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Translating Jaqaru: Interstices and Intersections in Spanish and English

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Title:
Translating Jaqaru: Interstices and Intersections in Spanish and English
Series Title:
eJaqi Collections
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Undergraduate Honors Thesis
Language:
English
Spanish
Jaqaru
Creator:
Moline, Emily

Notes

Abstract:
Translation is a process that, by revealing fundamentals of meaning reflected in form, can be seen as “the area of linguistics that makes sense for the product of ethnography” (Asadzadeh and Abbasi 2012). Jaqaru, a threatened language spoken by approximately 2,000 people mainly in southeastern Peru, is well-positioned for a translational analysis with an ethnographic emphasis, considering its deep sociohistorical relationship with Andean Spanish. While there are many structural overlaps felicitous to translation resulting from this mutual influence (such as the Andean Spanish verbs employed epistemically), more intriguing are the “untranslatable” aspects of Jaqaru which come to bear upon translating culture itself: its rich system of data source marking, “lack” of lexical gender, treatment of subject and object as single morphemes, and metaphor. In synchronically assessing how best to translate Jaqaru into Spanish across a variety of texts and methods, I attempt to illustrate the difficulty of conveying a Jaqaru worldview to disparate audiences. Maintaining a degree of otherness in the target text seems not only desirable as a means of demonstrating the profound differences in culture and thought between Jaqaru and Spanish, but also to make bare the fact of translation, demonstrating to the target audience that the transfer of ideas between the two language is fundamentally fraught. The question, then, is how to balance this approach with readability, and how to avoid alienating the reader of the target text by making a translation too normatively abstruse in the name of foreignization and thereby perpetrate stereotypes of indigenous languages as utterly other.
Acquisition:
Collected for University of Florida's Institutional Repository by the UFIR Self-Submittal tool. Submitted by Emily Moline.
Publication Status:
Unpublished

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Source Institution:
University of Florida Institutional Repository
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All rights reserved by the submitter.
Resource Identifier:
System ID:
IR00003536:00001

MISSING IMAGE

Material Information

Title:
Translating Jaqaru: Interstices and Intersections in Spanish and English
Series Title:
eJaqi Collections
Physical Description:
Undergraduate Honors Thesis
Language:
English
Spanish
Jaqaru
Creator:
Moline, Emily

Notes

Abstract:
Translation is a process that, by revealing fundamentals of meaning reflected in form, can be seen as “the area of linguistics that makes sense for the product of ethnography” (Asadzadeh and Abbasi 2012). Jaqaru, a threatened language spoken by approximately 2,000 people mainly in southeastern Peru, is well-positioned for a translational analysis with an ethnographic emphasis, considering its deep sociohistorical relationship with Andean Spanish. While there are many structural overlaps felicitous to translation resulting from this mutual influence (such as the Andean Spanish verbs employed epistemically), more intriguing are the “untranslatable” aspects of Jaqaru which come to bear upon translating culture itself: its rich system of data source marking, “lack” of lexical gender, treatment of subject and object as single morphemes, and metaphor. In synchronically assessing how best to translate Jaqaru into Spanish across a variety of texts and methods, I attempt to illustrate the difficulty of conveying a Jaqaru worldview to disparate audiences. Maintaining a degree of otherness in the target text seems not only desirable as a means of demonstrating the profound differences in culture and thought between Jaqaru and Spanish, but also to make bare the fact of translation, demonstrating to the target audience that the transfer of ideas between the two language is fundamentally fraught. The question, then, is how to balance this approach with readability, and how to avoid alienating the reader of the target text by making a translation too normatively abstruse in the name of foreignization and thereby perpetrate stereotypes of indigenous languages as utterly other.
Acquisition:
Collected for University of Florida's Institutional Repository by the UFIR Self-Submittal tool. Submitted by Emily Moline.
Publication Status:
Unpublished

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida Institutional Repository
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All rights reserved by the submitter.
Resource Identifier:
System ID:
IR00003536:00001


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1 Translating Jaqaru: Interstices a nd Intersections in Spanish and English Emily Moline University of Florida Department of Linguistics and the Center for Latin American Studies Abstract Jaqaru, a threatened language spoken by approximately 2,000 people mainly in southeastern Peru, is well positioned for a translational analysis with an ethnographic emphasis, considering its deep sociohistorical relationship with Andean Spanish. While ther e are many structural overlaps felicitous to translation aspects of Jaqaru which come to bear upon translating culture itself. In synchronically assessing how best to translate Jaqaru into Spanish across a variety of texts and methods, I attempt to illustrate the difficulty of conveying a Jaqaru worldview to disparate audiences. Maintaining a degree of otherness in the target text seems not only desirable as a means of demonstrat ing the profound differences in culture and thought between Jaqaru and Spanish, but also to make bare the fact of translation. The question, then, is how to balance this approach with readability, and how to avoid alienating the reader of the target text b y making a translation too abstruse in the name of foreignization and thereby perpetrate stereotypes of indigenous languages as utterly other.

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2 Introduction T ranslation is a process that, by revealing fundamentals of meaning reflected in form, can be seen as ( Asadzadeh and Abbasi 2012). 1 In translating, as in a relational ethnography, an attempt is made to relate the positions of a set of signifiers to another in the context of c ulture The boundaries erected by this linguistic relativity, rather than restraining meaning, allow for the acknowledgment of its inherent difficulty and the revelatory interstices between languages, the multifariousness of worldsenses that can be picked out from a similar variety of codes (Plsson 1993) In addressing the process of translation from one system to another, rather than describing languages or even a language in its cultural contexts, that radical difference of innate expression is more full y revealed in the difficulties of producing and attempting/failing to find equivalences for meaning. Indeed, it is ranslation ] failure [that] demarcates intersubjective limi spot where consciousness crosses over to a rough zone of equivalency or ( Apter 2010: 6). key component of an anthropological translat ion: it is revelatory of the assumed p ortions of reality that, 1 For not only her immense help on this project but also years of mentorship, teaching, conversation and guidance, I am deeply indebted to Dr. MJ Hardman. Dr. Dimas Bautista Iturrizaga has been not only a patient consultant for all of my many questions abou t the Jaqaru language but also a kind and wonderful conversationalist. Both recognize my agency even as I stand on their shoulders; any problems or errors that remain in this paper are certainly my own.

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3 through diligent and aware ethnographic study, can be re ordered and understood as mutable and culture specific apprehensions of the structure of the world. What must be understood before a translation is attempted? Conventionall y, the following could be included : The languages, both source and destination 2 : their structures, their lexical content, their poetics The significance of the content of the text, outside of its linguistic signifiers: cultural signs The intentions of the author/speaker: the subtext. A fur ther requirement might be a thorough understanding of the specific relationship of the languages themselves inter and disconnection: historical, cultural, political, and more than anything, ideological and typological features specific to the languages of interest. This relationship is for the purposes of ethnographi c study, more important than the essence of the tex t itself; even a rendering of an oral story that captures well the rhythm and form of its original version does little for its destination audience if it fails at the specific, contextual purpose of its tr anslation, of its relevance. By simply commi t ting to translating a text, a further coat of meaning external to anything that appears in the translation itself is immediately applied: it 2 Though the conventional term for the language trans here I use as a term to better capture the people who will receive it; too, the connotations of can be 'hit' upon In addition it pairs metaphorically with the original 'source' lan guage.

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4 has acquired the importance of the status of hermeneutics (Whether or not this position is merited or not is another question.) However, the literal minded Boasian Tedlock 1971: 116) but strips the narrative from its emotive place and resona nce with a non native reader is hardly the ideal; rather, the balance within this relationship between conveying semantic content and relaying vital pragmatic essence will be the focus of the discussion to follow. By extension of this focus on relationsh ip each translation means something different for its language pairing A translation of Spanish to English is a wholly different undertaking than Mandarin to English, naturally, in grammatical erm that seems most relevant here, and with its implica tions of fit between languages ( accidental or otherwise ) ; it will serve as a point of departure for a discussion of translation between two languages of profound difference, Jaqaru and Spanish. These l anguages are nevertheless areally linked in deep sociopolitical and historical ways apart from the processes of grammar that have bound them together over their five centuries of contact. This treatment of culture and society and the semiotics of their int eraction is just as vital a step in the translation process as locating appropriate words or phrases : indeed, it is translation, encountered and experienced in t he intersection and space between ethnographies of cultures as produced through the awareness o f language

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5 It is, of course, completely possible to create a translation that conveys the relevant content of the source text in a way t hat appropriately refers to its origins in form and substance However, few would take the extreme position of Demetr acapoulou and Dub ois ( writing about Wintu in 1932 ) that a translation can be produced without distortion. W hat precisely, is lost or altered ? How important is this lost content? T o what extent can it be reclaimed in a way that is poetically p arsimonious? Finally, s hould form be sacrificed for meaning, if meaning is clearly ameliorated? In the following discussion of the specifics of the Jaqaru language as it relates to Spanish and English these questions will be considered in context of these problems as they naturally arise in the source texts and their transformations. In undertaking this project, I acknowledge my doubly outsider status: as a native speaker of English, both Jaqaru and Spanish occupy the other space for me as systems that require conscio us acknowledgement at nearly all times to effectively interpret, much less communicate in. cautious admonition of falling into indebted to linguistic fet ishizing heritage language as it d evotes itself to curatorial salvage: exoticizing burrs, calques and idiomatic expressions as so many ornaments of linguistic local color reinforcing linguistic cultural essentialism, and subjecting the natural flux and variation of dialect to a stan d ard la nguage model of grammatical 2010: 5) I n picking out and translationally curating specifics of Jaqaru, I hope to evince an understanding and appreciation for the larger systems of meaning they stand for and their place in relationship to Jaq i and Andean cultural

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6 constructions Because I am concerned w ith ethnographic representation, I am focusing less on specific typologies of text s (oral narratives, poems, song, etc.) than on the overarching systems themselves and what they mean within and between their societies and speakers. Background on Jaqaru and Genetic/Areal Relationships 3 Jaqaru is a language spoken by some 740 people, primarily in the town in Tupe in mid southeastern Peru ( Lewis et al. 2013 ). It is a member of the Jaqi family of languages, a group that includes sister languages Aymara (spoken by approximately two to three million people) and Kawki (a dying language, spoken by only a dozen or so people) (Hardman 2000). Jaqaru (as well as the rest of the Jaqi family) is a highly morphological language, with roots, stems, particles, and morphemes interacting according to complex rules of morpho phone m ics. While the Jaqi languages are not genetically related to Quechua, due to geographic proximi ty of t heir respective speakers there has been much mutual lexical and grammatical influence over time. Both share data source markers (likely first found in proto Jaqi see Hardman 1985), as well as a good deal of vocabulary. The Jaqi languages 3 Much of the d ata for this paper comes from the online Jaqi Languages Database. It consists of English, and containing the original source language, and is sea rchable by morpheme. The database was an invaluable resource for the collection and analysis of these data, and has many applications for all manner of linguistic projects. It can be accessed at test.aymara.ufl.edu/LyraEditor/languageeditor.html

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7 first came into co ntact with Spanish in the sixteenth century, when Spanish conquistado rs invaded southeastern Peru Background on Andean Spanish Andean Spanish has been uniquely and deeply influenced by the areal indigenous languages of the central Andes. Dialects vary, naturally, by physical separation and by local indigenous language influence; however, some commonalities in Peruvian Spanish are of especial interest to questions of adequate translation: Tenses : pluperfect for indirect knowledge and preterite tense for direct knowledge ( Martin 1981) Frequent use of exclamation pues discourse marker Frequent use of no ms as mood marker (often written as a single word, noms or nomas ) to claim that any part of Andean Spanish as a whole (considering the above broad characteristics) is mo re influenced by any one indigenous language or dialect, consid ering their own mutual influence and long history of contact Zavala (2001 working in Peruvian Quechua Spanish ) and Laprade (1981 working in La Paz Aymaran Spanish ) both find strong evidence t hat the Spanish exclamatory pues functions as an aspectual discourse marker that always occurs clause finally, which is how this author impressionistically observed it being used in Tupe an Andean

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8 Spanish. For the purposes of this paper synchronic and chief ly concerned with real time representation of language systems, as opposed to a diachronic approach in which the adequacy of translation would begin with an analysis of the most historically felicitous forms convergences in Jaqaru and Andean Spanish functi on as homoplasies, though of course their contact (and that of their speakers) tells a story that is much more than accident s of morphosyntax Second, there is a concern (not shared by this author, but important to note) present in relying heavily upon the components of Andean Spanis h unused outside of that region Lexical choices many Spanish speakers, present a problem imposed by the preconceptions of non native Jaqi speakers o talk Likewise, and to a more severe degree due to the extent to which speakers associate standard syntax with socioeconomic pre stige and intelligence the Andean Spanish use of pluperfect and preterite Spanish tenses to de s cribe impersonal and personal experience, respectively, can read as simply ungrammatical to a Spanish speaker unfamiliar with applications of these tenses to connote mood outside of their more conventional uses to solely denote completive or incompletive a spect Typologically Contrastive F eatures of Jaqaru and Spanish The Jaqi and Indo European language families exhibit fundamental differences in structure. There are some relatively felicitous means of expressing these differences in translation of Jaqaru to Spanish; evidentiality markers are a component of Jaqaru that can be represented somewhat robustly in Spanish. Other aspects of the

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9 languages obligatory gender marking of pronouns and adject ives align less felicitously. Evidentiality M arkers In order for a sentence to be grammatical in Jaqaru it must include an evidentiality (data source) suffix which indicates how a speaker acquired the knowledge they state ; this can be connoted in Spanish and English, but in Jaqaru it is a grammatical class, expressed through morphology Th e three main categories are knowledge and non personal (e.g. historical) knowledge (Hardman 2000: 111 ) ; these correspond with the grammatical persons as well, such that a suffix of person knowledge could not be used to describe another 's interior state, since it is impossible for the speaker to experience it themselves Six of the most common are listed below in desc ending order of speaker certain ty /proximity to the event (Hardman 2008: 57) ( ill = see, w = past tense, ima = 1p>2p): Data source Personal knowledge ill.w .ima.wa A t tenuated ill.w .ima.qa Sureness, but contradictable ill.w .ima.ja Inferential ill.w .ima.psa Knowledge through language ill.w .ima.mna

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10 These data source markers can be represented in a broad way in Andean Spanish by verb tenses, the pluperfect tense for non personal ata and preterite tense for the personal knowledge suffixes This is an interesting case of grammatical tense /aspect takin g on mood in Spanish ; they quite readily, albeit with less nuance and gradiation represent the Jaqaru data source markers These Andean Spanish usages should be employed with care however, as they are not used to connote mood in other Audience/Text of the difficulties of translating within language and across dialects ). In English, there is no way to transfer data source so fluidly between verbs: yam.k.i.mna hunger. 3>3 P PRES KNOWLEDGE THROUGH LA NGUAGE how the knowledge was acquired, conve yed in Jaqaru through morphological class Mak ing the quotative overt in English reflects the grammatical necessity of it in Jaqaru; it would be more common or at least an option in English, in relaying Transl ating it more literally from Jaqaru captures a postulate of the qualify it appropriately. Still, however, the English gloss introduces a valence of

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11 doubt : it could impl y that the quoted speaker might not be telling the truth and therefore her statement needs couching ; this connotati on is not present in the Jaqaru. Treatment of Subject and O bject In Spanish and English (an d all Indo European languages), subject and object are separate morphemes ( though the Spanish subject is often null, e.g. [T] me viste ; [Yo] te vi In Jaqaru (and all Jaqi languages), subject and object are the same morpheme, so there is a ten person conjugation (a nine person conjugation in Kawki and Aymara) (Hardman 2008: 49): 1p to 2p ill.k.ima k = pres. tense) 2p to 1p ill.k.ut a 2p to 4p ill.k.ushta 3p to 1p ill.k.utu 4 3p to 4p ill.k.ushtu 3p to 2p ill.k.tma they 2p to 3p ill.k.ta 1p to 3p ill.k.t a 4p to 3p ill.k. tna 4 convenient gender neutral gloss in English. However, it is important to note that the Jaqaru morpheme encodes any human gender, and does not specify any singular or plural a person gender neutral singular actually represents this Jaqaru non contrast nicely in its ambiguity.

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12 3p to 3p ill.k.i Although this is not inh erently difficult to translate it is worthy of note for the way in which Indo European languages represent agency as compared to the Jaqi languages. In Jaqaru, subject and object are bound together, and do not exist hierarchically as they do in English and Spanish; the subject is not privileged as the agent in the Jaqi languages. Gendered Pronouns and Adjectives In Spanish, grammatical gender for human pronouns is obligatory and is especially marked in the singular: 3p sg. female ella 3p sg. male l I t appears less overtly derived in the third person plural ; however, its covert implications are no less present in the dual r epresentations of conventional Spanish orthography : 3p pl. female ellas 3p pl. male OR neuter ellos

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13 In granting the masculine gend er the dual meaning of neutral, maleness is made neutral, and female other; male ness is pseudo generic But m orphological gender is not present at all in Jaqaru; expression of gender is marked and only used when relevant to discourse ; then it is lexical, and not present grammatically Nor do verbs require a gendered human agent in the singular as they do in English (th ough the is no longer uncommon in many dialects of American English ) At a basic level translating a gender neutral plural in Jaqaru for example, qaylla allchi to Spanish is potentially factually ambiguous as it could be understood as referring to male children or grand children, respectively when it is in fact gender neutral In the following example, in fact, one turn later in the discourse the child/grandchild referent is revealed to be female: Petronila: qaylla psa allchi ps child. AGGREGATE grandchild. AGGREGATE the child, the grandchild wallmchi. txi lluqlla.tx little girl. INTERROGATIVE little boy. INTERROGATIVE Dimas : wallmichi.wa little girl. PERSONAL KNOWLEDGE

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14 little girl ( Petronila Vilca 1977, Jaqi Database p. 130 ) A recent orthographic trend in Spanish (as well as Portuguese) that seeks to address both potential ambiguity and moreover insidious gender dominance of male as neutral arroba in Spanish), customarily used to denote t he site of a particular user in e mail but co opted for a gender aware since its form suggests the vowels a and o (Gen Gil 2007). Using the arroba to translate nouns, pronouns, articles, and adjectives that are/have a human referent is standard practice in the Jaqi Database, and is a sensible solution to both approximate the relative gender neutrality of Jaqaru while calling attention to the way Spanish has conventionally represented gender The use of @ is not without some problems. As far as prescriptivism goes it is still frowned upon by the Real Academia Espaola (RAE) the institution that attempts to regulate the Spanish language, and is not an accepted standard orthographic sign outside of its use in email addresses ( or historically as a unit of weight ) (Real Aca demia Espaola 2005 ). This only concerns this author inasmuch as it affects the representation of Jaqaru in translations that require a register that is not only formal but also standard/prest igious, in the interests of elevating Jaqaru to something equally standard; otherwise, the efforts of the RAE mostly do not come to bear upon the systems people actually choose to represent themselves and their

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15 language. More pressing is the question of h o w to represent the Spanish singular female/male articles la/el or una/un which do not feature a convenient a/ o minimal pair distinction ( Gen Gil 2007 ) There is also no obvious way to pronounce ni@s but many feminists simply say both gendered iterati ons of the pair, often placing the female form first to draw attention to its non secondary position in society and correct the inherent imbalance of derived thinking that sees male as ( Hardman 1999 ); mostly, this is not hugely relevant to problems with written translation, though in order for the arroba to be accepted more widely as a legitimate grapheme, this sort of defense must be articulated more widely in addition to its use across written registers. However, just because gender categories with the non presence of the same in Jaqaru (Silver and Miller 1997: 158) Representing Culture and Beliefs Translating set, idiomatic metaphors has long pre se nted a problem in translation. Equally if not more difficult, to translate are those overarching (generative) metaphors conveyed through linguistic expression, that undergird cultural practice; for instance, the Jaqaru societal treatment and view of vis an emphasis on human vs. animal as opposed to the arguably more prevalent gende r binary of Spanish and English. Worthy of note as well are the original Jaqaru lexical embodiments of color and time both of which have been supplanted nearly completely by morphophone m ically naturalized Spanish vocabulary and therefore Spanish concepts.

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16 It is important to note that the translation of metaphor is not unidirectional, even within a language itself. For instance, in discussing unique featu res of a language, are we guilty of after the fact circular logic? ich some language and their absence in others is more relevant than their diachronic origins. Direct vs. Oblique Translation of Sayings and Idioms Set saying s and idioms ostensibly convey poetic or otherwise nuanced information, but also convey tacit beliefs and cultural ideologies Is it better to translate more literally, using a smaller unit of translation (the word) to convey meaning, or for equivalence by using what the translator deems a cultural correspondence in the destination language ? The former carries intracultural weight while the latter car ries intercultural weight. Koller (1979 in Palumbo 2009 ) s uggests that the further apart the source an d destination language s are from one another in structure, the larger the unit of translation tends to be ; when languages are at odds not only in grammatical s tructure but also belief systems (in the following case, as they relate to normativity), the net translation that scans as perfectly fluent and source language like (a covert

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17 translation). Take, f or example, the following saying in Jaqaru (Dimas Bautista Iturrizaga 2013) : u. m pitx cha w was k t a breast. POS YOUR full just. SS walk. PAST NEAR PERSONAL K NOWLEDGE .1>3 P was just enough The above gloss is a more literal interpretation of the saying, which nuance is perhaps better expressed in English no matter what you gave me enough to go on; I (Hardman 2013). The metaphor expresses respect and love for mother as a way of expressing their thanks for the support and love given to them when they were growing up. A relatively equivalent quotation, in sentiment though not form, might be hacer de tu hijo un h ombre real y enteramente humano ( because you knew to make your son a real man, and fully human ). But t he expression of an idea its form, may be j ust readily understood, intercultural meaning. T his particular saying demonstrates Jaqaru attitudes towards bodies, esp ecially, as contrasted with Western ideologies, towards female bodies. A presently dominant value in [We stern] culture is that T his limited view of the breast is so pervasive lity to successfully

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18 breastfeed, s after childbirth (Ward, Merriwether and Caruthers 2006: 704) This limited exposure to breast s as anything besides a sexual symbol scans as strange and discomfiting, yet for Jaqaru people (and many other Peru vian people of indigenous cultures) breasts and breastfeeding is wholeheartedly embraced both as an act (the open breastfeeding I saw in Tupe) and as symbolism besides that of sex. See, for example, the enormous popularity and millions of YouTube views (many, certainly, in ridicule) of the young Peruvian Cada vez que la veo a mi mamita tempted by he u. m pitx.cha.w was.k.t a equivalent rather than direct representation of the original metaphor would create an unseen lacuna for the reader between the destination text and the source text. Women in Jaqaru Language/Culture: Human vs. Animal/Woman vs. Man another problem of cultural translation. In Jaqaru, a prevailing metaphor is human versus animal, as opposed to Western notions of woman versus man In Spanish, a Jaqar u parent might tell her child, ; in Jaqaru, she might say J aqar arma which, due to the dual meaning of jaqaru as both a demonym and the word for people in general, could be translated as both be Jaqaru! (Bautista 2013)

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19 This human/animal instead of woman/man dichotomy signal s that all people are seen as having equal footing and importance in Jaqaru society Women have autonomy and full legal rights in Jaqaru culture: they maintain their own name, farm land and property before and after marriage Western notions of gender (Oyewumi 19 97: xi) simply do not apply How then, to reflect these attitudes as in the phrase shumay warmi )? The adjective shumaya can mean both equally used with male ref erents, in both significations (Hardman 2000: 13) ; there are few English words that can be used to describe both female and male beauty with there being many more accepted ways to describe the way a younger woman looks. It can also be used as s humay apaka /acxaka (Bautista 2013) in contrast with English, where one could use the same word to describe an attractive older or younger man ( handsome, for instance) but not as frequently the same word for an older or younger woman ( pretty, lovely ). In the is used for people of both cis genders, it has a decidedly different meaning when applied to a woman as opposed to a man it can be broadly attractive. This double standard is imposed upon a translation fro m Jaqaru to English. Lexical Supplanting of Hours and Color

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20 The Jaqaru time system is based on relative light, rather than numerical times; e.g., int muynatza sombras (appearance of The traditiona l l y agrarian society, based around going out to the chakra (fields) every day, gave rise to the exacting attention to shadow and light that would produce words for such concepts. There is a lso no single hours, suggesting that the notion of a unit combining night and daylight is not native to Jaqaru culture (the closest is aps akurkama until tomorrow at this time [Bautista Iturrizaga 32] ) The from that of the Indo European family. There are e ight unique Jaqaru color morphemes all describing various shades of white, grey, black, red or pink; the rest are metaphors or Spanish borrowings ( Har dman 1981). Translating original Jaqaru time and color systems literally could scan as linguistic color of the destination text but moreover renders the source language inaccessi bly strange. Uka \ q qarwa warmi \ q. t hat. TOPIC MARKER alpaca colored woman. REPETITIVE That oman / Alpaca Hair Colored Woman [the name of a song] ( Jaqi Database: Irene/music, p 115)

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21 Taking the approach of a thick translation (one replete with footnotes and intra text explanations), as suggested by Kwame Appiah with Twi (1993) could be a means of retaining the original significance and origin of the time system and color metaphors while avoiding the production of lexical oddities Depending on t he type of text and the main text or the footnote but either way, it would orthographically call the somehow, what was Discussion Lawrence Venuti proclaims the importance of foreignizing tr resistant translation the target text seems not only desirable as a means of demonstrating the p rofound differences in culture and thought between Jaqaru and Spanish, but also to make bare the fact of translation, demonstrating to the target audience that the transfer of ideas between the two language s is fundamentally fraught. The question, then, is how to balance this approach with readability, and how to avoid alienating the reader of the destination text by making a translation too normatively abstruse in the name of foreignization and thereby perpetrate stereotypes of indigenous languages as utte rly other.

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22 Audience/Text In beginning a translation of Jaqaru or any indigenous language with a rich history fundamental consideration of the task is the destination audience. Translating a fox story into say, a bilingual Spanish Jaqaru text for pedagogical purposes, Andean Spanish provides both grammatical and cultural equivalence. That same text, when repurposed for a broader through its non standard use of epistemic verb tenses and discourse markers. Though giving a non privileged dialect its due as a rightfully useful system is important, the perception of Jaqaru and oth er indigenous languages and their speakers is still very much culturally ne gative in the eyes of far too many The state of indigenous language literary privilege is not quite as dire as it used to be, as when in Daniel G. Brinton had to dignify his Engli sh translation of Nahuatl sacred hymns by couch ing it in terms of an accepted foreign text, calling it Rig Veda Americanus ( Len Portilla 1983) It was necessary to overcome the notion, too, that translation was part of a more general trend towa rd a platon ic ideal of language and to alter their form of speaking, nor to do damage to their o Len Portilla 1983: 107).

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23 the source language is likewise promoted to a position of merit. In this case, foreignization could be approximated by providing footnotes and the most problematic and marked differences though it does not compare to the experience of r eading a fully foreignized text. Though solely aspiring to be like the linguistic/sociocultural status quo is hardly ideal, it is hoped that in translating Jaqaru for a very wide audience and thereby reducing the dissonance of an unfamiliar grammar the reader could be made open to other aspects of Jaqaru culture equally worthy of consideration and valuation. The following tr anslation leans towards a foreignized form that is, relative to Western readers and those unfamiliar with Andean Spanish For native speakers of Andean Spanish, it is arguably less foreignized. There is a tricky balance between a blanched, more formalized translation at the high cost of being less true to conventions of Jaqaru and Andean Spanish but, perhaps, more accessible to a wider audience. The original context of the story, as an oral telling, is maintained; this is at odds with and foreign to the Western emphasis on the written, third person story. T hough Westerners recognize the conventions of storytelling, that which we are comfortable calling are usually told using a mo re formal, distant register. The following semi translations that can be found in the Jaqi Database. Providing secondary media recordings of voices that capture the tenor of the story, p hotos of the original teller

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24 and landscape /objects they describe or illustrations of the story are all also possible ways to add to understanding (the database features original recordings of sociolinguistic interviews, songs, and photos ) Background to Fox and Toad Story Fox stories are common in Jaqaru. As in many other Native American cultures, foxes are sly and savvy tricksters. In this story, recounted by native Jaqaru and Kawki speaker Justo de la Cruz, the fox gets bested by a group of toads. T his text is a translation of an oral story; for that reason, I do not attempt to provide a translation that suggests a deliberate written telling. At the same time I recog nize the validity of both the spoken and written word, especially for Jaqaru (a stron gly oral society where people can easily recite elaborate family trees without any written aid), and make the largest edits in structure where to not do so otherwise would be suggestive of an unwelcome and unrelatable otherness or simply lead to confusion This translation is more ethnographic in nature and relatively true to original opposed to sociocultural context. For this reason, a synopsis has been provided below, as context is not worked into the translation itself. Synopsis of Fox and Toad Story A group of toads decided to conspire against the wily and stubborn fox. They had one toad go to the fox and make a bet to race the other in a gorge. The fox and toad

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25 agreed that each would shout out to the other as they raced, so that they would know how far along the other was in the steep, winding Andean foothills, it can be easy to get lost or see farther than a few kilometers. But the toads had set a plan in place beforehand to position themselves all along the path, each calling out just a bit before the fox so the fox would think the one toad was just a bit ahead of him. This caused the fo x to run night and day and become so exhausted as to die. ( See the appendix for photos of Tupe for a visual representation of the gorges. ) Original Jaqaru (Justo de la Cruz 1977 Jaqi Database ) (Note: {spa} indicates a lexical borrowing from Spanish. ) Uk "ama jayas achkanhw kuyntkutna atqu qa {spa apuys} nurkn {spa sapu}wshqa. {spa Sapu}qa arisht'awat may q'aja, atquqa maynich Ukachmn ukat"qa {spa apuysht}shuq, {spa este} wal wal qallyanushptak {spa sapu}qa arisht'awat Sashu < jumaqa {spa mas} manhna, maynsk"a {spa mas} manhna maynsk"a {spa mas} manhna > uk"amamn {spa sapu}q arisht'ushuqa, qallyaw {spa gani}takiq atquq ulluchp". {spa Apuystu}t wal qallywat, uka walkushuqa, sakna atquqa < {spa bos} yakshitna {spa kankula}tn jumatximn {spa gan}tumata na tximn {spa ganu}mam sashuq {spa bos} yakshisn > qam sashumna wasimna sapanqa atquq. < q u q u q u qs sapu}q, < jumaqa qallyaw. Walki walki walki t'ursaq, atquq w a l qallyawat {spa terrible} uk {spa sapu}wshq, {spa sapu}qa arisht'askiqa sakn atquq {spa sirk}chatmn "waq" saki {spa mas} manhankas {spa sapu}qa saki atqumn sikki walki walki

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26 uk"achamna {spa sapu}q {spa mas} manhankasmna "waq" saki < waqaq u q > saki atqumna "waq" saki k"uw walki walki uk"achmn w ijchishiwi atquq jama jiwawi, {spa sapu} {spa gana} wi atquq jiwaw Spanish (adapted from Jaqi Database) As de antes mis viejos me conta ban que el zorro haba hecho una apuesta con el sapo. Los sapos se hab an conversado en una quebrada; el zorro era uno solo. Dizque s no ms despus de haber apostado, para que inicie la carrera, los sapos se tu ms abajo, otr o ms abajo, en turno otro ms as dizque los sapos Al haberse puesto de acuerdo, empez para ganar al zorro solito. Por la apuesta el zorro haba empezado a correr eso estaban corriendo. D eca el zorro amos dndonos la voz: calcularemos si me ganars tu o si no te ganar enton que dizque diciendo el zorro. dirs quququqs entonces s, ¡ yo s E mpez a correr. ¡C orre que corre que corre, dia y noche! E l zorro em pez a correr harto con el sapo. As l os sapos se hab an hecho co nversar entre ellos y empezaron su plan E l sapo de abajo dizque haba dicho; e l zorro de cerca dizque el sapo de abajo ya dijo. E l zorro segua, corra, corra as no ms, dijo! E l zorro dizque all corra que corra as no ms dizque se te rm in, el zorro, del todo muri. Los sapo s gan, el zorro muri.

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27 English (adapted from Jaqi Database) So i n the past my parents used to tell me about how the fox made a bet with the toad. The toads made a plan in a gorge; the fox was alone away They do say that a fter betting with the fox, the t oads conspire d in order to race with the fox, saying you farther down the road; an o ther even further lower down the road; and so the toads said. In coming to this agreement the toads set their plan to win against th e lone fox. The fox started to run to win the bet they were all running T he fox said, will shout out along the way to let each othe r know if you end up beating so they say the fox said they say quququqs hen you say 'waq ,' I will know So they began running. They ran and ran and ran day and night. T he fox bega n to catch up with the toad. So the other toads talked amongst each other and set their plan in action. So they say the toad ; they say that the nearby fox said 'waq'; then the toad already even lower down spoke. So the fox just kept on running, just like that, they say. A toad from down below said called out T hen the fox kept on running and running until the fox was done for and died. The toad s won the fox died. Notes

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28 Issues arise from the large structural differences between Jaqaru and the two Indo European languages and occasionally between Spanish and English The toads made a plan loses the distance conveyed in both Jaqaru nurkn (base data source morpheme \ ana \ conveys remote personal knowledge) and its Andean Spanish equivalent haba hecho ; but the alternative, literal translation that would accord the pluperfect construction, w hich does not convey aspect here but rather a reflection of the distance of knowledge Speaker distance is conveyed elsewhere, in to convey Jaqaru \ mna \ or kno wledge through language, as in ukachmn j ust do say that izque s no ms T adverb or adjective that expresses distance and doubt, from an a rchaic form of the verb decir to say que common in Spanish of the Americas ( Celi Arellano 2012 ). Another way the Jaqaru postulate of data source comes through in both the Spanish and English translations is the frequent use of quotative speech, ofte n bookending a single utterance; for example, Ukachmn ukat"qa {spa apuysht}shuq, {spa este} wal wal qal lyanushptak {spa sapu}qa arisht'awat uk"amamn {spa sapu}q : fter betting with the fox, the toads conspire toads said This robust use of quotatives may also be due to the fact that the speaker is recounting (an order of dis tance) a fable (another order of distance) and frequently quoting a character (yet another order).

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29 Some of the usages throughout the translations are not of any convention in those destination languages. Many fables/stories in English and Spanish with ant hropomorphic animals use human pronouns; since Jaqaru does not have a are used instead of imposing any gender. Imposing plurality, however, is unavoidable; see, for example, os sapo s gan {spa sapu} {spa gana} wi which unfortunately misses the ambiguity conveyed in the unmarked original that encapsulates the fact that the toads as a unit posed as one. Some usages are novel in the translations meant to serve as both in text translation and extratexual, deitic signaling that the speaker may originally have conveyed with intonation or gesture : the original {spa sapu}qa arisht'askiqa lustrate their reaction to the adding an explicit context, other toads talked amongst each other and set their plan in action makes up for what was likely paralinguistically suggested. Further Questions Jaqaru is not fundamental ly, However, care must be taken in translating it, as with any language especially in consideration of the nature of the destination text keeping in mind, however, that the source text is that which ultimately contains and reflects the language, culture and humanity of Jaqaru. The questions of how to translate various Jaqaru texts so frequently oral to the imperial languages so often written are often highly bound in their end purpose. Further

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30 study on the specific effects produced b y translations along the scales of foreignized and thick in various genres would be useful in this regard. How best, between specific kinds of texts, to produce a good representation of Jaqaru poetics? When is it more important to make the literature of th versus it as a mirror of an alte rnative culture and worldsense? What is certain is that further study of indigenous /colonial language translation will produce stimulating glimpses into sociocultural differences and similari ties, especially those that transcend language. Bibliography Callaloo 16 (4): 808 19. Apter, Emily. 2010. The Translation Z one. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Asa dzadeh, Mehdi and Abbasi, Ali. 2 012. Ethnocentric or Non Translorial September. Available at http://translorial.com/2012/09/01/translation and ethnography ethnocentric or non ethnocentric/ (accessed 16 December 2012). Literature Guatemalteca Available at http://www.literaturaguatemalteca.org/ast26.htm (accessed 11 April 2013).

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31 Bautista Iturrizaga, Dimas. 2010. Mark Qillqa Tupe. Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Mar cos. Bautista Iturrizaga, Dimas. 2013. Discussion/consultation, January April. Beck, Howard; Bautista Iturrizaga, Dimas; Hardman, M. J.; Legg, Sue M.; and Lowe, Elizabeth. Jaqi Online Database Available at test.aymara. ufl.edu/LyraEditor/languageeditor.h tml. Celi Arellano, Paola. 2012. UDEP Hoy. Available at http://beta. udep.edu.pe/hoy/2012/escribir dizque con buenas intenciones/ (accessed 9 April 2013). Demetracapoul ou, Dorothy and Du Bois, Cora. 1932. The Journal of American Folklore 45 (178). ElCastellano.org: La Pgina del Idioma Espaol. Available at http://www.elcastellano.org/ns/edicion/2007/diciem bre/arroba.html (accessed 30 March 2013). Gentzler, Edwin. 1993. Contemporary Translation T heories London: Routledge.

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32 Len Portilla, Miguel. 1983. Translating the Amerindian Texts. Latin American Indian Literatures, 7: 101 22. Hardman, MJ. 1978. amily. International Journal of Anthropological Linguistics 44 ( 2 ) Hardman, MJ. 1981 International Journal of American Linguistics 47 (1): 66 8. Hardman, MJ. 1986. Data Source Marking in the Jaqi L anguages. In Wallace Chafe & Johanna Nichols (eds.), Evidentiality: The Linguistic Coding of E pistemology Nor wood, New Jersey: Ablex pp 113 36. Vol. XX: Advances in Discourse Processes. Hardman, MJ & Aurora Acosta Rojas. 1988. De Donde Vino el J aqaru? A ndean Press/Qillq Imprenta, 2nd ed. Hardman, MJ. 1992 enguas Jaqi Dilogo Andino 7/8: 121 34. Hard man, MJ & Shoko Saito Hamano. 1997. Language S truc ture Discovery M ethods: A Field M anual. Andean Press, 4 th ed.

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33 Hardman, MJ. 1999. Women and Language 22: 1 2 Hardman, MJ. 2000. Jaqaru Languages of the World/Materia ls 183, Lincom Europa. Muenchen: Germany. Hardman, MJ. 2008 Structure of Jaqaru. Andean Press. Hardman, MJ. 2013. E mail correspondence, April 5. Laprade, Richard A. 1981. Some Cases of Aymara Influence on La Paz Spanish. The Aymara Language in Its Social and Cultural Cont ext, ed. by M. J. Hardman. 207 27. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Len Portilla, Miguel 1983. exts. Latin American Indian Literatures 7: 101 22. Lewis, M. Paul, Gary F. Simon s, and Charles D. Fennig (eds.). 2013. Ethno logue: Languages of the World, s eventeenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www. ethnologue.com.

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34 Linguistic Influence of the Cuzco Quechua Epistemic In Potowski, Kim and Richard Cameron (eds.), Spanish in Contact: Policy, Social and Linguistic Inquiries John Benjamins. The Aymara Language in Its Social and Cultural Context ed. by M. J. Hardman. 205 6. Gainesville: U niversity Press of Florida. Martin, Laura. 1975. Substrate Influence and Hispanic L inguistics. Unpublished : University of Florida, Department of Linguistics Oyrnk 1997. The Invention of Women Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Plsson, Gisl. Beyond Boundaries: Understanding, Translation and Anthropological Discourse Gisl Plsson, ed Oxford: Berg Publishers. Palumbo, Giuseppe. 2009. Key Terms in Translation Studies New York: Continuum Internation al Publishing Group. Silver, Shirley and Wick R. Miller. 1997. American Indian Languages: Cultural and Social C ontexts Tucson: The University of Arizona Press.

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35 Tedlock, Dennis. 1971. The Journal of American Folklore 84 (331). Ward L. Monique, Merriwether Ann and Caruthers, Allison. 2006. Breasts Are for Sex Roles, 55 ( 9 10 ) : 703 14 Zavala, Virginia. 2001. Evidential Functions from Quechua: The R ole of P ues as a D iscourse M arker in Andean Spanish. Journal of Pragmatics 33: 999 1023. Appendix a) The region Jaqaru is spoken in (Tupe) in southwestern Peru.

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36 b) The town of Tupe. Visible are the craggy, steep gullies that provide the topographical context for the fox and toad story.

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37 c) A picture of myself (right) with one of my consultants, Ludina Casas (left).