• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Main
 Back Matter














Group Title: The approach of independence : an address to the Fourth Annual Convention of the People's National Movement.
Title: The approach of independence
CITATION PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00003585/00001
 Material Information
Title: The approach of independence an address to the Fourth Annual Convention of the People's National Movement
Physical Description: 23 p. : ;
Language: English
Creator: Williams, Eric Eustace, 1911-
Publisher: s.n.
Place of Publication: Port-of-Spain?
Publication Date: 1960]
 Subjects
Subject: Nationalism -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Trinidad and Tobago
 Notes
General Note: Cover title.
General Note: "Published by decision of the fourth annual covention of the People's National Movement."
Funding: Eric Williams Memorial Collection
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00003585
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 001066065
oclc - 13494567
notis - AFF0190

Table of Contents
    Main
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
    Back Matter
        Page 24
Full Text




The Approach of

Independence


Address to the Fourth Annual

Convention


The dominant note in international politics, as this our Fourth
Annual Convention convenes, is national independence. Each year
more and more countries announce the date of their independence.
Cameroons, Somaliland, Belgian Congo. Cyprus. Nigeria will all be
added this year to the large family of nations. It has recently been
announced that Sierra Leone is working towards the same goal for
next year, and it Is certain that the Algerian question will in the
very near future have to be solved the way the Algerians wish it to
be solved.
Everyone is doing it, doing it. doing it-everyone except the
West Indies. The outside world cannot understand it. especially the
former colonies .which are now independent nations. I received two
days ago the following telegram from Prime Minister Nkrumah in
reply to my telegram congratulating him on Ghana's Independence
Day on March 6:
"ERIC WILLIAMS PREMIER OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
PORT-OF-SPAIN TRINIDAD ON BEHALF OF THE, GOVERN-
MENT AND PEOPLE OF GHANA AND ON MY OWN BEHALF -t
THANK YOU COMMA THE GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE
OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO FOR CONGRATULATIONS
AND GOOD WISHES ON THE OCCASION OF THE
THIRD ANNIVERSARY OF OUR INDEPENDENCE STOP WE
GREATLY APPRECIATE THE PP' n YOU FFEL FOR OUR
AcHIEVFMENTS AND THE EXPRESSION OF FRATERNAL
LOVE WE HEARTILY RECIPROCATE YOUR SENTIMENTS AND
WI YH YOuT FPVERY SULICESS IN Volion Tsrlr-t.1 p ROD AM
INfEPFNnPAIT FRDERATFD WEST INDIES CTOP Wr SEND
OUR REST WISHES FOR YOUR PERSONAL WF.LL RING AND
THE PROSPERITY AND HAPPINESS OF YOUR PEOPLE.
KWAME NKRUMAH PRIME MINISTER OF GHANA"
The West Indies finds itself in 1960 in the same position on the
international stage as Trinidad and Tobago found itself in 1956 on
the West Indian stage-at the very bottom of the political ladder. We
have a Prime Minister but he has no status. Not only has he been







excluded on the invitation list to the Conference of Pr.me Ministers
in early May, but a Reucers report from London a few days ago
excluded him from the list of Prime Ministers who are invited to
attend the Royal wedding.
This is not an insult to the Prime Minister. It is an insult to the
people of the West Indies, whose Federal Government is excluded
from policy making circles-because it is not independent, because it
is dependent.
There are three principal explanations of this state of affairs. It
is necessary for us of the PNM in particular to understand them as
we approach our independence, so that we can hasten our indepen-
dence-for any insult to the West Indies includes insult to the PNM,
any continued dependence of the West Indies threatens PNM's demand
for Independence.
The explanations are historical, rooted in the history of the West
Indies and the long period of metropolitan domination.
The first is that it was deliberate metropolitan policy to exclude
the West Indies, the earliest colonies in the modern world, from the
metropolitan political system and ideas. The policy was to treat the
West Indies differently. Let me illustrate this from the recommen-
dations of five West Indian Qovernors at different periods.
The first is Columbus, the first Spanish Governor-General, who ten
years after the discovery, in seeking to exculpate himself from
es of mal-administration preferred against him, claimed that he.
t ernor of underdeveloped, unsettled areas, was being judged
ere a governor of a highly developed settlement in Europe.
ond is Christopher Codrington, Governor of the British
eAH Islands towards the end of the seventeenth century, who
'FPA ded simply that the West Indian colonies be treated as
.Military rule, no constitutions, no political institutions-
as Cdtrington's recipe.
The third is Fenelon, French Governor of Martinique in the
middle of the eighteenth century- Feneloin confessed that he had
come to the West Indies with European prejudices of social organ-
Isations. After his sojourn in Martinique he was convinced that the
Negroes should be kept in the most profound ignorance and treated
like beasts.
The fourth is Lord Harris, Governor of Trinidad a little over a
hundred years ago, when thousands of immigrants from Africa and
India were being imported annually. Lord Harris' recommendation
was this: "they are not, neither Africans nor Coolies, fit to be placed
In a position which the labourers of civilised countries may at once
occupy. They must be treated like children-and wayward ones, too."
The fifth, finally, is Eyre of Jamaica who, just under a hundred
years ago, faced a peasant rebellion in Jamaica for land. Eyre was
convinced that the Negroes of Jamaica could not be dealt with as the








peasantry in Europe, and that a rebellion in Jama.ca was something
different from a rebellion in Europe. He therefore advocated and
sanctioned the most brutal measures of repression.
These five governors in West Indian history at different periods,
whatever their nationality, are the prototypes of the 20th century
governors who, on the first suspicion of disaffection, send for a
metropolitan cruiser.
The West Indies have grown up under such tutelage and control.
The Colonial Office of 1960, admittedly, is not the Colonial Office of
1939. It has learned much from Gandhi and Nehru, Nkrumah and
Azikiwe, and other nationalist leaders. The trouble is that it seems
unable in its attitude to the West Indies to emancipate itself from
the mentality which has dominated it for so long. Perhaps some of
the fault for this lies at our uwn door. A prominent Colonial Office
official in Washington recently greeted Mr. O'Halloran with these
words: "I see you fellows down in the West Indies are doine your best
to keep the Colonial Office open.'
The second explanation of West Indan political backwardness in
respect to the world movement for national Independence springs
from the first. During the long period of metropolitan control the
West Indian territories have been nothing more than pawns on the
international chessboard on which empires contested for supremacy.
The West Indies were the cockpit of Europe. Even though peace
prevailed in Europe, there was, as the saying went some centuries
ago, no peace below the line, that is to say, in th'e West Indies. The
West Indies were fortresses, bastions, outposts of empire protecting
metropolitan trade roles. They changed hands and flags frequently;
with few exceptions they were, as a British Guiana wag once put it
speaking of British Guiana, constantly in-a state of betweenity. One
day you belonged to somebody; the next day, you learned, some weeks.
later, as a result of some Ireaty signed in some benighted spot in
Europe, you were leased or ceded or transferred or bartered or sold.
to somebody else.
The U.S.A., emancipated from the very colonialism which
strangled the West Indies, saw the West Indies as its natural colonies
and concocted the Monroe Doctrine to suit. Puerto Rico changed
hands from Spain to the U.S.A. in 1898 as Jamaica had changed from
Spain to Great Britain in 1855. Cuba, emancipating herself from
Spanish colonialism in 1898, found itself subjected to a United States
protectorate in 1903 under which it could borrow no money -from any
foreign power without the consent of the U.S.A., bound itself to
accept U.S. intervention in domestic affairs, and ceded Guantanamo
Bay without a time limit to the U.S.A.
So it has been since 1492-for over four and a half centuries. You
come and see in the West Indies and you conquer, cede, sell or buy
as if it was a citrus plantation, not an island of so many thousand
people with such and such political institutions and such and such
political aspirations. Familiarity breeds contempt; bad habits die









hard; and the long tradition of metropolitan equation of the West
Indies with naval bases and military outposts subserving metropolitan
interests dominates metropolitan attitudes today with respect to the
independence of the West Indies.
The third explanation of the metropolitan attitude to the West
Indies is that the political domination and economic stranglehold
found their intellectual justification which permeated the universities
and influenced the expatriate bureaucrats who maintained the empire
overseas. The justification is most shameless in the work of the British
literary apologists of the 19th century like Trollope, Carlyle and
Froude who despised the emancipated slaves, deemed them lazy,
condemned them as unfit for self-government, and proclaimed that
the West Indies would never be able to govern themselves like the
white colonies. So that when the rebellion occurred in Jamaica in
1885, Britain took away the self-governing institutions from Jamaica
and made it a crown colony. .Tust as Puerto Rico's self governing
constitution granted by Spain in 1897. was taken away by the U.S.A.
in 1898; just as British Guiana's constitution was taken away in 1953
and the nominated system substituted; just as the Prefect of Guade-
loupe in 1953 suspended the Conseil General and instituted arbitrary
rule.
Four and a half centuries of metropolitan control would weigh
like an alp in the political sense on the head of any country. They
weighed equally, however, on Ireland. so that the time factor must
not be exaggerated. But it must not be minimised. The other colonial
areas of the world have been somewhat more fortunate than the West
Indies. One hundred years of imperialist rivalry over the Suez Canal,
seventy-five years of British hegemony in the Gold Coast, sixty years
of British control of Nigeria, a century and a quarter of French rule
in Algeria, made it impossible for imperialist attitudes to harden and
crystallise to a similar extent as in the West Indies. From another
angle, the vast size of India or Indonesia reduced metropolitan over-
lordship to a control at the lop hardly touching directly or visible to
the millions of peasants at the bottom; the West Indies. by contrast.
are so small that colonialism was something you touched, saw. heard
and felt every day everywhere.
All these other victims of imperialism have had decisive advan.
tages over the West Indies. They had a language of their own. a cul-
ture of their own. a religion of their own. a philosophy of their own
as in India, a family structure of their own as in Ghana, a sense of
values of their own which they could oppose to western Imperialism.
We in the West Indies have nothing of our own-a few artifacts and
place names are all that rcmai f ,Ah aboriginal civilisation. We are
a people transplanted in SiV rfto trafisplanted crop and we
have remained political a 's of 1t: tropolitan economy whose
economic interests we r .linvenlcd rve. We have become in
the Martiniquan saying fnoir, masqi e lance a black skin with







a white mask, a European culture in an Afro-Asian environment.
Thus we have the absurdities of the Haitian Court with its Duke of
Marmalade and Count of Lemonade. Thus we have Little England. Thus
we have overseas citoyen francais in Martinique and Guadeloupe,
whose black children recite the French textbook, "our ancestors had
blond hair and blue eyes."
That is our history. That is our heritage. That is our dilemma.
Where do We go from here? Backwards never or forward ever. Back
to colonialism or on to independence? There is no standing still, no
middle way.
None at least for the PNM. The conflict of two worlds in which
we engaged in 1956 in the insular setting, that is the very conflict in
which we are now engaged in 1960 in the federal setting.
This is our year of decision, 1960. There is. only one issue to decide
-independence; an independent Federal Government for our new
Wpst Indian nation,
What does independence mean?
It means first and foremost a strong Federal Government, with
some capacity, however small, for self-defence and independent in
its external relations. In other words, it means Chaguaramas. Chag-
uaramas is the principal head of the hydra of colonialism. We are not
independent if we accept that Agreement imposed on us when we
were colonials. We are not independent if we alloQ Anglo-American
policy to ram down our throat an interpretation of an official report
of the Joint Commission which' we do not share or a unilateral under-
taking to consider review of the Agreement after, "say, ten years."
Such an undertaking is nothing short of imperialist impertinence.
We do not have to accept any undertaking at'all. Independence, unless
it is a sham and an imposture, means a clean slate, the throwing off
of the burdens imposed on us by the imperialist power. If there is to
be any agreement at all, if there is to be any recognition of agree-
ments made before independence, those agreelnents must be reached
freely, with us as active and equal participants. Especially an agree-
ment, like Chaguaramas, involving the stationing of foreign troops
for 80 years more on our soil. Especially an agreement, like Chagua-
ramas which involves the use of our soil for experiments and for
purposes which our population will never accept. Especially an
agreement, like Chaguaramas, which exposes us to immediate and
direct participation in the nuclear orbit and to the retaliation that
that will almost certainly evoke. Independence means the right, the
inalienable and indestructible right, as in India, as in Ghana, to
determine our own alignment in the international power struggle,
even to the point of avoiding any attachment whatsoever. If the site
of our Federal Capital were London, Washington or Tierra del Fuego,
Chaguaramas would still remain the crux of West Indian nationalism.
the symbol of West Indian independence.
Independence, secondly, means a national government equipped
with the necessary powers to promote the national economic interest







and develop the national economy. Any power less than that is less
than the power any Federation has, and any Federal Government
bereft of this power lacks the wherewithal and the status for inde-
pendence. The integration of the national economy which is here in.
evolved means particularly the right of goods and persons to move as
freely throughout the Federal area as they now move freely within
each territory. It means the establishment of one integrated common
Federal market, presenting a united front to the outside world, in
much the same way as each territorial market now does. Jump high,
jump low, like it or not-that is Federation and nothing else is Fed-
eration. If you don'L want Federation O.K.: then don't have the com-
mon market. But if you want Federation, you must have the common
market. You can't have your cake and qat it.
And it is a whole cake or no cake at all. You can't accord freedom
of persons to move whilst you have restriction on goods. The reverse
is also true-you can't expect the economic laws of costs and viability
to apply without permitting the people who have to buy the goods
for which one area is particularly suited from coming to that area to
participate actively in that economic expansion which the economic
laws facilitate. Either alternative denies economic integration and
compromises the federal principle. If political or other considerations
dictate a cautious approach to the question of economic integration.
if customs union and freedom of movement of goods are to be delayed
or their achievement phased, then it must be clearly understood that
freedom of movement of persons goes pari pass with freedom of
movement of goods.
In the third place independence for the West Indies means full
internal self-government for the Unit Territories. It is manifestly im-
possible to have the whole independent and the part dependent. The
Federal system of Government means two spheres of sovereignty-
in the one the Federal Government is supreme, in the other the Ter-
ritorial Government is supreme. But the overall responsibility for the
presPrvatinn of law and order, constitutional guarantees, and the
rights of minorities is the Federal Government's. Therefore such re-
serve powers as are necessary belong to the Federal Government.
Appointments to Territorial governorships, insofar as these Continue
to burden our territorial budgets, must be made by the Federal Gov.
ernment
Finally, independence means the education of our people--educa-
tion in the formal sense of school and university education to provide
the technical, professional and administrative skills we need for inde-
pendence, as well as education in the political sense, education for
better performance of our civic duties and for our twentieth century
democracy. The great basic weakness of our Federation is that, except
in Trinidad and Tobago, federation is not understood in the constitu.
ent territories-and it is not understood because the political parties
have not explained it to the people. Nor have they explained inde-
pendence.








This, then, is the meaning of independence-a strong Federal
Government, the development of a national economy, internal auton-
omy for the Unit Territories, and the education of the people.
The approach to independence places a heavy responsibility on
Trinidad and Tobago in general and on the PNM in particular. It is
we of the PNM who have raised the fundamentals of independence.
It is we of the PNM of Trinidad and Tobago who are best equipped,
economically, to challenge the old dispensation and to break out of
the leading strings we have inherited. And it is we of the PNM who
have to face the most bitter, savage, malicious and relentless attacks
of the forces of evil and reaction against the standard bearers of
progress and enlightenment. Let me develop these three points one
by one.
First, it is we of the PNM who have raised the fundamentals of
independence- The fight is being waged on two fronts-the Colonial
Office and the State Department. In both cases it is total war against
colonialism. Three principal issues are involved-constitution reform,
Chaguaramas, and the concept of federation.
On constitution reform the facts are well known. The Colonial
Office, with its customary gaucherie, still acts in terms of progress in
small doses, differentiating between territories, and seeking every
little avenue to deny what is undeniable and delay what is inevitable.
Having moved heaven and earth to build up the apple of their eye,
their conception of the good colonial. Albert Gomes, they find them-
selves in the light of recent developments with respect to the
Chamber of Commerce's endorsement of the Second Chamber com-
pletely out on a limb. The DLP ha? repudiated Gomes, Manley has
castigated the Colonial Office. All that the Colonial Office can muster
to their aid is the silence of the Federal Government and the support
of the Trinidad Guardiant
We must be careful that Colonial Office blindness does not blind
us to the realities of the problem. The fundamental reality is Colonial
Office inability to recognize the signs of the times. One example is
their resistance to th. PNM proposal that the Governor must be
anpointed on the advice of the Cabinet. We did not even say the
Governor must be a Trinidadian. or Tobagonian or West Indian. We
left it open to the Cabinet to recommend someone from the Common-
wealth. an Australian or Canadian or Indian or West African, or even
an Englishman, as Nkrumah chose for his first five years.
What was the Colonial Office reason? That the PNM claim is one
associated with independent countries.
But if Trinidad and Tobago are to be a part of a Federation. and
that Federation is. as PNM insists, to be independent, then the Gov-
ernor of Trinidad and Tobann will be appointed by the Federal Gov-
prnment on the advice of the Trinidad and Tobago Government. The
only reasonable conclusion to be drawn from the Colonial Office
attitude is that it does not anticipate the early emergence of an
independent Federation and that it expects colonialism to continue in







Trinidad and Tobago. Thus we have heard a lot of foolish talk aboul
the Governor designate being the best man, etc. Of course he is the
best man. But best man or no he would not have had the chance of
a snowball in hell twenty, ten, five years before the PNM, just as none
of the many best men of this country have had.
The simple fact of the matter is that almost two years ago, the
Governor designate, in the presence of the Governor, Pat Solomon
and John O'Halloran, as we were all discussing future constitution
reform, with particular reference to the abolition of his post of Chief
Secretary, asked me whether he could be allowed to retire ahead of
time. This was my reply to him: "Solo, I am surprised at you. I shall
agree to no such thing. When you should be talking of crowning your
long career, you are talking of resigning. You are to be the next
Governor of Trinidad and Tobago." And so he is. And so he was bound
to be. Because the highest posts in the Territory will be open to our
own people.
The Colonial Office similarly fussed about reserve powers. fussed
about assent to bills, fussed about Governor's discretion, fussed about
amendment of the constitution, fussed about control of the Police
Force. It claimed that only sovereign states can amend their constitu-
tion and that PNM's claim contradicted some imperial act of 1889. But
we don't live in 1889, and the Federation if it is to survive at all,
must be a sovereign state. Acts of Parliament have been repealed
before, and suitable arrangements can be made even before this Act
is repealed. Not even the Colonial Office could claim reserve powers
over a Unit Territory of an independent Federation.
The Colonial Office does not seem to understand that the very
phrase "independent Federation", means the automatic elimination of
the Colonial Office itself from West Indian affairs and the substitution
of the Commonwealth Relations Office-and this only at Federal level.
The Colonial Office does not seem to understand that the very phrase,
"independent Federation", means that we do not deal with the
Secretary of State for the Colonies, we do not even deal with the
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. Our Prime Minister can look
forward to meeting the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom at the
biennial conferences of Prime Ministers and at weddings. The West
Indian Prime Minister will deal directly with Her Majesty the Queen
and advise her directly on West Indian matters.
Again the only conclusion, therefore, that can be drawn from the
attitude of the Colonial Office is that it does not envisage the early
attainment of independence by the Federation.
If the Colonial Office does not, the PNM does, and in the final
analysis what counts is power. How many divisions does the Pope
have? Stalin asked contemptuously when threatened with the Pope's
intervention. The British Government has many divisions, but dares
not use them. Trinidad and Tobago in 1960 is not Jamaica in 1865 or
British Guiana in 1953. We too have many divisions-not divisions in
the conventional military sense, it is true, but divisions in the political








sense, those invincible divisions that parliamentary democracy gives
to us, massed in their thousands in the University of Woodford
Square, on Harris Promenade, in the Arima Race stand, Scarborough,
Point Fortin, Princes Town, Sangre Grande. It is the force of public
ppinion that counts, and PNM, not the Colonial Office, has public
opinion behind it. We of the PNM say that Colonial Office rule isi
over. We say, with the British parliamentary radicals of a century
and a quarter ago, that the Colonial Office is a nuisance and should.
be locked up. We say, paraphrasing Disraeli's famous remark in 1846,
that our wretched colonies too will soon be Independent and the
Colonial Office is a millstone round our necks.
The second issue in the war of independence against colonialism
is Chaguaramas. Here the Colonial Office and State Department join
hands. The very many facts in this problem, the very many facets to
it have been sufficiently explained to the Party and the population
since I first raised the issue in London in July 1957. Tonight I need
only to analyse in summary form the problem itself, as follows:
1. The 1941 Agreement was extracted from Britain under American
pressure in time of war, against the opposition of the Governor'
of Trinidad and Tobago, Sir Hubert Young. The Governor took a
stronger and more definitive position on the Chaguaramas issue
thanlocal people did. His: determined opposition in 1940 in the
face of enormous odds puts to shame all West Indians who are
hesitating and weak-kneed in 1960. Sir Hubert Young's despatch
of October 22, 1940, on Chaguaramas ranks as dne of the greatest
State documents of our time.
2. The Agreement was for 99 years and means either the postpone-
ment of self government for 99 years or the abrogation or modi-
fication of the Agreement when self government is achieved.
3. The Agreement has led to political confusion and legal disorder
and a constant train of unbearable abuses.
4. Large and valuable areas of Trinidad vital to our economic
development are lying idle because of a deactivation agreement
inimical tI Trinidad's best interests.
5. In addition to the political and economic impositions of the
Agreement the British Government has saddled Trinidad over
the years with additional concessions to the Americans in respect
of the landing of military planes at Piarco and the permission to
erect a Tracking Station at Chaguaramas.
6. The attitude of the British Government over the years has been
so pusillanimous that either we are dealing with a third rate
power which is completely under the American thumb or the
British Government is using Chaguaramas as a pawn to extract
concessions from the Americans in other spheres.
7. The Anglo-American attitude to the natural and legitimate claims
of Trinidad and Tobago is inconsistent with their international
responsibilities as leaders of 'the Free World. Their attempt to
bypass the report of the Joint Chaguaramas Commission which








I was able to get the London Conference of 1957 to accept, the
unilateral American assurance to review the need for Chagua-
ramas after, "say, ten years," their long opposition to a confer-
ence to review the Agreement, their initial denials of the radia-
tion charge these can only embitter relations with a young
emerging nation.
''here remains the most important aspect of the Chaguaramas
problem. Chaguaramas is a base, developed by the Americans as a
part of the defence system of America. What is that defence system?
In 1941 it was one thing. In 1960 it is something vastly different. I
shall give you three examples of the defence system of which
Chaguaramas is a part. All this is well known to people all over the
world where freedom of the press means freedom to inform and edu-
cate, and not freedom to keep people in ignorance and freedom to
attack the PNM.
The first example is in the field of radar and appeared in there
New York Times on January 18, 1960. Here are some excerpts:
"U.S. RADAR BENDS OVER THE HORIZON TO SPOT MISSILES

Navy Scores Major Advances With Device That Can See 2,600 Miles
Thus, for thle first time a radar has been built that is not
limited in its detection vision to the line of sight from the
transmitting antenna. The new radar has been given the code
name of Project Madr--an acronym for magnetic drum rcceir
Ing equipment-a key component in the system. The new device
can bend its beam over the horizon to pick up moving targets
as far away as 2,600 miles.
From a technical standpoint, Project Madre is expected to
open up a new approach in radar. Instead of the present tech-
nique of building ever-bigger antennas and ever-more-powerful
transmitters .to extend range, a method has now been found for
getting extremely long ranges with relatively low power.
From a military standpoint, Project Madre is expected to
help fill in many of the gaps, particularly on the,sea frontiers,
in the missile-bomber detection network surrounding the con-
.1inental United States.
A few Madre stations located along the Eastern seaboard of
Canada as well as the United States could provide a detection
fence reaching half way across the Atlantic from the Equator
to tho Arctic,
The Madre system is being viewed within the Navy as one
answer to the increasing threat of missiles launched from a
Soviet submarine fleet.
Tho Madre system also offers possibilities of detecting low.
lvinr bomhbrs, a troublesome problem for present radar. The
nrnmis. of Madre for early detection is indicated by the fact
that the Navy project has received financial support from the
Air Force."
My second example is in the field of submarines. It is taken from
the January 10I0 issue of a U.S. naval magazine All Hands, excerpts
from which are currently appearing in The NATION. Stated simply.







the U.S.A. has developed a new submarine, known as the Fleet Ballis-
tic missile submarine, able to launch Polaris missiles from under the
water. The first three of the long-range plan for a fleet of 40 such
submarines will all be in operation before the end of 1960. They will
be joined by three more in 1961, while three others will go into
service in 1962. Each costs about $110 million. Each is designed to
carry 16 Polaris missiles, which carry a nuclear warhead and have an
initial range of some 1,200 miles; the cost of each missile is estimated
at approximately $114 million. The nuclear-powered submarine can
stay submerged for months, and to equate human capacity with
mechanical ability, each submarine has two alternating crews; while
one is at sea, the other is on land.
My third example of modern war is in the field of chemical and
germ warfare. I quote an extract from an article in the London Times
of March 8, 1960 referring to the U.S.A.
"There is constant and strong pressure from certain groups
within the Pentagon, notably the Army Chemical Corps, for
more funds and more publicity for chemical and biological
weapons. Last year the Chemical Corps hired unofficial civilian
public relations men to build up a systematic campaign to focus
attention on the possibilities of these weapons, to reduce public
fear of them, and eventually to gain official approval for them
as an integral part of the national defence system
As part of this campaign a number of speeches were made
by Major-General Marshall Stubbs, the Army chief chemical
officer, who was very explicit about his aims and admitted that
the information programme was being accelerated. In Washing-
ton on May 21 he said: Altitudes towards the entire field of
chemical and biological warfare are one of our greatest problems
..-.The first big step, as I see it, is to get our people vo under-
stand that equipment and wherewithal to establish a C.B.R.
defensive is not enough. Unless the public accepts the fact that
we must be prepared to use these weapons, we will not achieve
a balanced weapons system."
-What is public reaction to this new and immense discovery? Not
very encouraging, from the standpoint of the militarists. The article
continues:
"Initially the campaign seemed to be having some success,
and made fairly frequent news with revelations about the drama-
tic qualities of various gases and how they could revolutionize
war if the funds were provided for their development. However,
top-level approval was never quite forthcoming and enthusiasm
seems now to be languishing, but probably only in public."
In the light of this languishing public attitude, an attempt Is
made to justify the new development on grounds of humanity. This
is what the article says:
"Defenders of both argue that even the lethal gases are
considerably more humane than nuclear weapons, flame throw-
era, napalm bombs and many other 'accepted' weapons and that
some sort of gas or germ warfare may be the only way of over-
coming Russia's superior ground forces. Probably the recent
national debate on the deterrent P-.p has given additional
support to this argument."







It is quite a revelation to be told that gas warfare or germ war-
fare is humane. The article indicates the price of this humanity in a
concluding passage which is of particular concern to people in our
situation:
"However, there is another body of opinion which empha-
sizes the difficulty of delivering and controlling gases or germs.
Apart from the First World War, an often cited case is an
exercise in South Viet Nam a few years ago, when a simulated
attack with biological weapons was judged to have caused some
600,000 casualties among friendly or neutral civilians, besides
killing 75 per cent of the enemy troops against which it was
aimed."
That is modern defence and modern war-radar, nuclear missile
submarines, gas and germ warfare. Where does Chaguaramas stand
in relation to all this? We have a tracking station and radiation.
Britain agreed to the first without daring to consult us; when wa
found out ourselves about the second it was denied. Secondly,
Chaguaramas, as the American Admiral down there once told me, is
the best harbour between the East Coast of America and the East
Coast of Africa. Thirdly, Chaguaramas is a large area, with a long
tradition of privacy and American immunity from any sort of super-
vision in respect to its activities.
The position, to put it bluntly, is this. The Government of Trini-
dad and Tobago knows nothing of what is going on at Chaguaramas.
The Americans ignore us completely, and behave as if the 1941 Agree-
ment gives them the right to do as they please. Chaguaramas means
we are a part of modern total war, on the air, on land, on sea and under
the sea. American reports and defence hearings in Congress are con-
spicuously silent on Chaguaramas. Either it is too insignificant-in
which case American stubbornness is sheer malice towards the PNM;
or Chaguaramas is too significant-in which case we are involved in
God knows what. As head of the Government I receive day after day
interminable reports about what is going on at Chaguaramas, or about
what people suspect is going on. They may or may not be true. It is
impossible for me even to attempt to find out what is true and what
is not true. What is important is that no government ought to find
itself in such a position in respect of a foreign power, and if the
Americans were not there, then we would not have to carry this
heavy and unnecessary burden. We will not stand it any more.
If there were ever a Premier or Minister of this country who
allowed strangers to come here and carry on with whatever they
please in this deadly business, meanwhile going out of their way to
show a studied contempt for the local population, I hope that the
people, as soon as they find out, will clamour for an immediate
election to drive him and his kind not only out of office but out of
public life forever.
These are the broad facts on Chaguaramas. I have put forward
positive proposals designed to reconcile Trinidad and Tobago's politi-
cal interests with America's military arrangements, by establishing a








joint Base and by the Immediate surrender by the Americans of all
deactivated areas outside of Chaguaramas and inactive areas within
Chaguaramas. The fate of those proposals is well known. Where, at
the Special Convention six months ago, I was able to report "reason-
able prospects of success", today, after what can only be surmised as
a typical international intrigue aimed at the PNM and at me in
particular, the American and British Governments have decided that
they will discuss Chaguaramas not with Trinidad and Tobago but with
the Federal Government. I need no longer conceal the fact that our
relations with the Federal Government are not calculated, if I may
put it mildly, to inspire confidence in the protection of Trinidad's
vital interests under such an arrangement, and I have recently had
to make it quite clear to the American Government that, as far as 1
am concerned-though I am certain that I can claim to speak for the
Party in this respect-the 1941 Agreement does not exist. As far as.
I am concerned I do not propose to budge from my proposals, I reject
in advance any arrangement that may be reached between the
American, British and Federal Governments, and the present prospect
is that the matter may have to be left in abeyance until the achieve-
ment of independence, Trinidad and Tobago in the meantime taking
such constitutional and legal steps as are within its competence to
protect its interests outraged by the American Government, neglected
by the British Government, and compromised by the negative attitude
of the Federal Government.
For independence, I repeat, means a clean slate. The British
Government has advised through the recent Jamaican delegation
which visited the United Kingdom, of the legal position vis-a-vis
international commitments incurred on behalf of the independent
nation by the metropolitan authority during the period of colonial.
ism. The position is this. The metropolitan country and the emerging
nation can reach an agreement before independence under which the
latter may agree to take over the international obligations incurred
before independence. In that case the emerging nation can, on
emergence, repudiate that agreement and seek a new agreement or
refuse one if it so wishes. Or, on the other hand, the emerging nation
can refuse to accept any agreement before independence, whereupon
the obligations lapse with the attainment of independence. So that
with independence, if no new agreement is'reached, the 1941 Agree-
ment lapses, and as far as I am concerned I do not see how PjM can
be expected to take any part in any negotiations looking towards a
new agreement before independence which do not provide for the
fullest and independent participation of Trinidad and Tobago as the
only means whereby PNM can guarantee to the country the protection
of its interests.
The Anglo-American decision to exclude Trinidad and Tobago
from independent participation in the discussions which we have
fought for almost singlehanded can only be understood in the light of
Britain's concept of federation, which is the third battleground on







which the war for independence is being fought out. Let me make it
clear trom the outset--the British do not understand federation. They
have no practical experience of it. Their concern with federation has
for a hundred years taken the form of a super West Indian Govern-
ment with limited powers centralising and facilitating Colonial Office
control. It was so in 1876 when their representative, the Governor
of Barbados, advanced proposals designed to achieve the federation
of the lunatics and lepers, the policemen and convicts of Barbados, the
Leeward Islands and the Windward Islands. It was so in their
various proposals after 1876, the common denominator of which was
some English Governor General running around the islands and hold-
ing vice-regal court. It was so in 1950 when the Standing Closer
Association Committee, comprising most of the top West Indian
leaders outside of PNM except Norman Manley, proposed a federal
budget of $9,000,000 of which a large proportion was eaten up by the
Governor General's establishment. It was so when Mr. Amery,
Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for the Colonies, asked me
last year whether I would not agree to a federation which, in his
words, had nothing more than the classic powers over defence and
foreign affairs.
It is this view which explains the Colonial Office attitude on so
many federal issues, and as the view runs directly counter to PNM's
formal proposals and can be used to block PNM's progress in various
directions, one can understand its popularity in obscuranist circles.
On every single issue involving foreign affairs, the Colonial Office is
seeking to build up the Federal Government, in theory because this
is the Colonial Office conception of federation, in practice because P
hopes that the emergence of a new Government in the West Indi63
may provide opportunities for intrigue and corruption against th6
nationalist movement. ,It knows that Britain can no longer send
cruisers and suspend constitutions, that the American guns or rays at
Chaguaramas cannot be turned against the people of Trinidad and
Tobago, that the DLP and The Guardian cannot provide an effective op-
position to the PNM. I may say that one of the most hopeful signs of
the times is that the DLP seems to be breaking out of the influence,
of The Guardian and finding its own feet as a Parliamentary Opposi-
tion. If they should achieve this, according to the principles of parlia-
mentary democracy, government, legislation and the education -of
public opinion will have made a long stride forward in this Territory.
The only possible force, therefore, that the imperialists can hope to use
against the PNM is the Federal Government.
So that PNM undertakes to negotiate with Venezuela the eighty
year old surtax imposed deliberately to protect Venezuelan trading
and industrial interests against foreign colonies misused by thelr
imperialist owners, and to negotiate this issue in the context of the
refusal of PNM's Government to tolerate subversive activity against
the lawful democratic government of Venezuela and its readiness to
assist in the promotion of legitimate trade by not countenancing







contraband-and, presto, the Colonial Offce decides that the feeble
Federation whose father it is, should be built up by entrusting
Venezuelan relations to the Federal Government.
PNM's Government merely seeks to send a representative at our
own expense to attend an international Conference and acquire
experience in matters relating to the continental shelf and the fisheries
problem between neighboring states-and, presto, the Colonial Office
decides Ihat any representative must be a representative of the Federal
Government who, for all I know, has never heard of the matter. To
this the Colonial Office adds that the Conference will be too long and
itoo technical for our representative, that the British delegation is
already too large, and that in any case our interests can be compe-
tently protected by Britain. Therefore the Colonial Office asked us
to make our representations and submit a memorandum to it. Imagine
that I They will protect our interests? How are we to believe that?
Have they protected our interests on Chaguaramas? They have failed
miserably for twenty years. Have they protected our interests with
respect to the Venezuelan surtax? They have failed miserably for 60
years.
But the question goes deeper than British ability to protect the
interests of Trinidad and Tobago. With the advent of independence
should it not be the deliberate policy of the British Government at
long last to encourage that training for self government which it has
paraded to the world for so long whilst in practice honouring It more
in the breach than the observance? In fact the way not to reach an
agreement with Venezuela is to seek to reach it through the British
Government. For sixty years every time the British Government has
raised the question of the 30% surtax the Venezuelan Government
has sought to link it with the negotiations of a new commercial treaty
which Venezuela has been demanding. Once more we are a pawn in
the diplomatic game. All these Colonial Office protestations about the
Federal Government are nothing more Ihan a retreat to a new line
of defence of outmoded privileges and vulnerable positions.
There is moreover a fly in this Federal ointment made in Britain.
On every occasion the Colonial Office makes an important reservation,
-the continuation of British influence throughout. The Federal
Government is to have discussions with Britain before the tripartite
talks on Chaguaramas begin. The British Government Is to have
observers in any discussions between Venezuela and the Federal
Government. It is the British Government which has agreed that no
Unit Territory can extend invitations to or accent invitations from
foreign governments except through the Federal Government
which mimt first advise the British Government. The British Govern-
menl's solicitude for Federal nrretiRetis touching when divorced from
fh" fact that the Federal Government was permitted .o attend the
Montreal Economic Conference only as attaches to the British delega-
tion. and from the fact that at the recent Anglo-American air
conference in Barbados the Federal Government was called in only








for discussion on specific issues and was denied even a copy of the
agenda.
There is independence and independence. There is an indepen-
dence which would agree to something of this kind. But there is an
independence which will be vigilant to protect the national interests
in all these matters. There is an independence which, even when
independent, continues to be in a state of mental tutelage. Or there
is an independence which, even before it is independent, shows that
it is willing to sit round the table but only as an equal partner. The
Colonial Office seems to like the one type of independence. We of
the PNM like the other type. Perhaps here lies the cause of much of
what is going on.
Much is made in all these negotiations of the fact that the Federa.
tion is not a sovereign power. A. representative of the American
Government said precisely this to me a few days ago, claiming that it
was a great concession by the Americans to agree to include the
Federal Government in the Chaguaramas talks. This is eyewash, and
I told him so. I reminded him that if we in Trinidad were under the
Russian heel, the Americans would already have found a hundred good
reasons for treating with a non-sovereign power.
This, then, is the situation as we enter the last stretch to indepen-
dence- We are handicapped by the long tradition of metropolitan
control, which gives rise to a double evil-myopia on the master's side
and a servile mentality below, a "massa-boy" relationship. The
approach to independence is impeded, on the one hand by the policy
of the dole. a little piece here and a little piece there, and on the
other hand by the readiness to accept a crumb from the table or a
nennv for charity's sake. The danger of a weak Federal Government
is that it can provide a breeding ground for foreign intrigues
calculated to delay or to frustrate independence and make a travesty
of our national aspirations. We of the PNM, the first to nail indepen-
dence to our banner, the core of the national resistance movement,
bearing the brunt of the ferocity of the counter attack unleashed
by the forces of reaction-it is on us that the responsibility principally
lies .in the months ahead. We either accept and face un to that
responsibility or w6 end un in the stalemate of an insular movement
a local skirmish. ppterine n f into local rows and election squabbles.
In accepting that resoonsibilitv. we have five decisive advantages over
our Federal colleagues-our nartv. our economy, our interracialism.
our political education, and our party weeklv.
Our first advantage is our Party. The advantage is decisive in the
Trinidad and Tobaeo setting, where the DLP forms and reforms its
ranks with monotonous regularity, where Gomes continues to add to
his already large score of party affiliations, and where third pa tt
irnoerammes are beginning to emerge f-- building tunnels and educa-
tion for emigration But in the West Indian setting our party is also
decisive. With the Peonle's National Party of Jamaica it ranks as the
only properly constituted and organised party, until the rejuvenation







of the Barbados Labour Party which is now underway. Our coherent
and rational programme and our Party structure have all the hall-
marks of a proper political party. The very fact of our Fourth Annual
Convention, the reports of the activities of our Legislative Group and
Women's League testify to the power and virility of the idea from
which we were born and which rocked the Old World to its founda-
tions in 1956. We know of the defects in the party machinery and
organisation-defects which spring rather from its operators than its
inventors. A vast effort at comprehensive reorganisation is now
underway. important and necessary though that is, the spirit matters
more than the form. The vast reorganisation on paper will be value-
less if the party members see in the party only an election machine,
to be manipulated for individual advantage as the election draws
nearer. Let every member of the Party and the public understand
this. The reorganisation of the Party in the light of impending
elections is the first priority on our agenda. But election or no elec-
tion, the reorganization of the Party is a fundamental need of the day,
for two reasons-(1) reorganization is the basis of those perspectives
for the Party which I outlined at the Third Annual Convention,
designed to make the Party a powerful social fdrce in its own right
living a life independent of the Government; (2) a reorganised and
revivified Party is the key to independence and nationhood.
Our second advantage is the strength and power of the Trinidad
economy. Deriving its original impetus from oil, that strength is now
being diversified by a large scale industrialisation programme. Trinidad
today occupies a position of prominence in the West Indian economy.
Alone of all the territories in the Federatioi or likely to accede to it,
Trinidad is not grant aided, Trinidad balances its budget, and Trinidad
finances both its recurrent and capital expenditure from current
revenues or from loans based on its credit worthiness. The Trinidad
budget of 1960, as indicated in the Vote on Account taken in December
last year, is larger than Jamaica's; its capital budget for 1960, larger
than Jamaica's, is larger than British Guina's total budget for 1960. Our
national income, rising steadily year by year, is half as large again
as Jamaica's on a per capital basis. An important index of economic
strength and diversified job opportunities, our "own account" workers
are smaller proportionately to the labour force than those of other
territories. -
It is this economic strength that attracts the migrants from other
territories. On this matter I made the following statement on behalf of
the Government in the Legislative Council this afternoon:
14. "1 turn now to the policy of the Government. Immigrants
must comply with the provisions of the Ordinance. Any
immigrant convicted of a serious offence in a court of law will
be repatriated Labour for Development Programme Projects will
he recruited through the Labour Bureau, and this is already
being done. Figures for repatriation average 145 per month,
including the backdoor immigrants and persons refused leave to
land. At the present rate it would take six years to repatriate







all those who are here in violation of the Ordinance. This Gov.
ernment does not contemplate that our Federation will continue
for six years to be in the present position which allows of these
anomalies. It is now known throughout the West Indies that we
of Trinidad and Tobago are the least to be blamed for them and
that our whole policy aims at establishing as rapidly as possible
a Federation which will bring them to an end.
15. This loss of thousands of able bodied workers and the
skills they possess will in the long run be to the detriment of
the smaller territories. It is the conviction of the Government.
publicly affirmed and re-affirmed on a number of occasions, that
the remedy for the smaller territories lies in their economic
development. It is for this reason that the Government has
,placed the integration of the economy of the Federal area and
the development of the smaller territories in the forefront
of its Economics of Nationhood. It is for this reason that the
Government has repeatedly recommended that priority be given
to the smaller islands in the allocation of Colonial Development
and Welfare funds. It is for this reason that the Government
has.recently waived its own claim to any Colonial Development
and Welfare Grant and has asked the Federal Government that
the allocation proposed for Trinidad and Tobago should be
transferred to the University College of the West Indies to
replace the contribution which other territories are not in a
position to make.
61. What the smaller territories need is more jobs. The
question is where are they to find these jobs. What we all need,
therefore, is a development programme for the Federation. As
a concomitant of our proposals for a strong federation and as
a sequel to our proposals in the Economics of Nationhood, this
Government is now completing a draft of a development pro-
gramme for the federal territories which we will introduce into
the general discussion, as well as proposals for reciprocal aid
in various fields."
The third decisive advantage of the PNM is the cosmopolitanism
of our population in Trinidad and the interracialism for which we
stand.
We began our career as a party dedicating ourselves in our
People's Charter particularly to "the promotion of African-Asian
unity on political, social and economic objectives and to the cultiva-
tion of the spirit developed around the conference table in Bandung
on the sugar plantations of Trinidad." Nehru and Nkrumah have
been our inspiration throughout. The particular objective of African.
Asian unity was proclaimed in the context of the pledge given In the
Constitution of our Movement for "unity among the different races.
classes and creeds," and of our selection of our flag of black, brown
yellow. and white symbolising our interracial solidarity.
As we preached, so we practised. The PNM stands out today as
interracialism in action, the best guarantee on the Federal scene of the
Implementation of the motto of the West Indies, "to dwell together in
unity." By so doing we do more than set an example to a world
resentful of the offence to civilisation of apartheid in South Africa.
Jim Crow in the U.S.A., and the racial intolerance of Netting Hill. We
tear up the history of colonialism which, in France of the Ancien







Regime, propounded the doctrine that the black slave would never be
the equal of his while master. We should be on guard not to allow
the Colonial Oce intrigues aimed at defeating the PNM to disrupt
our steady progress towards racial harmony. And here let me note also
that we are at last beginning to see what we had in mind from the
start, the creation of a national community.
Our fourth advantage in the PNI as we face the challenge of
the responsibility that lies ahead is our programme of political
education. A little less than five years ago when I severed relations
with the imperialist organisation known as the Caribbean Commission,
l indicated publicly that I would let my bucket right down here in
Trinidad, and that the only University in which I would lecture in
future is the University of Woodford Square. After less than five
years I can proudly say that we have developed one of the most potent
media of mass political education the world has known. In manner
and in method, in content and in form, the University has no counter-
part in the Caribbean. It has become our national forum, the people's
Oxford, whose influence and prestige have spread throughout the
West Indies.
Our final advantage is our Party weekly, The NATION. I have
some experience of similar organs in Africa, particularly Azikiwe's
West African Pilot. The NATION today, under the able leadership of
C. L. R. James, has become the textbook of Independence. Week
after week the people can see the West Indian Independence
Movement in the stream of world politics, in the context of develop.
ments in India and Ghana, Venezuela and Cuba. Constitution Reform
Cliaguaramas, Federation-it hits hard week after week, mercilessly
exposing the issues, pitilessly excoriating the reactionaries. The Nation
today has muzzled The Guardian. It is compulsory reading in the
Colonial Office and the State Department, and has established rela-
tions with members of Parliament and Congress. Through The Nation
the PNM has, what it did not have before, a1public relations voice in
the outside world-
But The Nation is first and foremost the political education of
the people. If it lashes out at the Colonial Office, it stresses the virtues
of British culture, through its homage to British cricket it pays
tribute to British literature, and holds out to the people the better
and more harmonious relations which Independence will bring. If it
attacks the obscurantism of the State Department, it treats sympathet-
ically and competently the virtues of the American civilisation. Its
supplements on India, on San Fernando, on world literary master-
pieces, testify to its scope, variety and effectiveness. The NatPon
has taken upon itself the task of keeping the people of Trinidad and
Tobago informed on the fundamental issues in Federation and parti-
cularly the position of Jamaica on Federation. The Guardian was de-
termined that we should remain in ignorance of them. West Indian
culture and history receive an attention they have never before re-







ceived, whether it is calypso, carnival or Trinidad's or Tobago's his-
torical development, or the poetry of Alme Cesaire or the novels of
Naipaul, Selvon and Lamming. Emphasis on West Indian history and
culture is a fundamental objective of the PNM, and I have arranged
with The Nation to writefor it historical supplements on Jamaica,
Cuba and Martinique-so that the people can understand the issues
which have recently emerged in these countries.
That, in the midst of this infinite variety and emphasis on fund.
mental political realities, space can be found for the rural circuits,
the Women's League, gramophone recordings, art and music apprecia-
tibn, never ceases to astonish me. The difficulties we face with The
Nation are twofold and both involve the Party intimately (a) its ap-
pearance once a week is inadequate and I have urged the Editor and
the Board of Directors of the Publishing Co., to increase this to two
issues a week as soon as possible; (b) its transformation into a daily
calls for an enormous capital outlay which must be approached with
the greatest caution, with due respect to the gratifying eagerness of
the public. The problem is that The Nation is functioning today with
no assistance from the Party as such. The Party reorganisation now
under way must have as its first responsibility the recognition by
party units and organizations of a precise obligation to The Nation
by distributing an agreed number of copies. This domestic market, so
to speak, is the prime basis of exports to the public at large, and it
is on-this basis and on this basis only that the appeal to. the public
for the necessary capital for the daily must rest.
I am glad to announce a new departure in our system of public
education. The Legislative Group will publish this month a monthly
organ. The Tribune, which will give the details of activities of PNM
legislators and the detailed facts of the achievements of PNM govern-
ments. This will enable the Nation to concentrate even more on broad
party and political issues and the life of the people. The extension of
The Nation's increasing influence abroad-particularly in the West
Indies. the United Kingdom and the U.S.A.- must be placed high
on its list of priorities. The Party must see this and must recognize
in The Nation one of Its decisive advantages in its assumption of the
responsibilities that lie ahead. If C. L. R. James took it upon his
individual self to wage a campaign for Worrell as Captain of the'
West Indies and in so doing to give expression not only to the needs
of the game but also to the sentiments of the people, we know as well
as he that it is The Nation and the PNM to whom the people will give
the praise.
I do not think that many Party members are aware of the extent
to which .The Nation is drawn upon by such party organs as The
Beacon of the Barbados Labour Party and The New Nation of the
People's National Congress of British Guiana. I do not think either
that many Party members are aware of the superiority of The Nation
to all the party organs now existing in the West Indies, and of the







enormous advantage which the PNM derives from this. All that is
needed is a powerful drive by the Party to intensify interest in The
Nation and increase its circulation.
The Convention will be happy to know that The Nation is now
being printed exclusively on our own printing machinery and that
this machinery was purchased in part from funds subscribed by Party
members to the Party's Development Programme. The Phrty can now
rest assured that, whatever the political crisis, we are now independ-
ently equipped to meet it and to keep our public adequately informed.
I am particularly gratified to learn that The Nation does not propose
to stop there, and hopes soon to branch out into that virgin field
which awaits the nationalist cultivator-the publication locally of
books and documents of vital concern to our nationalist movement for
the education of the people, the encouragement of our writers and
historians, and the elimination of the servile mentality in the West
Indies which is nowhere more pronounced than in our continued de-
pendence on European ideas and American popular publications.
Here, then, is the ammunition of the PNM in the war of West
Indian Independence-a fundamentally sound party machine which
needs complete overhaul, a stable and buoyant economy, a revolution-
ary interracial philosophy, a mass movement for political education
which constitutes the best in modern West Indian democracy, and a
vigorous, hard hitting party weekly newspaper which may not be first
with the news of murders and pictures of sex orgies and strip tease
episodes, but which is certainly first with the analysis and interpre-
tation of the news on independence, self-government, overseas bases,
federal system of government, cultural achievements and aspirations,
and the challenge to the Old World in every sphere.
The war of Independence is on. The opposing divisions are at the
crossroads-one leading back to the Colonial dirt track, the other
leading on to Independence Highway. The army of reaction has milil
tary power on its side-jet planes, radiation, cruisers, nuclear missile-
launching submarines. Its base is Chaguaramas. The army of progress
has political power on its side-mass meetings, popular alertness, de-
velopment programme, constitutional ambitions. Its base is the Uni-
versity of Woodford Square. It is a war of weapons against principles,
of military discipline against political discipline,.of armies and navies
versus people-r, more simply, of might versus right. The world his.
tory of the last ten years is there to tell us the outcome of this
struggle
The war revolves around one principal issue-the future of our
Federation. Let me emphasis, our Federation. Pay no attention
whatsoever to all those people who abuse as for having ideas on Fed.
eration or expressing those ideas. We have every right to possess ideas
on what is our system of Government, and we are going to express
those ideas. Those who are against us carry on their customary in-
trigues and secret diplomacy. They call it diplomacy--diplomacy, tra-







ditional style. But we have been kept outside the pale, and in chat-
lenging the diplomats and the intrigues and the downright malice
manifested to the PNM, we have only two weapons. I have made them
clear to all parties and I shall use them mercilessly. I state them here
publicly for all to know-(a) I am participating in no deals
whatsoever; (b) I shall take every step that I consider neces-
sary to make these rackets and intrigues public. There Is one
and only one political loyalty I have-the loyalty to
the PNM, and through the PNM, to the people of Trinidad
and Tobago, to the people of the West Indies, and to humanity In
general. There is one and only one political method I know of-the
education of the people, their education particularly in the intrigues
which have saddled them with those monstrous burdens to whose re-
moval I have dedicated myself. That is my code of political morality,
which I oppose to the code of the enemies who are determined to
break the PNM and, as a means to this end, to break me.
The crucial battle in the war, the battle over our Federation, Is
now in full swing- The issues are quite clear. On the one hand, a
strong, independent Federation, Trinidad style. On the other hand, a
weak Federation, Colonial Office style. The success of our own Feder-
ation proposals obviously requires us to walk arm in arm with the
other important Unit of the Federation, Jamaica. Jamaica has a
respected leader, Norman Manley. It has a recognized and recognls.
able political party, the PNP. That party, as a result of its recent
victories in General and Parish elections, is the unchallenged ruler
of Jamaica. Jamaica's population resources equal to that of the rest
of the Federation, its economic strength second only to Trinidad's, its
long history of national opposition to colonialism, its vigorous cultural
expressions of the independent spirit-all these can march shoulder
to shoulder with PNM's divisions in the battle.

The alternative must be stated with equal precision. The Colonial
Office Federation is a trap, a delusion, an imposition, a political abor-
tion, a historical anachronism. The PNM can have no part whatsoever
in it.

Let me state the alternatives bluntly-either a strong independent
Federation with all of us, or a weak Federation without Trinidad and
Tobago.

And what if all our persuasion, all our manifestos, all our war
aims should be frustrated or defeated? That will pose a new situation
for careful appraisal and determination by our Party. But this much
will be clear to all. PNM, Trinidad and Tobago, cannot stand still. We
cannot live In the vacuum created by our rejection of the historical
control of the Colonial Office. We shall have to take the necessary steps
to take care of our particular problems-Chaguaramas, Venezuela, de.
fence and foreign relations. Our political confidence, our economic







strength, our popular support, all equip us for facing up to the re.
sponsibilities if, against our will, contrary to our recommendations.
the Federation should collapse.

We of the PNM are the voice of West Indian Independence. We
are the writers of the new West Indian history. We are the future
arbiters of our own destiny. We are not, and never set out to be, an
election machine, an election grouping constituted to win an election
and govern the country. We are, and we set out to be, a living protest
against colonialism and all its works, a living symbol of our an-
nouncement to the world that, notwithstanding our slave past, we too
want a place in the sun, we too belong to the new political aspira.
tons of the twentieth century. To the faint of heart, to the weak
kneed, to the compromisers, to the doubters, I encourage you as well
as the fanatics, the loyalists, the enthusiasts, paraphrasing the
words of Latimer to Ridley as they faced the stake: "Be of good cour-
age and play the man, for we shall this day light such a candle by
God's grace in Trinidad and Tobago, as I trust shall never be put
out."




















































Printed by PNM Publishing Co., Ltd, 90 .Frederick Stret
m-




University of Florida Home Page
© 2004 - 2010 University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries.
All rights reserved.

Acceptable Use, Copyright, and Disclaimer Statement
Last updated October 10, 2010 - - mvs