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Title: Notes on the Floridian peninsula, its literary history, Indian tribes and antiquities
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Full Text



d a-4G/JL'p

- 71 -I" I I I




K ji

V.- I


V.- I










Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859, by


In the Clerk's office of the District Court, in and for the
Eastern District of Pennsylvania.











THE present little work is the partial result of odd hours
spent in the study of the history, especially the ancient
history-if by this term I may be allowed to mean all that
pertains to the aborigines and first settlers-of the peninsula
of Florida. In some instances, personal observations during -
a visit thither, undertaken for the purposes of health in
the winter of 1856-57, have furnished original matter, and
served to explain, modify, or confirm the statements of
previous writers.
Aware of the isolated interest ever attached to merely
local history, I have endeavored, as far as possible, by
pointing out various analogies, and connecting detached
facts, to impress upon it a character of general value to
the archaeologist and historian. Should the attempt have
been successful, and should the book aid as an incentive to
the rapidly increasing attention devoted to subjects of this
nature, I shall feel myself amply repaid for the hours of
toil, which have also ever been hours of pleasure, spent in
its preparation.


V.- I


Introductory Remarks.-The Early Explorations.-The
French Colonies.-The First Spanish Supremacy.-
The English Supremacy.-The Second Spanish
Supremacy.-The Supremacy of the United States.-
Maps and Charts............................................ 13

Derivation of the Name.-Earliest Notices of.-Visited
and Described by Bristock, in 1653.-Authenticity of
his Narrative.-Subsequent History and Final Extinc-
tion ........................................................ 92

and Tegesta.-Tocobaga.-Vitachuco.-Utina.-So-
turiba.-Method of Government.
S 2. CIVILIZATION.-Appearance.-Games.-Agriculture.
S-Construction of Dwellings.-Clothing.
3. RELIGION.--General Remarks.-Festivals in Honor
0 of the Sun and Moon.-Sacrifices.-Priests.-Sepul-
chral Rites.
S 4. LANGUAGES.-The Timuquana Tongue.-Words
Preserved by the French...................................... 111

I 1____1



1. Yemassees.-Uchees.-Apalachicolos.- Migrations
2. Seminoles .................. .......................... .... 139

Early Attempts.-Efforts of Aviles.-Later Missions.-
Extent during the most Flourishing Period.-Decay.. 150

Mounds.-Roads.-Shell Heaps.-Old Fields.............. 166

The Silver Spring................................................ 183


The Mummies of the Mississippi Valley.................... 191

The Precious Metals Possessed by the Early Floridian
Indians ............................. ........................... 199





Introductory Remarks.-The Early Explorations.-The French
Colonies.-The first Spanish Supremacy.-The English
Supremacy.-The second Spanish Supremacy.-The Su-
premacy of the United States.-Maps and Charts.

IN the study of special and local history, the inquirer
finds his most laborious task is to learn how much his
predecessors have achieved. It is principally to obviate
this difficulty in so far as it relates to a very interest-
ing, because first settled portion of our country, that I
present the following treatise on the bibliographical
history of East Florida. A few words are necessary
to define its limits, and to explain the method chosen
in collocating works.
In reference to the latter, the simple and natural
plan of grouping into one section all works of whatever
date, illustrating any one period, suggests itself as well
adapted to the strongly marked history of Florida, how-
ever objectionable it might be in other cases. These
periods are six in number, and consequently into six
sections a bibliography naturally falls. The deeds of
the early explorers, the settlement and subsequent
destruction of the French, the two periods when Spain
wielded the sovereign power, the intervening supre-
macy of England, and lastly, since it became attached


to the United States, offer distinct fields of research,
and are illustrated by different types of books. Such an
arrangement differs not materially from a chronological
adnumeration, and has many advantages of its own.
Greater difficulty has been experienced in fixing the
proper limits of such an essay. East Florida itself has
no defined boundaries. I have followed those laid
down by the English in the Definitive Treaty of Peace
of the 10th of February, 1763, when for the first time,
East and West Florida were politically distinguished.
The line of demarcation is here stated as "the Apala-
chicola or Chataouche river." The Spaniards afterwards
included all that region lying east of the Rio Perdido.
I am aware that the bibliography of the Spanish settle-
ment is incomplete, unless the many documents relating
to Pensacola are included, but at present, this is not
attempted. It has been deemed advisable to embrace
not only those works specially devoted to this region,
but also all others containing original matter apper-
taining thereto. Essays and reviews are mentioned
only when of unusual excellence; and a number of ex-
clusively political pamphlets of recent date have been
designedly omitted.
As I have been obliged to confine my researches to
the libraries of this country, it will be readily under-
stood that a complete list can hardly be expected. Yet
I do not think that many others of importance exist in
Europe, even in manuscript; or if so, they have escaped
the scrutiny of the laborious Gustav Haenel, whose
Catalog Librorum Manuscriptorum I have examined
with special reference to this subject. It is proper to
add that the critical remarks are founded on personal
examination in all cases, except where the contrary is


b I



No distinct account remains of the two voyages
(1512, 1521,) of the first discoverer and namer of
Florida, Juan Ponce do Leon. What few particulars
we have concerning them are included in the general
histories of Herrera, Gomara, Peter Martyr, and of
lesser writers. However much the historian may
regret this, it has had one advantage,-the romantic
shadowing that hung over his aims and aspirations is
undisturbed, and has given them as peculiar property
to the poet and the novelist.
Of Pamphilo de Narvaez, on the contrary, a much
inferior man, we have far more satisfactory relations.
His Proclamation to theIndians' has been justly styled
a curious monument of the spirit of the times. It
was occasioned by a merciful (!) provision of the laws
of the Indies forbidding war to be waged against the
natives before they had been formally summoned to
recognize the authority of the Pope and His Most
Catholic Majesty. Should, however, the barbarians
be so contumacious as to prefer their ancestral religion
to that of their invaders, or their own chief to the
Spanish king, then, says Narvaez, With the aid of
God and my own sword I shall march upon you; with
all means and from all sides I shall war against you;
I shall compel you to obey the Holy Church and his
Majesty; I shall seize you, your wives and your

1 Sommation A fair aux Habitants des Contrees et Pro-
vinces qui s'6tendent depuis la Rivirre des Palmes et le cap
de la Floride. Extrait du livre des copies des Provinces de
la Floride, Seville Chambre da Commerce, 1527. It is the
first piece in Ternaux-Compans' Recueil des Pieces sur la


children; I shall enslave you, shall sell you, or other-
wise dispose of you as His Majesty may see fit; your
property shall I take, and destroy, and every possible
harm shall I work you as refractory subjects." Thus
did cruelty and avarice stalk abroad in the garb of
religion, and an insatiable rapacity shield itself by the
precepts of Christianity.
Among the officers appointed by the king to look
after the royal interest in this expedition, holding the
post of comptroller or factor (Tesorero), was a certain
Alvar Nuftez, of the distinguished family of Cabeza de
Vaca or the Cow's Head; deriving their origin and
unsonorous name from Martin Alhaja, a mountaineer
of Castro Ferral, who, placing the bones of a cow's
head as a landmark, was instrumental in gaining for
the Christians the decisive battle of Las Navas de
Tolosa (1212), and was ennobled in consequence.
When war, disease, and famine had reduced the force
of Narvaez from three hundred to only half a dozen
men, Alvar Nufiez was one of these, and after seven
years wandering, replete with the wildest adventure,
returned to Spain, there to receive the government of
a fleet and the appointment of Adelantado to the un-
explored regions around the Rio de la Plata. Years
afterwards, when his rapacity and reckless tyranny had
excited a mutiny among his soldiers and the animosity
of his associates, or, as his defenders maintain, his
success their envy and ill-will, he was arraigned before
the council of the Indies in Spain. While the suit
was pending, as a stroke of policy in order to exculpate
his former life and set forth to the world his steadfast
devotion to the interests of the king, in conjunction
with his secretary Pedro Fernandez he wrote and pub-
lished two works, one under his own supervision




detailing his adventures in Florida,' the other his
transactions in South America. Twenty-seven years
had elapsed since the expedition of Narvaez, and prob-
ably of the few that escaped, he alone survived. When
we consider this, and the end for which the book was
written, what wonder that we find Alvar Nufiez always
giving the best advice which Narvaez never follows,
and always at hand though other men fail nor, if we
bear in mind the credulous spirit of the age and
nation, is it marvellous that the astute statesman
S aiates wondrous miracles, even to healing the sick and
raising the dead, that he performed, proving that it
vwapas he himself says, the visible hand of God"
that protected him in his perilous roamings. Thus it
happens that his work is "r disfigured by bold exagger-
ations and the wildest fictions," tasking even Spanish
credulity to such an extent that Barcia prefaced his
edition of it with an Examen Apologetico by the
erudite Marquis of Sorito, who, marshalling together
all miraculous deeds recorded, proves conclusively that
Alvar Nufiez tells the truth as certainly as many ven-
rable abbots and fathers of the Church. However
much this detracts from its trustworthiness, it is in-
valmible for its ethnographical data, and as the only
etamt history of the expedition, the greatest miracle
ftUs till remaining, that half a dozen unprotected
pen, ignorant of the languages of the natives and of

Naufragios de Alvar Nuffez Cabeza de Vaca en la Florida,
Valladolid, 1555; republished by Barcia, in the Historiadores
Priaitirve de las Indias Occidentales, Tomo II., Madrid,
1401; translated by Ramusio, Viaggi, Tom. III., Venetia,
1556, from which Purchas made his abbreviated translation,
Vol. IV.. London, 1624; translated entire, with valuable
notes and maps by Buckingham Smith, Washington, 1851.
French translation by Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1837.


their proper course, should have safely journeyed three
thousand miles, from the bay of Apalache to Sonora
in Mexico, through barbarous hordes continually en-
gaged in internecine war. Of the many eventful
lives that crowd the stormy opening of American his-
tory, I know of none more fraught with peril of
every sort, none whose story is more absorbing, than
that of Cabeza de Vaca.
The unfortunate termination of Narvaez's under-
taking had settled nothing. Tales of the fabulous
wealth of Florida still found credence in Spain; and
it was reserved for Hernando de Soto to disprove them
at the cost of his life and fortune. There are extant
five original documents pertaining to his expedition.
First of these in point of time is his commission
from the emperor Charles V.1
The next is a letter written by himself to the Muni-
cipality of Santiago,2 dated July 9, 1539, describing
his voyage and disembarkation. Besides its historical
value, which is considerable as fixing definitely the
time and manner of his landing, it has additional in-
terest as the only known letter of De Soto; short as
it is, it reveals much of the true character of the man.
The hopes that glowed in his breast amid the glitter-
ing throng on the quay of San Lucar de Barrameda
are as bright as ever: Glory be to God," he exclaims,
1 Asiento y capitulacion hecho por el capital Hernando de
Soto, con el Emperador Carlos V., para la Conquista y Pob-
lacion de la Provincia de la Florida, y encomienda de la Go-
bernacion de la Isla de Cuba, 1687. Printed in 1844, in the
preface to the Portuguese Gentleman's Narrative, by the Lis-
bon Academy of Sciences, from the manuscript in the Hydro-
graphical Bureau of Madrid.
SLettre ecrite par I'Adelantade Soto, au Corps Municipal
de la Ville de Santiago, de 1'Isle de Cuba. In Ternaux-
Compans' Recueil des Pieces sur la Floride.


_1_ 111


" every thing occurs according to His will; He seems
to take an especial care of our expedition, which lives
in Him alone, and Him I thank a thousand times."
The accounts from the interior were in the highest
degree encouraging : So many things do they tell me
of its size and importance," he says, speaking of the
village of Ocala, that I dare not repeat them."
Blissful ignorance of the old cavalier, over which
coming misfortune cast no presageful shadow!
The position that Alvar Nuflez occupied under
Narvaez was filled in this expedition by Luis Hernan-
dez de Biedma, and like Nufiez, he was lucky enough
to be among the few survivors. In 1544, shortly after
his return, he presented the king a brief account of his
adventures.1 He dwells on no particulars, succinctly
and intelligibly mentions their course and the princi-
pal provinces through which they passed, and throws
in occasional notices of the natives. The whole has
an air of honest truth, differs but little from the gen-
tleman of Elvas except in omission, and where there
is disagreement, Biedma is often more probable.
When the enthusiasm for the expedition was at its
height, and the flower of Spanish chivalry was hieing
to the little port of San Lucar of Barrameda, many
Portuguese of good estate sought to enroll themselves
beneath its banners. Among these, eight hidalgos
sallied forth from the warlike little town of Elvas
(Evora) in the province of Alemtejo. Fourteen years
after the disastrous close of the undertaking, one of
I Relation de ce que arrival pendant le Voyage du Capitaine
Soto, et Details sur la Nature des pays qu'il parcourut, par
Luis Hernandez de Biedaa; first printed in Ternaux-Com-
pan's Recueil; Eng. trans. by Rye, appended to the Hackluyt
Society's edition of the Portuguese Gentleman's Narrative,
London, 1852.


their number published anonymously in his native
tongue the first printed account of it.1 Now which it
was will probably ever remain an enigma. Because
Alvaro Fernandes is mentioned last, he has been sup-
posed the author,2 but unfortunately for this hypothe-
sis, Alvaro was killed in Apalache.3 So likewise we
have notices of the deaths of Andres de Vasconcelo
and Men Roiz Pereira (Men Rodriguez); it is not
likely to have been. Juan Cordes from the very brief
account of the march of Juan de Afiasco, whom this
hidalgo accompanied; so it lies between Fernando and
Estevan Pegado, Benedict Fernandez, and Antonio Mar-
tinez Segurado. I find very slight reasons for ascrib-
ing it to either of these in preference, though the least
can be objected to the latter. Owing to this uncer-
tainty, it is usually referred to as the Portuguese Gentle-
man's Narrative. Whoever he was, he has left us by
all odds the best history of the expedition. Superior
to Biedma in completeness, and to La Vega in accu-
Relacao Verdadeira dos Trabalhos q ho Gouernador d5
Fernido d' Souto y certos Fidalgos Portugueses passarom no
d' scobrimeto da provincia da Frolida. Agora nouamkte feita
per ha Fidalgo Deluas, 8vo., Evora, 1557; reprinted, 8vo.,
Lisboa, 1844, by the Academia Real das Sciencias, with a
valuable preface. It was "contracted" by Purchas, vol. IV.,
London, 1624; translated entire by Hackluyt, under the title,
Virginia richly valued by the Description of Florida, her
next Neighbor," published both separately and in his Collec-
tions, vol. V., and subsequently by Peter Force, Washington,
1846, and by the Hackluyt Society, with a valuable introduc-
tion by J. T. Rye, London, 1852; another "very inferior"
translation from the French, London, 1686. French trans.
by M. D. C. tM. de Citri de la Guette), 12mo., Paris, 1685,
and again in two parts, 1707-9. Dutch trans, in Van der
Aa's Collection, 8vo., 1706, with schoone kopere Platen,"
and a map.
2 Buckingham Smith, Translation of Cabeza de Vaca, p. 126.
3 Herrera, Dec. VII., cap. x., p. 16.




racy, of a tolerably finished style and seasoned with a
dash of fancy, it well repays perusal even by the
general reader.
The next work that comes under our notice is in
eome respects the most remarkable in Spanish Historical
Liteature. When the eminent critic and historian
Prescott awarded to Antonio de Solis the honor of
being the first Spanish writer who treated history as
an art, not a science, and first appreciated the indisso-
luble bond that should ever connect it to poetry and
belles-lettres, he certainly overlooked the prior claims
of Garoias Laso or Garcilasso de la Vega. Born in
Gusco in the year 1539,1 claiming by his mother the
regal blood of the Incas, and by his father that of the
old Spanish nobility, he received a liberal education
both in Pern and Spain. With a mind refined by
retirement, an imagination attuned by a love of poetry
and the.drama, and with a vein of delicate humor, he
was eminently qualified to enter into the spirit of an
undertaking like De Soto's. His Conquest of Floridae
I Ticknor, i' his History of Spanish Literature, says 1540;
the Biographie Universelle, 1530; errors that may be cor-
reoted from the Inca's own words: "Yo nasci el afio mil y
quinientes y treinta y nueve." Commentarios Reales, Parte
Segunda, Lib. II., cap. xxv.
2 La Florida del Inca; Historia del Adelantado Hernando
de Soto, Governador y Capitan General del Reino de la Flo-
rida, y de otros Heroicos Caballeros, Espaioles y Indios; 4to,
Llsbona, 1606; folio, Madrid, 1728; 12mo., Madrid, 1803.
ftench trans. by St. Pierre Richelet, Paris, 1670, and 1709;
Leyde, 1781; La Haye, 1785; by J. Badouin, Amsterdam,
1787. German trans. from the French, by H. S. Meier,
Zelle, 1753; Nordhausen, 1785. Fray Pedro Abiles in the
Censura to the second Spanish edition, speaks of a garbled
Dutch translation or imitation, under the title (I retain his
Curious orthography), Der West Indis che Spiegel Durch At-
Aqnasium Inga, Peruan von Cusco, T. Amsterdam, by Broer Jan-
imn, 1624.


is a true historical drama, whose catastrophe proves it
a tragedy. He is said to lack the purity of Mariana,
and not to equal De Solis in severely artistic arrange-
ment; but in grace and fascination of style, in gorgeous
and vivid picturing, and in originality of diction-for
unlike his cotemporaries, La Vega modelled his ideas
on no Procustean bed of classical authorship-he is
superior to either. None can arise from the perusal
of his work without agreeing with Southey, that it is
' one of the most delightful in the Spanish language."
But when we descend to the matter of facts and figures,
and critically compare this with the other narratives,
we find the Inca always gives the highest number,
always makes the array more imposing, the battle more
furious, the victory more glorious, and the defeat more
disastrous than either. We meet with fair and gentle
princesses, with noble Indian braves, with mighty deeds
of prowess, and tales of peril, strange and rare. Yet
he strenuously avers his own accuracy, gives with care
his authorities, and vindicates their veracity. What
then were these? First and most important were his
conversations with a noble Spaniard who had accom-
panied De Soto as a volunteer. His name does not
appear, but so thorough was his information and so
unquestioned his character, that when the Council
Royal of the Indies wished to inquire about the expe-
dition, they summoned him in preference to all others.
What he related verbally, the Inca wrote down, and
gradually moulded into a narrative form. This was
already completed when two written memoirs fell into
his hands. Both were short, inelegant, and obscure,
the productions of two private soldiers, Alonso de
Carmona and Juan Coles, and only served to settle
with more accuracy a few particulars. Though the

111 11 ,

0 0



narrative published at Elvas had been out nearly half
a century before La Vega's work appeared, yet he had
evidently never seen it; a piece of oversight less won-
derful in the sixteenth century than in these index and
catalogue days. They differ much, and although most
historians prefer the less ambitious statements of the
Portuguese, the Inca has not been left without defenders.
SChief among these, and very favorably known to
American readers, is Theodore Irving.' When this
writer was pursuing his studies at Madrid, he came
across La Vega's Historia. Intensely interested by
the facts, and the happy diction in which they were
set forth, he undertook a free translation; but subse-
quently meeting with the other narratives, modified his
plan somewhat, aiming to retain the beauties of the
one, without ignoring the more moderate versions of
the others. In the preface and appendix to his His-
tory of Florida, he defends the veracity of the Inca,
and exhibits throughout an evident leaning toward his
ampler estimates. His composition is eminently chaste
and pleasing, and La Vega may be considered fortunate
in having obtained so congenial an admirer. Entering
fully into the spirit of the age, thoroughly versed in
the Spanish character and language, and with such
able command of his native tongue, it is to be regretted
that the duties of his position have prevented Mr.
Irving from further labors in that field for which he
has shown himself so well qualified.
Many attempts have been made to trace De Soto's
route. Those of Homans, Charlevoix, Guillaume de
l'Isle and other early writers were foiled by their want
1 The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de Soto, 2 vols.
8vo., Philadelphia, 1835; revised edition, 1 vol., 8vo., New
York, 1861, with a map of De Soto's route.


of correct geographical knowledge., Not till the
present century was anything definite established.
The naturalist Nuttall" who had personally examined
the regions along and west of the Mississippi, and
Williams8 who had a similar topographical acquaint-
ance with the peninsula of Florida, did much toward
determining either extremity of his course, while the
philological researches of Albert Gallatin on the
Choktah confederacy4 threw much light on the inter-
mediate portion. Dr. McCulloh,5 whose indefatigable
labors in the field of' American archaeology deserve
the highest praise, combined the labors of his prede-
cessors and mapped out the march with much accuracy.
Since the publication of his work, Dr. J. W. Monette,6
Col. Albert J. Pickett,7 Alexander Meek,8 Theodore
Irving,9 Charles Guyarre,'1 L. A. Wilmer," and others

Charlevoix' scheme may be found in his Histoire de la
Nouvelle France; De 1'Isle's in the fifth volume of the Voy-
ages au Nord, and in his Atlas Nouveau; Homans' is quoted
by Warden in the Chronologie Historique de l'Amerique; all
in the first half of the eighteenth century.
2 Travels into the Arkansa Territory, in 1819, Phila., 1821.
3 Natural and Civil History of Florida.
4 Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vol. II.
6 Antiquarian Researches.
6 History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of
the Mississippi, New York, 1846, vol. I.
I History of Alabama, and incidentally of Georgia and Mis-
sissippi, vol. I.
8 Southern Monthly Magazine and Review for Jan., 1889.
9 History of the Conquest of Florida.
10 History of Louisiana.
1 Life, Travels, and Adventures of Ferdinand de Soto, 8vo.,
Philadelphia, 1858; an excellent popular compend.-Mr.
Schoolcraft, in the third volume of the History of the Indian
Tribes, has described from personal examination the coun-
try in the vicinity of the Ozark mountains, with reference to
the westernmost portion of De Soto's route.



have bestowed more or less attention to the question.
A very excellent resume of most of their labors, with
an accompanying map, is given by Rye in his introduc-
tion to the Hackluyt Society's edition of the Portuguese
Gentleman's Narrative, who also adds a tabular com-
prison of the statements of this and La Vega's
From the failure of De Soto's expedition to the
settlement of the French at the mouth of the St.
John's, no very active measures were taken by the
Spanish government in regard to Florida.
A vain attempt was made in 1549 by some zealous
Dominicans to obtain a footing on the Gulf coast. A
record of their voyage, written probably by Juan de
Arafia, captain of the vessel, is preserved;* it is a
confused account, of little value.
The Compte-Rendu of Guido de las Bazares,9 who
explored Apalache Bay (Bahia de Miruelo) in 1559,
to which is appended an epitome ,of the voyage of
Angel de Villafafie to the coasts of South Carolina in
1561, and a letter from the viceroy of New Spains
relating to the voyage of Tristan de Arellano to
Pensacola Bay (Santa Maria de Galve), are of value
in verifying certain important dates in the geographical
history of our country; and as they indicate, contrary

Relation de la Floride pourl' Illustrissime Seigneur, Vice
Roi de la Nouvelle Espagne, apport4 par Frdre Gregorio de
Beteta; in Ternaux-Compans' Recueil.
Compete Rendu par Guido de las Bazares, du voyage qu'il
fait pour decouvrir lea ports et lea babies qui sont sur la cute
de la Floride; in Ternaux-Compans' Recueil.
Lettre du yice-roi de la Nouvelle Espagne, Don Luis de
Velasco, l ea Saerde Majestg, Catholique et Royale, sur les
affaires de la Floride. De Mexico, le 24 Septembre, 1559;
in Ternaux-Compans' Recueil.


to the assertion of a distinguished living historian,' that
the Spaniards had not wholly forgotten that land, the
avenues to which death seemed to guard."
Much more valuable than any of these is the
memoir of Hernando D'Escalante Fontanedo.' This
writer gives the following account of himself: born of
Spanish parents in the town of Carthagena in 1538, at
the age of thirteen he was sent to Spain to receive his
education, but suffering shipwreck off the Florida
coast, was spared and brought up among the natives,
living with various tribes till his thirtieth year.
He adds that in the same ship with him were Don
Martin de Guzman, Hernando de Andino, deputy from
Popayan, Alonso de Mesa, and Juan Otis de Zarate.
Now at least one of these, the last mentioned, was
never shipwrecked at any time on Florida, and in the
very year of the alleged occurrence (1551) was
appointed captain in a cavalry regiment in P,eru, where
he remained for a. number of years ; nor do I know
the slightest collateral authority for believing that
either of the others suffered such a casualty. He
asserts, moreover, that after his return to Spain he
sought the post of interpreter under Aviles, then
planning his attack on the Huguenots. But as this
occurred in 1565, how could he have spent from his
thirteenth to his thirtieth year, beginning with 1551,
a prisoner among the Indians? In spite of these
contradictions, there remains enough to make his
memoir of great worth. He boasts that he could

1 Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. I., p. 60.
2 Memoire sur la Floride, ses C6tes et ses Habitants, qu'
aucun de ceux qui 1'ont visit ont su d'Vorire; in Ternaux-
Compans' Recueil.
3 Herrera, Dec. VIII., lib. IX., cap. xviii.

_ I


peak four Indian tongues, that there were only two
with which he was not familiar, and calls attention to
what has since been termed their polysyntheti "
structure. Thus he mentions that the phrase se-le-te-ga,
go and see if any one is at the look-out, is compounded
partially of tefihue, look-out; but in speaking," he
observes, the Floridians abridge their words more than
we do." Though he did not obtain the post of inter-
preter, he accompanied the expedition of Aviles, and
takes credit to himself for having preserved it from
the traitorous designs of his successful rival: "If I
and a mulatto," he says, had not hindred him, all of
nts would have been killed. Pedro Menendez would
not have died at Santander, but in Florida, where
there is neither river nor bay unknown to me." For
this service they received no reward, and he complains:
"As for us, we have not received any pay, and have
returned with broken health; we have gained very
little therefore in going to Florida, where we received
no advancement." Mufioz appended the following
note to this memoir: Excellent account, though of a
man unaccustomed to writing, which is the cause of
the numerous meaningless passages it contains."
Ternaux-Compans adds: Without finding, as Mufioz,
this account excellent, I thought it best to insert it
here as containing valuable notices of the geography
pf-Florida. It is often unintelligible; and notwithstand-
ing all the pains I have taken in the translation, I
taust beg the indulgence of the reader." The geo-
graphical notices are indeed valuable, particularly in
locating the ancient Indian tribes. The style is crude
and confused, but I find few passages so unintelligible
is not to yield to a careful study and a comparison
with contemporary history. The memoir is addressed,


" Tres puissant Seigneur," and was probably intended
to get its author a position. The date of writing is
nowhere mentioned, but as it was not long after the
death of Aviles (1574), we cannot be far wrong in
laying it about 1580.

2.-THE FRENCH COLONIES. 1562-1567.

Several distinct events characterize this period of
Floridian history. The explorations and settlements
of the French, their extirpation by the Spaniards and
the founding of St. Augustine, the retaliation of De
Gourgues as they constitute separate subjects of
investigation, so they may be assumed as nuclei around
which to group extant documents. Compendiums of
the whole by later writers form an additional class.
First in point of time is Jean Ribaut's report to
Admiral Coligny. This was never printed in the
original, but by some chance fell into the hands of an
Englishman, who published it less than ten months
after its writer's return.1 "The style of this transla-
tion is awkward and crude, but the matter is valuable,
embracing many particulars not to be found in any
other account; and it possesses a peculiar interest as
I The whole and true Discoverye of Terra Florida, (En-
glished, The Flourishing Land) conteyning as well the won-
derful strange Natures and Manners of the People, with the
merveylous Commodities and Treasures of the Country; as
also the pleasant Portes and Havens and Wayes thereunto,
never found out before the last year, 1562. Written in
French, by Captain Ribauld, the fyrst that whollye discovered
the same, and now newly set forthe in Englishe, the xxx. of
May, 1568. Reprinted by Hackluyt, in his small black letter
volume of 1583, but not in the folio collection.


_ -i-,~


being all that is known to have come from the pen of
Ribault." 1
Ren6 Laudonni4re, Ribaut's companion and suc-
cessor in command, a French gentleman of good edu-
cation and of cultivated and easy composition, devotes
the first of his three letters to this voyage. For the
preservation of his writings we are indebted to the
collector Basanier, whose volume of voyages will be
noticed hereafter. The two narratives differ in no
important particulars, and together convey a satis-
factory amount of information.
The second letter of Laudonni6re, this time chief
ia command, is the principal authority on the next
expedition of the French to Florida. It is of great
interest no less to the antiquarian than the historian,
as the dealings of the colonists continually brought
them in contact with the natives, and the position of
Iaudonnitre gave him superior opportunities for study-
ing their manners and customs. Many of his descrip-
tions of their ceremonies are as minute and careful
M could be desired, though while giving them he
occasionally pauses to excuse himself for dealing with
such trifles.
. Besides this, there is a letter from a volunteer of
Bsuon to his father, without name or date.t Inte-
rier evidence, however, shows it was written during
the summer of 1564, and sent home by the return
vessels which left Florida on the 28th July of that
. Jared Sparks, Life of Jean Ribault, American Biography,
vol. VIL., p. 117.j
Coppie d'vne Lettre venant de la Floride, envoyde & Rouen,
Et depuis au Seigneur d'Eueron, ensemble le Plan et Por-
tkict .lu Port que les Frangois y ont fact. Paris, 1565;
reprint, without the Plan et Portraict," in Ternaux-Com-
pans' Recristl.

_ .__


year. This was the earliest account of the French
colony printed on the continent. Its contents relate
to the incidents of the voyage, the manners of the
"sauvages," and the building of the fort, with which
last the troops were busied at the time of writing.
This and Ribaut's report made up the scanty know-
ledge of the colonies of Coligny to be found in Europe
up to the ever memorable year 1565; memorable and
infamous for the foulest crime wherewith fanaticism
had yet stained the soil of the New World; memor-
able and glorious, for in that year the history of our
civilization takes its birth with the first permanent
settlement north of Mexico. Two nations and two
religions came into conflict. Fortunately we are not
without abundant statements on each side. Five eye-
witnesses lived to tell the world the story of fiendish
barbarity, or divine Nemesis, as they variously viewed it.
On the former side, the third and last letter of
Laudonni6re is a brief but interesting record. Simple,
straightforward, it proves him a brave man and worthy
Christian. He lays much blame on the useless delay
of Ribaut, and attributes to it the loss of Florida.
Much more complete is the pleasing memoir of N.
C. Challeux (Challus, Challusius.)' He tells us in
his dedicatory epistle that her was a native of Dieppe,
a carpenter by trade, and over sixty years of age at
the time of the expedition. In another passage he

1 Histoire Memorable du dernier Voyage aux Indes, Lieu
appellee la Floride, fait par le capitaine Jean Ribaut et entre-
pris par comandement du Roi en 'an 1565, Lyons, 1566;
another edition at Dieppe the same year, with the title "Dis-
cours de 1'Histoire de la Floride," &c. Sparks says, "At
least three editions were published the same year." Ter-
naux-Compans republished the Lyons edition in his Recueil,
which differs somewhat from that of Dieppe.



remarks, ("Old man as I am, and all grey."' He es-
caped with Laudonniere from Fort Caroline, and
depicts the massacre and subsequent events with great
truth and quaintness. He is somewhat of a poet,
somewhat of a scholar, and not a little of a moralizer.
At the beginning of the first edition are verses descrip-
tive of his condition after his return, oppressed by
poverty, bringing nought from his long rovings but
" a beautiful white staff in his hand." < The volume
closes with another effusion of his muse, expressing the
joy he felt at again beholding his beloved city of
Dieppe."2 He is much given to diverging into prayers
and pious reflections on the ups and downs of life, the
value of contentment, and kindred subjects, seasoning
his lucubrations with classical allusions.
When Laudonni6re was making up the complement
of his expedition he did not forget to include a cun-
ning limner, so that the pencil might aid the pen in
describing the marvels of the New World he was
about to visit. This artist, a native of Dieppe, Jac-
ques le Moyne de Morgues by name, escaped at the
massacre by the Spanish, returned with Laudonni6re,
and with him left the ship when it touched the coast
of England. Removing to London he there married,
and supported himself by his profession. During the
leisure hours of his after years he sketched from
memory many scenes from his voyage, adding in his
native language a brief description of each, aiding his
recollection by the published narratives of Challeux

1 Pour vieillard que je suis et tout gris;" Sparks, mis-
taking the last word for gros, rather ludicrously translates
this, '" Old man as he was and very corpulent."-Life of Jean
Ribault, p. 148.
SSparks, ibid., p. 149.



and LaudonniBre, duly acknowledging his indebted-
ness.' These paintings were familiar to Hackluyt,
who gives it as one reason for translating the collec-
tion of Basanier, that the exploits of the French, and
diver other things of chiefest importance are lively
drawn in colours at your no smal charges by the
skillful painter James Morgues, sometime living in
the Blackfryers in London."2 When the enterprising
engraver De Bry came to London in 1587, intent on
collecting materials for his great work the Peregrina-
tiones, he was much interested in these sketches, and
at the death of the artist, which occurred about this
time, obtained them from his widow with their
accompanying manuscripts. They are forty-three in
number, principally designed to illustrate the life and
manners of the natives, and, with a map, make up
the second part of De Bry's collection. Each one is
accompanied by a brief, well-written explanation in
Latin, and at the close a general narrative of the
expedition; together, they form a valuable addition to
our knowledge of the aboriginal tribes and the pro-
ceedings of the Huguenots on the Riviere Mai.
The Spanish accounts, though agreeing as regards
the facts with those of their enemies, take a very dif-
ferent theoretical view. In them, Aviles is a model of
Christian virtue and valor, somewhat stern now and
then, it is true, but not more so than the Church per-
mitted against such stiff necked heretics. The mas-
sacre of the Huguenots is excused with cogent reason.

Irevis Narratio eorum que in Florida Ameries Provin-
ciU, Gallis acciderunt, secunda in illam Navigatione, Duce
Renato de Laudonniere Classis prefecto: Anno MDLXIIII.,
Francofurti ad Moenum, 1591.
2 Epistle Dedicatorie, Vol. III., p. 364.




ing; indeed, what need of any excuse for exterminating
this nest of pestilent unbelievers? Could they be
ignorant that they were breaking the laws of nations
by settling on Spanish soil? The Council of the
Indies argue the point and prove the infringement in a
still extant document.1 Did they imagine His Most
Catholic Majesty would pass lightly by this taunt cast
in the teeth of the devoutest nation of the world?
The best known witness on their side is Don Solis
de Meras. His Memorial de todas las Jornadas y
Sucesos del Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles,
has never been published separately, but all the perti-
nent portions are given by Barcia in the Ensayo Cro-
nologico para la Historia de la Florida, with a scru-
pulous fidelity (sin abreviar su context, ni mudar su
eslilo). It was apparently written for Aviles, from the
archives of whose family it was obtained by Barcia.
It is an interesting and important document, the work
of a man not unaccustomed to using the pen..
Better than it, however, and entering more fully
into the spirit of the undertaking, is the memoir of
Lopez de Mendoza Grajales,2 chaplain to the expedition,
and a most zealous hater of heretics. He does not aim
at elegance of style, for he is diffuse and obscure, nor
yet at a careful historical statement, for he esteems

1 This seems to have escaped the notice of Mr. Sparks. It
is in Ternaux-Compans' Recueil des Piaces sur la Floride,
appended to the Compte-Rendu of Guido de las Bazares, with-
out a distinct title.
SMemoire de l'heureux resultat et du bon Voyage que
Dieu notre Seigneur a bien voulu accorder A la flotte qui
partit de la Ville de Cadiz pour se rendre a la C6te et dans la
Province de la Floride, et dent 6tait general l'illustre Seig-
neur Pedro Menendez de Aviles; in Ternaux-Compans'


lightly common facts, but he does strive to show how
the special Providence of God watched over the enter-
prise, how divers wondrous miracles were at once proof
and aid of the pious work, and how in sundry times
and places God manifestly furthered the holy work of
bloodshed. A useful portion of his memoir is that in
which he describes the founding of St. Augustine,
entering into the movements of the Spaniards with
more detail than does the last-mentioned writer.
When the massacre of the 19th September, 1565,
became known in Europe, t"the French were won-
drously exasperated at such cowardly treachery, such
detestable cruelty."1 Still more bitterly were they
aroused when they learned the inexcusable butchery
of Ribaut and his men. These had been wrecked on
the Floridian shore, and with difficulty escaped the
waves only to fall into the hands of more fell destroyers
on land. When this was heard at their homes, their
widows, little orphan children, and their friends, rela-
tives and connections," drew up and presented to Charles
IXL., a petition,2 generally known as the Epistola

1 Les Fran9ois furent merveilleusement oultrez d'une si
lasche trahison, et d'une si detestable cruault6. La Reprinse
de la Floride; Ternaux-Compans' Recueil, p. 306.
2 Une Requ6te au Roi, faite en forme de Complainte par les
Femmes Veufues, petits Enfans Orphelins, et autres leurs
Amies, Parents et Alliez, de ceux qui ont 4td cruellement
envahis par les Espagnoles en la France Antharctiques dite
la Floride, Mai 22, 1566: it is printed "in one of the editions
of Challeux Discours, and also at the end of Chauveton's
French translation of Benzoni, Geneva, 1579. There are two
Latin translations, one by Chauveton appended to his Brevis
Historia, and also to the sixth part of )e Bry; the other by
an unknown hand contained in the second part. These are
free translations, but they accord in the essential points."
Jared Sparks, Appendix to Life of Ribaut, American Biog-
raphy, vol. VIL, pp. 153-4.


1 7


Supplicatoria, setting forth the facts of the case and
demanding redress.
Though the weak and foolish monarch paid no marked
attention to this, a man arose who must ever be classed
among the heroes of history. This was Dominique de
Gourgues, a high born Bourdelois, who, inspired with
an unconquerable desire to wreak vengeance on the per-
petrators of the bloody deed, sold his possessions, and
by this and other means raised money sufficient to
equip an expedition. His entire success is well known.
Of its incidents, two, histories are extant, both by un-
known hands, and both apparently written some time
afterwards. It is even doubtful whether either writer
was an eyewitness. Both, however, agree in all main
The one first written and most complete lay a long
time neglected in the Bibliotheque du Roi.1 Within
the present century it has been twice published from
the original manuscript. It commences with the dis-
covery of America by Columbus; is well composed by
an appreciative hand, and has a pleasant vein of philo-
sophical comment running throughout. The details of
the voyage are given in a careful and very satisfactory
The other is found in Basanier, under the title Le
QuatriBsme Voyage des Frangois en la Floride, sous lo
capitaine Gourgues, en l'an 1567;" and, except the
Introduction, is the only portion of his volume not
written by Laudonni6re. By some it is considered
merely an epitome of the former, but after a careful

1 La Reprinse de la Floride par le capitaine Gourgucs;
Revue Retrospective, second s6rie, Tome II.; Ternaux-Com-
pans' Recueil. The latter was not aware of the prior publi-
cation in the Revue.





comparison I am more inclined to believe it written by
Basanier himself, from the floating accounts of his day
or from some unknown relator. This seems also the
opinion of his late editor.
The manuscript mentioned by Charlevoix as existing
in his day in the family of De Gourgues, was either a
copy.of one of these or else a third of which we have
no further knowledge.
Other works may moulder in Spanish libraries on
this part of our narrative. We know that Barcia had
access to certain letters and papers (Cartas y Papeles)
of Aviles himself, which have never been published,
and possessed the original manuscripts of the learned
historiographer Pedro Hernandez del Pulgar, among
which was a Historia de la Florida, containing an ac-
count of the French colonies written for Charles II.
But it is not probable that these would add any nota-
ble increment to our knowledge.
The Latin tract of Levinus Apollonius,' of extreme
rarity, a copy of which I have never seen, is probably
merely a translation of Challeux or Ribaut, as no
other original account except the short letter sent to
Rouen had been printed up to the date of its publica-
tion. This Apollonius, whose real name does not
appear, was a German, born near Bruges, and died at
the Canary Islands on his way to America. He is
better known as the author of De Peruvis Inventione,
Libri V, Antwerpiw, 1567,2 a scarce work, not with-
out merit. On the fly-leaf of the copy in the Yale
College library is the following curious note:
I De Navigatione Gallorum in Terrai Floridam, deque clade
an. 1565 ab Hispanis accept.. Antwerpise, 1568; 8vo. Barcia
erroneously adds a second edition of 1583.
Rich (Bibliotheca Americana) incorrectly states 1565.


Struvius in Bibl. Antiq. hunc librum laudibus
affert; et inter raros adnumerant David Clement, Bibl.
Curieuse, Tom. I. ; pag; 403, Jo. Vogt, Catal; libror;
rarior; pag; 40, Freytag in Analec ; Literar; pag;
Some hints of the life of Levinus may be found in
his Epistola Nuncupatoria to this work, and there is a
scanty article on him in the Biographie Universelle.
A work of somewhat similar title1 was published in
1578 by Vignon at Geneva appended to Urbain Chau-
veton's (Urbanus Calveton's) Latin translation of Ben-
S zoni. It is hardly anything more than a translation
k:. of Challeux, whom indeed Chauveton professes to fol-
low, with some details borrowed from Andr6 Thevet
which the latter must have taken from the MSS. of
Laudonnidre. The first chapter and two paragraphs at
the end are his own. In the former he says he had
been chiefly induced to add this short history to Ben-
zoni's work, in consequence of the Spaniards at the
time perpetrating more atrocious acts of cruelty in the
Netherlands than they had ever committed upon the
Items of interest are also found in the general his-
tories of De Thou, (Thuanus,) a contemporary, of
L'Escarbot, of Charlevoix, and other writers.

In our own days, what the elegant pen of Theodore
Irving has accomplished for the expedition of De Soto,
has been done for the early settlements on the St.
1 De Gallorum Expeditione in Floridam et clade ab Hispanis
non minus iniust6 quam immaniter ipsis illata, Anno MDLXV.
Brevis Historia; Calveton, Novr Novi Orbis Historim, Ge-
nevse, 1578; De Bry, Peregrinationes, Pars VI.; French trans.
in Chauveton's French trans. of Benzoni, 1579. For the
notice of this work I am principally indebted to Sparks.


Johns by the talented author of the Life of Ribault.1
He has no need of praise, whose unremitting industry
and tireless endeavors to preserve the memory of their
forefathers are so well known and justly esteemed by
his countrymen as Jared Sparks. With what thorough-
ness and nice discrimination he prosecutes his re-
searches can only be fully appreciated by him who has
occasion to traverse the same ground. His work is
one of those finished monographs that leave nothing to
be desired either as respects style or facts in the field
to which it is devoted-a field the most remarkable
in the early history of that part of America, now in-
cluded in the United States and Canada, as well in
regard to its objects as its incidents." Appended to
the volume is an "Account of the Books relating to
the Attempts of the French to found a Colony in
Florida." The reader will have seen that this has
been of service to me in preparing the analogous por-
tion of this essay; and I have had the less hesitation
in citing Mr. Sparks' opinions, from a feeling of entire
confidence in his judgment.

Before closing these two periods of bibliographical
history, the labors of the collectors Basanier and Ter-
naux Compans, to whom we owe so much, should not
pass unnoticed. The former is the editor of the let-
ters of Laudonni6re, three in number, describing the
voyage of Ribaut, the building of Fort Caroline, and
its destruction by the Spaniards, to which he adds an
introduction on the manners and customs of the In-
dians, also by Laudonni4re, and an account of the

1 Life of John Ribault, comprising an account of the first
Attempts of the French to found a Colony in North America,
Boston, 1845; in Vol. VII. of Sparks' American Biography.


voyage of De Gourgues.1 In this he was assisted by
Hackluyt, who speaks of him as my learned friend
M. Martine Basanier of Paris," and who translated
and published his collection the year after its first
appearance. Little is known of Basanier personally;
mention is made by M. de F6tis in his Biographic des
Musiciens of a certain Martin Basanier who lived
about this time, and is probably identical. In the
same year with his collection on Florida he published
a translation of Antonio de Espejo's History of the
Discovery of New Mexico. The dedication of the
" Histoire Notable" is to the Illustrious and Virtu-
ous Sir Walter Raleigh." According to the custom
of those days, it is introduced by Latin and French
verses from the pens of J. Auratus (Jacques Dor6 ?),
Hackluyt, and Basanier himself. As a curious speci-
men of its kind I subjoin the anagram of the latter on
Walter Raleigh :
La vertu l'ha a gr6.
En Walter cognoissant la vertu s'estre enclose,
J'ay combine Ralegh, pour y voir quelle chose
Pourroit a si beau nom convenir i mon gr6;
J'ay trouv6 que c'estoit; la vertu l'ha & grl."

The first edition is rare, and American historians are

1 L'Histoire Notable de la Floride situ6e es Indes Occlden-
tales; Contenant les troys Voyages faits en icelle par certain
Capitaines et Pilotes Frangois, descritspar le Capitaine Laudon-
nidre, qui y a command l'espace d'un an troys moys; a la-
quelle a est6 adjoustd un quatriesme voyage par le Capitaine
Gourgues. Mise en lumiere par M. Basanier, Gentil-homme
Frangois Mathematicien. Paris, 1586, 8vo., 124 pp; re-
printed Paris, 1853, with an Avertissement. Eng. trans.
London, 4to, 1586, by R. H. (Richard Haokluyt,) who included
it in his folio of 1600, reprinted in 1812.



under great obligations to the Parisian publishers for
producing a second, and for preserving the original
text with such care.
The labors of Ternaux Compans throughout the en-
tire domain of early American history, his assiduity
in collecting and translating manuscripts, and in repub-
lishing rare tracts, are too well known and. generally
appreciated to need special comment. Among his
volumes there is one devoted to Florida, containing
eleven scarce or inedited articles, all of which are of
essential importance to the historian.' These have
been separately considered previously, in connection
with the points of history they illustrate.


After the final expulsion of the French, Spain held
the ascendancy for nearly two hundred years. Her
settlements extended to the south and west, the
natives were generally tractable, and at one period
the colony flourished; yet there is no more obscure
portion of the history of the region now included in
the United States. Except the Chronological Essay
of Barcia, which extends over only a fraction of this
period, the accounts are few in number, meagre in
information, and in the majority of instances, quite
inaccessible in this country.
The verbal depositions of Pedro Morales and Nicolas
Bourguignon,2 captives brought by Sir Francis Drake
1 Voyages, Relations, et Memoires Originaux pour servir a
l'Histoire de l'Amerique; second s6rie; Recueil des Pieces
sur la Floride, Paris, 1841.
2 The Relation of Pedro Morales, a Spanyard which Sir
Francis Drake brought from St. Augustines in Florida, where


to London, from his attack on St. Augustine, (1586,)
are among the earliest notices we possess. They were
written out by Richard Hackluyt, and inserted in his
collection as an appendix to Drake's Voyage. Both
are very brief, neither filling one of his folio pages;
they speak of the Indian tribes in the vicinity, but
in a confused and hardly intelligible manner. Nicolas
Bourguignon was a Frenchman by birth, and had been
a prisoner among the Spaniards for several years. He
is the "Phipher," mentioned in Drake's account, who
escaped from his guards and crossed over to the En- 1
glish, playing the while on his fife the march of the
Prince of Orange, to show his nationality.
Towards the close of the century, several works
were published in Spain, of which we know little but
their titles. Thus, mention is made of a geographical
description of the country (Descripcion y Calidades de
la Florida) by Barrientes, Professor of the Latin lan-
guage at the University of Salamanca, about 1580.
It is probably nothing more than an extract from
the Cosmographia, attributed by some to this writer.
Also, about the same time, Augustin de Padilla Davila,
a Dominican, and Bishop of St. Domingo, published an
ecclesiastical history of the See of Mexico and the pro-
gress of the faith in Florida., Very little, however,
had been achieved that early in the peninsular and
consequently his work would in this respect interest

he remained sixe yeeres, touching the state of those parties,
taken from his mouth by Richard Hackluyt, 1586.
The relation of Nicholas Bourgoignon, alias Holy, whom
Sir Francis Drake brought from St. Augustine, also in Flo-
rida,where he had remained sixe yeeres, in mine and Master
IIeriot's hearing. Voyages, Vol. III., pp. 432-83.
1 Varia Historia de la Nueva Espafia y la Florida;
Madrid, 1596; Valladolid, 1634.

N ___


us but little. The reports of the proceedings of the
Council of the Indies, doubtless contain more or less
information in regard to Florida; Barcia refers especi-
ally to those published in 1596.1
Early in the next century there appeared an account.
of the Franciscan missionaries who had perished in
their attempts to convert the savages of Florida.2 The
author, Geronimo de Ore, a native of Peru, and who
had previously filled the post of Professor of Sacred
Theology in Cusco, was, at the time of writing, com-
missary of Florida, and subsequently held a position
in the Chilian Church, (deinde commissarius Floridse,
demum imperialis civitatis Chilensis regni antistcs.)3
He was a man of deep erudition, and wrote various
other works ,"very learned and curious," (mui doctors
y curiosos.4)
Pursuing a chronological order, this brings us to the
peculiarly interesting and valuable literature of the
Floridian aboriginal tongues. Here, as in other parts
of America, we owe their preservation mainly to the
labors of missionaries.
As early as 1568, Padre Antonio Sedeflo, who had
been deputed to the province of Guale, now Amelia
Island, between the mouths of the rivers St. Johns and
St. Marys, drew up a grammar and catechism of the
indigenous language.5 It was probably a scion of the
1 Cedulas y Provisiones Reales de las Indias; Varies In-
formes y Consultos de differences Ministros sobre las Cosas de
la Florida; 4to Madrid, 1596.
2 Relacion de los Martires que ha avido en la Florida; 4to,
(Madrid?) 1604.
3 Nicolas Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, Tom. II., p.
48, and Compare "Garcilasso, Commentarios Reales, Parte
II., lib. VII."
4 Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 181.
6 En breve tiempo hiz6 (Padre Antonio Sedeflo) Arte para


Muskohge family, but as no philologist ever examined
Sedefio's work-indeed, it is uncertain whether it was
ever published-we are unprepared to speak decisively
on this point.
The only works known to be in existence are those
of Franceso de Pareja.1 He was a native of the vil-
lage of Auiion,1 embraced the Franciscan theology, and
was one of the twelve priests dispatched to Florida by
the Royal Council of the Indies in 1592. He arrived
there two years afterwards, devoted himself to con-
verting the natives for a series of years, and about

aprenderla, y Catecismo para ensefar la Doctrina Cristiana
a los Indios." Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 138. His
labors have escaped the notice of Ludewig in his Literature
of American Aboriginal Languages. Though they are the
first labors, before him the French on the St. Lawrence had
obtained lists of words in the native tongue which still remain,
and Laudonni6re, on the first voyage of Ribaut, (1562,) says
of the Indians near the Savannah river, cognoissans l'affec-
tion que j'avois de sgavoir leur language, ils m' invitoient
apres a leur demander quelque chose. Tellement que mettant
par escrit les terms et locutions indiennes, je pouvois en-
tendre la plus grande part de leur discours. Hist. Notable
de la Floride, p. 29. Unfortunately, however, he did not
think these worthy of publication.
1 Confessionario en Lengua Castellana y Timuquana. Im-
preso con licencia en Mexico, en la Emprenta de la viuda de
Diego Lopez Daualos; Aflo de 1613, 12mo., 288 leaves. Ni-
colas Antonio says 1612, 8vo., but this is probably a mistake.
Grammatica de la Lengua Timuquana, 8vo., Mexico, 1614;
not mentioned by Ludewig.
Catecismo y Examen para losque comulgan, 8vo., Mexico,
1614; reprinted en la imprenta de Juan Ruyz," 8vo., 1627.
2 Ludewig says Toledo; Torquemada calls him Natural
de Castro-Urdiales," but Nicolas Antonio says expressly,
" Franciscus de Pareja, AuSionensis (Toletans dioecesis
Aufon oppidum est)." Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, Tom. I.,
p. 456. Besides this writer, see for particulars of the life
of Pareja, Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap.
xx., p. 350, and Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, pp.167, 196, 203.




1610 removed to the city of Mexico. Here he re-
mained till the close of his life, in 1638, (January 25,
0. 8.,) occupied in writing, publishing, and revising
a grammar of the Timuquana language, prevalent
around and to the north of St. Augustine, and devo-
tional books for the use of the missionaries. They are
several in number, but all of the utmost scarcity. I
cannot learn of a single copy in the libraries of the
United States, and even in Europe; Adelung, with
all his extensive resources for consulting philological
works, was obliged to depend altogether on the extracts
of Hervas, who, in turn, confesses that he never saw
but one, and that a minor production of Pareja. This
is the more to be regretted, as any one in the slightest
degree acquainted with American philology must be
aware of the absolute dearth of all linguistic know-
ledge concerning the tribes among whom he resided.
His grammar, therefore, is second to none in import-
ance, and no more deserving labor could be pointed
out than that of rendering it available' for the pur-
poses of modern research by a new edition.
A Doctrina Cristiana and a treatise on the admin-
istration of the Sacraments are said to have been
written in the Tinqua language of Florida by Fray
Gregorio Morrilla, and published the first at Madrid,
1631, and afterwards reprinted at Mexico, 1635, and
the second at Mexico, 1635."' What nation this was,
or where they resided is uncertain.
The manuscript dictionary and catechism of the
Englishman Andrew Vito, en Lengua de Mariland
en la Florida," mentioned in Barcia's edition of Pinelo,
and included by Ludewig among the works on the
Ludewig, Literature of American Aboriginal Languages,
p. 242.


Timuquana tongue, evidently belonged to a language
far to the north of this, probably to one spoken by a
branch of the Lenni Lennapes.
Throughout the'seventeenth century notices of the
colony are very rare. Travellers the most persistent
never visited it. One only, Francesco (Frangois)
Coreal, a native of Carthagena in South America,
who spent his life in wandering from place to place in
the New World, seems to have recollected its existence.
He was at St. Augustine in 1669, and devotes the
second chapter of his travels to the province.1 It de-
rives its value more from the lack of other accounts
than from its own intrinsic merit. His geographical
notions are not very clear at best, and they are hope-
lessly confounded by the interpolations of his ignorant
editor. The authenticity of his production has been
questioned, and even his own existence disputed, but
no reasonable doubts of either can be entertained after
a careful examination of his work.
Various attempts were made by the Spanish to ob-
tain a more certain knowledge of the shores and
islands of the Gulf of Mexico during this period. A
record of those that took place between 1685 and
16932 is mentioned by Barcia, but whether it was ever
published or not, does not appear.
About this time the Franciscan Juan Ferro Macuardo
occupied the post of inspector (Visitador General) of

1 Voiages aux Indes Occidentales; traduits de l'Espagnol;
Amsterdam, 1722. Dutch trans. the same year. Another
edition under the title, Recueil de Voyages dans I'Amerique
Meridionale, Paris, 1738, which Brunet does not notice.
2 Relacion de los Viages que los Espaioles han hecho F
las Costas del Seno Mexicano y la Florida desde el aio de
1685 hasta el de 1693, con una nueva Descripoion de sus



the church in Florida under the direction of the
bishop of Cuba. Apparently he found reason to be
displeased with the conduct of certain of the clergy
there, and with the general morality of the missions,
and subsequently, in his memorial to the king,1 han-
dled without gloves these graceless members of the
fraternity, telling truths unpleasant to a high degree.
In consequence of these obnoxious passages, its sale
was prohibited by the church on the ground that such
revelations could result in no advantage.2 Whether
this command was carried out or not,-and it is said
to have been evaded-the work is rare in the extreme,
not being so much as mentioned by the most compre-
hensive bibliographers. Its value is doubtless consid-
erable, as fixing the extent of the Spanish settlements,
at this, about the most flourishing period of the
colony. The Respuesta which it provoked from the
pen of Francisco de Ayeta, is equally scarce.
The next book that comes under our notice we owe
to the misfortune of a shipwreck. On the twenty-
third of the seventh month," 1696, a bark, bound
from Jamaica to the flourishing colony of Philadelphia,
was wrecked on the Floridian coast, near Santa Lucea,
about 270 87, north latitude. The crew were treated
cruelly by the natives and only saved their lives by
pretending to be Spaniards. After various delays and
much suffering they prevailed on their captors to con-
duct them to St. Augustine. Here Laureano de
Torres, the governor, received them with much kind-

1 Memorial en Derecho al Rei sobre la Visita a la Florida y
otras Cosas, folio, Madrid, 1690.
S" Solo sirven de dar Escandalo al Vulgar en los Excesos
impatados a unos y otros Individuos," Barcia, Ensayo Chron-
ologico, p. 300.


ness, relieved their necessities, and furnished them
with means to return home. Among the passengers
was a certain Jonathan Dickinson a Quaker resident
in Pennsylvania. On his arrival home, he pub-
lished a narrative of his adventures,1 that attracted
sufficient attention to be reprinted in the mother
country and translated into German. It is in the
form of a diary, introduced by a preface of ten pages
filled with moral reflections on the beneficence of God
and His ready help in time of peril. The style is
cramped and uncouth, but the many facts it contains
regarding the customs of the natives and the condition
of the settlement give it value in the eyes of the
historian and antiquarian. Among bibliopolists the
first edition is highly prized as one of the earliest
books from the Philadelphia press. The printer,
Reinier Jansen, was an apprentice or young man"
of William Bradford, who, in 1688, published a little
sheet almanac, the first printed matter in the province."
After his return the author resided in Philadelphia till
his death, in 1722, holding at one time the office of
Chief Justice of Pennsylvania. He must not be con-
founded with his better known contemporary of the

1 God's Protecting Providence Man's Surest Help and De-
fence, In the times of the greatest difficulty and most Im-
minent danger, Evidenced in the Remarkable Deliverance of
divers Persons from the devouring Waves of the Sea, amongst
which they suffered Shipwrack, And also from the more cruelly
devouring jawes of the inhumane Cannibals of Florida. Faith-
fully related by one of the Persons concerned therein. Phila-
delphia, 1699, 1701, and a fourth edition, 1761. London,
1700. German trans. Erstaunliche Geschichte des Schiff-
bruches den einige Personen im Meerbusen von Florida
erlitten, Frankfort, 1784, and perhaps another edition at
2 Thomas, History of Printing in America. vol. II. p. 25.



same name, staunch Presbyterian, and first president
of the College of New Jersey, of much renown in
the annals of his time for his fervent sermons and
The growing importance of the English colonies on
the north, and the aggressive and irritable character of
their settlers, gave rise at an early period of their exist-
ence to bitter feelings between them and their more
southern neighbors, manifested by a series of attacks
and reprisals on both sides, kept alive almost continu-
ally till the cession to England in 1763. So much did
the Carolinians think themselves aggrieved, that as
early as 1702, Colonel Moore, then governor of the
province, made an impotent and ill-advised attempt to
destroy St. Augustine; for which valorous undertaking
his associates thought he deserved the fools-cap, rather
than the laurel crown. An account of his Successes,'
or more properly Misfortunes, published in England the
same year, is of great rarity and has never come under
my notice. Of his subsequent expedition, undertaken
in the winter of 1703-4, for the purpose of wiping
away the stigma incurred by his dastardly retreat,
so-called, from St. Augustine, we have a partial account
in a letter from his own pen to Sir Nathaniel Johnson,
his successor in the gubernatorial post. It was pub-
lished the next May in the Boston News, and has been
reprinted by Carroll in his Historical Collections. The
precise military force in Florida at this time may be
I The Successes of the English in America, by the March of
Colonel Moore, Governor of South Carolina, and his taking
the Spanish Town of St. Augustine near the Gulph of Florida.
And by our English Fleete sayling up the River Darian, and
marching to the Gold Mines of Santa Cruz de Cana, near
Santa Maria. London, 1702; reprinted in an account of the
South Sea Trade, London, 1711. Bib. Primor. Amer.



learned from the instructions given to Don Josef de Zu-
liiga, Governor-General in 1703, preserved by Barcia.
Some years afterwards Captain T. Nairns, an En-
glishman, accompanied a band of Yemassees on a slave
hunting expedition to the peninsula. He kept a jour.
nal and took draughts on the road, both of which
were in the possession of Herman Moll,1 but they were
probably never published, nor does this distinguished
geographer mention them in any of his writings on his
favorite science.
Governor Oglethorpe renewed these hostile demon-
strations with vigor. His policy, exciting as it did
much odium from one party and some discussion in
the mother country, gave occasion to the publica-
tion of several pamphlets. Those that more particu-
larly refer to his expedition against the Spanish, are
three in number," and, together with his own letters to
his patrons, the Duke of Newcastle and Earl of Ox-
ford," and those of Captain McIntosh, leader of the
Highlanders, and for some time a captive in Spain,
which are still preserved in manuscript in the Library
* 1 See the note on his New Map of the North Parts of
America, London, 1720, headed "Explanation of an Expedi-
tion in Florida Neck by Thirty Three lamasee Indians, Ac-
company'd by Capt. T. Nairn."
2 A voyage to Georgia, begun in the year 1735, by Francis
Moore; London, 1741; reprinted in the Collection of the
Georgia Historical Society, Vol. I.
An Impartial Account of the Expedition against St. Augus-
tine under the command of General Oglethorpe; 8vo., Lon-
don, 1742. (Rich.)
Journal of an Expedition to the Gates of St. Augustine in
Florida, conducted by General Oglethorpe. By G. L. Camp-
bell; 8vo., London, 1744. (Watts.)
3 They are in the Rev. George White's Historical Collec-
tions of Georgia, pp. 462, sqq., and in Harris's Memorials of


of the Georgia Historical Society,' furnish abundant
information on the English side of the question; while
the correspondence of Manuel de Montiano, Captain-
General of Florida, extending over the years 1737-40,
a part of which has been published by Captain Spragueg
and Mr. Fairbanks,8 but the greater portion still remain-
ing inedited in the archives of St. Augustine, offers a
full exposition of the views of their opponents.
A very important document bearing on the relations
between the rival Spanish and English colonies, is the
Report of the Committee appointed by the Commons
House of Assembly of -Carolina, to examine into the
cause of the failure of Oglethorpe's expedition. In the
Introduction4 are given a minute description of the town,
castle and military condition of St. Augustine, and a full
exposition of the troubles between the two colonies,
from the earliest settlement of the English upon the
coast. Coming from the highest source, it deserves
entire confidence.
Besides these original authorities, the biographies of
Governor Oglethorpe, by W. B. O. Peabody, in Sparks'
American Biography, by Thomas Spalding, in the pub-
lications of the Georgia Historical Society, and especially

1 An extract may be found in Fairbank's History and An-
tiquities of St. Augustine.
s History of the Florida War. Ch. viii.
3 History of St. Augustine. Ch. xiv.
4Statements made in the Introduction to a Report on
General Oglethorpe's Expedition to St. Augustine. In B. R.
Carroll's Hist. Colls. of South Carolina, VoL II., New York,
1836. Various papers in the State Paper Office, London,
mentioned in the valuable list in the first volume of the
Colls. of the S. Car. Hist. Soc. (Charleston, 1857) which fur-
ther illustrate this portion of Floridian history, I have, for
obvious reasons, omitted to recapitulate here.

_ _


that by the Rev. T. M. Harris, are well worthy of com-
parison in this connection.
In the catalogue of those who have done signal ser-
vice to American history by the careful collation of
facts and publication of rare or inedited works, must
ever be enrolled among the foremost Andres Gonzales
Barcia. His three volumes of Historiadores Primitivos
de las Indias Occidentales, are well known to every one
at all versed in the founts of American history. His
earliest work of any note, published many years before
this, is entitled A Chronological Essay on the History
of Florida.' He here signs himself, by an anagram on
his real name, Don Gabriel de Cardenas z Cano, and is
S often referred to by this assumed title. In accordance
with Spanish usage, under the term Florida, he em-
braced all that part of the continent north of Mexico,
and consequently but a comparatively small portion is
concerned'with the history of the peninsula. What
there is, however, renders it the most complete, and
in many cases, the only source of information. The
account of the French colonies is minute, but naturally
quite one-sided. He is in all points an apologist for
his countrymen, and an implacable enemy to the Here-
tics, the unfortunate Huguenots, who hoped to find an
asylum from persecution in the forests of the New
World."* The Essay is arranged in the form of an-
nals, divided into decades and years, (Decadas, Afios,)
and extends from 1512 to 1723, inclusive. Neither
this nor any of his writings can boast of elegance of
style. In some portions he is even obscure, and at
best is not readable by any but the professed historian.

1 Ensayo Cronologico para la Historia General de la Flo-
rida, fol. Madrid, 1723.
| Jared Sparks, Life of Ribaut, p. 155.



Among writers in our own tongue, for indefatigability
in inquiry, for assiduity in collecting facts and homeli-
ness in presenting them, he may not inaptly be com-
pared to John Strype, the persevering author of the
Ecclesiastical Memorials.
His work was severely criticised at its appearance by
Don Josef de Salazar, historiographer royal to Philip
V, "a man of less depth of research and patient inves-
tigation than Barcia, but a more polished composer."
He was evidently actuated in part by a jealousy of his
rival's superior qualifications for his own post. The
criticism repays perusal. None of Salazar's works are
of any standing, and like many another, he lives in
history only by his abuse of a more capable man.
In the preface to his History of Florida, Mr. Wil-
liams informs us that he haa in his possession "a rare
and ancient manuscript in the Spanish language, in
which the early history of Florida was condensed, with
a regular succession of dates and events." He adds,
that the information here contained about the Catholic
missions and the extent of the Spanish power had been
"invaluable" to him. If this was an authentic manu-
script, it probably dated from this period. Williams
obtained it from Mr. Fria, an alderman of New York,
and not understanding the language himself, had it
translated. It is to be regretted that he has not im-
parted more of the "invaluable information" to his
readers. The only passages which he quotes directly,
induce me to believe that he was imposed upon by a
forgery, or, if genuine, that the account was quite
untrustworthy. Thus it spoke of a successful expedi-
tion for pearls to Lake Myaco, or Okee-chobee, which
I need hardly say, is a body of fresh water, where the
Mya margaratifera could not live. The extent of the

lu_ -


Franciscan missions is grossly exaggerated, as I shall
subsequently show. Rome at no time chartered a
great religious province in Florida, whose principal
house was at St. Augustine;' nor does Mr. Williams'
work exhibit any notable influx of previously unknown
facts about the native tribes, though he says on this
point, his manuscript was especially copious. On the
whole, we need not bewail the loss, or lament the
non-publication of this record.
The latest account of the Spanish colony during this
period, is that by Captain Robinson, who visited the
country in 1754. It is only a short letter, and is
found appended to Roberts' History of Florida.
In the language of the early geographers, however,
this name had a far more extensive signification, and
many books bear it on their title pages which have
nothing to do with the peninsula. Thus an interest-
ing tract in Peter Force's collection entitled "A Rela-
tion of a Discovery lately made on the Coast of
Florida," is taken up altogether with the shores of
South Carolina. The superficial and trifling book of
Daniel Coxe, insignificant in everything ibut its title,
proposes to describe the Province ,"by the Spaniards
called Florida," whereas the region now bearing this
name, was the only portion of the country east of the
Mississippi and south of the St. Lawrence not included
in the extensive claim the work was written to defend.
In the same category is Catesby's Natural History of
Carolina, Florida, and the Bahama Islands. This dis-
tinguished naturalist during his second voyage to
America, (1722) spent three years in Carolina, and
in the adjacent parts, which the Spaniards call Florida,

1 Nat. and Civil Hist. of Fla., p. 175.


particularly that province lately honored with the name
of Georgia." How much time he spent in the penin-
sula, or whether he was there at all, does not appear.


No sooner had England obtained possession of her
new colony than a lively curiosity was evinced respect-
ing its capabilities and prospects. To satisfy this,
William Roberts, a professional writer, and author of
several other works, compiled a natural and civil his-
tory of the country, which was published the year of
the cession, under the supervision of Thomas Jefferys,
geographer royal.1 It ran through several editions,
and though it has received much more praise than is
its proper due, it certainly is a useful summary of the
then extant knowledge of Florida, and contains some
facts concerning the Indians not found in prior works.
The natural history of the country is mentioned no-
where out of the title page; the only persons who
paid any attention worth speaking of to this were the
Bartrams, father and son. Their works come next
under our notice.
John Bartram was born of a Quaker family in
Chester county, Pennsylvania, in 1701. From his
earliest youth he manifested that absorbing love for the
natural sciences, especially botany, that in after years
won for him from no less an authority than the immor-
tal Linnaeus, the praise of being the greatest botanist
1 An Account of the First Discovery and Natural History
of Florida, with a Particular Detail of the several Expedi-
tions made on that Coast. Collected from the best Autho-
rities by William Roberts. Together with a Geographical
Description of that Country, by Thomas Jefferys. 4to, Lon-
don, 1763, pp. 102.

---- --- ---- -.I q

'---- I


in the New World." He was also the first in point
of time. Previously all investigations had been prose-
cut.,1 by foreigners in a vague and local manner.
Bartram went far deeper than this. On the pleasant
banks of the Schuylkill, near Philadelphia, he con-
structed the first botanic garden that ever graced the
Psil of the New World; here to collect the native
flora, he esteemed no journey too long or too danger-
ou. After the cession, he was appointed Botanist
to His Majesty for both the Floridas," and though
already numbering over three-score years, he hastened
to visit that land whose name boded so well for his
beloved science. Accompanied only by his equally
enthusiastic son William, he ascended the St. Johnsin
an open boat as far as Lake George, daily noting down
the curiosities of the vegetable kingdom, and most of
the time keeping a thermometrical record. On his
return, he sent his journal to his friends in England
under whose supervision, though contrary to his own
desire, it was published.' It makes a thin quarto,
divided into two parts paged separately. The first is
a g,-ueral description of the country, apparently a re-
print of an essay by the editor, Dr. Stork, a botanist
likewise, and member of the Royal Society, who had
i-irled Florida. The second, part is Bartram's diary,
enriched with elaborate botanical notes and an Intro-
duction by the editor. It is merely the daily jottings

I A description of East Florida. A Journal upon a Journey
fr..m St. Augustine up the River St. Johns as far as the
Lk,.le. 4to., London, 1766; 1769; and a third edition whose
date I do not know. Numerous letters interchanged between
John Bartram and Peter Collinson relative to this botanical
es.unination of Florida, embracing some facts not found in
his J.urnal, are preserved in the very interesting and valua-
able Memorials of John Bartram and Humphrey Marshall, by
Dr. Wm. Darlington, p. 268, sqq. (8vo. Phila., 1849.)


_ -- I


of a traveller and could never have been revised; but
the matter is valuable both to the naturalist and
The younger Bartram could never efface from his
memory the quiet beauty and boundless floral wealth
of the far south. About ten years afterwards there-
fore, when Dr. Fothergill and other patrons had fur-
nished him the means toprosecute botanical researches
throughout the Southern States, he extended his jour-
ney to Florida. He made three trips in the peninsula,
one up the St. Johns as far as Long Lake, a second
from the lower trading house," where Palatka now
stands, across the savannas of Alachua to the Suwan-
nee, and another up the St. Johns, this time ascending
no further than Lake George. The work he left is in
many respects remarkable;1 it is written" said Cole-
ridge in the spirit of the old travellers." A genuine
love of nature pervades it, a deep religious feeling
breathes through it, and an artless and impassioned
eloquence graces his descriptions of natural scenery,
rendering them eminently vivid and happy. With all
these beauties, he is often turgid and verbose, his
transitions from the sublime to the common-place jar
on a cultivated ear, and he is too apt to'scorn anything
less than a superlative. Hence his representations
are exaggerated, and though they may hold true to
him who sees unutterable beauties in the humblest
flower, to the majority they seem the extravaganzas
of fancy. He is generally reliable, however, in regard

I Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East
and West Florida, and the Cherokee Country, Phila., 1791;
1794. London, 1792 Dublin, 1793. French trans. by P.
V. Benoist, Voyage dans les Parties Sad de l'Amerique,
Septentrionale, Paris, 1801; 1807.

[L I


to single facts, and as he was a quick and keen obser-
ver of every remarkable object about him, his work
takes a most important position among our authorities,
and from the amount of information it conveys respect-
ing the aborigines, is indispensable to the library of
every Indianologist.
A very interesting natural history of the country is
that written by Bernard Romans.' This author, in
his capacity of engineer in the British service, lived a
number of years in the territory, traversing it in
various directions, observing and noting with care both
its natural features and the manners and customs of
the native tribes. On the latter he is quite copious
and is one of our standard authors. His style is dis-
cursive and original though occasionally bombastic,
and many of his opinions are peculiar and bold.
Extensive quotations from him are inserted by the
American translator in the Appendix to Volney's
View of the United States. He wrote various other
works, bearing principally on the war of independence.
A point of interest to the bookworm in his History is
that the personal pronoun I, is printed throughout as
a small letter.
A work on a contested land title, privately printed
in London for the parties interested about the middle
of this period,2 might possess some little interest from
the accompanying plan, but in other respects is prob-
ably valueless. There is a manuscript work by John

SA Concise Natural History of East and West Florida.
New York printed: sold by R. Aitken, Bookseller, opposite
the London Coffee-House, Front Street, 1776.
2 The case of Mr. John Gordon with respect to the Title to
Certain Lands in East Florida, &o. With an Appendix and
ilan. 4to, pp. 76, London, 1772. (Rich.)




Gerard Williams de Brahm, preserved in the library of
Harvard College, which contains some particulars of
interest relative to Florida at the period of the En-
glish occupation."' Extracts from it are given by Mr.
Fairbanks, descriptive of the condition of St. Augus-
tine from 1763 to 1771, and of the English in the
province. This De Brahm was a government surveyor,
and spent a number of years on the eastern coasts of
the United States while a British province.
Among the many schemes set in motion for peopling
the colony, that of Lord Rolls who proposed to trans-
port to the banks of the St. Johns the cypriennes and
degraded femmes du pave of London,2 and that of Dr.
Turnbull, are especially worthy of comment. The
latter collected a colony from various parts of the
Levant,-from Greece, from Southern Italy, and from
the Minorcan Archipelago-and established his head
quarters at New Smyrna. The heartless cruelty with
which he treated these poor people, their birth-place
and their fate, as well as the fact that from them most
of the present inhabitants of St. Augustine receive
their language, their character, and the general name
of Minorcans, have from time to time attracted atten-
tion to their history. Besides notices in general works
on Florida, Major Amos Stoddard in a work on Louis-
iana3 sketches the colony's rise and progress, but he is
an inaccurate historian and impeachable authority. It
I Fairbanks, Hist. and Antiqs. of St. Augustine, p. 164, seq.
SHe did not meet with that success which attended a
similar experiment in Canada, so amusingly described by
Baron de La Hontan. For some particulars of interest con-
sult Bartram, Travels, p. 94, seq., Vignoles, Obs. on the Flo-
ridas, p. 73.
Sketches, Historical and Descriptive, of Louisiana, vol. I,
8vo., Ch. II. Philadelphia, 1812.



is the only portion of his chapter on the Floridas of
any value. In 1827, an article upon them was pub-
lished in France by Mr. Mease,' which I have not
consulted, and a specimen of their dialect, the Maho-
nese, as it existed in 1843, in the Fromajardis or
Easter Song, has been preserved by Bryant, and is a
curious relic.9


During this period few books were published on
Florida and none whatever in the land of the regainers
of the territory. The first traveller who has left an
account of his visit thither is Johann David Schipf,s
a German physician who had come to America in 1777,
attached to one of the Hessian regiments in the British
service. At the close of the war he spent two years
(1783-4) in travelling over the United States previous
to returning home, a few weeks of which, in March,
1784, he passed in St. Augustine. He did not pene-
trate inland, and his observations are confined to a
description of the town, its harbor and inhabitants,

I Notice sur le Colonie Greque 4tablie I New Smyrna
(Floride) dans l'ann6e, 1768. Societe de Geographie, T. VII.,
p. 31. (Koner.)
2 G. R. Fairbanks, Hist. and Antiqs. of St. Augustine, Ch.
XVIII. See also for other particulars, Bartram, Travels, p.
144, and note, Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, p. 74, J. D.
Sch6pf, Reise - -nach, Ost-Florida, B. II., s. 363, 367, seq.,
who knew Turnbull personally and defends him.
3 Reise durch einige der mitlern und siidlichen Vereinigten
Nordamerikanischen Staaten nach Ost-Florida und der Baha-
ma-Inseln. 2 Th., 8vo., Erlangen, 1788.

~-------- --- ~_



and some notices of the botany of the vicinity-for it
, was to natural history and especially medical botany
that Schipf devoted most of his attention during his
travels. The difficulties of Spain with the United
States in regard to boundaries gave occasion for some
publications in the latter country. As early as 1797,
the President addressed a message to Congress "relative
to the proceedings of the Commissioner for- running
the Boundary Line between the United States and
East and West Florida," which contains a resume of
what had been done up to that date.
Andrew Ellicott, Commissioner in behalf of the
United States, was employed five years in determin-
ing these and other boundaries between the possessions
Sof our government and those of His Catholic Majesty.
He published the results partially in the Transactions
of the American Philosophical Society, and more fully
several years afterwards in a separate volume.l They
are merely the hasty notes of a surveyor, thrown
together in the form of a diary, without attempt at
digestion or connection; but he was an acute and care-
ful observer, and his renseignements on the topography
of East Florida are well worth consulting. Among
the notable passages is a vivid description of the
remarkable meteoric shower of November 12, 1799,
Which he encountered off the south-western coast of
Florida, and from which, conjoined with the observa-
tions of Humboldt at Cumana, and others, the periodi-
city of this phenomenon was determined by Palmer, of
New Haven.

1 The Journal of an Expedition during the years 1796-
1800, for determining the Boundaries between the United
States and the Possessions of his Catholic Majesty in
America, 4to., Philadelphia, 1814.


A geographical account of Florida is said to have
appeared at Philadelphia about this time, from the pen
of John Mellish,' but unless it forms merely a part of
the general geography of that author, I have been able
to find nothing of the kind in the libraries of that city.
The article on Florida in the important work on
America of Antonio de Almedo, derives some import-
ance from the list of Spanish governors it contains,
which, however, is not very perfect; but otherwise is
of little service.
,Serious difficulties between the Seminole Indians3
and the whites of Georgia, occurred at an early date
in this period arising from attempts of the latter to
recapture fugitive slaves. These finally resulted in
the first Seminole war, and attracted the attention of
the general government. The action taken in respect
to it may be found in the Ex. Doe. No. 119, 2d Ses-
sion, XVth Congress, which contains "the official
correspondence between the War Department and
General Jackson; also that between General Jackson
and General Gaines, together with the orders of each,
as well as the correspondence between the Secretary
of the Navy and Commodore Patterson, and the orders
of the latter officer to Sailing-Master Loomis, and
the final report of Sailing-Master Loomis and General
Clinch;"' also in two messages of the President
SI A Description of East and West Florida and the Bahama
Islands, 1 Vol. S v. Philadelphia, 1813. (Bib. Univ. des
2 Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and
the West Indies; translated, with valuable additions, by G. R.
Thompson, 5 vols., 4to, London, 1812.
3 An account of this tribe by Major C. Swan, who visited
them in 1791, has been published by Schoolcraft in the fifth
volume of the Hist. and Statistics of the Indian Tribes.
SGiddings, Exiles of Florida, p. 39, note.



during 1818, on the Seminole war, one of which ton-
tains the documents relative to Arbuthnot and Am-
bruster, the Cherokees, Chocktaws, &c., and in the
speeches of the Hon. Robert Poindexter, and others,
Dr. Monette and Mr. Giddings, in their historical
works, have also examined this subject at some length.
Two accounts of the filibustering expeditions that
resulted in the forcible possession of Amelia Island by
Captain MacGregor, have been preserved; one, the
better of the two," by an anonymous writer.l They
are both rare, and neither have come under my in-
An important addition to our knowledge of East
Florida during this period, is contained in the enter-
taining Letters of Dr. William Baldwin.' This gentle-
man, a surgeon in the United States Navy, and a
devoted lover of botany, compelled to seek safety from
a pulmonary complaint by taking refuge in a warm
climate during the' winter months, passed portions of
several years, commencing with 1811, in East Florida
and on the confines of Georgia, occupying himself in
studying the floral wealth of those regions. He re-
corded his observations in a series of letters to Dr.
Muhlenberg of Lancaster, and to the subsequent edi-
tor of his Remains, Dr. William Darlington, of West
Chester, Pa., well known from his works on the local
1 Narrative of a Voyage to the Spanish Main by the ship
Two Friends, the Occupation-of Amelia Island by McGregor,
Sketches of the Province of East Florida, and Anecdotes of
the Manners of the Seminole Indians, 8vo., London, 1819.
Memoir of Gregor McGregor, comprising - - a Narrative
of the Expedition to Amelia Island. By M. Rafter. 8vo.,
Stockdale, 1820. (Rich.)
2 Reliquie Baldwinianm ; Selections from the Correspond-
ence of the late Wm. Baldwin, M. D., compiled by Win. Dar-
lington, M. D. 12mo. Phila., 1848.


and historical botany of our country, and whom I have
already had occasion to advert to as the editor of the
elder Bartram's Correspondence. While those to the
former have no interest but to the professed botanist,
his letters to the latter are not less rich in information
regarding the condition of the country and its inhabi-
tants, than they are entertaining from the agreeable
epistolary style In which they are composed, and the
thanks of the historian as well as the naturalist are due
to their editor for rescuing them from oblivion. It
was the expectation of Dr. Baldwin to give these
observations a connected form and publish them under
the subjoined title,l but the duties of his position and
his untimely death prevented him from accomplishing
this design. As far as completed, comprising eight
letters, twenty pages in all, this work is appended to
the Reliquie.
The cession of Florida to the United States, natur-
ally excited considerable attention, both in England
and our own country, manifested by the appearance of
several pamphlets, the titles of two of the most note-
worthy of which are given below."

N Notices of East Florida, and the Sea Coast of the State of
Georgia; in a series of Letters to a Friend in Pennsylvania.
With an Appendix, containing a Register of the Weather, and
a Calendarium Floras. The friend here referred to was Dr.
Wm. Darlington. The materials for the Calendarium are
preserved in the letters to Dr. Muhlenberg.
2 J. L. Rattenbury. Remarks on the Cession of Florida to
the United States of America, and on the necessity of acquir-
ing the Island of Cuba by Great Britain. Second edition, with
considerable additions, printed exclusively in the Pamph-
leteer. London, 1819.
Memoir upon the Negotiations between Spain and the
United States, which led to the Treaty of 1819; with a Sta-
tistical Notice of Florida, 8vo., Washington, 1821.


Numerous manuscripts pertaining to the history of
the colony are said to have been carried away by the
Catholic clergy at the time of the cession, many of
which were deposited in the convents of Havana, and
probably might still be recovered.

No sooner had the United States obtained possession
of this important addition to her territory, than emi-
grants, both from the old countries and from the more
northern States, prepared to flock thither to test its
yet untried capabilities. Information concerning it
was eagerly demanded and readily supplied. In the
very year of the cession appeared two volumes, each
having for its object the elucidation of its geography
and topography, its history, natural and civil.
One of these we owe to William Darby,' an engineer
of Maryland, not unknown in our literary annals as a
general geographer. It is but a compilation, hastily
constructed from a mass of previously known facts, to
satisfy the ephemeral curiosity of a hungry public.
As far as is known of his life, the author never so
much as set foot in the country whose natural his-
tory he proposes to give, and he will err widely who
hopes to find in it that which the pretentious title-
page bids him expect.
A much superior work is that of James Grant
Forbes.2 This gentleman was a resident of the ter-
'A Memoir of the Geography, and Natural and Civil His-
tory of East Florida, 8vo., Philadelphia, 1821.
2 Sketches of the History and Topography of Florida, 8vo.,
New York, 1821.

m 1



ritory, and had ample opportunities for acquiring a
pretty thorough knowledge of its later history, both
from personal experience and from unpublished docu-
ments. He is consequently good authority for facts
occurring during the British and later Spanish admin-
istrations. Though at the time of publication the sub-
ject of considerable praise, his work has since been
denounced, though with great injustice, aasa wretched
compilation from old works."'
The next year a little book appeared anonymously
at Charleston.9 The writer, apparently a physician,
had travelled through Alaohua county, and ascended
the St. Johns as far as Volusia. It consists of a gene-
ral description of the country, a diary of the journey
through Alachua, and an account of the Seminole In-
dians with a vocabulary of their language. Some of
his observations are not without value.
The next work in chronological order was written
*by Charles Vignoles, a civil and topographical engi-
neer," and subsequently public translator at St. Augus-
tine. In the Introduction he remarks, The following
observations on the Floridas have been collected dur-
ing a residence in the country; in which period several
extensive journeys were made with a view of obtain-
ing materials for the construction of a new map, and
for the purpose now brought forward." He notices
the history, topography, and agriculture, the climate
and soil of the territory, gives a sketch of the Keys,
some account of the Indians, and is quite full on

Compare the North Am. Review, Vol. XIII., p. 98, with
the same journal, Vol. XXVI., p. 482. (Rich.)
2 Notices of East Florida, with an Account of the Seminole
Nation of Indians. By a recent Traveller in the Province.
Printed for the Author. 8vo. Charleston, 1822. pp. 105.

__ ~1


Land Titles, then a very important topic, and adds to
the whole a useful Appendix of Documents relative
to the Cession.' Vignoles is a dry and uninteresting
composer, with no skill in writing, and his observations
were rather intended as a commentary on his map
than as an independent work.
Energetic attempts were shortly made to induce
immigration. Hopes were entertained that a colony
of industrious Swiss might be persuaded to settle near
Tallahassie, where it was supposed silk culture and
vine growing could be successfully prosecuted. When
General Lafayette visited this country he brought
with him a series of inquiries, propounded by an in-
telligent citizen of Berne, relative to the capabilities
and prospects of the land. They were handed over to
Mr. MeComb of that vicinity. His answers2 are
tinged by a warm fancy, and would lead us to believe
that in middle Florida had at last been found the veri-
table Area4ia. Though for their purpose well suited
enough, for positive statistics it would be preferable to
seek in other quarters.
In 1826, there was an Institute of Agriculture,
Antiquities, and Science organized at Tallahassie. At
the first (and, as far as I am aware, also the last) pub-
lic meeting of this comprehensive society, Colonel
Gadsden was appointed to deliver the opening address.3

SObservations on the. Floridas. 8vo, New York, 1828.
pp. 197.
SAnswers of David B. McComb, Esq., with an accompany-
ing Letter of General Lafayette. 8vo. Tallahassie, 1827.
See the North Am. Review, Vol. XXVI., p. 478.
3 Oration delivered by Colonel James Gadsden to the Flo-
rida Institute of Agriculture, Antiquities and Science, at its
first Public Anniversary, Thursday, Jan. 4th, 1827. See the
North Am. Review, Vol. XXV., p. 219.



This was afterwards printed and favorably noticed by
some of the leading journals. Apparently, however,
it contained little at all interesting either to the anti-
quarian or scientific man, but was principally taken up
with showing the prospect of a rapid agricultural
development throughout the country.
Neither were general internal improvements slighted.
A project was set on foot to avoid the dangerous naviga-
tion round the Florida Keys by direst transportation
across the neck of the peninsula-a design that has
ever been the darling hobby of ambitious Floridians
since they became members of our ooafederacy, and
which at length seems destined to be fulalled. Now
railroads, in that day canals were to be the means.
As early as 1828, General Bernard, who had been
dispatched for the purpose, had completed two level-
lings for canal routes, had sketched an accurate map
on an extended scale, and had laid before the general
government a report embracing a topographical and
hydrographical description of the territory, the result
of his surveys, with remarks on the inland navigation
of the coast from Tampa to the head of the delta of
the Mississippi, and the possible and actual improve-
ments therein., NotwithAtanding these magnificent
preparations, it is unnecessary to add, the canal is
still unborn.
One great drawback to the progress of the territory
was the uncertainty of Land Titles. During the Span-

1 Message of the President in relation to the Survey of a
Route for a Canal between the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlan-
tic Ocean; with the Report of the Boardof Internal Improve-
ment on the same, with a general map annexed, February 28,
1829. A flowery article of tea pages may be found on this
in the Southern Review, Vol. VI., p. 410.



ish administration nearly the whole had been parcelled
out and conferred in grants by the king. Old claims,
dating back to the British regime, added to the confu-
sion. Many of both had been sold and resold to both
Spanish and American citizens. In the Appendix to
Vignoles, and in Williams' View of West Florida,
many pages are devoted tothis weighty and very intri-
cate subject. Some of these claims were of enormous
extent. Such was that of Mr. Hackley, which em-
braced the whole Gulf coast of the peninsula and
reached many miles inland. This tract had been a
grant of His Catholic Majesty to the Duke of Alagon,
and it was an express stipulation on the part of the
United States, acceded to by the king, that it should
be annulled. But meanwhile the Duke had sold out
to Mr. Hackley and others, who claimed that the king
could not legally dispossess American citizens. A
pamphlet.was published' containing all the documents
relating to the question, and the elaborate opinions of
several leading lawyers, all but one in favor of Mr.
Hackley. After a protracted suit, the Gordian knot
was finally severed by an ex post facto decree of His
Majesty, that a crown grant to a subject was in any
case inalienable, least of all to a foreigner.
The work of Col. John Lee Williams just men-
tioned,2 though ostensibly devoted to West Florida

STitles and Legal Opinions on Lands in East Florida be-
longing to Richard S. Hackley, 8vo., Fayetteville, (N. Car.,)
1826, pp. 71. See the North American Review, Vol. XXIII.,
p. 482. Hackley's grant is laid down on Williams' Map.
A View of West Florida, embracing its Topography, Ge-
ography, &c., with an Appendix treating of its Antiquities,
Land Titles, and Canals, and containing a Chart of the Coast,
a Plan of Pensacola, and the Entrance of the Harbor. 8vo.
Phila., 1827, pp. 178.




takes a wider sweep than the title page denotes. Its
author went to Florida in 1820, and was one of the
commissioners appointed to locate the seat of govern-
ment. While busied with this, he was struck with the
marked deficiency of all the then published maps of
the country, and for my own satisfaction," he adds,
"I made a minute survey of the coast from St. An-
drew's Bay to the Suwannee, as well as the interior of
the country in which Tallahassie is situated." A
letter from Judge Brackenridge, aloalde of St. Augus-
tine, principally consisting of quotations from Roberts,
is all that touches on antiquities. Except this, and
some accounts of the early operations of the Ameri.
cans in obtaining possession, and the statements con-
cerning Land Titles, the book is taken up with discus-
sions of proposed internal improvements of very local
and ephemeral interest.
All the details of any value that it contains he
.subsequently incorporated in his Civil and Natural
History of the Territory, published ten years later.
Most of the intervening time he spent in arduous
personal researches; to quote his own words, "I have
traversed the country in various directions, and have
coasted the whole peninsula from Pensacola to St.
Mary's, examining with minute attention the various
Keys or Islets on the margin of the coast. I have
ascended many of the rivers, explored the lagoons and
bays, traced the ancient improvements, scattered ruins,
and its natural productions by land and by water."
Hence the chief value of the work is as a gazetteer.

1 The Territory of Florida; or Sketches of the Topography,
Civil and Natural History of the, Country, the Climate and
the Indian Tribes, from the First Discovery to the Present
Time. 8vo. New York, 1887.


The civil history is a mere compilation, collected with-
out criticism, and arranged. without judgment; an
entire ignorance of other languages, and the paucity of
materials in our own, incapacitated Williams from
achieving anything more. Nor can he claim to be
much of a naturalist, for the frequent typographical
errors in the botanical names proclaim him largely
debtor to others in this department. His style is
eminently dry and difficult to labor through, and must
ever confine the History to the shelf as a work of
reference, and to the closet of the painful student.
Yet with all its faults-and they are neither few nor
slight-this is the most complete work ever published
concerning the territory of Florida; it is the fruit of
years of laborious investigation, of absorbing devotion
to one object, often of keen mental and bodily suffer-
ing, and will ever remain a witness to the energy and
seal of its writer.
As little is recorded about this author pioneer, I
may perhaps be excused for turning aside to recall a
few personal recollections. It had long been my de-
sire to visit and converse with him about the early
days of the state, and with this object, on the 9th of
November, 1856, I stopped at the little town of Pico-
lati, near which he lived. A sad surprise awaited me;
he had died on the 7th of the month and had been
buried the day before my arrival. I walked through
the woods to his house. It was a rotten, ruinous,
frame tenement on the banks of the St. Johns, about
half a mile below the town, fronted by a row of noble
live oaks and surrounded by the forest. Here the old
man-he was over eighty at the time of his death-
had lived for twenty years almost entirely alone, and
much of the time in abject poverty. A trader hap-


opened to be with him during his last illness, who told
me some incidents of his history. His mind retained
its vigor to the last, and within a week of his death he
was actively employed in various literary avocations,
among which was the preparation of an improved
edition of his History, which he had very nearly com-
pleted. At the very moment the paralytic stroke,
from which he died, seized him, he had the pen in his
hand writing a novel, the scene of which was laid in
China I His disposition was uncommonly aimable and
engaging, and so much was he beloved by the Indians,
that throughout the horrible atrocities of the Seminole
war, when all the planters had fled or been butchered,
when neither sex nor age was a protection, when Pico-
lati was burned and St. Augustine threatened, he con-
tinued to live unharmed in his old house, though a
companion was shot dead on the threshold. What
the savage respected and loved, the civilized man
thought weakness and despised; this very goodness of
heart made him the object of innumerable petty im-
positions from the low whites, his neighbors. In the
words of my informant, "he was too good for the
people of these parts." During his lonely old age he
solaced himself with botany and horticulture, priding
himself on keeping the best garden in the vicinity.
"Come, and I will show you his grave," said the
trader, and added with a touch of feeling I hardly ex-
pected, he left no directions about it, so I made it in
the spot he used to love the best of all." He took me
to the south-eastern corner of the neat garden plot.
A heap of fresh earth with rough, round, pine sticks
at head and foot, marked the spot. It was a solemn
and impressive moment. The lengthening shadows of
the forest crept over us, the wind moaned in the pines

_ _____


atd whistled drearily through the sere grass, and the
ripples of the river broke monotonously on the shore.
All tree of the grave Will soon be obliterated, the
very spot forgotten, and the garden lie a waste, but
the results of his long and toilsome life ( in books re-
corded" will live when the marbles and monumental
brasses of many of his contemporaries shall be no more.
The next event that attracted general attention to
Florida was the bloody and disastrous second Seminole
war, Which for deeds of atrocious barbarity, both on
the part of the Whites ant red men, equals, if it does
not surpass, any conflict that has ever stained the soil
of our country.
The earliest work relative to it was published anony-
mously in 1886, by an officer in the army.' He gives
an impartial account of the causes that gave rise to the
war, the manifold insnUs and aggressions that finally
goaded the Indians to desperation, and the incidents
of the first campaign undertaken to punish them for
their contumacy. It is well and clearly written, and
coming from the pen of a participant in many of the
scenes described, merits a place in the library of the
The year subsequent, Mr. M. M. Cohen of Charles-'
ton, issued a notice of the proceedings in the penin-
sula.9 He was an officer of the left wing," and had
spent aboat five months with the army, during which
time it marched from St. Augustine to Volusia, thence
to Tampa, and back again to St, Augustine. The
1 the War in Florida; being an Epposition of its Causes
and an accurate Histoty of the Campaigns of Generals
Gaines, Clinch and Scott. By a late Staff Officer. 8vo. Bal-
timore, 1886, pp. 184.
2 history of the Florida Campaigns. 12mo. Charleston,




author tells us in his Preface, our book has been put
to press in less than thirty days from its being under-
taken;" a statement no one will be inclined to doubt,
as it is little more than a farrago of vapid puns and
stale witticisms, hurriedly scraped together into a slim
volume, and connected by a slander string of facts.
An account of the imprisonment of Oneola and the
enslavement of his wife, has been given by the same
writer,1 and has received praise for its accuracy.
In 1836, when the war was at itsheight, an Indian boy
was taken prisoner by a party of American soldiers near
Newnansvill. Contrary to custom his life was spared,
and the next year he was handed oyer to the ca of an
English gentleman then resident in the country. From
his own account, drawn from him after loag peruasioa,
his name was Nikkanoehe, his father was the unhappy
Econchatti-mico, and consequently he was nephew to
the famous chief Oceola, (Ass-se-he-ho-lar, Rising Sun,
Powell.) His guardian removed with him to Eugland
in 1840, and the year after his arrival there, published
an account of the parentage, early days, and nation of
his ward,? the young Prince of Econchatti, as he was
styled. It forms an interesting and pleasant little
volume, though I do not know what amount of reliaue
can be placed on the facts asserted.
An excellent article on the war, which merits care.
ful reading from any one desirous of thoroughly sifting
the question, may be found in the fifty-fourth volume
of the North American Review, (1842,) prepared with
1In the Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine. (Giddings,
Exiles of Florida, p. 99, note.)
2 A Narrative of the Early Days and Betmembrapeps of
Oceola Nikkanoehe, Prince of Econchatti, a young Spniinole
Indian. Written by bi Gwrdias. 8vo. L44don, 1841,
pp. 228.



reference to Mr. Horace Everett's remarks on the Army
Appropriation Bill of July 14, 1840, and to a letter
from the Secretary of War on the expenditure for sup-
porting hostilities in Florida.
Though the above memoirs are of use in throwing
additional light on some points, and settling certain
mooted questions, the standard work of reference on
the Florida war is the very able, accurate, and gene-
rally impartial History," of Captain John T. Sprague,
himself a participant in many of its scenes, and offici-
ally concerned in its prosecution. Few of our local
histories rank higher than this. With a praiseworthy
patience of research he goes at length into its causes,
commencing with the cession in 1821, details minutely
its prosecution till the close in December, 1845, and
paints with a vigorous and skillful pen many of those
thrilling adventures and affecting passages that marked
its progress. A map of the seat of war that accom-
panies it, drawn up with care, and embracing most
of the geographical discoveries made by the various
divisions of the army, adds to its value.
Commencing his history with the cession, Captain
Sprague does not touch on the earlier troubles with
the Seminoles. These were never properly handled
previous to the late work of the Hon. J. R. Giddings,
entitled, The Exiles of Florida." 2 These so-called
exiles were runaway slaves from the colonies of South
Carolina and Georgia, who, quite early in the last

I The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War.
8vo. New York, 1848.
2 The Exiles of Florida; or, the Crimes Committed by our
Government against the Maroons, who fled from South Caro-
lina and other Slave States, seeking Protection under Spanish
Laws. 8vo. Columbus, (Ohio,) 1858.



century, sought an asylum in the Spanish possessions,
formed separate settlements, and, increased by fresh
refugees, became ever after a fruitful source of broils
and quarrels between the settlers of the rival pro-
vinces. As they were often protected, and by mar-
riage and situation became closely connected with the
Lower Creeks, they were generally identified with them
in action under the common name of Seminoles. Thus
the history of one includes that of the other. The
profound acquaintance with the transactions of our
government acquired by Mr. Giddings during a long
and honorable public service, render his work an able
plea in the cause of the people whose wrongs and
sufferings have enlisted his sympathy; but unques-
tionably the fervor of his views prevents him from
doing full justice to their adversaries. He attaches
less weight than is right to the strict legality of most
of the claims for slaves; and forgets to narrate the
inhuman cruelties, shocking even to the red men,
wreaked by these maroons on their innocent captives,
which palliate, if they do not excuse, the rancorous
hatred with which they were pursued by the whites.
Including their history from their origin till 1853, the
second Seminole war occupies much of his attention,
and the treatment both of it and the other topics,
prove the writer a capable historian, as well as an
accomplished statesman.
It is unnecessary to specify the numerous reports of
the officers, the official correspondence, the speeches of
members of Congress, and other public writings that
illustrate the history of the war, which are contained
in the Executive Documents. But I should not omit
to mention that the troubles in Florida during the last
few years have given occasion to the publication of

the only at all accurate description of the southern
extremity of the peninsula in existence.' It was
issued for the use of the army, from inedited report
of officers during the second Seminole war, and lays
down and describes topographically nine routes to and
from the principal military posts south of Tampa Bay.
The works relating to St. Augustine next claim our
attention. Of late years this has become quite a favor-
ite rendezvous for casual tourists, invalids from the
north, magazine writers, et id omne genus, whence to
indite letters redolent of tropic skies, broken ruins,
balmy moonlight, and lustrous-eyed beauties. Though
it would be lost time to enumerate these, yet among
books of general travel, there are one or two of interest
in this connection. Among these is an unpretending
little volume that appeared anonymously at New York
in 1839.' The author, a victim of asthma, had visited
both St. Augustine and Key West in the spring of that
year. Though written in a somewhat querulous tone,
it contains some serviceable hints to invalids expecting
to spend a winter in warmer climes.
Neither ought we to pass by in silence the Floridian
notes of the Hon. Miss Amelia M. Murray,"s who,
it will be recollected, a few years since took a con-
temptuous glance at our country from Maine to Lousi-
ana, weighed it in the balance of her judgment, and
pronounced it wanting in most of the elements of

Memoir to accompany a Military Map of Florida South
of Tampa Bay, compiled by Lieutenant J. C. Ives, Topographi-
cal Engineer. War Department, April, 1856. 8vo. New
York, 1856, pp. 42.
2 A Winter in Florida and the West Indies. 12mo. New
York, 1839.
3 Letters from the United States, Canada and Cuba. New
York, 1856.


civilization. She went on a week's scout into Flori-
da, found the charges exorbitant, the government
wretchedly conducted, and the people boors; was
deeply disappointed with St. Augustine and harbor
because an island shut out the view of the ocean, and
at Silver Spring found nothing more worthy of her
pen than the anti-slavery remark of an inn-keeper,-
who has himself assured me that she entirely miscon-
strues even that.
Two works devoted to the Ancient City, as its in-
habitants delight to style it, have been published. One
of these is a pleasant little hand-book, issued some
ten years since by the Rev. Mr. Sewall, Episcopalian
minister there.1 He prepared it "to meet the wants
of those who may desire to learn something of the
place in view of a sojourn, or who may have already
come hither in search of health," and it is well calcu-
lated for this purpose. A view of the town from the
harbor, (sold also separately,) and sketches of the most
remarkable buildings increase its usefulness. A curious
incident connected with this book is worth relating for
the light it throws on the character of the so-called
Minorcans of St. Augustine. In one part Mr. Sewall
had inserted a passage somewhat depreciatory of this
class. When the edition arrived and this became gene-
rally known, they formed a mob, surrounded the store
where it was deposited, and could only be restrained from
destroying the whole by a promise that the obnoxious
leaf should be cut from every volume in the package.
This was done, and the copy I purchased there accord-
ingly lacks the thirty-eighth and thirty-ninth pages.
SSketches of St. Augustine, with a View of its History and
Advantages as a Resort for Invalids. By R. K. Sewall. 8vo.
New York, 1848, pp. 69.


An action on their part that calls to mind the ancient
saw, 'Tis the tight shoe that pinches."
Another and later work that enters into the subject
more at length, has recently appeared from the com-
petent pen of G. R. Fairbanks,' a resident of the
spot, and a close student of the chronicles of the old
colony. The rise and progress of the settlements
both French and Spanish are given in detail and with
general accuracy, and though his account of the former
is not so finished nor so thoroughly digested as that of
Sparks, consisting of little more than extracts linked
together, we have no other work in our language so
full on the doings of the subjects of His Catholic
Majesty in Florida, and the gradual growth of the
Ancient City. It thus fills up a long standing hiatus
in our popular historical literature.
Numerous articles on Florida have appeared in
various American periodicals, but so few of any value
that as a class they do not merit attention. Most of
them are flighty descriptions of scenery, second-hand
morsels of history, and empty political disquisitions.
Some of the best I have referred to in connection
with the points they illustrate, while the Index of Mr.
Poole, a work invaluable to American scholars, obvi-
ates the necessity of a more extended reference.
Those that have appeared in the serials of Europe,
on the other hand, as they mostly contain original
matter, so they must not be passed over so lightly.
Though not strictly included among them, the arti-
cle on Florids prepared by Mr. Warden for that por-
tion of IL'Art de Verifier les Dates called Historical
1 The History and Antiquities of the City of St. Augustine,
Florida, comprising some of the most Interesting Portions of
the Early History of Florida. 8vo. New York, 1858.


Chronology of America, will come under our notice
here. In a compendium parading such a pretentious
title as this we have a right to expect at least an aver-
age accuracy, but this portion bears on its face obvious
marks of haste, negligence, and a culpable lack of
criticism, and is redeemed by nothing but a few ex-
cerpts from rare books.
Little attention has ever been paid to the natural
history of the country, least of all by Americans. The
best observer of late years has been M. de Castelnau,
who, sent out by the Academie des Sciences to collect
and observe in this department, spent in Middle
Florida one of the seven years he passed in America.
While the Seminole war was raging, and a mutual
slaughter giving over the peninsula once more to its
pristine wilderness, in the gloomy hammocks of the
Suwannee and throughout the lofty forests that stretch
between this river and the Apalachicola, this natural-
ist was pursuing his peaceful avocation undisturbed
by the discord around him. In April, 1842, after
his return, he submitted to the Academy a memoir on
this portion of his investigations.1 It is divided into
three sections, the first a geographical description, the
second treating of the climate, hygienic condition, geo-
logy, and agriculture, while the third is devoted to
anthropology, as exhibited here in its three phases,
the red, the white, and the black man. In one pas-
sage,' speaking of the history of the country, this
author remarks that M. Lakanal has, during his long
sojourn at Mobile, just on the confines of Florida,
collected numerous documents relative to the latter
1 Memoire sur la Floride du Milieu, Comptes-Rendus, T.
XIV., p. 518; T. XV., p. 1045.
1 Comptes Rendus, XV., p. 1047.




country; but the important labors of our venerable
colleague have not yet been published." As far as I
can learn, these doubtless valuable additions to our
history are still inedited.
The subjoined list of some other articles published
in Europe is extracted from Dr. W. Koner's excellent
1832. De Mobile, Excursion dans Alabama et les
Florides. Revue des Deux Mondes, T. I., p. 128.
1835. Beitrage zur Nitheren Kenntniss von Florida.
Anal. der Erdkunde, B. XII., s. 336.
1836. Castelnau, Note sur la Source de la Rivibre
de Walkulla dans la Floride. Soc. de Geographie, II
ser., T. XI., p. 242.
1839. David, Aperqu Statistique sur la Floride Soc.
de Geog., II, ser., Tom. XIV., p. 144.
1842. Castelnau, Note de deux Itineraires de
Charleston & Tallahassie. Soc. de Geog. T. XVIII,
p. 241.
1843. Castelnau, Essai sur la Floride du Milieu.
Annales de Voyages, T. IV, p. 129.
1843. De Quatrefages, La Floride. Revue des Deux
Mondes, nouv. ser., T. I, p. 774.


Though the need of a good history of the most im-
portant maps and charts of America, enriched by
copies of the most interesting, cannot but have been
felt by every one who has spent much time in the
study of its first settlement and growth, such a work
1 Repertorium ueber die - - auf dem Gebiete der Geschichte
erscheinenen Auf8itze, u. s. w. Berlin, 1852.




still remains a desideratum in our literature. As a
trifling aid to any who may hereafter engage in an
undertaking of this kind, and as an assistance to the
future historian of that portion of our country, I add
a brief notice of those that best illustrate the progress
of geographical knowledge respecting Florida.
On the earliest extant sketch of the New World-,
that made by Juan de Cosa in 1500-- a continuous
coast line running east and northeast connects the
southern continent to the shores of the Mar descubi-
erta por Ingl~ese in the extreme north. No signs of a
peninsula are visible.
Eight year later, on the Universalior cogniti Orbis
Tabula of Johannes Ruysoh found in the geography
of Ptolemy printed at Rome under the supervision of
Marcus Beneventanus and Johannes Cotta, the whole
of North America is included in a small body of land
marked Terra Nova or Baccalauras,' joined to the
countries of Gog and Magog and the desertum Lob in
Asia. A cape stretching out towards Cuba is called
Cabo de Portugesi.0
This brings us to the enigmatical map in the mag-
nificent folio edition of Ptolemy, printed at Venice in
1513. On this, North America is an oblong parallelo-
gram of land with an irregularly shaped portion pro-
jecting from its south-eastern extremity, maintaining
with general correctness the outlines and direction of
the peninsula of Florida. A number of capes and
rivers are marked along its shores, some of the names
evidently Portugese, others Spanish. Now as Leon

1 Bacalaos, the Spanish word for codfish.
2 See A. v. Humboldt's Introduction to Dr. T. W. Ghillany's
Geschiohte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim, s. 2--6, in
which work these two maps are given.

U ~ -



first saw Florida in 1512, and the report of his dis-
covery did not reach Europe for years, whence came
this knowledge of the northern continent ? Santarem
and Ghillany both confess that there were voyages to
the New World undertaken by Portuguese in the first
decade of the century, about which all else but the
mere fact of their existence have escaped the most
laborious investigations; hence, probably to one of
these unknown navigators we are to ascribe the honor
of being the first discoverer of Florida, and the source
of the information displayed by the editors of this
copy of Ptolemy.,
The first outline of the coast drawn from known
observation is the Traza de las Costas de Tierra Firme
y de las Tierras Nuevas, accompanying the royal grant
of those parts to Francisco de Garay in the year 1521.
It has been published by Navarrete, and by Bucking-
ham Smith. Contrary to the usual opinion of the
day, which was not proved incorrect till the voyages of
Francesco Fernandez de Cordova (1517), and more
conclusively by that of Estevan Gomez (1525), the
peninsula is attached to the mainland. This and other
reasons render it probable that it was drawn up under
the supervision of Anton de Alaminos, pilot of Leon
on his first voyage, who ever denied the existence of
an intervening strait.2 I cannot agree with Mr. Smith
that it points to any prior discoveries unknown to us.
1 Many of the names on this map are also on the land called
Terra de Cuba, north-west of the island Isabella, Cuba proper,
on the globe of Johann Schoner, Nuremburg, 1520. A copy
of a portion of the globe is given by Ghillany in the work just
mentioned. For an inspection of the original maps of Ptole-
my of 1508 and 1513, I am indebted to the kindness of Peter
Force, of Washington.
I Otros conocieron ser tierra firme; y de este parecer fue




On some early maps, as one in the quarto geography
of Ptolemy of 1525, the region of Florida is marked
Parias. This name, originally given by Columbus to
an island of the West Indian archipelago, and so laid
down on the figure 6 pintura de la tierra," which
he forwarded to Ferdinand the Catholic in 1499,1 was
quite wildly applied by subsequent geographers to
Peru, to the region on the shore of the Caribbean Sea,
to the whole of South America, to the southern ex-
tremity of North America where Nicaragua now is,
and finally to the peninsula of Florida.
We have seen that early maps prove De Leon was
not, as is commonly supposed, the first to see and
name the Land of Flowers (Terra Florida); neither
did his discoveries first expand a knowledge of it in
Europe. Probably all that was known by professed
geographers regarding it for a long time after was the
product of later explorations, for not till forty years
from the date of his first voyage was there a chart
published containing the name he applied to the penin-
sula. This is the one called Novae Insulae, in the
Geographia Claudii Ptolemaei, Basileae, 1552.a
The only other delineation of the country dating
from the sixteenth century that deserves notice-for
those of Herrera are quite worthless-is that by
Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, published in the sec-
ond volume of De Bry, which is curious as the only one
left by the French colonists, though geographically

siempre Anton de Alaminos, Piloto, que fue con Juan Ponce.
Barcia, Introduccion al Ensayo Chronologico.
1 Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. I., cap. iii., p. 91.
2 For a description of this and other maps of IAmerica
during the sixteenth century, see Dr. Ghillany, ubi suprA, p.
58, Anmerk. 17.




not more correct than others of the day. Indeed, all
of them portray the country very imperfectly. Gener-
ally it is represented as a triangular piece of land
more or less irregular, indented by bays, divided into
provinces Cautio, Calos; Tegeste, and others, names
which are often applied to the whole peninsula. The
southern extremity is sometimes divided into numerous
islands by arms of the sea, and the St. Johns, when
down at all, rises from mountains to the north, and
runs in a southeasterly direction, nearly parallel with
the rivers supposed to have been discovered by Ribaut,
(La Somme, La Loire, &c.)
Now this did not at all keep pace with the geogra-
phical knowledge common to both French and Spanish
towards the close of this period. The colonists under
Laudonni6re and afterwards Aviles himself, ascended
the St. Johns certainly as far as Lake George, and
knew of a great interior lake to the south; Pedro
Menendez Marquez, the nephew and successor of the
latter, made a methodical survey of the coast from
Pensacola to near the Savannah river (from Santa
Maria de Galve to Santa Helena;) and English navi-
gators were acquainted with its general outline and
the principal points along the shore.
Yet during the whole of the next century I am not
aware of a single map that displays any signs of im-
provement, or any marks of increased information.
That inserted by De Laet in his description of the
New World, called Florida et Regiones Vicinwe, (1633,)
is noteworthy only because it is one of the first, if not
the first, to locate along his supposed route the native
towns and provinces met with by De Soto. Their
average excellence may be judged from those inserted
in the elephantine work of Ogilby on America, (1671,)



and still better in its Dutch and German paraphrases.
The Totius Amei-ice Descriptio, by Gerhard a Schagen
in the latter, is a meritorious production for that age.
No sooner, however, had the English obtained a
firm footing in Carolina and Georgia, and the French
in Louisiana, than a more accurate knowledge of their
Spanish neighbors was demanded and acquired. The
SNew Map of y' North Parts of America claimed by
France under ye name of Louisiana, Mississippi, Cana-
da, and New France, with ye adjoining Territories of
England and Spain," (London, 1720,) indicates con-
siderable progress, and is memorable as the first on
which the St. Johns is given its true course, information,
about which its designer Herman Moll, obtained from
the "Journals and Original Draughts" of Captain Nairn.
His map of the West Indies contains a "Draught of St.
Augustine and its Harbour," with the localities of the
castle, town, monastery, Indian church, &c., carefully
pointed out; previous to it, two plans of this city had
appeared, one, the earliest extant, engraved to accom-
pany the narrative of Drake's Voyage and Descent in
1586, and another, I know not by whose hand, repre-
senting its appearance in 1665.'
On the former of these maps, The South Bounds
of Carolina," are placed nearly a degree south of St.
Augustine, thus usurping all the best portion of the
Spanish territory. This is but an example of the
great confusion that prevailed for a long time as to
the extent of the region called Florida. The early

1 See G. R. Fairbanks, History and Antiquities of St. Au-
gustine, pp. 113. 130, for descriptions of the two latter. A
"Geog. Description of Florida" is said to have appeared at
London, in 1665. Possibly it is the account of Captain Davis'
attack upon St. Augustine.

-L -


writers frequently embraced under this name the whole
of North America above Mexico, distinguishing, as
Herrera and Torquemada, between Florida explored
and unexplored, (Florida conocida, Florida ignorada,)
or as Christian Le Clerq, between Spanish and French
and English Florida. Taking it in this extended sense,
Barcia includes in his Chronology (Ensayo Cronologico
de la Florida) not only the operations of the Spanish
and English on the east coast of the United States,
but also those of the French in Canada and the expedi-
tions of Vasquez Coronado and others in New Mexico.
Nicolas le Fer, on the other hand, ignoring the name
altogether, styled the whole region Louisiana, (1718,)
while the English, not to be outdone in national rapa-
city, laid claim to an equal amount as Carolina. De
Laet' was the first geographer who confined the name
to the peninsula. In 1651 Spain relinquished her
claims to all land north of 860 30' north lat., but it
was not till the Definitive Treaty of Peace of 1763,
that any political attempt was made to define its exact
boundaries, and then, not with such entire success, but
room was left for subsequent disputes between our
government and Spain, only finally settled by the sur-
veys of Ellicott at the close of the century.
Neither Guillaume de l'Isle nor M. Bellin, both of
whom etched maps of Florida many years after the
publication of that of Moll, seems to have been aware
of his previous labors, or to have taken advantage of
his more extensive information. In the gigantic Atlas
rNouveau of the former, (Amsterdam, 1739,) are two
maps of Florida, evidently by different hands. The
one, Tabula Geographica Mexico et Florid-e, gives toler,
Description Indias Occidentalis, Lib. 1V., cap. xiii. (Ant-
werpt, 1633.)




ably well the general contour of the peninsula, and
situates the six provinces of Apalacha mentioned by
Bristock; the other, Carte de la Louisiane et du Cours
du Mississippi, is an enlarged copy with additions of
that published five years previous in the fifth volume of
the Voyages au Nord, on which is given the route of De
Soto. Bellin's Carte des Costes de la N.ouvelle France
suivant les premieres Decauvertes is found in Charle-
voix's Nouvelle Frince and is of little worth.
The map of "Carolina, Florida. and the Bahama
Islands," that accompanies Catesby's Natural History
of those regions, is not so accurate as we might ex-
pect from the opportunities he enjoyed. The peninsula
is conceived as a nearly equilateral triangle projecting
about two hundred and sixty miles towards the south. .
Like other maps of this period, it derives its chief
value from locating Indian and Spanish towns.
The dangerous navigation of the Keys had neces-
sitated their examination at an early date. In 1718,
Domingo Gonzales Carranza surveyed them, as well as
some portion of the northern coast, with considerable
care. His notes remained in manuscript, however, till
1740, when falling into the hands of an Englishman,
they were translated and brought out at London under
the title, "cA Geographical Description of the Spanish
West Indies." But how inefficient the knowledge of
these perilous reefs remained for many years is evident
on examining the marine chart of the Gulf of Mexico,
by Tomas Lopez and Juan de la Cruz, in 1755. The
seafaring English, when they took possession of the
country, made it their first duty to get the most exact
possible charts of these so important points. No sooner
had the treaty been signed than the Board of Admiralty
dispatched G. Gauld, a capable and energetic engineer


to survey the coasts, islands, and keys, east and south
of Pensacola. In this employment he spent nearly
twenty years, from 1764 to 1781, when he was taken
prisoner by the Spanish, and shortly afterwards died.
The results were not made public till 1790, when they
appeared under the supervision of Dr. Lorimer, and,
in connection with the Gulf Pilot of Bernard Romans,
and the sailing directions of De Brahm, both likewise
engineers in the British service, employed at the same
time as Gauld, constituted for half a century the chief
foundation for the nautical charts of this entrance to
the Gulf.
Among the writers of the last century who did good
service to American geography, Thomas Jefferys, Geo-
grapher to his Majesty, deserves honorable mention.
Besides his more general labors, he edited, in 1763, the
compilation of Roberts, and some years after the Jour-
nal of the elder Bartram; to both he added a general
map of the region under consideration, "collected and
digested with great care and labor from a number of
French and Spanish charts," taken on prize ships, cor-
rect enough as far as regards the shore, but the interior
very defective; a plan of Tampa Bay; and one of St. Au-
gustine and harbor, giving the depth of water in each,
and on the latter showing the site of the sea wall.
Besides those in the Atlas of Popple, of 1772, the
following maps, published during the last century, may
be consulted with advantage:
Caroline, Floride nee-non Insularum Bajamensium
delineatio, Nuremberg, 1775.
Tabula Mexicana et Floride, terrarum Anglicarum,
anteriarum Americe insularum. Amstelodami, apud
Petrum Schenck, circa. 1775.
A Map of the Southern British Colonies, containing

the Seat of War in N. and S. Carolina, E. and W.
Florida. By Bernard Romans. London, 1776.
Plan of Amelia Island and Bar, surveyed by Jacob
Blaney in 1775. London, 1776.
Plan of Amelia Island and Bar. By Wi. Fuller.
Edited by Thomas Jefferys. London, 1776.
Piano de la Ciudad y Puerto de San Augustin de la
Florida. Por Tomas Lopez. Madrid, 1783.
Nothing was done of any importance in this depart-
Inent during the second Spanish supremacy, but as
soon as the country became a portion of the United
States, the energy both of private individuals and the
government rapidly increased the fund of geographical
knowledge respecting it.
The first map published was that of Vignoles, who,
an engineer himself, and deriving his facts from a per-
sonal survey of the whole eastern coast from St. Marys
river to Cape Florida, makes a very visible improvement
on his predecessors.
The canal contemplated at this period from the St.
Johns or St. Marys to the Gulf gave occasion to level-
lings across the peninsula at two points, valuable for
the hypsometrical data they furnish. Annexed to the
report (February, 1829,) is a Map of the Territory of
Florida from its northern boundary to lat. 270 30' N.
connected with the delta of the Mississippi," giving
the features of the country and separate plans of the
harbors and bays.
The same year J. R. Searcy issued a map of the
territory, "constructed principally from authentic
documents in the land office at Tallahassie," favorably
mentioned at the time.1

& Southern Review, Vol. VI., p. 410, seq.



The map prefixed to his View of West Florida, and
subsequently to his later work, by Colonel Williams,
largely based on his own researches, is a good exposi-
tion of all certainly known at that period about the
geography of the country. Cape Romans is here first
distinguished as an island; Sharks river is omitted;
Sand Lake Myaco or Okee-chobee is not down, sim-
ply," says the author, because I can find no reason
for believing its existence !" Unparalleled as such an
entire ignorance of a body of water with a superficies
of twelve hundred square miles, in the midst of a State
settled nigh half a century before any other in our
Union, which had been governed for years by English,
by Spanish, and by Americans, may be, it well illus.
trates the impassable character of those vast swamps and
dense cypresses known as the Everglades; an impene-
trability so complete as almost to justify the assertion
of the State engineer, made as late as 1855: These
lands are now, and will continue to be, nearly as much
unknown as the interior of Africa or the mountain
sources of the Amazon."
What little we know of this Terra Incognita, is de-
rived from the notes of officers in the Indian wars, and
the-maps drawn up for the use of the army. Among
these, that issued by the War Department at the re-
quest of General Taylor, in 1887, embracing the whole
peninsula, that prefixed to Sprague's History, which
gives the northern portion with much minuteness,
and the later one, in 1856, of the portion south of
Tampa Bay, are the most important. The latter gives
the topography of the Everglades and Big Cypress as
far as ascertained.
1 Report of F. L. Dancy, State Engineer and Geologist, in
the Message of the Governor of Florida, with Accompanying
Documents, for 1855, App., p. 9.


While annual explorations are thus throwing more
and more light on the interior of the peninsula, the
United States Coast Survey, now in operation, will
definitely settle all kindred questions relative to its
shores, harbors, and islands; and thus we may look
forward to a not distant day when its geographical
history will be consummated.





Derivation of the name.-Earliest notices of.-Visited and
described by Bristock in 1653.-Authenticity of his narra-
tive.-Subsequent history and final extinction.

AMONG the aboriginal tribes of the United States
perhaps none is more enigmatical than the Apalaches.
They are mentioned as an important nation by many
of the early French and Spanish travellers and histo-
rians, their name is preserved by a bay and river on
the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and by the great
eastern coast range of mountains, and has been applied
by ethnologists to a family of cognate nations that
found their hunting-grounds from the Mississippi to
the Atlantic and from the Ohio river to the Florida
Keys; yet, strange to say, their own race and place
have been but guessed at. Intimately connected both
by situation and tradition with the tribes of the
Floridian peninsula, an examination of the facts per-
taining to their history and civilization is requisite to
a correct knowledge of the origin and condition of the
The orthography of the name is given variously by
the older writers, Apahlahche, Abolachi, Apeolatei,
Appallatta, &c., and very frequently without the first
letter, Palaxy, Palatcy. DanielCoxe, indeed, fancifully
considered this first vowel the Arabic article a, al, pre-



fixed by the Spaniards to the native word.' Its deri-
vation has been a question vexata among Indianologists;
Heckewelders identified it with Lenape or Wapanaki,
" which name the French in the south as easily cor-
rupted into Apalaches as in the north to Abe/na.kis,"
and other writers have broached equally loose hypothe-
sis. Adairs mentions a Chikasah town, Palacheho,
evidently from the same root; but it is not from this
tongue nor any of its allies, that we must explain its
meaning, but rather consider itan indication of ancient
connections with the southern continent, and in ilslt'
a pure Carib word. Apdlichl in the Tamanaca dialect
of the Guaranay stem on the Orinoco signifies man,4
and the earliest application of the name in the north-
ern continent was as a title of the chief of a country,
I'homme par excellence,5 and hence, like very many
other Indian tribes (Apaches, Lenni Lenape, Illinois,)
his subjects assumed by eminence the proud appellation
of The Men. How this foreign word came to be im-
ported will be considered hereafter. Among the tribes
that made up the confederacy, probably only one par-
took of the warring and energetic blood of the Caribs;
or it may have been assumed in emulation of a famous
neighbor; or it may have been a title of honor derived

I A Description of the Province of Carolina, p. 2, London,
I Trans. Hist. and Lit. Com. of the Am. Phil. Soc., Vol.
I., p. 113.
3 Hist. of the American Indians, p. 353.
4 Gilii' Saggio di Storia Americana, Tomo III., p. 375.
5 Rex qui in hisce Montibus habitabat, Ao. 1562, dicahatur
Apalatcy; ideoque ipsi montes eodem nominee vocanmur, is
written on the map of the country in Dapper's Neue und Un-
bekante Welt (Amsterdam, 1673,) probably on the authority
of Ribaut.


from the esoteric language of a foreign priesthood, in-
stances of which are not rare among the aborigines.
In the writings of the first discoverers they uni-
formly hold a superior position as the most polished,
the most valorous, and the most united tribe in the
region where they dwelt. The fame of their intre-
pidity reached to distant nations. c Keep on, robbers
and traitors," cried the Indians near the Withlacooche
to the soldiers of De Soto, c in Apalache you will re-
ceive that chastisement your cruelty deserves." When
they arrived at this redoubted province they found
cultivated fields stretching on either hand, bearing
plentiful crops of corn, beans, pumpkins, cucumbers,
and plums,' whose possessors, a race large in stature,
of great prowess, and delighting in war, inhabited
numerous villages containing from fifty to three hun-
dred spacious and commodious dwellings, well pro-
tected against hostile incursions. The French colo-
nists heard of them as distinguished for power and
wealth, having good store of gold, silver, and pearls,
and dwelling near lofty mountains to the north; and
Fontanedo, two years a prisoner in their power, lauds
them as cc les meilleurs Indiens de la Floride," and
describes their province as stretching far northward to
the snow-covered mountains of Onagatano abounding
in precious metals.2
About a century subsequent to these writers, we
find a very minute and extraordinary account of a
I The plums mentioned by these writers were probably the
fruit of the Prunus Chicasaw. This was not an indigenous
tree, but was cultivated by the Southern tribes. During his
travels, the botanist Bartram never found it wild in the
forests, "but always in old deserted Indian plantations."
(Travels, p. 38.)
See Appendix III.




nation called Apalachites, indebted for its preservation
principally to the work of the Abbe Roohefort. It
has been usually supposed a creation of his own fertile
brain, but a careful study of the subject has given me
a different opinion. The original sources of his in-
formation may be entirely lost, but that they actually
existed can be proved beyond reasonable doubt. They
were a series of ephemeral publications by an En-
glish gentleman" about 1656, whose name is variously
spelled Bristol, Bristok, Brigstock, and Bristock, the
latter being probably the correct orthography. He
had spent many years in the West Indies and North
America, was conversant with several native tongues,
and had visited Apalacha in 1658. Besides the above-
mentioned fragmentary notes, he promised a complete
narrative of his residence and journeys in the New
World, but apparently never fulfilled his intention.
Versions of his account are found in various writers of
the age. The earliest is given by Rochefort,' and was
translated with the rest of the woik of that author by
Davies,2 who must have consulted the original tract of
Bristock as he adds particulars not found in the Abbd's
history. Others are met with in the writings of the
Geographus Ordinarius, Nicolas Sanson d' Abbeville,3
in the huge tomes of Ogilby4 and his high and low
Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Illes Antilles de 1'Ame-
rique, Liv. II., pp. 8331-353. Rotterdam, 1658.
History of the Caribby Islands, London, 166.
SGeographia Exactissima, oder Beschreibung des 4 Theil
der ganzen Welt mit Geographischen und Historischen Rela-
tionen, Franckfort am Mayn, 1679. This is a German trans-
lation of D'Abbeville's geographical essays. I have not been
able to learn when the last part, which contains Bristock's
narrative, was published in French.
4 America. London, 1671.



Dutch paraphrasers Arnoldus Montanus, and Oliver
Dapper,' in Oldmixon's history,8 quite fully in the
later compilation that goes under the name of Baum-
garten's History of America,4 and in our own days has
been adverted to by the distinguished Indianologist
H. R. Schoolcraft in more than one of his works. It
consists of two parts, the one treating of the tradi-
tions, the other of the manners and customs of the
Apalachites. In order to place the subject in the
clearest light I shall. insert a brief epitome of both.
The Apalachites inhabited the region called Apa-
lacha between 330 25' and 370 north latitude. By
tradition and language they originated from northern
Mexico, where similar dialects still existed.5 The
Cofachites were a more southern nation, scattered at
first over the vast plains and morasses to the south
along the Gulf of Mexico (Theomi), but subsequently
having been reduced by the former nation, they set-
tled a district called Amana, near the mountains of
Apalacha, and from this circumstance received the
name Caraibe or Carib, meaning bold, warlike men,"
strangers," and annexed nation." In after days,
increasing in strength and retaining their separate ex-

1 De Nieuwe en Onbekeende Weereld. Amsterdam, 1671.
2 Die Unbekante Neue Welt. Amsterdam, 1678.
s The British Empire in America, Vol. I. London, 1708.
4 Geschichte von Amerika, B. II. Halle, 1753. The ar-
ticles in these volumes were selected with much judgment,
and translated by J. F. Geyfarts and J. F. Schroeter, Baum-
garten merely writing the bibliographical introductions. It
contains a curious map entitled Gegend der Provinz Bemarin im
Kdnigreich Apalacha.
6 The Chikasah asserted for themselves the same origin,
and even their Mexican relatives were said to visit them from
time to time. (Adair, Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p.



istence, they asserted independence, refused homage to
the king of Apalacha, and slighted the worship of
the sun. Wars consequently arose, extending at in-
tervals over several centuries, resulting in favor of the
Oofachites, whose dominion ultimately extended from
the mountains in the north to the shores of the Gulf
and the river St. Johns on the south. Finding them-
selves too weak to cope openly with such a powerful
foe, the Apalachites had recourse to stratagem. Taking
advantage of a temporary peace, their priests used
the utmost exertions to spread abroad among their
antagonists a religious veneration of the sun and a
belief in the necessity of an annual pilgrimage to his
sacred mountain Olaimi in Apalacha. So Viell did
their plan succeed, that when at the resumption of
hostilities, the Apalachites forbade the ingress of all
pilgrims but those who would do homage to their
king, a schism, bitter and irreconcilable, was brought
about among the Cofachites. Finally peace was re-
stored by a migration of those to whom liberty was
dearer than religion, and a submission of the rest to
the Apalachites, with whom they became amalgamated
and lost their identity. Their more valiant compan-
ions, after long wanderings through unknown lands in
search of a home, finally locate themselves on the
southern shore of Florida. Islanders from the Baha-
mas, driven thither by storms, tell them of lands,
fertile and abounding in game, yet uninhabited and
unclaimed, lying to the southwards; they follow their
advice and direction, traverse the Gulf of Florida, and
settle the island of Ayay, now Santa Cruz. From
this centre colonies radiated, till the majority of the
islands and no small portion of the southern mainland
was peopled by their race.



Such is the sum of Bristock's singular account. It
is either of no credibility whatever, or it is a distorted
version of floating, dim traditions, prevalent among
the indigenes of the West Indies and the neighboring
parts of North America. I am inclined to the latter
opinion, and think that Bristock, hearing among the
Caribs rumors of a continent to the north, and subse-
quently finding powerful nations there, who, in turn,
knew' of land to the south and spoke of ancient wars
and migrations, wove the fragments together, filled up
the blanks, and gave it to the world as a veritable his-
tory. To support this view, let us inquire whether
any knowledge of each other actually existed between
the inhabitants of the islands and the northern main-
land, and how far this knowledge extended.
The reality of the migration, though supported by
some facts, must be denied of the two principal races,
the Caribs and Arowauks, who peopled the islands at
the time of their discovery. The assertions of Barcia,
Herrera, and others that they were originally settled
by Indians from Florida have been abundantly dis-
proved by the profound investigations of Alphonse D'
Orbigny in South America., On the other hand,
that the Cubans and Lucayans had a knowledge of the
peninsula not only in the form of myths but as a real
geographical fact, even having specific names in their
own tongues for it (Cautio, Jaguaza), is declared by
the unanimous voice of historians.
1 Numerous references showing the prevalence of this error
are adduced by D'Orbigny, L'Homme Americain, Tom. II.,
p. 275, et seq. Among later authors who have been misled
by such authorities are Humboldt, (" Reise nach dem Tropen,
B. V., s. 181,") and the eminent naturalist F. J. F. Meyen,
(Ueber die Ur-Eingebornen von Peru, s. 6, in the Nov. Act.
Acad. Caesar. Leopold. Carolin. Nat. Car. Vol, XVII,
Sup. I.)


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