• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Cover
 PNM miracles
 Your government at work
 Subordination of the party
 Priority to the party
 What kind of party?
 Party headquarters
 Site of PNM headquarters
 Reorganised central office
 Party and legislature
 Transformation of party press
 Party education
 PNM record
 Week-end schools
 International relation
 The Political leader
 Federation
 Party finance
 Party development programme
 What the DLP offers
 Foreign subjection
 Racialism
 Elections
 The personality of the PNM














Group Title: Perspectives for our party : address delivered to the third annual convention of the People's National Movement on October 17, 1958.
Title: Perspectives for our party
CITATION PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00003586/00001
 Material Information
Title: Perspectives for our party address delivered to the third annual convention of the People's National Movement on October 17, 1958
Physical Description: 20 p. : ; 21 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Williams, Eric Eustace, 1911-
People's National Movement -- Convention, 1958
Publisher: PNM Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Port-of-Spain
Publication Date: 1958?]
 Subjects
Subject: Politics and government -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Trinidad and Tobago
 Notes
Funding: Eric Williams Memorial Collection
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00003586
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 001471198
oclc - 20735730
notis - AGY2924

Table of Contents
    Cover
        Page 1
    PNM miracles
        Page 2
    Your government at work
        Page 3
        Government for the people
            Page 4
            Page 3
        Government by the people
            Page 5
    Subordination of the party
        Page 6
    Priority to the party
        Page 7
    What kind of party?
        Page 7
    Party headquarters
        Page 8
    Site of PNM headquarters
        Page 8
    Reorganised central office
        Page 9
    Party and legislature
        Page 10
    Transformation of party press
        Page 10
    Party education
        Page 11
        Page 12
    PNM record
        Page 13
    Week-end schools
        Page 13
    International relation
        Page 14
    The Political leader
        Page 15
    Federation
        Page 16
    Party finance
        Page 17
    Party development programme
        Page 17
    What the DLP offers
        Page 18
    Foreign subjection
        Page 19
    Racialism
        Page 19
    Elections
        Page 19
    The personality of the PNM
        Page 20
Full Text



PERSPECTIVES

FOR

OUR PARTY


Address delivered to the Third Annual Convention of the'
People's National Movement on October 17, 1958




by Eric Williams


10 cents.


Price







our third Annual Convention convenes almost to the day two
years and nine months after the inaugural conference of the Move-
ment. Two years and nine months represent a very brief period in
the life of an individual, a still briefer period in the life of a Party.
Yet in this short period much has happened which responsible
observers especially from the outside have been -describing as
"PNM Miracles". It is not inappropriate at this stage to recall some
of these "miracles."


"PNM MIRACLES"
The first is the firm establish-
ment of Party Government which
has already brought the country to
the threshold of internal self-gov-
ernment expressed through a Cabi.
net broadly on the United
Kingdom pattern.
The Party, in the second place,
has established a political leader
who speaks with authority in the
Party, in the Government, and in
the country.
The third "miracle" is the estab-
lishment of thq Party Forum, the
University of Woodford Square.
Through this forum it has brought
political education to the people
of the West Indies and introduced
a new technique of cold intellec-
tual political analysis based on
reasoning and facts as against the
empty emotionalism of the past.
The participation on a large scale
of thousands of citizens in this
programme of political education
has -been described as revolution
by intelligence and as one of the
great contributions to twentieth
century democracy. The interna-
tional recognition of the University
of Woodford Square is illustrated
by the front page photograph in
the current issue of PNM Weekly,
which reproduces a German pic-
ture with supporting text of "Uni-
versitat von Woodford-Square."


In the fourth place the Party has
established a weekly newspaper
which, with all its obvious faults,
represents a challenge to the daily
press and the vested interests who
control that press.
Fifthly, within the short space
of a little over two years, the Party
has captured the Central and Mu-
nicipal Governments and has con-
tributed to the capture by its West
Indian affiliates of the Federal
Government.
Further the Party has posed in
Trinidad and Tobago and in the
West Indies a conception of the
new society to the point where the
old situation will never again pre-
vail. This is not merely a theory,
in practice the PNM has tackled
the big boys.
Finally, the PNM has become
the spearhead of the nationalist
movement in Trinidad and Tobago
and in the West Indies as a whole.
All this has been accomplished
between January 1956 and Octo-
ber 1958. The face of Trinidad
and Tobago and therefore of the
West Indies has been so radically
altered that the report of the
Mudie Commission on the Federal
Capital Site had to be discarded
into the waste-paper basket by the
time it appeared at the end of
195fi. What was undoubtedly true







when it investigated Trinidad and
was drafting its report ceased to
obtain, as the Commission itself
recognized, after September 24,
1956.
YOUR GOVERNMENT AT WOPK
The General Elections of that
date gave the Party responsibility
for organising the Government of
the country and for translating into
action the Election Manifesto
pledges and ideals. During the less
than two years in which the Gov-
ernment has been formally in
power the Party has translated into
reality the well known democratic
ideal of Government of the people,
for the people, by the people.
Government of the People.
Never before in the history of
the West Indies have so many
average citizens been associated
actively with the work of Govern-
ment. These citizens men and
women, of all races, faiths and
classes, drawn both from the ranks
of PNM and outside those ranks,
have been appointed to Commit-
tees of Enquiry and Investigation
and to Statutory Boards and Cor-
porations. The West Indianisation
of the public service has been vig-
orously proceeded with, and the
whole question of the opportuni-
ties for appointment and promotion
of West Indians to the highest po-
sitions in the public service and
private employment is now being
completely investigated.
At the same time, however, pre-
ciselv because we are a Govern-
ment of the people we are not going
to allow any lowering of standards
and competence. The West In.
dies cannot overcome overnight


the present disability which rises
from an inadequate system of edu-
cation and an external political
control prevailing over several gen-
erations. We simply do not have
the local talent in several fields and
we must call upon outside assist-
ance whether in the form of mem-
bers of investigating committees or
of technicians on contract for
carrying out a specific job.
This necessarily imposes on a
Government of the people the obli-
gation to accelerate and to re-
orientate programmes for training
West Indians to meet the re-
quirements of modern society
and modern economy and
to permit self-government in
the economic and administrative
life of the country to the same ex-
tent as we have it or will shortly
have it at the political level. In
this connection it is to be remem-
bered that there are hundreds of
Europeans and Americans who,
tired of the contradictions of de-
mocracy in their own advanced
countries, out of the same humani-
tarian motives which urged
millions to support the abolition
of slavery in the West Indies, arr
ready and eager to place their
intellectual abilities and social
vision at the disposal of the former
colonial countries now facing the
complexities inherent in the
emergence from colonialism. The
position is the same in Trinidad
and Tobago as in Ghana and othei
countries which have newh
achieved their independence, and
one has only to refer in this con-
nection to the British Labour
Party or to the large trade union
organizations hi the United King-
dom. Canada and the United






States, which as part of their own
struggle for recognition in their
own countries recognize how es.
sential it -is to give technical
assistance to less developed coun-
tries,
Government for the People.
The Development Programme,
patiently and faithfully incubated
during the whole of the first year
in office, is now in full swing,
steadily gathering momentum.
Persons who considered themselves
eternally condemned to the back.
yards of 29 St. Joseph Road, Man-
go Rose and similar locations have
today moved in to aided self-help
houses built by themselves with
Government assistance to be re-
paid over a period of years on easy
terms, in Morvant and Pleasant-
ville, or are about to move in to
rental mortgage houses in Morvant
and Mount Hope, as the first prac-
tical step in the implementation
of the Government's Housing Pro-
gramme. The twilight of Port-of-
Spain, San Fernando and Arima
has been illuminated by the bright
municipal lights provided from
Central Government funds, and
the darkness in which Rio Claro,
Moruga, Mayaro, to mention only
three rural areas, lived in the old
world before September 24, 1950,
has been pierced by the electric
lights already introduced as part
of the Government's Five Year
$24m. programme for electricity.
As I speak to you, steps are
being taken so that the residents of
Moruga can have during the 1959
dry season for the first time in their
lives, running water in the district
to eliminate their former depend-
ence on the truck borne water sup-


ply with all its abuses; this is only
one practical example of the im-
provement of the water supply
centered around the large project
of the Navet Dam calculated, with
subsidiary projects, t6 make an
adequate supply of water available
to the population within our five-
year term. The powerful tractor and
bulldozer and hundreds of workers
are now building roads where be-
fore there were no roads to in-
crease the living spate at our
disposal, bring new lands into cul-
tivation, make economic resources
accessible which were formerly
inaccessible, and stimulate the
knowledge of our country by our
own people and by visitors link-
ing up Maracas Bay and Las Cue-
vas linking up Roxborough, Parla-
tuvier and Morlah in Tobago.
opening up the Platanal region in
St. Andrew-St. David for the in-
creased production of bananas.
linking up Valencia and Toco, im-
proving the roads in Moruga and
to Mayaro.
The Port-of-Spain Community
Concert Hall is well advanced; the
Technical Institute on Wrightson
Road, the Teachers Training Col-
lege around Arima, the Hiltou
Hotel on the Lady Young Road,
the Maternity Block and the Ccn-
tral Block at the Port-of-Spain
General Hospital, will soon begin;
work has already started on the
Airport Terminal at Piarco and thu
Training School for nurses in San
Fernando and the extension of the
Sangre Grande hospital. Very soon
the first steps towards the increase
of agricultural and fisheries pro-
duction will be taken when ou the
basis of subsidies given to farmers
and fishermen by the Central Gov-







when it investigated Trinidad and
was drafting its report ceased to
obtain, as the Commission itself
recognized, after September 24,
1956.
YOUR GOVERNMENT AT WOPK
The General Elections of that
date gave the Party responsibility
for organising the Government of
the country and for translating into
action the Election Manifesto
pledges and ideals. During the less
than two years in which the Gov-
ernment has been formally in
power the Party has translated into
reality the well known democratic
ideal of Government of the people,
for the people, by the people.
Government of the People.
Never before in the history of
the West Indies have so many
average citizens been associated
actively with the work of Govern-
ment. These citizens men and
women, of all races, faiths and
classes, drawn both from the ranks
of PNM and outside those ranks,
have been appointed to Commit-
tees of Enquiry and Investigation
and to Statutory Boards and Cor-
porations. The West Indianisation
of the public service has been vig-
orously proceeded with, and the
whole question of the opportuni-
ties for appointment and promotion
of West Indians to the highest po-
sitions in the public service and
private employment is now being
completely investigated.
At the same time, however, pre-
ciselv because we are a Govern-
ment of the people we are not going
to allow any lowering of standards
and competence. The West In.
dies cannot overcome overnight


the present disability which rises
from an inadequate system of edu-
cation and an external political
control prevailing over several gen-
erations. We simply do not have
the local talent in several fields and
we must call upon outside assist-
ance whether in the form of mem-
bers of investigating committees or
of technicians on contract for
carrying out a specific job.
This necessarily imposes on a
Government of the people the obli-
gation to accelerate and to re-
orientate programmes for training
West Indians to meet the re-
quirements of modern society
and modern economy and
to permit self-government in
the economic and administrative
life of the country to the same ex-
tent as we have it or will shortly
have it at the political level. In
this connection it is to be remem-
bered that there are hundreds of
Europeans and Americans who,
tired of the contradictions of de-
mocracy in their own advanced
countries, out of the same humani-
tarian motives which urged
millions to support the abolition
of slavery in the West Indies, arr
ready and eager to place their
intellectual abilities and social
vision at the disposal of the former
colonial countries now facing the
complexities inherent in the
emergence from colonialism. The
position is the same in Trinidad
and Tobago as in Ghana and othei
countries which have newh
achieved their independence, and
one has only to refer in this con-
nection to the British Labour
Party or to the large trade union
organizations hi the United King-
dom. Canada and the United







eminent, hundreds of acres will be
planted in coffee and pangola
grass, and refrigerated units estab-
lished on the principal fishing
beaches.
Public activity stimulates private
enterprise. The aided self-help
and rental-mortgage houses are
matched by the private investment
in housing in Goodwood Part,
Diego Martin and Valsayn. Large
scale investment of private capital
has already brought to Trinidad
important industries which are now
being established and the factories
being built the fertilizer plant at
Savonetta, the deep sea fishing in-
dustry for tuna and the canning
plant soon to go up, the Nestles
factory soon to go up around
Arima for the production of steril-
ised and condensed milk, the
large paper plant utilising bagasse
which we hope will soon start-in
Caroni, and numbers of smaller in-
dustries.
But private enterprise must work
in our interest, not against it.
Circumstances have compelled the
Government to take over the
Angostura factory in order to keep
the industry in Trinidad, and it is
now possible to support local in-
dustry by buying State rum, and
where teetotalers are concerned, to
flavour their locally manufactured
sweet drinks with Angostura Bit-
ters. The Government has pub-
licle announced its readiness to
share with private enterprise the
strain of the capital investment
necessary for the extension of the
telephone intwork.
Government by the People.
The Party pledged to keep close
to the people lIb monthly report


and in constituency offices and to
keep the people fully informed of
Government action, particularly by
a re-organisation of the Govern-
ment Information Services, with
special emphasis on the radio.
There are serious defects in our
reporting service and constituency
offices, and many of our legislators
and councillors are not fulfilling our
pledges. This is a matter that will
have to be corrected and I shall
deal with it when we come to the
question of the reorganisation of
the Party. At the level of the
radio PNM's Government has
initiated broadcasts of Legisla-
tive Council debates, as is done in
Australia, and broadcasts of the
Chief Minister's press conference,
which follows the pattern of the
American Press Conferences set by
Presidents Roosevelt, Truman and
Eisenhower and which are now
televised. Reports have recently
reached Trinidad indicating that
the press conferences are heard in
Sweden and listened to attentively,
and there is every reason to agree
with that ex-mayor of Kingston
who has written to me recently to
say that within the next ten years
the Prime Minister of the West
Indies and' the Chief Ministers of
all the unit territories will follow
the example.
So here we stand in October
1958 at our Third Annual Conven-
tion with a past record extending
over two years and nine months
which is second to none in the
early formative years of any Party
elsewhere in the world and second
to none in the history of any Party
anywhere in the world during the
same period. The question that
faces us as Party Members is








where do we go from here? What
will be our record in the next two
years and nine months?
SUBORDINATION OF THE PARTY
Let us first analyse generally the
phases of development since Janu-
ary 1956. The first phase covered
the period from January to Novem-
ber 1956 when ive concentrated on
the island wide dissemination ol
our principles, ideals and pro-
gramme. All efforts, all energies
were concentrated on this goal.
The Party was subordinated to the
Movement. The policy was strik-
ingly successful it won us the
General Elections by a majority of
18 out of 24 seats and gave us a
ocean sweep of the 11 seats at
stake in the Municipal Elections.
The first year's effort placed us
at the helm of the Central Govern-
ment and the Government of the
Borough of Arima, whilst we be-
came a powerful opposition in the
City Council of Port-of-Spain and
San Fernando Borough Council.
From there we moved on to the
second phase, the organisation of
the Government and the transla-
tion of the election programme
into a coherent rational develop-
ment plan for the country. This
phase lasted from November 1956
to the end of 1957 when we pre-
sented the 1957 Budget and the
Five-Year Development Pro-
gramme; in the course of it we
achieved power in the Port-of-
Spain City Council and San Fer-
nando Borough Council. It was a
year of extremely hard and pro-
longed work, during which we had
to face on the one hand a noisy
and belligerent opposition which
ultimately coalesced into the DLP


opposition, spearheaded by the
daily press, wh 1st on the other
hand we had to make our contribu-
tion to the planning of the Federal
Government. During the second
phase the Party organisation and
machinery were subordinated to
the Party programme and to the
Party Government.
The third phase began with the
approval of the 1958 Budget and
the Five-Year Development Pro-
gramme. During this phase em-
phasis was concentrated on the
implementation of the Develop-
ment plan and on the checks and
investigations associated with that
plan in action. The programme
has now gathered momentum, and
the paper plan is being steadily
transformed into houses, schools,
roads, public buildings, and such
amenities as water, electricity, and
so on. Or to put the matter a
little differently, the country
which voted by majority vote for
the PNM's conception of planned
development is now steadily at
work on the specific and concrete
projects which have been formula-
ted within the framework of that
plan. In this phase therefore the
Party was subordinated to the
Government and its Development
Programme.
Thus for two years and nine
months the Party has had to play
a subordinate role, subordinate to
the Movement, subordinate to the
Government. Part)' organisation,
machinery, and planning have had
to take a back seat, inevitably so,
whilst the driver's seat was given
over to the organisation of the
Government, to the machinery of
development, to the planning of






the material foundations of a
healthy society.
PRIORITY TO THE PARTY
So that when we ask in October
1958 the question where do we go
from here? the answer is immedi-
ately obvious. We go to the Party.
The Party, left to fend for itself
two years and nine months, be-
comes automatically and neces-
sarily the number one priority from
October 1958.

WHAT KIND OF PARTY ?
The question now arises, What
kind of Party?
The distinctive feature of 20th
century politics is the ever increas-
ing role of the Party, either in ac-
tive support of the Government or
ih actually taking over the Gov-
ernment. On the revolutionary
side we have had the Bolshevik
Party; on the counter-revolutionary
side we have had the Fascist
Party; in the former colonial coun-
tries we have had the Congress
Party of India and the Convention
People's Party of Ghana. This is
dde to the fact that, with the in-
creasing complexity of Government
on the one hand, and the need of
the masses to participate in the or-
ganisation of their own affairs on
the other, the only possible way
has been to so organise the party
that it lives a political life of its
own. It must so organise itself
and so act that the people recog-
nise it as the indispensable com-
plement and support of the Legis.
lators and the Government. That
is the task that now faces the
PNM. That is the task it is pro-
posed to leave to this Convention
to carry out.


What is our condition at the
present time? The plain fact of
the matter is that in Trinidad and
Tobago, but also in the West In-
dies, we have built up a trade
union organisation, a political or-
ganisation, but what we are lack-
ing in is the organisation of the
party, and the weakness of party
organisation weakens our. effort in
every sphere of government and of
social life.
This is the key to the whole
situation. If 25 years ago it was
possible to foresee the rapidity of
the development, today it is possi-
ble to see still further and with
more concreteness. The West In-
dian masses are on a broad road,
and travelling fast. Everything
pushes them forward. Nothing
holds them back. This is a theor-
etical point to be systematically
and carefully developed so that all
party leaders (and reactionaries
also) should be kept constantly
aware of it.
It is certain that no type of West
Indian organisation so far has even
caught up with where the people
have already reached, far less
being organised to.handle and de-
velop, or subjectively explore, all
the possibilities and needs as they
actually exist.
Former West Indian political
parties organized around profes-
sional or businessmen who criti-
cised, made suggestions, etc, But
Government was carried on by
Colonial Office officials.
There is a big break and a
sharp turn in West Indian social
and political life. II is inevitable
that political organisation will
carry a certain amount of old out-






the material foundations of a
healthy society.
PRIORITY TO THE PARTY
So that when we ask in October
1958 the question where do we go
from here? the answer is immedi-
ately obvious. We go to the Party.
The Party, left to fend for itself
two years and nine months, be-
comes automatically and neces-
sarily the number one priority from
October 1958.

WHAT KIND OF PARTY ?
The question now arises, What
kind of Party?
The distinctive feature of 20th
century politics is the ever increas-
ing role of the Party, either in ac-
tive support of the Government or
ih actually taking over the Gov-
ernment. On the revolutionary
side we have had the Bolshevik
Party; on the counter-revolutionary
side we have had the Fascist
Party; in the former colonial coun-
tries we have had the Congress
Party of India and the Convention
People's Party of Ghana. This is
dde to the fact that, with the in-
creasing complexity of Government
on the one hand, and the need of
the masses to participate in the or-
ganisation of their own affairs on
the other, the only possible way
has been to so organise the party
that it lives a political life of its
own. It must so organise itself
and so act that the people recog-
nise it as the indispensable com-
plement and support of the Legis.
lators and the Government. That
is the task that now faces the
PNM. That is the task it is pro-
posed to leave to this Convention
to carry out.


What is our condition at the
present time? The plain fact of
the matter is that in Trinidad and
Tobago, but also in the West In-
dies, we have built up a trade
union organisation, a political or-
ganisation, but what we are lack-
ing in is the organisation of the
party, and the weakness of party
organisation weakens our. effort in
every sphere of government and of
social life.
This is the key to the whole
situation. If 25 years ago it was
possible to foresee the rapidity of
the development, today it is possi-
ble to see still further and with
more concreteness. The West In-
dian masses are on a broad road,
and travelling fast. Everything
pushes them forward. Nothing
holds them back. This is a theor-
etical point to be systematically
and carefully developed so that all
party leaders (and reactionaries
also) should be kept constantly
aware of it.
It is certain that no type of West
Indian organisation so far has even
caught up with where the people
have already reached, far less
being organised to.handle and de-
velop, or subjectively explore, all
the possibilities and needs as they
actually exist.
Former West Indian political
parties organized around profes-
sional or businessmen who criti-
cised, made suggestions, etc, But
Government was carried on by
Colonial Office officials.
There is a big break and a
sharp turn in West Indian social
and political life. II is inevitable
that political organisation will
carry a certain amount of old out-







looks and habits from the previous
period. The people are certain to
have these hang-overs also. The
old is not completely taken over in
the new. But the general idea re-
mains. Government was carried on
previously by colonial officials.
Government today is carried on by
elected officials. Formerly the
people elected representatives-who
did not have the power. Today,
they elect representatives who
have the power. That is how they
see the change. It does not follow
that this is all they want. It is
absolutely certain that they want
more, as the British Labour Partv
found to its cost in 1950, 1951,
and 1956. What is needed is a
clear, well organised, sharp break
with the old. At such times it is
necessary to swing in the opposite
direction even to excess. The peo-
ple have to be told that today the
emphasis is on party organisation
and mass activity. That the PNM
was pitchforked so rapidly into
governmental power is not the
only reason why it is so weak in
party organisation. Other West
Indian parties older than the
PNM are equally weak or even
weaker in party organisation. The
old system, and its dangers for
the present, must be held up and
exposed, and the new orientation
towards party organisation made
clear and explained in all its rami-
fications. That is not done in a
day. At present it is not
being done at all.
This is what We have to do. We
have to build our party organisa-
tion from the bottom up. We have
to reorganise our system of educa-
tion so that, through the Party, it
penetrates into the deepest masses


of the people. We have to reor-
ganise our press or, the same scale.
The whole constitutes what we
have to look upon as the Develop-
ment Programme of the Party,
which involves above all the financ-
ing of these vast projects.
PARTY HEADQUARTERS
The first essential is a Party
Headquarters.
The Partv must act, it must
show its power. In a small area lke
Trinidad, a party headquarters on
an imposing scale is a political
victory. We need a three storey
building at least, with restaurant,
offices and an auditorium to seat
at least 600 people.
Headquarters of the kind pro-
posed is not only a public political
act. It builds the Party. And if,
like the PNM, the Party is already
the Government, the announce-
ment and practical beginnings of
such a structure signify -
(a) that the Party has the ut-
most confidence in its own
future;
(b) that though it is the Govern-
ment it is the Party of the
people.
The construction of a building
on the scale suggested is in detail
a strictly business proposition to be
placed in the hands of architects,
lawyers, etc. What should be done
as soon as possible is the acquisi-
tion of a piece of land and a sub-
stantial notice, well painted and
planted in a prominent position:
SITE OF PNM
HEADQUARTERS
This is what convinces and wins
over people. Once this is done,
the further raising of funds for







looks and habits from the previous
period. The people are certain to
have these hang-overs also. The
old is not completely taken over in
the new. But the general idea re-
mains. Government was carried on
previously by colonial officials.
Government today is carried on by
elected officials. Formerly the
people elected representatives-who
did not have the power. Today,
they elect representatives who
have the power. That is how they
see the change. It does not follow
that this is all they want. It is
absolutely certain that they want
more, as the British Labour Partv
found to its cost in 1950, 1951,
and 1956. What is needed is a
clear, well organised, sharp break
with the old. At such times it is
necessary to swing in the opposite
direction even to excess. The peo-
ple have to be told that today the
emphasis is on party organisation
and mass activity. That the PNM
was pitchforked so rapidly into
governmental power is not the
only reason why it is so weak in
party organisation. Other West
Indian parties older than the
PNM are equally weak or even
weaker in party organisation. The
old system, and its dangers for
the present, must be held up and
exposed, and the new orientation
towards party organisation made
clear and explained in all its rami-
fications. That is not done in a
day. At present it is not
being done at all.
This is what We have to do. We
have to build our party organisa-
tion from the bottom up. We have
to reorganise our system of educa-
tion so that, through the Party, it
penetrates into the deepest masses


of the people. We have to reor-
ganise our press or, the same scale.
The whole constitutes what we
have to look upon as the Develop-
ment Programme of the Party,
which involves above all the financ-
ing of these vast projects.
PARTY HEADQUARTERS
The first essential is a Party
Headquarters.
The Partv must act, it must
show its power. In a small area lke
Trinidad, a party headquarters on
an imposing scale is a political
victory. We need a three storey
building at least, with restaurant,
offices and an auditorium to seat
at least 600 people.
Headquarters of the kind pro-
posed is not only a public political
act. It builds the Party. And if,
like the PNM, the Party is already
the Government, the announce-
ment and practical beginnings of
such a structure signify -
(a) that the Party has the ut-
most confidence in its own
future;
(b) that though it is the Govern-
ment it is the Party of the
people.
The construction of a building
on the scale suggested is in detail
a strictly business proposition to be
placed in the hands of architects,
lawyers, etc. What should be done
as soon as possible is the acquisi-
tion of a piece of land and a sub-
stantial notice, well painted and
planted in a prominent position:
SITE OF PNM
HEADQUARTERS
This is what convinces and wins
over people. Once this is done,
the further raising of funds for






this purpose assumes a different
quality. The thing is to begin, and
to begin boldly. Once this begin-
ning has been made, here is one
permanent topic for the Party
Group meetings, until in a year or
two the building is completed.
This is something to be discussed,
plans, finances, stages of progress,
etc., become a part of the life of
the Party, and seize the attention
of the public.
Along w\vh the Party Headquar-
ters should be posed the question
of a second headquarters in an-
other constituency, preferably,
San Fernando- One thing is cer-
tain. It is around such plans that
the Party organises itself. It is
such plans, boldly and resolutely
posed and begun, that move the
membership to sacrifice, and bring
out financial and other assistance
:worth tens of thousands of dollars
to the organisation. But you have
to begin first. This is a sign and
a national sign of a new regime
and new politics.
REORGANISED CENTRAL OFFICE
The establishment of a Party
Headquarters uLnderlines the ur-
gency of a vigorous Central office
and the working out of a rational
and effective liaison between Par-
ty and Government. Whilst today
too many legislative representa-
tives of PNM shirk their patent
duties and there is far too much
indiscipline among them, whilst
too many regard the Constituency
and Party organisation as their
servant and not their master, the
fact remains that far too much is
expected of the Legislator and far
too little envisaged for the Party.
The legislator dominated in the in-


dividualism of the Old World; it
is the Constituency organisation
that must dominate in the party
politics of the New. The key is a
reorganised Central Office.
Three considerations emerge:
(1) The Party is to separate it-
self from the Government
and live an independent
life.
(2) The Party is represented in
the Government by the
Cabinet and the Ministers.
(3) The Party must have its own
"Cabinet" and its own
"Ministers" in the Central
Office, centering aroung the
General Secretary, who, in
calibre and in status, must
be on par with the legisla-
tive representatives of the
Party.
The responsibility of the Gen-
eral Secretary must be the organi-
sation of a Central Office function-
ing in such a way as to serve all
elements in the Party as a guide;
to train people; and to develop the
talents of individual party mem-
bers wherever they may be.
It is the simplest thing in the
world for any capable and experi-
enced individual to carry out the
tasks. That would be of little value.
What is needed is to create the
basis by which the whole Party
and the best elements in it will be
set in motion and will be able to
develop themselves and others. To
take an easily understood example.
It ,is not writing articles in the
Press that is important. It is to lay
down the lines along which arti-
cles should be written and to find
and develop this talent in all sec-
tions of the organisation.






.PARTY AND LEGISLATURE
The ultimate aim must be:
(a) tto create an organisation
which will develop and pro-
liferate in such a manner
-that in three years' time the
island will be aware that its
future lies with the Party
and the functioning of the
Party. On such a basis, leg-
islators can introduce the
boldest and most. far seeing
legislation, confident that
there can be no serious re-
sistance because all reaction-
ary and disruptive elements
will be aware of the strength
of the Party in the popula-
tion surrounding them.
(b) Such an organisation from
the very start will relieve
the legislators to carry out
the business of Government.
Until they are thvs support-
ed, legislators will not know
the real possibilities of shap-
ing the destines of the coun-
try. It is not only Trinidad
as a territory that must be
considered. It is the whole
of the British West Indies
and in the not very distant
future, other non-British ter-
ritories which one way or
another will be driven to
seek some sort of common
West Indian confederation.
(c) This building of. the Party
cannot be carried out by
legislators. If they attempt
to do so, the only result will
be that the scope and pos-
sibility of the Party will be
cut down to the size which
suits such time and energy
and thought as the lcgisla-


tors can spare for it, and
you know' hw precious lit-
tle time and energy and
thought some legislators
have spared for the Party.
All this emphasizes the separa-
tion of the Party leadership in the
Central Office from the Govern-
mental functions. The result will
not be to strengthen the Party
functionaries as against the lead-
ership in Government or in the
Legislature. The result is exactly
the opposite. The Legislature re-
mains in theory and in practice the
highest organ of Government.
Povef is concentrated in the hands
of Ministers. .Thereforo the more
powerful the Party in the commun-
ity, the more powerful the legisla-
tive and ministerial arm of the
Party.
That is Central Office in Party
Headquarters which will set out to
build the Party, in the same way
that the Foundation Members set
out to build the Movement and
place its Government in power,
and in the same way that the Gov-
ernment, when returned to power,
set out to build the economy and
the cultural life of the country. In
the Government we have been im-
peded by all sorts of hangovers
and by tle squeaking and squawk-
ing of the Opposition. When we
s6t out to build the Party we shall
do anything that we have the vis-
ion to imagine and the will to car-
ry out. Nothing stands in our way
but our own weaknesses.
Our second task is the complete
transformation Of our Party Press.
TRANSFORMATION OF PARTY
PRESS
The Party Press is not good.






.PARTY AND LEGISLATURE
The ultimate aim must be:
(a) tto create an organisation
which will develop and pro-
liferate in such a manner
-that in three years' time the
island will be aware that its
future lies with the Party
and the functioning of the
Party. On such a basis, leg-
islators can introduce the
boldest and most. far seeing
legislation, confident that
there can be no serious re-
sistance because all reaction-
ary and disruptive elements
will be aware of the strength
of the Party in the popula-
tion surrounding them.
(b) Such an organisation from
the very start will relieve
the legislators to carry out
the business of Government.
Until they are thvs support-
ed, legislators will not know
the real possibilities of shap-
ing the destines of the coun-
try. It is not only Trinidad
as a territory that must be
considered. It is the whole
of the British West Indies
and in the not very distant
future, other non-British ter-
ritories which one way or
another will be driven to
seek some sort of common
West Indian confederation.
(c) This building of. the Party
cannot be carried out by
legislators. If they attempt
to do so, the only result will
be that the scope and pos-
sibility of the Party will be
cut down to the size which
suits such time and energy
and thought as the lcgisla-


tors can spare for it, and
you know' hw precious lit-
tle time and energy and
thought some legislators
have spared for the Party.
All this emphasizes the separa-
tion of the Party leadership in the
Central Office from the Govern-
mental functions. The result will
not be to strengthen the Party
functionaries as against the lead-
ership in Government or in the
Legislature. The result is exactly
the opposite. The Legislature re-
mains in theory and in practice the
highest organ of Government.
Povef is concentrated in the hands
of Ministers. .Thereforo the more
powerful the Party in the commun-
ity, the more powerful the legisla-
tive and ministerial arm of the
Party.
That is Central Office in Party
Headquarters which will set out to
build the Party, in the same way
that the Foundation Members set
out to build the Movement and
place its Government in power,
and in the same way that the Gov-
ernment, when returned to power,
set out to build the economy and
the cultural life of the country. In
the Government we have been im-
peded by all sorts of hangovers
and by tle squeaking and squawk-
ing of the Opposition. When we
s6t out to build the Party we shall
do anything that we have the vis-
ion to imagine and the will to car-
ry out. Nothing stands in our way
but our own weaknesses.
Our second task is the complete
transformation Of our Party Press.
TRANSFORMATION OF PARTY
PRESS
The Party Press is not good.






The documents presented to this
Convention show that it is finan-
cially in a parlous state, and edi-
torially even worse. The circula-
tion should be at least twice what
it is. Recent improvements not-
withstanding, the need is for a pa-
per so written that it is eagerly
awaited by every literate person in
the population, symbolising the
new West Indies, a concrete mani-
festation of the transition from the
colonialism of the daily press of
the Old World. Our advertising
machinery is hopeless; our depen-
dence on private printing requires
us to conform to such restrictions
as our printers stipulate. First of
all th, Party leadership is to see to
it that we purchase at the earliest
possible moment our own printing
machinery, our own linotype and
all that goes with the publication
of a modern newspaper even
though it is only a weekly.
At once we are going to carry
as soon as we can make the ar-
rangements the Weekly to 16
pages. We do this merely to or-
ganise the staff and the prepara-
tion of the party and public for
what is inevitably the next step.
We give public notice that we pro-
pose in the near future to launch
a public company which will invite
all sections of the public to parti-
Oc;te in order that we should
publish here a dnily paper, a pa-
per devoted to the natitiialist us-
nirations of the West Indian peo-
ple and tlhe people of Triniidlad. a
paper based on the popular democ-
racy.a paper appealing to all good
\Vcst Indians. party Ineinlers or
nut. ; paper of the People for the
Peopl- ly til Po;ple.
Sltt-h a padpr. fu'lilI'ng the Inol


assigned to it in the Party and in
the community, serving our Fed-
eral ncishbours as well as oursel-
ves, requires an Editor who, like
the General Secretary, is in cali-
bre and status on a par with the
Legislative representatives of the
Party. Let me make it quite clear
- the men to fill these two top
posts. General Secretary of the
Party and Editor of the Party pa-
per. must be men who look upon
their tasks as sufficient to occupy
the greatest talents and energies
that they have.
This is what the Party leader-
ship must do. But besides concrete
proposals we have to organise the
education of the Party, because all
these projects we must undertake
would be nothing without a Party
and public educated to take ad-
vantage of the opportunities we
roonse to create. I turn now to
what wo need to set in motion for
the education of the Party.
PARTY EDUCATION
A primary source of education
for PNM members is PNM speech-
es in the Legislature or to the gen-
eral public and the Press Confer-
ences. There are Ministers whose
education and faculty of expressing
themselves are such that some of
their speeches or statements are a
contribution to the general educa-
tion of the Party and the public.
There are certain Ministries whose
function in the community invites
statements ol this kind, such as
for example thi Ministry of Edu-
cation ;md Culture. The Journal-
ists and the Party orators and
speakers will make these ideas and
facts their own. They will trans-
late them into their own language.







They will discover and develop apt
illustrations. They are not sup-
posed to quote these speeches as
if they were quoting from the
Bible. They must, however, use
them as the basis of the approach
to concrete matters. There should
never be any problem for a speak-
er or a journalist when dealing
with fundamental matters such as
the Chaguaramas question, the
Development Programme, the tele-
phone issue, the attitude to the
DLP, etc. In the Bolshevik Party,
where sheer ideas were of infinite-
ly greater importance than they
are in a democratic part), such as
the PNM, the role of Lenin was
above all that of theoretical guide
and source of inspiration. To print
columns of a speech in the Legis-
lature or of a statement at a Press
Conference and then to forget it as
is repeatedly done by the journal-
ists, the educationists and the
others, is a source of graveness to
the Party.
In addition to this, there are the
communications which PNM rep-
resentativeq in legislative bodies
make and should make to the Par-
ty and primarily to their own press.
It is one of the strangest things in
the present function of the Press
that Party leaders or Ministers
seem ready to give interviews and
information to all sections of the
public Press except to their own
Party organ. Just as strange is the
argument that dominated the
Newspaper Convention last year as
to whether Ministers should write
in the party organ.
The PNM speeches or state-
ments should be printed in a spee-
ial section of the Party paper and
if they are of sufficient importance


to be printed in the Partv Press as
a whole, then they should be im-
mediately reprinted in pamphlet
form, so as to be available for dis-
cussion and education.
It is in this way that the ideas
and conceptions that are so impor-
tant in the state of transition ac-
quire cohesion and at differing
levels are disseminated through the
Party organs and publications to
the Party members and to the pub-
lic.
There is one other source df
Party education. The political
leaders of the Party and the Staff
of the Press must be on the alert
for historical pronouncements by
political leaders of other countries
which have attained or are in pro-
cess of attaining independence.
These should be printed in full or
almost in full with matters that are
strictly local pruned away. There
are also classic statements in the
past history of national struggles
which also, on suitable occasions.
should be reprinted.
These constitute the basis of the
education of the Party. All other
talk about education is not only
without any serious basis, it is ac-
tually misleading because it turns
education into some sort of teach-
er and schoolboy relationship
which the Party members and still
more the public will not stand for.
That is the method of political ed-
ucation of a Party and a people in
the process of transition from the
colonial status to the status of in-
dependence. It has to make its
own way, and this is the only way
that it can be done.
Upon the basis outlined above
a structure of education which can







mean something to the Party and
the 'people can be developed.
Similarly a programme for the
internal education of the Party has
to be worked out. This also is a
concrete matter to be done in strict
relation to the concrete circum-
stances. Meanwhile, however,
there are certain tasks which
should be set in motion immediate-
ly.
1) Evenr encouragement should
be given to individuals or groups
to study questions arising from the
general propaganda above or any
question that interests them. After
they have, made their study it
should be possible for them to give
a course or a local seminar, and il
the local seminar is successful, a
regional seminar on the particular
topic which they have studied to
such people as are interested.
2) The Party should immediate-
vl establish a Party Library and be-
gin to import books and from the
Party Headquarters begin a book
service. There are a mass of cheap
books of great educational value
which can be a source not only of
education of the Party, but of in-
come. The experiment should be
begun on a small scale but in com-
bination with the Press and the
general ideas outlined above, it
can rapidly develop until ultimate-
ly a Party bookshop or more than
one is established.
3) In relation to the above there
should be developed a core prim-
arily of young people who act as
researchers and gatherers of infor-
mation for the Political Leader. the
Party leaders in general and the
editorial staff of the paper. These
people are not functiunaries. They


work in their spare time. But such
a core cnt be of immense value to
the Partv ard also in training
themselves f,: more responsible
posts. I pri;p ,e to set up such a
group immcdi -tely.
PNM RECORD
4) It is one of the gravest weak-
nesses of nationalist parties, and
in the West Indies in particular,
that they do not solidify achieve-
ments and establish traditions until
they are in power, and not always.
then.
The PNM must immediately
seek the means to record in a book.
intended for the public in general
its origin, its achievements and its
perspectives. The idea that people
cannot be found to do this is to-
tally false. Together with this
should go a published account of
each Convention, and I hope that
we can begin with a report on this
Third Convention with a historical
summary of its predecessors.
These books are an absolute ne-
cessity for the consolidation and
education of the Movement and
the confounding of its opponents
both at home and abroad. There
will le no difficulty whatever in
getting them to circulate both in
Great Britain and in the United
States. It would be a crime against
the Movement not to begin this at
once. It can have immense effect
in an electoral campaign, and this
should appeal to many.
WEEK-END SCHOOLS
The programme of internal edu-
cation of the Party has, I am glad
to sa.y, now begun in real earnest.
TVo decisive events have talcen
plh'et in hll past month. The first







mean something to the Party and
the 'people can be developed.
Similarly a programme for the
internal education of the Party has
to be worked out. This also is a
concrete matter to be done in strict
relation to the concrete circum-
stances. Meanwhile, however,
there are certain tasks which
should be set in motion immediate-
ly.
1) Evenr encouragement should
be given to individuals or groups
to study questions arising from the
general propaganda above or any
question that interests them. After
they have, made their study it
should be possible for them to give
a course or a local seminar, and il
the local seminar is successful, a
regional seminar on the particular
topic which they have studied to
such people as are interested.
2) The Party should immediate-
vl establish a Party Library and be-
gin to import books and from the
Party Headquarters begin a book
service. There are a mass of cheap
books of great educational value
which can be a source not only of
education of the Party, but of in-
come. The experiment should be
begun on a small scale but in com-
bination with the Press and the
general ideas outlined above, it
can rapidly develop until ultimate-
ly a Party bookshop or more than
one is established.
3) In relation to the above there
should be developed a core prim-
arily of young people who act as
researchers and gatherers of infor-
mation for the Political Leader. the
Party leaders in general and the
editorial staff of the paper. These
people are not functiunaries. They


work in their spare time. But such
a core cnt be of immense value to
the Partv ard also in training
themselves f,: more responsible
posts. I pri;p ,e to set up such a
group immcdi -tely.
PNM RECORD
4) It is one of the gravest weak-
nesses of nationalist parties, and
in the West Indies in particular,
that they do not solidify achieve-
ments and establish traditions until
they are in power, and not always.
then.
The PNM must immediately
seek the means to record in a book.
intended for the public in general
its origin, its achievements and its
perspectives. The idea that people
cannot be found to do this is to-
tally false. Together with this
should go a published account of
each Convention, and I hope that
we can begin with a report on this
Third Convention with a historical
summary of its predecessors.
These books are an absolute ne-
cessity for the consolidation and
education of the Movement and
the confounding of its opponents
both at home and abroad. There
will le no difficulty whatever in
getting them to circulate both in
Great Britain and in the United
States. It would be a crime against
the Movement not to begin this at
once. It can have immense effect
in an electoral campaign, and this
should appeal to many.
WEEK-END SCHOOLS
The programme of internal edu-
cation of the Party has, I am glad
to sa.y, now begun in real earnest.
TVo decisive events have talcen
plh'et in hll past month. The first






is the establishment in the North
East Port-of-Spain Constituency of
PNM's first library. The second is
the organisation by the South East
Port-of-Spain Constituency of
PNM's first week end school, fol-
lowed by the organisation of a sec-
ond school in Diego Martin last
week jointly by the Constituencies
of South East Port-of-Spain, North
East Port-of-Spain and St. George
West.
The programme of the two week
end schools dealt, respectively,
with the West Indies, past, pres-
and and future, and with federa-
tion in various aspects. The schools
drew on PNM's Legislative Group
for the lecturers. The subject of
the third week end school to be
held next month is "Colonialism
and Chaguaramas". Arrangements
have also been made to hold a six
month school of twelve fortnightly
lectures on "The History of the
West Indies."
INTERNATIONAL RELATION
Political education of the party
which is the decisive force in West
Indian nationalism must be inter-
national as wall as national.. The
West Indian Federation is heading
inexorably for independence by
the deadline proposed by PNM at
last year's Convention, April 22,
1960. This will give us responsibil-
ity in the field of foreign policy.
We need to be prepared for this.
Hence the new direction indicated
in the relevant document presented
to this Convention by the Gen-
eral Council's Committee on Exter-
nal Affairs. The party must look
outwards; the national party must
on the achievement of its indepen-
dence be international in outlook.


This involves the USA and Chag-
unramas; Canada and external aid;
Venezuela and the problem of fish-
ermen; the United Kingdom and
the racial problem; the non-British
territories of the Caribbean and the
possibility of a West Indian Com-
mon Market; Ghana, India, Pakis-
tan and China whence we derive
so much of our origins; the study
of parties and party organisation in
various countries. It involves, also
the international ramifications of
our economy GATT, oil,sugar,
bauxite, bananas, citrus, cocoa.
The Institute of International Re-
lations projected by the Committee
will become one of the principal
educational agencies of the Move-
ment.
This is what has to be done and
what is going to be put in motion
by the powerful Central Office we
are going to establish. But this will
be as nothing unless it calls forth
from the party members a new
burst of party activity and partici-
pation in all aspects of party life.
It is with the organisation of the
Party that PNM can genuinely and
truly become a way of life.
The Party must organise itself
to correspond. Two main points
emerge:
(a) Members must not be organ-
ised solely for electoral pur-
poses.
(b) Members must not be edu-
cated solely on programmes
and policies of the Party.
That is the surest way to de-
moralise them.
THE IDEAL PARTY MEMBER
Education and organisation must
constantly bear in mind the fol-








lowing as the ideal Party member:
(a) Every Party Member must
feel hiriself and be seen and
recognized as the centre of
a periphery of citizens or
the members of any organi-
sation in which he finds
himself.
(b) The Party member must be
looked upon as the active
leader in all local progres-
sive causes and nationalist
aspirations. This does not
necessarily mean being in
the leadership although
that is not excluded.
(c) The public must in time get
to recognize the Party menm-
ber as the person most likely
to be well informed on ail
the multitudinous interna-
tional, social and political
questions which are press-
ing on the West Indian pop-
ulation from every side and
to which they want answers.
THE POLITICAL LEADER
To this party organisation that 1
have described the Political Lead-
er has a very clear and special re-
sponsibility.
The first is that, particularly at
the present stage of development.
he is the main source of its ideals
and of its political r-id social-atti-
tudes. He must be free to develop
these, to extend his knowledge in
every sphere, to have at his com-
mand trained and capable collab-
orators and to exercise the all-im-
portant function of presenting
these ideas in a manner that can
be easily assimilated and grasped
by the Party and the public.
As the theoretical leader, he is


the source of inspiration, ideas and
facts and research for journalists,
orators and the innumerable other
individuals and groups who trans-
mit their ideas to the public. The
Party journalists and the Party
orators from the highest to the
lowest take the inspiration and the
structure and tone of their work
from the theoretical leader. Politi-
cal leader and theoretical leader
need not necessarily be one and
the same person. They may be two
or three persons. History is full of
such a natural collaboration of tal-
ents. George Washington from the
beginning to the end was the lead-
er of the American Revolution. He
was soldier and after soldier politi-
cal leader and organiser of the new
state. Yet the fact remains that the
educator of the people in the stage
of transition and afterwards was
Jefferson and, almost on the same
level. Alexander Hamilton, Madi-
son and others in their paper, THE
FEDERALIST.
It is true that the Party jour-
nalists and orators also are the
source of much of the Political
Leader's facts and information and
many ideas. But the grasp of the
whole at any particular time is the
work of the Political Leader of the
Party.
Since the Party paper is the
principal medium of Party educa-
tion, the Political Leader also has
a special responsibility to it. He
should write a weekly article in
the Party paper. He may take up
a historical subject. He may write
on foreign affairs. He may write
on any topic of thb day. The point
is that in this manner he sets the
tone for the Party and through the






Party, the public. At difcult mo-
ments in the life of the Party or
in the life of a country, this can be
of immense value in educating and
lowering or raising the temper of
the Party and the people. This is
not an easy task. It requires that a
special time and much thought be
devoted to it. In certain parties.
this task is performed by some
highly qualified person apart from
the Political Leader like Harold
Laski in the British Labour Party.
Organs like THE TIMES and THE
DAILY TELEGRAPH speak for
the Conservative Party. In the
present stage, of transition in the
West Indies this task cannot be
left to any but the Political Lead-
er of the Party with qualifications
for so doing. This is the general
guide as to what Party members
should be thinking both in general
and on particular matters. This
must be the primary source of
ideas ind attitudes and this is the
axis around which the Party revol-
ves.
All this means that the Political
Lender, who automatically be-
comes Chief Minister when the
Party achieves power, cannot be
part legislator, interviewing consti-
tuents; part Party organiser, super-
vising and reorganising the Party;
part agitator at Party rallies; and
general factotum of the Party edit-
ing reports of the General Coun-
cil to the Convention; and expect-
ed to attend every social function
of every Party group.
Many of the ideas that we have
worked upon in the past and which
are now being put before you. and
others which will be put before
you in the future, are idens which
I have had the good lortutie to uorlk


over and discuss for many years
with some of the finest and most
devoted minds concerned with the
problems of the underdeveloped
countries. Fortune has so willed
it that I have been lifted lyv vou
into a position where these ideas or
some of, them at any rate can be
translated into positive action for
the benefit of our people and as
an example to other citizens of the
world in our situation. I do not in-
tend to shirk that responsibility,
but the experience of the last two
or three years has shown me that
I can only carry it out fully and
make the best of it when my col-
leagues and the Party members
are themselves carrying out the
kind of activity which is the re-
sponsibility of a political organisa-
tion today. What the leadership
puts before you is not only a means
for the Party to impress itself upon
the public as the organisation on
which the future of our society de-
pends; it is also the means by
which those of us to whom von
have given high anid responsible
position will at last be able to
carry out their responsibilities.
This applies to all of us and to me
in particular.

FEDERATION
The task before us. ever\ word
that wee are saying here, every pro-
ject that %we propose, not only air-
ply to Trinidad and Tobagol but
also must affect the Federation of
which we are a part to whose suc-
cess we are committed. Let me
pause for a moment to give you
an example. In our paper of 16
Ipagcs we should print in every
issce a supplement which we
would call the Federalist. That is






the way in which we approach
these porblems. We hope to learn
from what our fellow members of
the Federation are doing. We hope
also to set an example which they
will follow with profit and with
pride. PNM's Legislative Croup is
already well advanced with a de-
tailed study of the Federal Consti-
tution as the basis of constitution-
al amendments which it will pro-
pose to the WIFLP preparatory to
the constitutional conference to
give the West Indies Dominion
Status by the deadline fixed at our
Convention last year, April 22,
1960.
PARTY FINANCE
Party organisation, Party press,
Party education these are impos-
sible without Party finance. With-
out Party funds, all of my funda-
mental thesis is so much hot air.
Without the theoretical founda-
tion, the raising of funds would be,
at best to build up an electoral
machine, at worst sheer adventur-
ism.
A Party Headquarters, a Party
linotype machine to print not only
the paper but also Party pamph-
lets, cards and forms and circulars
- these cost money. The Party
needs also to provide for automo-
bile transportation, loudspeakers,
and a propaganda van equipped
not only with loud speaker but also
with literature, tape recorder and
mimeographing machine.
PARTY DEVELOPMENT
PROGRAMME
The Treasurer, when his turn
comes, will present to you the first
Party budget and indicate to you


that the Party membership must
finance its own organisation. I am
dealing however with extraordin-
ary as distinct from recurrent ex-
penditure. Over and above the
Treasurer's Budget, I present to
you the Party's Development Pro-
gramme to match the Govern-
ment's Development Programme.
His theme and mine are the same:
The Party must systematically ed-
ucate its members and the public
in the conception that, instead of
the Old World of politics where
their votes were bought and their
minds enslaved, in the New World
of education which emancipates
they must bear the main financial
responsibility for an independent
political organisation.
"De doctah say to pay as you
earn,
PNM say you paying to
learn."
I propose as an arbitrary figure
a Development Programme to cost
$100,000 a year and to begin with
the acquisition of land for the
Party Headquarters and the pur-
chase of a linotype machine. This
represents less than $5 per PNM
member, less than $1 per PNM
voter. The masses, and the middle
classes for that matter, are more
impressed by acts and facts than
electoral speeches. A Development
Programme of this kind carried out
in this way is a gigantic political
act. It must be an annual affair.
That is what is in political parties
abroad. When, however, for say
two years, the headquarters have
been built, a printing press bought,
the Party newspaper developed to
16 pages, perhaps appearing twice
a week, then, upon the basis of
these successes, a public company






the way in which we approach
these porblems. We hope to learn
from what our fellow members of
the Federation are doing. We hope
also to set an example which they
will follow with profit and with
pride. PNM's Legislative Croup is
already well advanced with a de-
tailed study of the Federal Consti-
tution as the basis of constitution-
al amendments which it will pro-
pose to the WIFLP preparatory to
the constitutional conference to
give the West Indies Dominion
Status by the deadline fixed at our
Convention last year, April 22,
1960.
PARTY FINANCE
Party organisation, Party press,
Party education these are impos-
sible without Party finance. With-
out Party funds, all of my funda-
mental thesis is so much hot air.
Without the theoretical founda-
tion, the raising of funds would be,
at best to build up an electoral
machine, at worst sheer adventur-
ism.
A Party Headquarters, a Party
linotype machine to print not only
the paper but also Party pamph-
lets, cards and forms and circulars
- these cost money. The Party
needs also to provide for automo-
bile transportation, loudspeakers,
and a propaganda van equipped
not only with loud speaker but also
with literature, tape recorder and
mimeographing machine.
PARTY DEVELOPMENT
PROGRAMME
The Treasurer, when his turn
comes, will present to you the first
Party budget and indicate to you


that the Party membership must
finance its own organisation. I am
dealing however with extraordin-
ary as distinct from recurrent ex-
penditure. Over and above the
Treasurer's Budget, I present to
you the Party's Development Pro-
gramme to match the Govern-
ment's Development Programme.
His theme and mine are the same:
The Party must systematically ed-
ucate its members and the public
in the conception that, instead of
the Old World of politics where
their votes were bought and their
minds enslaved, in the New World
of education which emancipates
they must bear the main financial
responsibility for an independent
political organisation.
"De doctah say to pay as you
earn,
PNM say you paying to
learn."
I propose as an arbitrary figure
a Development Programme to cost
$100,000 a year and to begin with
the acquisition of land for the
Party Headquarters and the pur-
chase of a linotype machine. This
represents less than $5 per PNM
member, less than $1 per PNM
voter. The masses, and the middle
classes for that matter, are more
impressed by acts and facts than
electoral speeches. A Development
Programme of this kind carried out
in this way is a gigantic political
act. It must be an annual affair.
That is what is in political parties
abroad. When, however, for say
two years, the headquarters have
been built, a printing press bought,
the Party newspaper developed to
16 pages, perhaps appearing twice
a week, then, upon the basis of
these successes, a public company






seeking to raise a million dollars
for the publication of a daily pa-
per can be launched. It is because
the public has seen for the previ-
ous two years (or perhaps only one
year) that the Party is able to car-.,
rv out a tremendous programme,
.tterly' independent of the Legisla-
ture and Government, that it will
be willing to subscribe.
I am posing these problems to
you as the question of the organiz-
ation of tl-. Party. We intend to
make the public of Trinidad and
Tobago, the West Indies and the
whole world understand that the
PNM simply proposes to lead the
way in the political life of the
country and as a force in every
section of social life. But in so
doing we are not merely pursuing
party interests. We are pursuing
party interests, yes, and in a mo-
ment I shall let those whom we
are going to pursue know how this
is going to affect them. But in
reality we are laying the only
sound foundation for- democracy' in
these islands of ours. There is and
there can be no other foundation,
but a development along the lines
that we began two years ago and
are now carrying to a higher stage.
There are many thinking people,
both on the right and on the left,
who know how serious a problem
it will be to establish democracy
in these parts once the colonial
system has finally departed. Look
at the whole of Latin America and
you will see how difficult it is. This
is the way to solve that problem.
We do not only propose to do this"
for positive reasons. This is the
way to finish once and for all with
that figment of an Opposition
which day after day on every issue


shows itself the main obstacle to
material progress and intellectual
understanding in our country.
WHAT THE DLP OFFERS
This is our programme We have
to fight them and expose their
bankruptcy. This is our programme
and everybody knows now that
what the PNM says the PNM
strains every nerve to carry out.
Lodk at the Opposition. What have
,they to offer? In what way do
they propose to lead the West Iq-
dian people to independence and
a fuller democracy? In four ways.
First, by Government of re-
wards, for rewards, by rewards, of
personal appeals to individual
problems, demonstrating the petty
concerns of pettier minds. Cenera-
tions of neglect and poverty com-
bined with the emergence of stand-
pipe politicians symbolic of paro-
chialism and individualism neces-
sarily expose the community to the
complex that has been bred of con-
centration on purely local issues,
small points and the demand for
and expectation of handouts-Mrs.
X's drain at the back of her house,
Mr. Y's petition' for reconsidera-
tion of his rejected petition twen-
ty years ago, the personal problems
of Annabella, Johnson and Doro-
thy, one wanting Zephyr motor-
car, one wanting piece of land. To
stoop to this in order to conquer,
to fight the DLP with DLP wea-
pons, to challenge colonialism in
order to enthrone individual ma-
terialism, to belittle West Indian
nationalism by the concentration
on a gigantic election machine
riddled with intrigues for nomina-
tion and lobbying for favours -
that is to approximate PNM to







DLP. PNM's must be a higher
destiny, a nobler calling, a graver
responsibility.
What does DLP offer in the sec-
ond place? The continued domina-
tion o(f Rig Business which feels
at home with standpipe politics,
opposes constitution reform, and
looks for security to an outside ar-
bitrator with armed forces not
subject to local control
FOREIGN SUBJECTION
DLP's third proposal for leading
the West Indian people to inde-
pendence and a fuller democracy
is by keeping us in subjection to a
foreign power. This is not a prob-
lem limited to Trinidad and To-
bago and to the West Indies. The
existence of the so called Loyal-
ists in Northern Ireland associated
with the United Kingdom has for
generations strengthened colonial-
ism in Ireland and strangled the
Irish Nationalist Movement for an
independent Irish Free State. The
Parliamentary opposition in Can-
ada for decades carried on a pro-
tracted struggle against Canadian
federation and the establishment
of an independent Canadian State.
preferring instead to be an Ameri-
can satellite annexed to the power-
ful United States of America. We
face a similar situation here in
Trinidad and Tobago in respect of
Chaguaramas, where it is now
quite obvious that the DLP will
play America's game and where
the legitimate nationalist move-
ment for ownership of its soil and
for the moral right to independ-
ence in foreign affairs finds itself
locked in conflict with an opposi-
tion party ready to sell out half


of Trinidad for a few pieces of
silver if only it can be guaranteed
in its possession of the other half.
RACIALISM
The DLP's fourth offering is ra-
cialism. To our programme of in-
dependence and democracy, they
oppose what is called "the Indian
vote." There are a lot of people
who always speak about "the In-
dians" and sometimes that kind of
phrase gets away from you. But in
our thoughts we must not do the
Indian people the gross injustice
of believing or even pretending to
believe that those Indians who
claim to speak in their name are
their genuine political leaders. The
1956 election showed that a large
section of the population was wait-
ing for people to come forward so
that they would turn their backs
on those who had led them or mis-
represented them for so many
years. Let us do our work as we
should. Let us reorganise this par-
ty. Let us show the whole popula-
tion Africans, Indians, Chinese,
Europeans, Syrians what a dem-
ocratic party is and can be. Al-
ready we have some of the finest
Indians in the country in our ranks.
In every constituency you will find
them. As we build and develop,
the genuine Indian leadership will
emerge and we will meet it with
outstretched hands, as Nehru's
hands arc outstretched to assist
antd to welcome West Indian dem-
ocracy and nationalism as exempli-
fled by the PNM.
ELECTIONS
I have not said a word so far
about elections, and it may appear
that I have disregarded electoral







DLP. PNM's must be a higher
destiny, a nobler calling, a graver
responsibility.
What does DLP offer in the sec-
ond place? The continued domina-
tion o(f Rig Business which feels
at home with standpipe politics,
opposes constitution reform, and
looks for security to an outside ar-
bitrator with armed forces not
subject to local control
FOREIGN SUBJECTION
DLP's third proposal for leading
the West Indian people to inde-
pendence and a fuller democracy
is by keeping us in subjection to a
foreign power. This is not a prob-
lem limited to Trinidad and To-
bago and to the West Indies. The
existence of the so called Loyal-
ists in Northern Ireland associated
with the United Kingdom has for
generations strengthened colonial-
ism in Ireland and strangled the
Irish Nationalist Movement for an
independent Irish Free State. The
Parliamentary opposition in Can-
ada for decades carried on a pro-
tracted struggle against Canadian
federation and the establishment
of an independent Canadian State.
preferring instead to be an Ameri-
can satellite annexed to the power-
ful United States of America. We
face a similar situation here in
Trinidad and Tobago in respect of
Chaguaramas, where it is now
quite obvious that the DLP will
play America's game and where
the legitimate nationalist move-
ment for ownership of its soil and
for the moral right to independ-
ence in foreign affairs finds itself
locked in conflict with an opposi-
tion party ready to sell out half


of Trinidad for a few pieces of
silver if only it can be guaranteed
in its possession of the other half.
RACIALISM
The DLP's fourth offering is ra-
cialism. To our programme of in-
dependence and democracy, they
oppose what is called "the Indian
vote." There are a lot of people
who always speak about "the In-
dians" and sometimes that kind of
phrase gets away from you. But in
our thoughts we must not do the
Indian people the gross injustice
of believing or even pretending to
believe that those Indians who
claim to speak in their name are
their genuine political leaders. The
1956 election showed that a large
section of the population was wait-
ing for people to come forward so
that they would turn their backs
on those who had led them or mis-
represented them for so many
years. Let us do our work as we
should. Let us reorganise this par-
ty. Let us show the whole popula-
tion Africans, Indians, Chinese,
Europeans, Syrians what a dem-
ocratic party is and can be. Al-
ready we have some of the finest
Indians in the country in our ranks.
In every constituency you will find
them. As we build and develop,
the genuine Indian leadership will
emerge and we will meet it with
outstretched hands, as Nehru's
hands arc outstretched to assist
antd to welcome West Indian dem-
ocracy and nationalism as exempli-
fled by the PNM.
ELECTIONS
I have not said a word so far
about elections, and it may appear
that I have disregarded electoral







DLP. PNM's must be a higher
destiny, a nobler calling, a graver
responsibility.
What does DLP offer in the sec-
ond place? The continued domina-
tion o(f Rig Business which feels
at home with standpipe politics,
opposes constitution reform, and
looks for security to an outside ar-
bitrator with armed forces not
subject to local control
FOREIGN SUBJECTION
DLP's third proposal for leading
the West Indian people to inde-
pendence and a fuller democracy
is by keeping us in subjection to a
foreign power. This is not a prob-
lem limited to Trinidad and To-
bago and to the West Indies. The
existence of the so called Loyal-
ists in Northern Ireland associated
with the United Kingdom has for
generations strengthened colonial-
ism in Ireland and strangled the
Irish Nationalist Movement for an
independent Irish Free State. The
Parliamentary opposition in Can-
ada for decades carried on a pro-
tracted struggle against Canadian
federation and the establishment
of an independent Canadian State.
preferring instead to be an Ameri-
can satellite annexed to the power-
ful United States of America. We
face a similar situation here in
Trinidad and Tobago in respect of
Chaguaramas, where it is now
quite obvious that the DLP will
play America's game and where
the legitimate nationalist move-
ment for ownership of its soil and
for the moral right to independ-
ence in foreign affairs finds itself
locked in conflict with an opposi-
tion party ready to sell out half


of Trinidad for a few pieces of
silver if only it can be guaranteed
in its possession of the other half.
RACIALISM
The DLP's fourth offering is ra-
cialism. To our programme of in-
dependence and democracy, they
oppose what is called "the Indian
vote." There are a lot of people
who always speak about "the In-
dians" and sometimes that kind of
phrase gets away from you. But in
our thoughts we must not do the
Indian people the gross injustice
of believing or even pretending to
believe that those Indians who
claim to speak in their name are
their genuine political leaders. The
1956 election showed that a large
section of the population was wait-
ing for people to come forward so
that they would turn their backs
on those who had led them or mis-
represented them for so many
years. Let us do our work as we
should. Let us reorganise this par-
ty. Let us show the whole popula-
tion Africans, Indians, Chinese,
Europeans, Syrians what a dem-
ocratic party is and can be. Al-
ready we have some of the finest
Indians in the country in our ranks.
In every constituency you will find
them. As we build and develop,
the genuine Indian leadership will
emerge and we will meet it with
outstretched hands, as Nehru's
hands arc outstretched to assist
antd to welcome West Indian dem-
ocracy and nationalism as exempli-
fled by the PNM.
ELECTIONS
I have not said a word so far
about elections, and it may appear
that I have disregarded electoral






victories. That is not so. What I
have been trying to convey is that
voters are more impressed by acts
and facts, by vision and perspec-
tives, than by electoral speeches.
The finest speeches, electoral or
otherwise, will not build a party or
win elections, as we learned from
the huge midnight audiences I ad-
dressed in Arima, Tunapuna, San
Fernando and Point Fortin in the
Federal Elections and in Sangre
Grande in the resultant by-elec-
tion. The basis of electoral suc-
cesses is a party that is active in its
own right in all sorts of political
and social projects a party
which (a) provides an opportunity
for the Party membership to give
of its best and attract the best; (b)
educates the masses and the middle
classes to see politics and the Party
as something else besides elections
and Government handout; (c) con-
vinces the general public as a
whole that it is an instrument fit
to govern so that they follow it in
the need to create a society built
on new instead of colonialist foun-
dations.
All political experience shows
that in a period like the present
people are ready to follow and
make great efforts, even sacrifices,
only when great ideas are placed
before them and great efforts are
demanded of them.
Furthermore, it is a vigorous
political party, penetrating on its
own independent basis all sorts of
social activities and obviously the
force upon which the new country
depends, it is this which most im-
presses foreign capital and foreign
Governments foreign capital, be-
cause it wants above all to see


some force that is capable of keep-
ing order; foreign Governments be-
cause with all their faults they
want to see democracy flourishing
in the colonial countries and in the
final analysis respect a people who
have thrown off the yoke of servil-
ity and emancipated themselves by
their own peaceful but irresistible
efforts.
THE PERSONALITY OF PNM
These are the perspectives for
our Party which I hold out to you
at this our Third Annual Conven7
tion. These -are the opportunities
which beckon to you, urging you
to emulate the Congress Party of
India, the Convention People's Par-
ty of Ghana, to blaze the trail for
your West Indian affiliates ending
in your own Conference of Inde-
pendent Caribbean States-as inde-
pendence in Asia and Africa has
produced the Asian Conference,
the Conference of Independent
African States, and the Bandung
Conference. That is the destiny
which awaits you an indepen-
dent West Indian foreign policy,
independent West Indian repre-
sentation in the United Nations.
That is the responsibility with
which, as Political Leader, I charge
you the responsibility of creating
and writing the history of a free
people. I say to you, you are PNM,
and upon this rock we will build
the edifice of West Indian national-
ism, and the gates of reaction will
not prevail against it.


Printed for the PNM Publishing Co., Ltd.,
87 Queen St., Port-of-Spain.
by the College Press.




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