ask for exemption from income tax for
the individual concerned. As this is a privilege reserved for
accredited representatives of foreign governments approved by
the Government of Trinidad and Tobago, the Minister of Finance
rejected the application for tax exemption.

Thereupon the pressures started, but curiously enough, on
the Government of Trinidad and Tobago, and not on any other
government. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago was in
fact asked not only to vary its laws in respect of a foreign
national whose relations to his own government were ambiguous,
but to disregard all customary diplomatic considerations and
procedures-not to mention possible security aspects.

When the Government of Trinidad and Tobago takes action,
a trade union in another Caribbean country sends a telegram to
the Minister of Labour demanding a full and complete explan-
ation by the Government of Trinidad and Tobago of its action. I
should have thought that, if our Caribbean friends felt so strongly
about this, and are so anxious to have foreign organizations
interfering in our labour relations in the Caribbean on one side
of the international fence, whilst the rival section of the labour
movement demands with equal intransigence that their own
members should proceed on trips and scholarships and so on on
the other side of the international fence, with both sides kicking
the Government of Trinidad and Tobago which seeks to avoid
being on either side of the fence-i should have thought that in
all of this it would not be difficult for our Caribbean friends to
arrange for the man involved to set up shop in another Caribbean
territory. Why must they pick on Trinidad and Tobago? Unless it
is, as so many of my friends who head governments of Third
World countries constantly remind me, there is a determined
effort among the developed countries to prove the incompetence
of black governments.

To make the whole situation more involved, this develop-
ment on the labour front does not appear to be an isolated case.
We have had a parallel case in terms of the business sector. This
involved a representative of an agricultural business, allegedly
private, but receiving funds from the government of its country,
seeking to set up shop in Trinidad in order to promote its agricul-
tural exports from the Trinidad base. The person in charge of the
office was to work under the supervision of an accredited diplo-
matic representative of the Mission involved. Another curious
diplomatic manoeuvre, which in this particular case involved not
only a possible threat to the agricultural policies of Trinidad and
Tobago, but also a possible conflict in respect of the CARIFTA
Agricultural Protocol.

We in Trinidad and Tobago, who so fully support the
Third World countries in their efforts to get markets in the
developed countries, simply cannot understand why we should be
expected to take steps in respect of our country to assist the
promotion of exports from a developed country. In this particular
case, an application for a work permit was made. The application
was rejected. I do not know if in saying this I would be inviting
representatives of the business sector, either at home or in the
Caribbean, to make representations to the Government of Trinidad
and Tobago and to call on us-to explain our action.

But since there are so many requests for Government state-
ments and explanations, the Cabinet has decided to publish
pertinent documents in this matter, which has been investigated
by the Ministry concerned.


The question of foreign interference, and more so of local
respo se to that foreign interference, has emerged quite recently
on the question of Uganda.

A few. months ago the Government of Uganda announced
that it would proceed to expel all Asians from the country, includ.
ing those who have Ugandan citizenship. The British Govern-
ment has been reported as having sought Commonwealth
assistance in respect of the settlement of those who have British
passports. One self-styled political party in Trinidad and Tobago
has called on the Prime Minister to make a statement on the
subject, and has issued an ultimatum to him that if he does not
make a statement his party would proceed to call a public meet-
ing to pass resolutions which would be forwarded to the Prime
Minister, to the Governor-General, to the British Government, to
the United Nations, and to General Amin. This is another
example of what I have repeatedly indicated to the population of
Trinidad and Tobago, that political ambition In Trinidad and
Tobago should be made of sterner stuff.
-- --'- Wf

I take this opportunity of Indicating to you some of the
issues raised by these developments:

(1) Throughout the 19th century inhabitants of what are
today India and Pakistan became, willingly or unwilling-
ly, the accomplices of the British plantation economy and
British colonialism in a number of countries, including
Trinidad and Guyana in the Caribbean. The East African
countries were also the recipients of such immigrant
labour. It started with indentured labour, but very few
stayed on. Then it became almost unrestricted immi-
gration of a commercial group, which concentrated in
the East African colonies on claiming the privileges of
the dominant Eurooean minority and thus seating them-
selves above the Africans. To such an extent did thi
attitude develop that, fifty years ano. the Indian demand
was to make Kenya an Asian colony.

(2) With the development of nationalism and independence
in the colonial countries, these immigrant stocks from
India and Pakistan have been subjected to a number of
attacks, political and economic, but also physical. This
has so far been principally a problem between Asian
and Asian, rather than between Asian and African.
Burma's first move after Independence in 1947 was to
discriminate between those of indigenous and those of
non-indigenous origin (that is, Indians and Chinese), in
respect of Burmese citizenship.

I remind you of what I dealt with in another connec-
tion at our last Convention, the recent riots in Malaysia
aimed at Indian indentured labourers brought in for the
rubber plantations, as well as the Chinese. I then told
you also of the similar problem in Ceylon where there
had been two major sets of disturbances aimed at Indians
who had originally been brought In for the tea planta-
tions of Ceylon. The problem in Ceylon revolved
around the question of the Indians opposing the mono-
poly of the Sinhalese language. The problem in political
terms involved the request of the Tamils for the establish-
ment of a federal state in Ceylon. With the recent
revolutionary aggravation of the extreme left-wing in
Ceylon and the transition to a Republic In Ceylon, the
Tamil Indians are now demanding a separate state in
Ceylon, which they call Yaldesh. This is absolutely
certain to be resisted by all the force at the command
of the Ceylon Government and the Sinhalese majority,
and a further calamitous struggle can be confidently
predicted. You will remember also that some years aao
Sukaro in Indonesia turned against the Chinese. All
those countries, Burma, Malaysia. Ceylon, Indonesia are
Asian states and not African. This inter-Asian conflict
was orrnlleled by the expulsion by Ghana- three years
ago of thousands of Nigerians.

(3) With respect to the East African situation, I was. brought
into. personal contact with, it on my visit to Africa in
1964. In Uganda, Kenya, and what was then Tangan-
yika, there- was not a British diplomat or an Indian
diplomat who didn't approach me with a. request that I .
should intervene personally with the African-authorities
on behalf of the Asian population. I was quite astonish-
ed at this request When. I. asked 'for an explanation, I

was told that it was because Trinidad and Tobago had
apparently succeeded In achieving a .modus vivendi
which was greatly envied in East Africa by the Asian

But the Trinidad and Tobago situation and the East
African situation are not on all fours. -Here >in .Trinidad
and Tobago those who can claim ancestors :from India
and Pakistan are overwhelmingly Trinidad and Tobago
nationals with no problem of citizenship. They are not
segregated as a separate caste of traders; they have not
been prevented by law or custom from owning land, as
in Kenya; for the most port they -are humble citizens
catching hell with other humble citizens, working on
sugar plantations, as industrial workers, -on County
Council road projects, or are small -businessmen in
garments and food processing. Their children go to the
same schools like anybody else, with the.same oppor-
tunities for common entrance or national scholarships,
entering the Public Service on the same terms laid down
for all nationals, the requisite number of '0' Level
subjects. They are not a separate caste, and if they
follow their own -ancient religions, they do 'so under
the protection of the Constitution of Trinidad -rad Tobago.

Fifty years ago there was a very great danger that
they would create an East African situation 'here by
opposing the nationalist movement for self-government.
The more far-seeing ones who worked with Cipriani and
with Butler refused to identify themselves with -certain
demands for the perpetuation of the Crown colony
system, and today they are in the -full stream of the
political life of the country. They may be bad politicians,
they .may boycott, they may cuss and rant and rave,
some of them (but, remenioer, not all) may
vote against the PNM, but they are not a
separate caste looking to a foreign country, whether
India or Pakistan or Bangladesh or Britain or up in 'the
moon, for theiruinspiration and allegiance. So I declined
to interfere in a purely African situation with which
I was in sympathy; what else could I show but sympathy
when I walked into a .meeting of the Cabinet in one East
African country to find European stenographers takingg
15 '

(4) There are two further points of specMc concern to us in
the West Indies. Less than 40 years ago two waves of
migration threatened the West Indies, suggesting that
the West Indies were then still being regarded as the
traditional receptacle for displaced people and refugee
elsewhere. In the ,18th century it was the Scottish
nationals and the Roman Catholic Irish exiles whom
Cromwell expelled to the West Indies, while British
Judges sent their convicts to serve a four-year indentured
term here. In the 1930s Guyana was being seriously con-
sidered by the Governments of France, Britain and the
United States as an area of settlement for Assyrians in
Iraq. What Iraq is to the Caribbean or the Caribbean to
Iraq, is no more clear today than it was then. But the
scheme fell through, fortunately for us, because at that
time the West Indian nationalist movement was 'n no
position to oppose it.
The second wave of migration threatened in the
Caribbean when the Dictator Trujillo in the Dominican
Republic organized the Jewish settlement of Sosua. That
does not seem to have gone too for-fortunately for the
Caribbean area, which would have thereby been more
intimately involved in the conflict which every day
escalates in the Middle East.

A penetrating analysis of the. Uganda situation appeared
in the London Times of August 30; one would have thought that
it would be familiar to any one in Trinidad and Tobago agitating
the, subject, and to any newspaper which would dare to quote
the mauvaise langue of an opposition spokesman that PNM is
worse than Amin. In an article entitled "The Amin case against
Uganda residents", the writer states (I quote at length):

"Since President Amin came to power 18 months ago,
the 80,000 Asians here have been collectively blamed for
misfortunes ranging from a shortage of sugar to the de-
pleted state of Uganda's foreign reserves to plotting a
Rhodesian-style take-over of the Government. Some of
these accusations have a basis In truth.

The sugar shortage, for instance, which was one of the
first things to turn the Government's attention to the Asian
community, was indeed partly the result of Asian firms-
the large, respected ones as well as the small, family.owned

concerns smuggling sugar to neighboring countries
where the retail price was higher. But it was also due to
a huge increase in demand resulting from the Government's
inflationary policy.

Most of the other acts of "economic sabotage" of which
Asians here have been accused also find substantiation in
particular Incidents.

But whether universal or particular, the accusations of
economic sabotage are essentially secondary to the wider
complaint which is almost universally justified that
Asians remain aloof from the African majority among whom
they live.

It is a problem bred more of the castes and taboos
Asians brought with them from India than of economic sabo-
tage as such. It was abetted during the colonial period by
the alienation born of insecurity. In turn, due to the Asians'
inability to identify either with the rulers or the ruled. And
it was comnle'ed by the dominant position Asians obtained
far themselves in commerce, mainly by hard work and a
certain amount of sharp practice.

Today Asians control perhaps 80 to 90 per cent of the
commercial sector in Uganda, and perhaps as much as 50
per cent of the industrial sector. The shopkeepers' sons
have become professional men. and nearly 50 per cent of
the 1,000 doctors on the medical register here are of AsTan
origin. A similar proportion of Uaanda's lawyers is Asian
to say nothing of hundreds of technicians, enatnlners,
garaae mechanics and othe-s who play on und-amatic but
ind:soensable part in Uganda's economic life and social ser-

In any event "the economic war" is now beinn founht
In 10 chases the first beina the exoul oan of nil the .00
or so lsraell In Aeril, he second the exnulsaon o..the Actans,
and the other penht so fnr undisclosed. How it will end
is almost impossible to predict."

At a time when our own West Ind:ans are finding it Incrraas
inaov drl4eult to net admitted n a nnmml he tf con~t-o!a. qnOcTVnlyV
in Britrni with its onen. unaidltamrntal ndrl unimkWtollon rnrtnl.
ism, I have yet to understand -lkv Trinidad and Tobago should'
17 j

interfere in what is essentially a matter for the British Govern-
ment or the Indian or Pakistan or Bangladesh Governments, or
at least far those Commonwealth Governments who are deter-
mined to keep their countries white and will not take Trinidad
and Tobago citizens. Other countries with living space might
also be approached, such as Brazil-which, I gather, has already
been approached. Britain takes the view that the British
people do not want. Asians. The Indian Foreign Minister has
stated in the Indian Parliament that those Asians who hold
British passports are a British responsibility and not an Indian

According to the World Health Organisation Report on the
world health situation published in June, 1971, the ratio of
doctors to population in India was 1:4800 in 1966, and in Pakis-
tan 1:6300 in 1967. The Trinidad ratio for 1965 was 1:3800;
with our own improvement since that time, the ratio in 1972 is
approximately 1:2100. The World Health Report for 1968 also
gives the following infant mortality rates per thousand India
90, Pakistan 200, Trinidad and Tobago 36.6. So that, if it is a
question of finding constructive employment opportunities for
Asian doctors in Uganda, I do not see why Trinidad and Tobago
should give the impression of seeking to compete with their coun-
tries of origin, whose necessity would seem to be greater than
ours. We today have, even before Amin, Asians from Uganda in
our medical service. This will continue, to the extent of our needs
in relation to local supply, and our Ministry of Planning and
Development has been directed by our Foreign Policy Committee of
Cabinet to make a special study of our manpower requirements
in this regard. But I serve notice that, to the extent that we find
it possible in our national interest to absorb any Asian profession.
als in Uganda, we shall weigh the matter very carefully to
ensure that we are not left with the' scraps after affluent
developed countries have had their share at the table.

I frankly don't quite understand how a Trinidad politician
can think that he can develop the following that he obviously
lacks, or can start off his inauspicious career as a party leader,
by seeking to be brother-in-law to the world.
I see that another so-called "leader" at the University also
wants the Asians here. Perhaps he wishes to improve the quality
of the University staff. He should know I
I am concerned rather with something else. I saw it clearly
in the Inter-Religibus Organisation's ecumenical ceremony as part

of the Tenth Anniversary Independence celebrations, Here we
saw Christians of all sects, Hindus, and Muslims getting together,
bringing together Europe, Asia and Africa as well as the Middle
East in an unparalleled demonstration of national integration.
I sat in the Grand Stand, looked on, listened and thought
of the history of the past few centuries. I wondered what the
eminent British historian, Lord Macaulay, would have said if he
had seen that demonstration and 1 had reminded him of his in-
famous minute on Indian education. I wondered what the old
Presbyterian precursors would have said in the context of their
coming in years ago from Canada to civilise what Governor Lord
Harris had called the Indian "savages" being brought in here as
indentured workers. I thought of the Protestants fighting the
Catholics in Northern Ireland as they have been doing for some
500 years. I thought of English versus French in Quebec, the
violence that we have so far seen as a result of the conflict, and
Ihe apparently greater violence that looms ahead. I thought
of the Hindu-Muslim clashes which marked British rule in India
and which have followed the departure of the British, with the
recent truncation of Pakistan and the emergence of Bangladesh,
and the current conflict in what is left of Pakistan as well as in
so many other parts of India.

Only a few days ago I received a communication from some
elements in Pakistan originating in English Universities that I
should join a campaign to save the Biharis, whoever they may
be. And I thought of the greatest attempt to reverse history that
has-been made in recent years, the suggestion that in the interests
of ecumenism the Roman Catholic Church should rescind its de-
nunciation 450 years ago of Martin Luther as a heretic.
These were the thoughts that went through my mind when
I participated in the Inter-Religious Organisation ceremony, and
I thought of that wonderful phrase of tht, poet, "It, is a little
thing, but all my own." What would other countries not give
for such a little thing? And, be quite certain of it, our people
are here to stay; if they wish to go anywhere, it is not back to
their ancestral homeland. Apart from the Rastafarlans in
Jamaica, people of African ancestry do not really wish to go
back to Africa, where in many cases they will not be welcome,
as has been seen very clearly in the history of Liberia. Recent
attacks by many African governments, including Zambia and
Ghana, on the importations of black culture from the United
States of America will not serve as encouragement to them if

they want to go back. The Chinese will not know whether to
go to Taiwan or Pekin. Those Indians and Pakistanis who are
in doubt have only to read Moorhouso's recent monumental study
on Calcutta, or Allen Ross' account of vice in Bombay, or Vydia
Naipaul's Area of Darkness, and they will stay right here -
where they belong.

It is not that we are particularly wonderful as a people.
It is emphatically, however, that we don't face the difficulties that
so many others face. Our problem is rather of a different sort.
We have to be extremely careful in what we do with the power
in our hands and with the destiny which we can in some part
control. Here we have some outstanding West Indian examples,
which 1 commend to you for careful thought and consideration,
specifically asking you to let your secondary school children study
and think on these examples:
(1) Haitian independence from France following the aboli-
tion of slavery was agreed to only on the basis of an
enormous annual indemnity for 5 years payable by Haiti
to France; this was the first claim on the Haitian National
Treasury. This was a crippling obstacle to economic
development after Independence. And this is the prin-
cipal reason for that fratricidal struggle that developed
in Haiti and is not yet over for the control of Haitian
revenue. The result was military dictator following
military dictator. The eminent British historian, Carlyle,
propagandised to the whole world, this Haitian incapa-
citv to rule and to organise with his damnirg conclusion
of "black Peter exterminating black Paul" in "a tropical

(2) Carlyle, again, looking at some piddling small-scale
paolical riot In Dominica over 100 years bgo chose the
opportunity to attack the transfer of the Westminster
system to small Caribbean islands does that sound
familiar to you with the caterwauling of our so called
intellectual dissidents today? and he warned that just
as a French battleship came in and imposed order in
a few minutes, so some power and he hinted at'the
United States would step In and establish order in
that unholy political mess. Carlyle is dead, thank God,
savage and neo-fascist that he was; but his warning
lives on for the benefit of all of us West Indians of the
'Dominican mini-crisis in the last century.

(3) Venezuelan extremists have repeatedly laid claim to
the ownership of Guyana and Curacao, while the most
fanatical have included Trinidad.

(4) Sixty years ago the United States .sent marines to the
Dominican Republic and Haiti and took them over as pro.
tectorates, organising their finances, the first claim on
which was the payment of their debts to foreign inves-

(5) The independence of Cuba achieved after Jose Martl
and Maceo was frustrated by the Platt Amendment of
1901 which purported to give the Americans the right
to intervene at any time In the affairs of Cuba and the
right in perpetuity to a naval base at Guantanamo.

(6) Puerto Rican nationalists who succeeded in 1897 in the
old fight for winning autonomy from Spain ended the
next year as an American colony, leading to the political
situation in Puerto Rico today which is not resolved.

(7) It is only a couple of years ago that the United Kingdom
intervened by force in Anguilla.

(8) And we in Trinidad can never forget the 1941 Treaty
between America and Britain leasing naval bases in the
British West Indies. The most important of these was
Chaguaramas, which the PNM got back for Trinidad and
Tobago well ahead of the 99 years first envisaged. I
remind you once more that it was a common saving at
the time that of the 50 over-aged destroyers the Ameri-
cans gave to Britain in return for the bases, Chaquaramas
alone was worth 40. You will of course immediately
see the connection between this Agreement in 1941 and
the Intensified foreain interference in Trinidad and
Tobago today which I have already discussed.


One of the best examples in the contemporary world of the
effect of foretin interference in a develonina country is Cvorus,
which achieved its Indenendence a little before TrInidad and
ToEviao. Our own Indenpodence discue.sons raised the soactre
of nronortional representation. On this basis 1 at one time
thought of paying a visit to C"nrus on the occasion of one of

my trips abroad. I received private advices from persons con-
nected with Cyprus that I should under no circumstances touch
Cyprus with a 60-foot pole. Let me summarise for you the posi-
tion in Cyprus, at Independence and today:

(1) Cyprus, a developing country, has been for generations
a principal bone of contention between two other devel-
oping countries, Greece and Turkey.

(2) The Greek and Turkish population of Cyprus, a country
of approximately three quarters of a million people, is
divided in the ratio of 80 to 20.

(3) Discussions in Zurich between the Governments of
Greece and Turkey in 1959 laid down the following basic
Articles for the Independence of Cyprus, which were
virtually incorporated into the Agreement between the
Cyprus Government and the British Government and into
the Constitution of Cyprus. At these discussions in
Zurich representatives of the Cyprus Government were
excluded. The principal agreements reached at Zurich
were as follows:

(a) There was to be equality in Government in certain
matters between the Greek majority and the Turkish
minority. In practical terms this meant a Greek
President elected by the Greeks and a Tmrkish Vice-
President elected by the Turks. The Turkish Vice-
President was given the right of a final veto on any
law of the House of Representatives and on any
decision in the Council of Ministers concerning
foreign affairs, defence and security.
Three of the ten Ministers in the Council of Ministers
were to be Turks, nominated by the Turkish Vice-

(b) The Turkish minority was to hold 30 per cent of the
seats in the House of Representatives, which was to
be elected separately by the Turkish minority.

(c) Amendments to the Constitution required a majority
of two-thirds of the Greek mehlbers and tfo-thirds
of the Turkish members.

(d) The- highest- judicial organs, "the Supreme Constitu.
22L :

tionaf Court and the High Court of Justice, were pir-
sided over by neutral Presidents, neither Greek nor
Turk, who by casting votes hold the control between
the Greek and Turkish members. Disputes among
Turks are to be tried by Turkish judges only, disputes
among Greeks by Greek judges only, disputes
between Greeks andTurks by mixed Courts, compris-
ing both Greek and Turkish judges.

(e) The Turkish minority receive 30 per cent of all posts
in the Civil Service and the Security Forces, and 40
per cent in the Army.

(f) Separate municipalities were provided for Greeks
and Turks in the five largest towns of the island.

This is the ultimate in human madness. This is what the
world of today has accepted. The Constitution of a so-called
independent sovereign state was settled without the sovereign
will of the people of that state, and at every turn the foreign
interference which has dictated the affairs cf the Cypriots for
centuries is allowed to prevent any attempt, however insignificant,
at national integration.

Remember also that this is a military problem on a world
scale involving the position of Cyprus as a naval base in the
struggle between the super powers. I warn you, party col-
leagues, any time yo( hear of proportional representation, think
of Cyprus. It is because of this that everytime the Cyprus ques-
tion has come up in the United Nations or at Commonwealth
Prime Ministers' Conferences, Trinidad and Tobago has unequivo-
cally declared in favour of complete self-determination for the
people of Cyprus and the complete elimination of foreign inter-


We often hear a lot of glib talk about PNM having no
ideology and that the country should have an ideology. I am
not too sure that a lot of people talking this stuff know what
an ideology is. But I thought we had dealt with this quite fully
from the standpoint of the party in the Chaguaramas Declaration.
We stated therein that we were accepting neither Marxian com-
munism nor liberal capitalism as developed in the United Stnt-,
of America, and that instead we.would follow a path of public

participation in the ownership of our national resources in the
interest of the country on a purely pragmatic basis that is to
say one industry might be more important than another, as we
have just indicated in our White Paper on Public Participation -
and we would pay particular attention to the development of
small business and co-operatives in the People's Sector.

Nothing could be clearer or more precise. Our Chaguara-
mas Declaration is our ideology. What the radicals want is that
we should declare ourselves a socialist state or some would
say a communist state. What does all this mean? Whose social.
Ism or whose communism? Mao's? If so, shall we let 100 flowers
bloom, or what great leap forward shall we take, or shall we
let loose on the society a whole heap of young Red Guards calling
themselves a cultural revolution? Is it Kosygin's communism? If
so, why not Kruschev's? Or is it Rumania's communism, which
has been able apparently to accommodate communist philosophy
with a number of moves to western thought and practices and
organizations, such as the GATT? In our own interests, with 'par
ticular reference to oil, we have decided to send an oil mission
to Rumania. Should we do more? If so, why?

Or is it Tito's communism, where Tito, the grand old man
of Yugoslav resistance to Hitler in the second World War and
after the World War to Stalin, whom I visited in 1964 with much
pleasure and profit, has been able to accommodate communist
philosophy with, above all things, nonrlignment and such
western deviationism (as the communists would call it) as an
ordinary bourgeois tourist trade? It was Tito's leadership con-
sortium that PNM has recently copied in its own constitutional

Or is it that the radicals would have us espouse Dubchek's
communism? Does that mean that they want Trinidad and
Tobago to be overrun by foreign tanks and soldiers as Dubchek's
Czechoslovakia was overrun by Russian tanks and soldiers to
bring it back forcibly into line?

Perhaps the radicals would have us come closer home. Is
it Castro that they want us to emulate? Because, if so, this would
immediately mean an end to all strikes Castro locks up labour
rebels and puts them in labour camps. It would mean a fixed
wage, and a labour law which penalises absenteeism and malin-
gering by taking away ration books for food and eligibility for

amenities and houses. Castro has stated that his great
aim is to limit the use of money. People will share equally in
whatever is produced, and there are to be no charges for public
services such as bus transport, telephones, etc. It is egalitarian-
ism. Possibly also it is Utopianism. Here are Castro's views as
given to a United States reporter in 1967:

"Our system is gradually working, through experimen-
tation, and now with much success, to create a society in
which money will become unnecessary except for certain
things that cannot be acquired in other ways. It will take
a long time, but we do-not believe in the materialistic con-
cepts of capitalism or of other types of Communism in
which money is the incentive.

Men live for other things than money. The incentives
must be to guarantee them a decent life in which they and
their children are educated, cared for, housed, fed and ac-
quire culture. They must be given dignity and in return
must learn that their work is a contribution to the good of
all the people and the state. This is true Marxism-Leninism
as we see it, but it is not Communism as It Is practised in
Russia, Eastern Europe or China."

Is this what we want in Trinidad and Tobago? If the answer
is yes, then we must please understand that, while Castro is mak-
ing one of the most deliberate efforts ever made to change the
nature of the West Indian mentality and psychology, this is being
done on the basis of authoritarian rule and dictatorship of the
Maximum Leader. Do we wish to maintain and extend and pro-
mote our own infant democratic practices and organizations?
Don't sneer at them; Britain achieved universal suffrage a mere
fifty years ago, and Swiss women still do not vote. If we do,
then Castro's example is automatically ruled out, as I am certain
that the majority of the population will rule it out. If we accept
Castro's policies and practices, then we automatically dump our
democratic aspirations and achievements into the Gulf of Paria.

Castro's efforts, which -1 have tried here to look at quite
objectively, are based on the abolition of all parliamentary and
democratic practices such as elections and people's representa-
tives in Parliament, etc. Salvador Allende in Chile has done the
exact opposite. As an old Parliamentarian, he has sought so
far to achieve his communist objectives through Parliament by
parliamentary tactics and needs. He is facing the same situation

that we face here in Trinidad and Tobago of labour unrest, dis-
ruption of national planning by individual sections of the popula-
,tion, and strikes which threaten to destroy the economy.

What is Allende's policy? He has outlined it in his recent
conversations with Regis Debray. You will find the full views
of Allende very instructive: I quote:
"This is their Governmeefr %a reference to civil servants)
and it is not necessary for them to strike in order to solve
their problems .. a strike in the copper industry lasting
sixty or thirty days is a strike which no government can
tolerate, because this would be a terrible blow to Chile,
and it would represent a great loss of revenue to the state
.. The workers in the copper industry must understand
that they are not going to enjoy a privileged position far
above that of other workers simply because they are in the
copper industry .... We are and always shall be in favour
of a centralized economy, and companies will have to con-
form to the government's production planning. To achieve
this, we shall maintain a continuous dialogue with the
workers. But we are not going to hand over a company to
the workers just so that they can produce what they want or
to let them turn the fact that they control a company which
is of vital importance to their country to their own personal
advantage in order to demand higher earnings than other
people. We are-against any policy of that nature .
their work is for Chile and not merely centred around their
own personal problems or problems within their own trades
.... To construct socialism is not an easy task; it is not a
short task. It is a long and difficult task in which the work-
ing class ought to participate in a disciplined, organized
ard politically responsible manner, avoiding anarchistic
decisions and inconsistent voluntarism".

It is not only socialism that it is not an easy task to construct,
it is any form of economic structure dedicated to the upliftment
of the people. When the radicals in Trinidad and Tobago go
outside and criticise PNM's views on oil workers, do they then
accept Allende's views on copper workers? The astonishing
growth of the Trinidad and Tobago middle class in the last ten
years which I emphasised in my Independence Day message re-
presents an implementation of the ideals of social justice that
is at. least as successful as anything that has emerged to date
in either Cuba or Chile.

And why should some radicals sneer at the expansion of
the middle class and the upliftment of the working class in Trini-
dad and Tobago? The Yugoslav rebel Djilas in his book
some years ago on the new class emphasized the inevi-
table tendency of a communist state to develop a middle class
of their bureaucrats. Rene Dumont, a stern left-wing
critic of Castro, has pointed to the growth of a new middle class
in Cuba rooted in the Party bureaucrats and the Army, sporting
Alpha Romeos from Italy, whilst the mass of the population is
relegated to the bicycle or to buses that breakdown or lack parts
or fuel. The Cuban trade mission that visited Trinidad and
Tobaoo a few months aao was flabbergasted at the number of
cars in Trinidad. and Tobago.

If in Trinidad and Tobago it has been found necessary to
assert the interests of the public in any confrontation between
employers and unions and to seek to organise industrial relations
in a manner which reduces the economic cost of .srikes, the PNM
has been in line not only with Castro and Allende, but also with
developments in a lot of other countries.

At this very moment the most powerful figures in the
American labour movement are seeking ways and means of
voluntarily controlling strikes in order to prevent the very public
intervention that has taken place in Trinidad and Tobago. A
similar situation is developing in Quebec in Canada, where last
April a labour organisation called a general strike designed to
overthrow the Government the strike was abortive, and three
of the top labour leaders and 33 of their lieutenants were im-
prisoned. The state has also intervened in the United Kinadom
where, on the occasion of the recent dock strike. the world was
treated to the spectacle of the most militant of the British union
leaders and unions, Jack Jones and the Transport Workers'
Union. willina to sit down and discuss a settlement of
the disnute with the emnlovers. He was onnosel hv tho more
m;l:tnnt. anarchistic wina of hi 'trade union, which k.nt him
virt.rnllv a prisoner in his own office. and beat him up, so that he
could hold meetings only under police protection.

On this question of ideology, with particular reference to
Castro and Cuba, in the context of the local Trinidad cliche on
the "white power structure", the general line has been developed,
to aunte Dr. Rodrey who qot into trouble wi'h the Jamacra Gov-
ernment, that "Cuba is the only country in the West Indies and

in this hemisphere which has broken with white power". In
this connection Stokely Carmichael has described Castro as "one
of the blackest men in the Americas". This general line has
been the theme of an analysis on the 1970 difficulties in Trinidad
by a black American lecturer at the University of California.
His claim is that "white power in Cuba is ended", and he em-
phasises that the non-white population in 1953 was about one-
quarter of the total.

This is the sort of mischievous analysis that passes for
scholarship and intellectual involvement in many universities in
the world today, but especially in the United States of America.
This University of California professor is wrong in his funda.
mental: the non-white population in Cuba is probably nearer
two-thirds than one-quarter of the total. In addition, a black
American, John Clyhus, who two years ago wrote a study entitled
Black Man in Red Cuba, ended his book with an epilogue from
which I quote the following extracts:

"Using Cuba as a yardstick to measure the 'delights' of
communism, I am convinced that the latter bodes no good
for either the 'Negroes' or the blacks .

Cuba taught me that a black under communism in a
white-oriented society any society where whites hold or
have held power would find himself in a white society
that would persecute him for even intimating that he had
a love for black. Periodicals, books, television, and other
media of communication would no longer be permitted to
carry his voice of dissent against injustice .

After three years in Communist Cuba, I am convinced
that a 'Negro' Communist is an absurdity and a black Com-
munist is an impossibility."

One immediately thinks of the recent protest of the Black
Panthers in the United States against the open identification by
Angela Davis with the communist countries of Eastern Europe.

Finally, there is a recent black Cuban attack on Castro to
which I drew your attention of last year's Convention. It is en-
titled "Cuba-The Untold Story". written by Carlos Moore, an
Afro-Cuban writer, whose theme is that six years after Castro's
revolution, there was no black man in the Cabinet, that Guevara
denied the existence of African history, that "no revolution has

taken place in Cuba". Correct or not, this is in direct contrast
to what black intellectuals in America and the Caribbean preach,
and raises the whole question of the situation of the blacKS in
Brazil, to which much attention is now being given, and of the
Amerindian population In all of Latin America.


I turn now to specific questions facing the party in the light
of what I have said aaour foreign inteirerence and ideooagy
and so on. Ine most important question is ns parry's represen-
tatives in Parliament, tne setecrion of ministers, and the opera-
tions of the Cabinet.

I shall use strong wards tonight, but you will realise that
I have Kept ail tnrs to myself ror a long rTme, warning it ounld
up, ana arawing tram if me necessary conclusions. to report to
you, tne members at tne party. Wnar I have toid you here to-
nignt on foreign interterence, adds up to tnis: tne thirst tning the
Prime Minister must look for in selection of members of Caninet
is the extent to whicn any person is suscepTimle to foreign in-
fluence, and, if so, to ascertain whether there is any particular
foreign influence which must be guarded against. When, as
happened quite recently, a junior member of the Government
writes to the Prime Minister putting up a specific proposal in
relation to the assignment given to the member by the Prime
Minister, and seeking to justify that proposal by a letter of sup-
port from a member of the delegation to an international con-
ference from a foreign country, the Prime Minister can do only
one thing write off completely that particular person as a
suitable member of his government.

In the selection of a minister, and, therefore, to go back
further, in the selection of a person either for election in the
House of Representatives or nomination in the Senate, the Prime
Minister must concentrate on other requirements, which never
seem to enter the minds of the constituency organizations nomi-
nating the candidate or the Central Executive nominating a per-
son for an anointment as a Senator. -Some of these 1 indicate
to you, as follows:

(1) The person representing the party must be one who can
add something to the whole complicated range of sub-
jects with which the Party in Government has to deal.
That is not to say that. vou must only have a representa-

tive in Constituency X who can speak with authority
on the law governing the sea-bed or the continental
shelf. That would be pure unadulterated rubbish. But
if he knows nothing about the world situation, or the
question of preferences in the various markets of the
world, or modern theories and practices of education,
or labour legislation in the modern world, then such
an elected person could be a most reputable citizen, a
favourite son of the soil, but he cannot seriously be
considered for any important position relating to the
government of the country. In this difficult world of
ours, the minister cannot, repeat cannot, contrary
to what so many party members in. all the constituencies
think, be merely a person who makes a trip abroad, who
hosts a luncheon, who attends a cocktail party, or who
makes a speech at some innocuous function and utters
a lot of idle platitudes which belong, in content as well
as in spirit, to an era of political activity which is no

(2) The person selected by the party must not show any
tendency to panic or emotionalism in a moment of crisis.
Such a criterion would have been of crucial importance,
for example, in the month of April 1970.
(3) It would be dlrticult in a country like ours to insist as a
criterion tar hign pumai o nee mtat someone must be
able to keep a connaence. This would, in enrect, in all
prooability, distrancnse almost everybody. But what I
do say is that the Prime Minister must have some reason.
able ground for confidence that a subject indicated as
confidential or secret will not be' talked about or leaked
to the newspapers ahead of time, especially in these
days when newspapers spend their time aggravating the
pronounced tendency to gossip in the community by
calling at all times for the government to make a state-
ment; as if the poor blokes don't know or cannot under-
stand that if the government says nothing on a particular
subject, there must be some good reason for, its silence.

(4) The world, and Trinidad and Tobago especially, being
what ihey are, the Prime Minister must allow for the
possibility of subsequent defection He therefore has
to appraise a colleague in respect gf the possibility that

when he leaves he will begin to tell a pack of lies as
we have been hearing recently of BWIA .loans, $40
million of which were approved In his ministerial
capacity by the person telling the fairy tale, who claims
that the indebtedness of the airline is greater than the
amount indicated in the audited accounts, on the
Finance Act, ard most recently by a member
of Parliament, making use of notes of his constituency
executive at a meeting of the executive with the Politi-
cal Leader and Party Chairman.

(5) A person selected for high office must have a general
political sense, especially with respect to the timing of
a particular move. Such consideration would arise
regularly in respect of, say, price increases, or, for that
matter in respect of any particular statement or
announcement on the Organisation of Petroleum Export-
ing Countries. It is certainly not sufficient to have
someone whose only sense of politics is either to carry
reports back to the Political leader, most of which,he
wontr d4lcnrd in advance.as mere aossia, or to onorate
on the bas' of the onaosit-on parties of simnla and
ch ao Dol;itcal Intriaue and chicanery. The oonosition
lives by attackina or Dnickna holes in statement or ac-
tions of ftl aovermbant. the new e"nors constdertna it
one of their tenernl nt is to nrniride th*> parfavncrv
ammunition by calling for statements or reporting the

A government in power like the PNM for 16 years,
with all the manifold complexities that it has to deal
with at home and abroad, simply cannot operate on
the.philosophy that X in the opposition makes a state-
ment and therefore the Government must reply. You
immediately reduce yourself to the low political level of
your opponents, which is bad enough; what is much
wo'se is that you allow yourself to be deflected from
basic philosophical and political objectives by getting
down into the dust of the arena to deal with a lot of
minor details which are being put in your way, in most
cases deliberately, either at home or abroad, in order
to distract you from the more serious purposes and con-
cerns of Government. In other words, the PNM member
selected for top PNM office becomes the greatest of all

dopes, if all he can atm at is to live politically on the
blunders and ineffectiveness of the opposition.

(6) I go now to a more serious question. It ought to be
an elementary matter of political life, in fact the very
ABC of politics, that a man connected with any ministry
of government should not hold private interests antithe-
tical to his public responsibility. For example, if one is
connected in the sense of political responsibility with the
Ministry of Finance, he automatically knows, if he knows
anything at all, that he should have nothing to do with
cinemas (where the Ministry of Finance is responsible far
Cinema Entertainment Tax), or with land concessions to
an alien (where the Ministry of Finance deals with
Aliens' Landholding Licences), or with the location of
a cinema (where the Town Planning Division of
the Ministry of Plannirg and Devaloament is
responsible for the approval of the location). If the
person involved is a backbencher with no influence
whatsoever either on the policy or on the ooerallons of
the Ministry of Finance, then it is a stmole question of
whether the individual considers it riaht. or pavs his
income tax. or conforms to the general law in respect
of company directors.

To give another example, it should be quite obvious
to the merest political infant that a member of the party
who is a contractor does not seek to involve the Min-
Ister of Finance, who has overall resnonsibilitv for the
Tenders Board, to influence a contract in his direction.
One might not have the evidence necessary to take
appropriate legal action or even political acEior,: but
one puts the information in cold storage until such time
as it can be used in connection with reports of similar

By the same token, if one receives reports of a party
member holding a political position seeking to influence
his colleagues by proposals to settle some outstanding
claim in return for some consideration, again if the evi-
dence is not what would be required in a Court of Law,
the matter is held in reserve and the person is watched
as someone who does not meet the requirements of a
PNM representative of ,he people.

A person holding public office may also le an ert-
harrassment in respect of the activities of that person's
family; if the person involved does not see or under-
stand that, then the Prime Minister must do the seeing
and the understanding.

My own view is that to a very large extent some
of these situations will be covered by legislation now
being prepared; but it will still be necessary for the
Prime Minister to issue specific guidelines for persons
with ministerial or legislative authority. This is now
being done. I draw your attention to recent developments
in this field in areas as far apart as Quebec and
West Germany.

It is in this context that I raise the question once more of
the obligations of a member of the party towards the party if
he is selected as the party's candidate. He now pledges in
public to abide by the decisions of the party, and undertakes in
writing, to resign his seat if for some reason he should be
separated from the party. He pledges as well to pay 7/2 per
cent of his emoluments towards the funds of his party which
pays his election expenses, finances the general election machin-
ery, puts out the Manifesto to which he subscribes, provides him
with election posters, and in general supervises his compliance
with the Election Law controlling election expenses, use of auto-
mobiles, etc. Therefore it is the Party's Donations Fund which,
through contributions from party members and wellwishers,
accepts the responsibility for the costs involved in the expenses
of the elections.

You know the result of all this. These pledges by candi-
dates have been honoured over the years more in the breach
than the observance. People -have left the party in arrears in
respect of their 7% per cent obligation. On leaving they have
claimed that their point of view was suppressed in the party
and have proceeded forthwith to make public statements, left,
right and centre, indicating to the public how right the party
was in sealing their lips and how wrong the party was in ever
putting up such -persons as its standard bearers in particular
constituencies (for which the party members in those constitu-
encies must take a large share of the blame).

There has been one further development over- the years,
perhaps the most disturbing of all the tendency for someone

elected ta haggle with the Prime Minister over what post he
has to have, sometimes supported by constituency threats to down
tools if the representative is not appointed to this, that or the
other post. This therefore limits the Prime Minister in the selec-
tion of a government which can carry out the party's objectives
and serve the Nation by seeking within the limits of the choices
available to him from the elections, to place the right man in
the right place.

If this is the situation with the PNM after all its years of ac-
tivity and experience, you can well imagine what the situation
would be if, God forbid, any of those transient associations
of disunited bandwaggoners whom we condemned in the People's
Charter of 1956, should ever get hold of power in the country.
Could you see those four, five, or is it six or seven man rats all
living in the same hole?

But one cannot just proceed as we have been proceeding
on the basis that we are better than the others; that would be
falling into the trap that I dealt with before of setting your sights
by the deficiencies of those opposing you. We must do better
than that; we must aim at doing better than we have before in
the sense of the selection of the material for office and secondly
in the organisation of that material.

I have served three months as bailiff of the PNM with con-
siderable success, but at the cost of much heart-burning and
. waste of valuable time, to collect some of the large arrears with
which the Party was faced in respect of its legislative represen-
tatives at June 30. The details are before you in the documents
submitted by the General Council. What I propose as Political
Leader to do in the future is to take up with the competent
authorities, the General Council and the Central Executive, my
proposals for new arrangements for handling this question of
the selection of candidates. My proposals are as follows:

(1) The candidate nominated by the party group must sub
mit in writing to the Political Leader detailed replies to
questions concerning his antecedents, political, economic
and family; since a man is entitled to his privacy, this-
is a matter which must be exclusive to the Political

(2) Before his nomination by the Political Leader he must
submit the following documents to the Political Leader,

in a form prescribed by the Political Leader, bearing
no date however (that would be supplied by the Political
Leader if and when the situation requires it):

(a) a letter of resignation to the Speaker of the House
of Representatives;

(b) a letter to the Political Leader undertaking to serve
without question in any capacity to which he is ap-
pointed by the Prime Minister;

(c) a letter to the Accountant General authorising the
payment of such salary as may accrue to him in two
parts, one part (the amount to be filled in by the
Prime Minister depending on the post to which the
member is assigned) representing a payment of 7V1
per cent of his emoluments to the party each month,
the other part, the balance, to be paid to such Bank
or other person as the member may specify. You
will appreciate that a political party is not a trade
union and cannot have recourse to the check-off sys-

It is becoming more and more clear that these basic con-
siderations must increasingly apply not only to. legislators but
also to party officers.

When it comes to the Cabinet and the Cabinet ministers, the
crucial problem is the danger of unilateral action by a minister
which might contradict the general policy of the Cabinet and be
politically embarrassing to the party as a whole. For example,
whatever the Finance Act some years ago proposed or did not
propose, that was a matter for Cabinet decision in the context
of the basic fact that it was an election year. Timing is of im-
portance in politics, and what may be right in one year may
be quite wrong in the preceding year. What we can do in 1972
as a government, in this great age of permissiveness and general
revolt of smaller countries against the domination of large coun-
tries, would not have been possible a few years ago with the
war in Vietnam and the invasion of the Dominican Republic.

Whatever the law of the country may say, the placing of
an, Item on the Negative List is a matter for the collective political
judgment of the Cabinet as it would affect the entire country.
The question of a price increase is nor just a matter for the im-

porter or the commission agent, the Prices Commission, and ulti-
mately the responsible minister; it is essentially a Cabinet matter
which must be seen in the context of the repercussions of the
increased cost of living and the almost certain effect that cost
of living increase would have on any wage negotiations in
progress or impending. Environmental sanitation programmes,
necessarily involving money and almost certainly involving
legislation, are a matter for Cabinet determination in reference
to the Nation's priorities, whilst it is Cabinet that must approve
any variations of the appropriation needed to give effect to the
environmental sanitation decisions. A Community Development
Division dealing with training in youth camps or in trade centres
cannot be allowed complete freedom to select or reject in a field
where the education curriculum must necessarily involve the
Minister of Education, and the training priorities with respect to
marnower needs and shortages the Ministers of Planning and
Development and Labour.

How Trinidad and Tobago votes on the Taiwan issue at the
Uried, "Wi.tions or what decision it ta;ps on the predicament of
the As-'ani. in Uganda, or what statement it makes on the asso-
clatio- of Cuba with matters involving the seabed are not matters
that can be left to a single minister, 6r a single Head of Mission,
or some young Foreign Service Officer writing a paper on some
issue whose only merit is that it indicates his basic limitations.

In these days it has become fashionable to declaim about
the Prime Minister having too much power or letting individual
Ministers assert themselves or take decisions, however hasty,
whether or not all the facts are available for making those
decisions. In the circumstances the Prime Minister must keep his
cool and emphasis coordination rather, than individualism, get-
ting the maximum advice from relevant areas of experience
rather than allow free rein to the whims and caprices of
individuals subjected to enormous pressures from lobbyists at
home and abroad.

In these circumstances, and without in any way seeking to
anticipate a decision on the crucial issue as to whether the Cab-
inet as a policy-making body should be small rather than large-
that is to say that the assignment of a departmental responsibility
to a person who is called a minister is not to be confused with
the selection of a particular minister for membership in the policy-
making body-without anticipating this issue, the Cabinet as it is
now in process of being reconstituted will hereafter function,
36 :

after much trial and error and experimentation over the years,
on the following basis with the Prime Minister as coordinator of
government policy presiding over the following advisory bodies
to the Cabinet whose views must be available to the Cabinet
before action is taken on the relevant subjects:

(1) Reactivation of the National Planning Commission, with
suitable personnel, for overall supervision of the
Development Plan and preparation of the next Plan.
The reactivated National Planning Commission will re-
place the present Finance and Economics Committee of
the Cabinet.

(2) The Foreign Policy Committee to discuss all matters in-
volving foreign policy which will include work permits,
sources of technical assistance, questions of immigration
Insofar as these matters involve foreign governments
directly or indirectly, and are not simple routine ques-
tions. This will involve also reassessment of existing
procedures in these fields and a thorough examination of
the operations of foreign Missions, including their
numerical strength.

(3) A Community Development Committee which must
necessarily Include the Ministers of Education, Agricul-
ture and Health and prescribe the qualifications of the
officers to be appointed.

(4) An Employment Committee paying particular attention
to problems of productivity, supervision, overtime, and
giving high priority to special works projects and the
method of recruiting workers which, whatever the
previous practice in this matter, is essentially a matter
for the Minister of Labour.

In all these Committees the appropriate ministers will work
together with appropriate senior civil servants, which is the new
departure that we have made provision for in the draft bill
setting up the Chaguaramas Development Authority.

There remains the question of the party itself and the party
members. The Chaguaramas Declaration paid particular atten-
tion to this point. In implementation of the Chaguaramas
Declaration, I have as Political Leader in the past year concen-

treated on bringing the rank and file actively into party activities
and discussions through consultations on a number of important
matters. A small steering committee is put to work on the ques-
tion of preparing a questionnaire for sounding out the views of
the public in various areas. The report of their interviews is then
sent to the Party Consultation to which units of the party are
invited to send representatives. The report of the Consultation is
then sent to the General Council. The nature and gravity of the
information brought out in the Consultation helps to guide the
Cabinet in the calling of a National as distinct from a Party
Consultation on the particular matter.

To date Party Consultations have been held on the follow-
ing subjects: the shift system in Junior Secondary Schools, Price
Increases, Social Diseases including drug addiction and venereal
diseases, Road Safety. A Party Consultation is now being pre-
pared on the question of work on projects in the public sector.
This has been the machinery used for eliciting the party's views
on Consultation Reform prior to General Council discussions.

I have been tremendously impressed by the quality of these
Consultations and the extent to which numbers of party members
from the rank and file haie been brought in to the general

The most impressive of these Consultations was the Consult-
ation held on Consisaution Rerorm last bunaay, September 24, the
anniversary of PNM's historic election victory in 1956. The
extent to which the constituencies did their homework, the speed
with which they operated, the precision of the memoranda sub-.
mitted by most constituencies, the quality and observations made
by the party delegates at the Consultation-these not only
represented the most fruitful party discussions I have ever parti-
cipated in, not only provided evidence of the high morale visible
at all levels of the party, but also were a manifestation of party
democracy and grassroots participation which can be found in no
other country in the world of which I am aware.

I would like to recommend to you that all constituencies
should themselves discuss the reports of these consultations,
which they receive when they are forwarded to the General
Council, and that in fact the constituencies and units should go
further and have their own consultations whether on national or
constituency problems. I ask you all to read and study the

publication, Patterns of Progress, a record prepared privately
with government subsidy of the first decade of Independence-
with the aid of my deputy, Mr. Mahabir, I have been able to
secure donations from well-wishers to make possible the free
distribution of copies to all party members attending this Con-

The party should continue to emphasise its participation in
all national activities. I strongly advise that party members in
all constituencies and pafty'groaps should take an active part in
the environmental sanitation 'programme through the Clean
Village Contest which I announced in my Independence Day

There remains one further question of party importance
which 1 propose merely to raise as it is too deep to discuss at this
particular point. It is the question of The Nation and its future
role. The matter is being actively considered now, and steps
have already been taken, within the formidable limitations of
staff and finance, to reactivate the party paper. I would merely
indicate at this stage that I have given one general directive
which I propose to adhere to: whatever can be done or has to
be done to re-establish the party's paper, it must not be identified
with or fall into the category of the yellow journalism which is a
disgrace to a self-respecting Nation.

And so, fellow party members, let us proceed with our
serious work to govern the country, to improve general condi-
tions, and to set a standard of dirgity and decorum which we do
not expect some others to emulate. If there is one general
word of advice I would give you, it is that we should avoid all
those manifestations of insularily which only suggest to people
who know both at home ard abroad just how backward we are.
I would for example support all those who protest against the
proliferation of brothels in residential areas; but let us see the
whole question of prostitution in perspective, in the context of
the recent announcement that New York City is taking snec'al
action against the oroalfration of massage oarliurs, and that
one of the most flourishirn businesses in the United State) of
America today is the renting out of girls for prescribed times
and fixed prices.

Some months ago a New York reporter wrote in the bioaest
headlines about the large rat he had encountered in the Hilton
Hotel. One of our newspapers, which always has a lot of space

for this sort of denigration and foreign malice, reproduced it.
What the newspaper didn't do was to indicate the enormous
problem that New York city faces with its own rats, its cock-
roaches and its other vermin, that one gets almost daily In
reports by the Mayor and the City Administration and other
agencies of the Federal and Municipal Governments. Since 1
read the story it occurred to me that we should issue more strin-
gent instructions to our Customs Officers at Piarco, because I am
satisfied that the rat in question was an affluent tourist rat im-
ported by the reporter himself in his luggaae from New York
City-whose rats, in quantity and quality--not to bother to men-
tion their bedbuas, as numerous as the s'ars on a starry niaht-
have always been a matter of wonderment to all visitors to New

I am reminded here of Lord Nelson's calypso "Yankee Girl",
Listen to this verse:

'cause where you live in Brooklyn
Dem streets look like dustbin
Cockroach and big rats racing
Like th6 Olympics meeting.
So you can't sit up dey and tell me
You never see them things already (Rats and bed bugs)
All in the ghetto whey you just come out
Rats does pull food from out your mouth.

Let us leave our local newspaper with 'Playboy". Heaven
alone knows what it will say when it graduates to the Kama
Sutra. We have a Party Committee dealing with the difficult
general issue involving the whole question of pornography--the
total freedom that has been legalised in Scandanavia and is now
being advocated in Britain, Scandinavia's concentration on the
export market now that the local Scandinavian population is so
sated and jaded with the whole messy business, protest
movements as Lord Longford's in Britain calling for the reimposi-
tion of some standard of decency if only to protect minors. It is
not an easy question, but it is not a question which can be dealt
with on the basis of a newspaper editorial.

What we have to face here in this country and try to under-
stand is the peculiarities of our national psychology. Whilst a
few people make a big fuss in certain quarters about a Commis-
sion of Inquiry into a football fracas, nobody turns up for a
Commission of Inquiry into a matter like the Postal Services on

which there has been continuing agitdtien for years. They don't
turn up for that matter for a Commission of Inquiry into the
abuse of beauty contests on which complaint after complaint has
been made over the years. A few agitate about the La Basse,
and then when the Government seeks to stop rummaging at the
La Basse sometimes the same people shed crocodile tears over
the number of persons who make their living out of the La Basse.
A few make a noise about sanitation, food handling and littering,
but if you try to take action about the mess left by coconut
vendors, or against the disregard of health, standards by food
vendors and in restaurants, somebody will come up to say that
you are attacking the small man and that you are supporting the
white power structure.

You build a new highway and say that in the interests of
road safety, on which there seems to be much agitation, it runs
from south to north only; the Police are now in difficulties because
at some particular time motorists wish to take a chance and
travel north to south. Somebody then writes an editorial to ask
what is the Government doing about it all, and to indicate that
after 15 years PNM has been unable to change the character of
the population. I ask the paper, what shall I do then? Do you
want me to send for Castro?
There is loud-mouth agitation for Constitution Reform,
attacking the powers of the Prime Minister, challenging the con-
stitutional provisions on the declaration of emergencies and the
temporary suspension of human rights, calling for the abolition
of the Senate or for giving the Senate greater powers and select-
ing its members differently, for the substitution of a Republic for
the Monarchy, for the change in the powers of the position of the
Governor-General, far all sorts of things. You appoint a Com-
mission, nobody attends in any substantial numbers, and those
who attend do so merely to use the Commission for their own
party propaganda.
But the vocal and abusive minority will continue to criticise,
looking for flaws and defects everywhere, propagating their lies
and half-truths-- shall give you three examples. The first relates
to the evening students at St. Augustine. One daily newspaper,
a few days ago, in an editorial entitled, "Why wait till the last
minute", dealt with a protest march of some forty-three (43)
students to Whitehall to protest against the cessation of their
bursaries. The paper claims that it is another instance showing
the need for and effectiveness of direct action. What are the
facts? At the risk of being pgdious, here they are:

The .rst bur;rloare.wre awarded by thsovyrnament-ign (64,
when the, University which had been. offering- evening, classes,
found itself,unable to provide the second and .thirldyear.courses
by way of an.evening programme. At that time,.graduates in
Arts and -Sciences were ;in very short supply, especially -in the
teaching service. The Government therefore decided -that teach-
ers and. civil ,servants who had completed their first year in-
evening,classes should be granted bursaries or full pay study,
leave to enable them to complete their course on a full time basis.
It was further agreed and. publicly made known that these types
of award would be made for a three-year period-only, an would
terminate at the end:of, the 1966-.67,academic year. Projections:
made at that time indicated that when the last set of students
1966-1967 graduated in 1969, there would be available an ade-
quate number of graduates, particularly iq the arts,ifor.the.teachs.
ing and.public services,

In 1967, at the request of the Ministry ,oa Education'and'
Culture, Cabinet agreed to the award of bursaries for fourth
year to the evening students who had complained of ignorance
of the discontinuance of the system of awaiting bursaries. How
ever, Cabinet further agreed that no award should be made
thereafter to civil servants and. teachers :to enable them- to ,com-1
plete their Bachelor .Degree courses, merely on the, basis, ofsuc-
cessful completion of the Part I Examination ,by way:,of the
evening,programme offered by the U.W;I. at St.-Auguatine:: A.
notice to-this effect was issued to.all evening students-in January.
1968 and the decision was put into effect.. October1968,..
when the.intended policy was to consider only .those, officers who:
had been.included in-their Ministry's. Study Leave and.Scholarship0.
Programme., .:

Since 1968, the Minister of Finance, Planning and Develop-
ment has expressed the view that only those evening students
who had been taking courses in Natural Sciences should be_
granted bursaries, for it was in that area that there was an ever-
growing need. The situation had also arisen where there were
more graduates in arts than posts in which to accommodate
them. The public and, the teaching services were unable to
satisfy the justifiable aspirations of all these graduates, several
of whom had" to return to posts in primary schools.

In 196o ahd 1969; aS a result of r6pretsntations to Cabinet
by'the Minister of Education and Culture, Cabliet agreed that all
evening students at the U.W.I. who were teachers or civil
servants and who were successful in the PaitT Examination lead-
ing to a Bachelor degree should be granted'awards.

However, in 1969 Cabinet also agreed that the system of
granting loans, bursaries and/or full pay study leave to students
who had successfully completed their first year in evening classes
at the University of the West Indies, ST. Augustine, should be con-
Stinued for those students who were pursuing courses in Natural
Sciences, Engineering 'and other fields'of study where there was
'a short supply, of graduates based on the needs of the teaching
service, the public service, the police service and statutory boards.
As a result, a notice Was issued j -tie'Chief Personnel Offcer on
" 15th Septeiber, 1970 in which it was announced that financial
assistance weuld be granted tosstOdents pursuing studies in the
fields I have mentioned.

On the basis of student representations, Cabinet modified
this decision and agreed to grant financial assistance to all even-
ing students who wore either teachers or civil servants and who
were successful'in 1~70 in the-Part I Examination leading to the
Bachelor's degree. As a result, one award was nmde for the
*B.Sc. (Actounting), four for 'the B.A. (Maths. Ecan.:)and 33 for
"~tii B.A. (Gein.) degree.

Cabinet further agreed that "in view of the fact that there
existed a weakness in the administrative grades of the public
.service, both in terms of numbers and quality of staff, the Perma-
nent Secretary to the Prime Minister should examine fully the
requirements of the public se'rice with a view to 'denilfying the
areas in the administrative grades where such weaknesses
eiristed, in order that the'Schiolarship Programme could be feared
tofuflfll the needs of the public service." A survey to identify
-the manpower ieeds of the public service ias initiated.

In view of the above and in respect of the 1971-72 academic
year, "the Mirifstei of Fin6Ace, Planning and"' Development
.. recohVminded'thdt, peindinithe' result of-the survey, the present
policy' should be stretched t6 the liliit's6 that Bursaries might be
granted not only to :thoee 'civil servats'ana T'eachers pursuing
courses in the fields mentioned earher, but additionally to those
.hoi will he working towards Bacheloi's degree's Wihich include
he fo1lowihdg'a principal subjects:

Economics (only B.Sc. and not B.A. Gen.)
Sociology (only B.Sc. and not B.A. Gen.)
Business Administration

In the name of all that is holy, how can anyone, in the face
of all these public announcements, claim that the Government
waited till the last minute? To attack the Government on this
subject is to condemn manpower planning and to demand that
public funds should be spent on Individuals to pursue any course
of study that they wish without reference to national priorities,
national shortages, and national redundancies. As of September
21, 1972, the Minister of Education had 110 university graduates
wh6m he had not been able to place in appropriate employment.
Again, in the field of eductfon, the toud-mouthed and
empty-headed will continue to attack us for not agreeing to lower
entrance qualifications to the University. The simple facts are
that in 1969 the students taking the 'O' Level examination were
9.4 per thousand of the population in Trinidad and Tobaao and
3.1 in the rest of the Commonwealth Caribbean excluding
Guvana; the Trinidad and Tobago percentage was three times as
hiah as the rest of the area. At 'A' Levels the percentage per
thousand of population was 0.8 in Trriidad and Tobaao and 0.4
in the rest of the Caribbean: the Trinidad and Tabaao nercentaae
was twice as hMah. With the prelections to 1980 under Trinidad
and Tobaao's Educatior Plan, the percentage of the aae arouo
18.19 taking the 'A' Levels is Brwnqcted to increase from 1.7 in
1967 and 2.1 in 1972 to 4.7 in 1980.

A very fruitful conference on this question of the Sixth Form
was convened here at Chaauaramas by the Government earlier
this week. The more important issues involved in this question
were as follows:

(a) 'A' level students in Trinidad and Tabaao miaht be
discriminated against in favour of '0' level students
in ano4ter territory fremembei that the five '0' levels
can be achieved over a period of years).

(b) With the tendency to raise entrance qualifications in
England to three 'A' levels and in the better Canadian

Universities to at least two 'A' levels, the large
number of Trinidad and Tobago students who
regularly proceed abroad could well be severely

(c) Of the Trinidad and Tobago '0' level entrants in
1972, 30 percent achieved five '0' levels, the percent-
age being 23 percent for the boys and 40 percent
for the girls.

(d) Between 1967 and 1971, over 52 percent of Trinidad
and Tobago students obtained two or more 'A' levels,
the percentage in Mathematics and Science being 26
percent; the percentage of passes in Arts and Science
subjects was over 60 percent.

(e) In respect of performance at U.W.I., the percentage
of students admitted with two 'A' levels between
1963 and 1966 who graduated was much higher
than the percentage of those admitted with '0' levels

(f) University enrolment between 1962 and 1971
increased by 130 percent between 1962 and 1971--
81 percent In agriculture, 111 percent in medicine,
133 percent in education, 136 percent in natural
sciences, 200 percent in engineering, as compared
with 77 percent in arts and general studies and 267
percent in social science; it is, however, precisely in
the fields of arts and social science, where there is
already severe unemployment in Trinidad and
Tobago, that the university is proposing to permit '0'
level entry for an experimental period of five years.

The School Consultation, especially at the level of the
students, emphatically rejected this proposal.

This, then is the reality behind the allegation, at home and
abroad, that it is the Government of Trinidad and Tobago which,
by opposing the lowering of entry qualifications and insisting on
the maintenance of high standards, is jeopardizing the future
of the regional University.

The third example has;to deal with our business community.
The businessman who glibly talked of abolishing the unemploy.

meant levy, would, in 1970, have.deprived the community of
4,076 jobs on 67 projects and left untrained 707 youngsters, all
at a cost of $5.8 million. As for the much maligned special works
and better village projects, without prejudice to the assessment
of under-productivity and investigation of corrupt practices now
in progress, this is the record of improvements from 1962 to
1972 for Trinidad:

26.8 miles of roads constructed, mostly in difficult terrain
6.3 miles of sidewalks
15.6 miles of main drains
74 public standpipes
19 bridges
37 telephone pay stations for public use
12 traffic safety devices at important intersections.

The number of projects annually undertaken increased from
70 in 1963 to 366 in 1972, with a peak of 436 in 1970. The
number of persons employed increased from 1,363 in 1963 to a
peak of 28,453 in 1970. The total expenditure over the period
was $35.5 million. The programme was extended to Tobago in
1969, with an expenditure of $11 million to date.

Let us far heaven's sake try at least sometimes to Ignore
all these critics and proceed with the job in hand. The first of
our major responsibilities is to work with our young people in
constructive areas, the very young people who are being set these
bad examples in respect of political maturity and consciousness
by these critics. I address first and foremost a word on this to
the older folk. It is plain stupid to talk about not bothering with
the young people and they are no good and so on. They are
your young people in the first place, and you can't disown them.
If they are confused and unsettled, it is partly because their
generation is confused and unsettled all over the world. Just
st6p to think of the recent recrudescence of gang warfare in
major cities in the United States, or the "pupil power" marches
in-the United Kingdom earlier this year in which it is alleged
that Marxist-Mao elements exploited young children using the
alibis of opposition to corporal punishment, detention, and schial
uniforms, and calling for "rules decided and enforced by the
whole school".

I turn now to the young people themselves. I compliment
you on all that you have been achieving in your secondary school
careers, with your achievements at 'O' and 'A' Levels in prepara'-

tion for the larger task ahead. I compliment you on your achieve
ment in the two Arts and Crafts Exhibitions. I compliment the
young people of the PNM for their work in connection with
Expression '71. You are old enough to make your own decisions
and to develop your own attitudes to society and its problems.
It must be obvious to you that you achieve nothing, and the
society achieves nothing, by lawlessness and disorder. 1 propose
in the very near future to call together a group of young people
in the party, with some of the somewhat older heads that work
with them, to work out some positive and constructive programme
which we can follow in the months ahead.

Another major responsibility of ours is to proceed on our
own way with our national development, ignoring the
cassandras in our midst who suggest that what we are doing will
not be liked by so many. Who will not?

Two major international announcements have just been
made. The first is that Communist China has signed a contract
in the neighbourhood of some $150 million US for ten Boeing 707
aircraft. The announcement further states that the Chinese will
send five crews for training possibly in the United States. The
second announcement is that, because of the failure of the
Russian wheat harvest, the Russians have bought up such huge
quantities of American and Canadian wheat that a serious world
shortaae is impending, which would lead to a rise in prices (you
can look out in the next few days for our Trinidad critics to say
that the Government bought over the flour mill and raised the
price of flour). These are two major economic steps in the genera]
improvement of relations between the super powers of the world
which we all should welcome. In this general spirit, we for our
part place emohosis on improved economic relations with Cuba,
and we are now proceedina in this direction, as a follow-uo to the
exchange of technical and trade missions in the past few months.
That is the road of sanity in the world of today.

We face a lot of talk here in Trinidad and Tobago by the
radicals on the one hand about neo-colonialism, black stooges of
white power structure, and black dignity, while on the dther
hand conservative businessmen keep on ranting about free
enterprise and non-participation by the" State. As against these
two schools of idiocy, let us consider the position in Australia
today, white and determined to rerhain white, and irdeoendent
f9r very many decades, I quote one of the most respected of the
British newspapers, The Guardian, of June 9 of this year:

"Who owns Australia? The question recurs at anxious
intervals as the inflow of foreign capital keeps rising and
more Australian industries and businesses are added to the
one third already under foreign ownership or control.

The motor industry and chemicals have been prime
targets of foreign acquisition. Foreign ownership accounts
for about half of the value of Australian mining production,
oil excluded. How to keep attracting foreign capital and
foreign expertise to this politically stable country-where
there is no risk of expropriation-without becoming a pawn
of foreign or multi-natibnal schemers is a problem that
Australian Governments still find elusive.

Few days pass without some old established Australian
business-in land, stock, food, wine, or manufacturing -
selling out to British or American interests, or becoming part
of their empires.

Coupled with this trend is Japan's growing domination
of the Australian export trade. Nearly 30 percent of
Australia's export -sales are now made to Japan; and,
though the heavy Japanese purchases of Australian minerals
have lately been scaled down, increased orders for Austra-
lian foodstuffs have kept the balance of payments healthy."

The third point, domestic in character, concerns the attempt
to establish higher standards in our community. You are all
aware of the criticism of one-man government and the powers
of the Prime Minister. The fact of the matter is that the Prime'
Minister does not welcome these powers attributed to him and
does not use them in many cases. What are these powers?
Scores of letters reach the Prime Minister every week, the
majority claiming that it is because the writers are not able. to
get satisfaction from other ministers or from other agencies of
government. The representative of a constituency who is sup-
posed to look after his constituency, for the most part does noth-
ing -but refer them to the Prime Minister; though in the case of
some of them, when they seek to see the Prime Minister, it is
about their own personal affairs and not their constituency. One
of the defectors from the PNM who has claimed publicly that he
was unable to see the Prime Minister, merely omitted to say that
when he saw the Prime Minister on his first request for an inter-
view, it had to deal with an expansion of his salary when he had

dinly just been elected.

A lot of the people who are very voluble about one-man
Government. are the first people to call on the Prime Minister for
this, that and the other. Let me state here for public information
the reply to a number of charges from various people that their
communications are not acknowledged. Apart from the fact that
there are so many communications on the Prime Minister's desk
that if he were to deal with all of them he would do none of the
real work of the Government, the fact of the matter is that the
Prime Minister operates on the basis of a particular rule. That
rule is this: the Prime Minister never acknowledges any letter or
communication from any delegation which he receives through
the newspapers. That is playing politics and is dealt with as
such. For further information, 1 may state that the Prime Minister
seldom acknowledges any communication from any quarter
whatsoever seeking to involve him in the machinations and
Intrigues of a civll service department or government agency.

Some party members are among the worst offenders. It is
party members who run about the place saying that they have a
hot line to the Prime Minister or have been specially instructed
by the Prime Minister or the Prime Minister has specially
instructed etc. Special instructions be damned I In most cases
the Prime Minister gives them a wide berth and does not even
listen to them. Everytime you hear somebody saying that he or
she sends special communications to the Prime Minister, I advise
you to suspect that person.

Every_ year around June or July the Political Leader is
swamped with appeals from party members to try to get their
children a place, in a secondary school when the places have
ilrealy been allocated by the Minister of Education on the basis
of the Common Entrance Examination. The same applies to the
distribution of houses by the National Housing Authority. There
are the obvious cases of hardship, where if only for humanitarian
reasons one does what ore can. But you get the party member
who. coming to explain the inside story of an important govern.
ment agency on the basis of which the interview was arranged,
seeks to involve the Prime Minister in a petty internal quarrel
with the union to which the member belongs. You get the party
member who is a student nurse, who seeks to involve the Prime
Minister in a purely domestic matter about a family quarrel over
a house, and puts up the solution that she should be helped to
buy the house by getting a travel allowance to which she is not

entitled by the Regulations. You get the party member who
comes to complain to the Prime Minister that, whilst he has been
awarded a house by the NHA, it was not in the district which he
requested, and the house leaks. Then, ladies and gentlemen, it
is time to call a hdlt.

A further point is that we, as a party and a party's govern-
ment, must continue to give our practical support to the exponents
of our art and culture, I refer particularly to the steelbands, who
have been making their name in a number of foreign countries,
most recently the United States, including Hawaii, Brazil, Canada
and Switzerland. Through my own efforts, I.was able last year
to get substantial financial assistance foy steelbands, combos and
Indian orchestras totalling over $33,500 in instruments to 18
combos, 8 Indian orchestras and 2 brass orchestras, as well as
over 1,000 drums to 40 steelbands. In many respects, if our
businessmen were as export oriented or export conscious as our
steelbandsmen, many of our economic problems would be on
the wane.

This has been the general situation over the years. The only
unchanged and reliable pole of reference has been the control of
the PNM and the effective solidarity of the Cabinet. Whatever
happens in the PNM, nobody is fired just like that in a fight for
power between senior officers. The essential of the Cabinet sys-
tem is that if a minister disagrees with the Cabinet or the Prime
Minister he resigns, or else the Prime Minister revokes his appoint-
ment. If the entire Cabinet disagrees with the Prime Minister, the
Prime Minister resigns. There is no problem. Everybody under-
stands here in Trinidad and Tobago the lesson that has been
learned in Britain it has just been learned in the Bahamas -
that in terms of any disagreement with the Prime Minister and
any general revolt against the leadership of the Government by
ministers or legislators, it is easier to go to the country, that is to
say the electorate, than to return from it.

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