Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 The black urban community:...
 A survey of humanities programs...
 The critics' assessment of Faulkner's...
 Literary dialogue: A comparison...
 Race and sex as determinants of...
 Education for a second-class citizenship...
 Microdistribution of Magnolia grandiflora...
 Peanut protein research at Florida...
 University research committee awards...

Group Title: Research bulletin - Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University
Title: Research bulletin - Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University. 1978.
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AM00000202/00002
 Material Information
Title: Research bulletin - Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University. 1978.
Uniform Title: Research bulletin - Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University
Physical Description: Serial
Creator: Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University.
Publisher: Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University
Publication Date: 1978
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: AM00000202
Volume ID: VID00002
Source Institution: Florida A&M University (FAMU)
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: notis - AAB7892

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Cover 1
        Cover 2
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    Table of Contents
        Page iii
    The black urban community: 1865-1930
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
    A survey of humanities programs in selected colleges, universities and junior colleges
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
    The critics' assessment of Faulkner's negro characters
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
    Literary dialogue: A comparison of Jean Toomer's Cane and Sherwood Anderson's Winesburg, Ohio
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
    Race and sex as determinants of perceived belief similarity
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
    Education for a second-class citizenship in South Carolina, 1900-1920
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
    Microdistribution of Magnolia grandiflora L. in northern Florida mixed hardwood forests
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
    Peanut protein research at Florida A & M University
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
    University research committee awards 1976-77
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
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Florida Agricultural and Mechanical

Research Bulletin

Volume XXII, Number 1
May 1978

Tallahassee, Florida

Florida Agricultural and Mechanical


Research Bulletin

Editorial Board

Charles U. Smith, Editor
College of Humanities and Social Sciences

*Annie L. Blackwell, Associate Editor
College of Humanities and Social Sciences

Anne Gayles, Associate Editor
College of Education

Herbert Jones, Associate Editor
College of Science and Technology

Charles A. Walker, Associate Editor
School of Pharmacy

Editorial and Publication Policy

The Research Bulletin of Florida A&M University is the official
medium for the publication of research, essays, scholarly criticism, and
creative writing by the faculty, staff, and students of Florida A&M
University. Manuscripts submitted by persons outside the University will
also be considered for publication. Outside manuscripts must be ac-
companied by a self-addressed, stamped, return envelope. The Research
Bulletin is published semiannually, as funds permit. All published ma-
terials become the property of Florida A&M University.

Communications should be addressed to:
Charles U. Smith, Editor
P. O. Box 895
Florida A&M University
Tallahassee, Florida 32307

Copyright c 1978 by Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University

I his issuc is dedicated to Dr. Annie L. Blackwell. Professor of English. a conscientious
rncmhbc of the Editorial Board of the Re.search Bulletin who died O.ni- J.:. ,:.1I on
Deceimbcr 25. 1977.

Table of Contents (Order of Papers)

The Black Urban Community:
1865-1930 A Bibliographical-
Historical Essay .............................. Larry E. Rivers

A Survey of Humanities Programs
In Selected Colleges, Universities
and Junior Colleges ..........................Julian E. Compton

The Critics' Assessment of
Faulkner's Negro Characters ............. Beulah S. Hemmingway

Literary Dialogue: A Comparison
of Jean Toomer's Cane and Sherwood
Anderson's Winesburg, Ohio ................. Australia Henderson

Race and Sex as Determinants of
Perceived Belief Similarity ....................... Dallas Williams

Education for a Second-Class
Citizenship in South Carolina
1900-1920 .....................

Microdistribution of Magnolia
grandiflora L. in Northern Florida
Mixed Hardwood Forest..........

Peanut Protein Research at Florida
A&M University ...............

........ Theodore Hemnminiway

.......... Michael D. Hubbard

.. ............ Julius .. H einis

University Research Committee
Awards 1976-77 .............................. Jeffrey M. Jacques

The Black Urban Community: 1865-1930
A Bibliographic-Historical Essay

Larry E. Rivers
Assistant Professor of History & Geography
Florida A&M University

The purpose of this essay is twofold. First, it examines a, repre-
sentative sampling of scholarly literature dealing with the historical de-
velopment of the Black urban community from 1865 to 1930 in the
United States. And second, it analyzes the social forces and events which
have maintained this community as a subordinate social structure within
the larger American society. The Black community continues to receive
intense attention from historians and social scientist alike.' Many social
scientists believe that analyzing the Black community may be a key to
understanding the complex patterns of historical forces that have re-
sulted in the subordination of Blacks within American society.2 Socio-
logists generally agree that the social structure of the Black community
performs mediating functions between the Black minority and the domi-
nant white majority.3 By studying the Black urban community, we may
answer several fundamental questions: (1) How have Blacks interacted
with the larger society?; (2) How have.Blacks negotiated with the larger
dominant society from a position of weakness in an effort to gain full

*The author wishes to thank Drs. Eugene Levy and Roland Smith for their helpful
comments criticisms of an earlier draft.
1. See Robert V. Haynes (ed.), Blacks in White America Before 1865 (New York, 1972),
pp. 1-38.
2. John Blassingame (ed.). New'Perspectives on Black Studies (Chicago, 1971), pp. 229-
3. James Blackwell, The Black Community: Diversity and Unity (New York, 1975),
pp. 3-52; Roland 1. Warren (ed.) The Community in America (Chicago, 1972); David
B. Clark, "The Concept of Community: A Re-Examination," Sociological Review
XXI (August, 1973), 398-412.


equality?; and (3) Why have Blacks found it extremely difficult to move
out of their subservient position in American society?
The study of the Black urban community after the Civil War did
not receive serious attention from historians until the 1960s. Most of the
earlier works were written by social reformers or social workers who
were chiefly interested in the immediate problems of the urban poor
rather than in systematic social research.4
In her Half Man: The Status of the Negro In New York (1911),
Mary White Ovington delivered a social gospel message. Ovington, one
of the founders of the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People, described the segregated living conditions, the high
infant death rates, and the high rate of child neglect among Blacks as a
result of their inability to secure meaningful employment.5 In her appeal
to the white citizens of New York, Ovington asserted that Blacks would
not improve their conditions until they were given an opportunity to
succeed in American life. She cited the lare percentage of Blacks out of
jobs and incarcerated for crime. Ovington also emphasized that much of
the vice in Black communities resulted from white hostilities toward the
presence of Blacks in New York.6 Ovington exhorted those with white
skin to pull those with Black skin up the social and industrial ladder
instead of pushing them backward. This, she concluded, would make
New York a place where everyone could live comfortably.7
A year later, Richard Wright, in his Negro In Pennsylvania (1912),
wrote a descriptive study of the socio-economic status of Blacks in
Pennsylvania. Wright also sought to expand the work DuBois had done
on Blacks in Philadelphia in 1899. Much like Ovington's study of Blacks
in New York, Wright's social investigation revealed that Blacks in Penn-
sylvania suffered from large scale discriminatory practices of whites
after the Civil war." Writing in the social gospel tradition, Wright chal-
lenged the position held by whites that criminal acts by Blacks had
produced the "Negro Problem." Based upon statistics gathered from the
Philadelphia Police Department and the Eastern Penitentiary, Wright
maintained that few Blacks were in prisons or almhouses as a result of
an inclination toward criminal behavior and idleness.9 Wright noted that
the "Negro Problem" was not one of inefficiency, poverty, or crime, but
a problem of not allowing Blacks the opportunity to compete with
whites for jobs and a better quality of life.10 Wright concluded that the

4. See James M. McPherson, et al., Blacks in America (New York, 1971), pp. 71-189.
5. Mary White Ovington, Half Man: 7he Status of the Negro in New York (New York,
1911), pp. 49-74.
6. Ihid., pp. 153-158 and 187-194.
7. Ihil., pp. 218-277.
8. Richard Wright, Negro in Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1912), pp. 166-181.
9. Ibid., pp. 140-158.
10. Ihid., pp. 159-165.


problem in the Black community was one of negative attitudes held by
whites toward Blacks because of their color.
During the 1930s, 40s, and 50s, historians did not seriously analyze
the Black urban community from 1865 to 1930. The mid-1940s marked,
however, a turning point in the thorough sociological scientific study of
Blacks in urban areas. One of the first studies to use a systematic socio-
logical approach was done by St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton. In
their highly influential study of Blacks, they described and analyzed the
life of Blacks in Chicago in the early 1930s." In Black Metropolis (1944),
these authors sharpened their analysis by focusing on the life of Blacks
before and after the great migration to Chicago's Black belt as well as
the complexities of the caste system as it existed in that city.'"
Gunnar Myrdal's highly influential study of Blacks in America drew
heavily on the work by Drake and Cayton for the sections of the mod-
ern Black urban community. In his An American Dilemma (1944), Myr-
dal used a social scientific approach to analyze the economic, psycho-
logical, historical, anthropological, and social causes of the Black "prob-
lem" in the United States.13 In an attempt to expand what Wright had
done in his study of the race problem in Pennsylvania, Myrdal believed
the American dilemma to be a conflict between the high values Ameri-
cans place on "Christian precepts" and the lack of systematic enforce-
ment of these high principles resulting from "prejudice against particular
persons or types of people."14 While Myrdal's study and that of Drake
and Cayton were scholarly, they focused on the Black urban community
more from a sociological standpoint than from a historical point of
The first major historical study of the Northern Black community
appeared in 1966. Gilbert Osofsky, in his Harlem: The Making of the
Ghetto, described and analyzed the factors responsible for the formation
of the Black community in Harlem between 1920 and 1930. Social fac-
tors such as the demand for industrial workers, the increased urbaniza-
tion of Northern cities during World War I, and the growing Black
population brought about by the migration of Southern Blacks to North-
ern cities in search of employment opportunities led to the emergence of
the Black ghetto, Osofsky maintained.15 Osofsky observed, however,
that unskilled Blacks became disillusioned when they could not secure
full employment to sustain a moderate standard of living. The lack of
economic opportunities affected the stability of the Black family in Har-

11. See St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton, Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life
in a Northern City (New York, 1944), pp. 214-403.
12. Ibid., pp. 774-776.
13. See Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern De-
mocracy, Vols. I and II (New York, 1944).
14. Ibid., XLVII.
15. Gilbert Osofsky, Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto: New York: 1890-1930 (New York.
1966), pp. 17-34.


lem, Osofsky argued. Writing during the civil rights movement, Osofsky
concurred with social scientist Myrdal's earlier assessment that white
America will have to eradicate racism, prejudice, and discrimination in
order to eliminate Black ghettos across the country.'6
Allan Spear, in his Black Chicago: The Making of the Negro Ghetto
(1967), reached many of the same conclusions about Blacks in Chicago
as did Drake and Cayton in Black Metropolis. Spear attributed the
evolution of the Black community to a breakdown in race relations
between whites and Blacks in that city."1 Spear claimed that racial bar-
riers actually began solidifying around the 1870s and that the Black
Chicago ghetto on the Southside had taken definite shape by the late
1890s. The scarcity and poor quality of housing for Blacks was, Spear
argued, directly related to the strict enforcement of residential segrega-
tion by whites."
In an attempt to respond to the oppression by whites, Spear as-
serted that Blacks developed a solid Black community in order to pro-
mote their own self-interest." Black leaders were, Spear noted, the prin-
cipal mediators between the Black community and the larger society.
Leadership also became a very important vehicle for social mobility
within the community. In response to the growing hostility of whites
toward Blacks, an originally elitist assimilationist leadership changed
into a more militant middle class separatist leadership movement.2? Spear
rejected Oscar Handlin's thesis that Blacks voluntarily chose separate
communities as a positive good. He argued that Blacks had no alterna-
tive but to form Black communities in response to white oppression.
Spear concluded that the race riot of 1919 destroyed whatever hope had
existed for a peacefully integrated city.21
Six years after the publication of Spear's work, David K. Katzman
produced a major study of Blacks in the City of Detroit. Katzman, in his
Before The Ghetto: Black Detroit In the Nineteenth Century (1973),
claimed that Blacks in that city suffered from the same injustices experi-
enced by Blacks in such cities as Chicago and New York.22 Katzman
argued that the degraded condition experienced by Blacks in the city of
Detroit became more evident as the nineteenth century proceeded; he
noted that attempts by Blacks to obtain better housing and employment
met greater and greater resistance. Like Osofsky's study of New York,
Katzman found that many Blacks originally lived in largely white areas;

16. Ibid., pp. 179-187.
17. Allan Spear, Black Chicago: The Making of the Negro Gjhetto; 1890-1920 (Chicago.
1967). pp. 29-49.
18. Ibid., pp. 20-27.
19. Ibid., pp. 169-179.
20. Ibid., pp. 71-89.
21. Ibid.. p. 40, and 223-229.
22. See David K. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit ;n in he Ninteenth Centurv
(Chicago, 1973), pp. 81-174.


however, growing white racism forced them into resettling in certain
areas designated as "Black."23 This, in turn, lead to an increasingly open
hostility between racial groups.24 Katzman particularly focused on the
lifestyles of the upper class group within the Black community. He
claimed that disunity existed between the Black elite and the lower class
during the latter part of the nineteenth century because the Black elite
viewed the lower class as a hinderance to their integration into the
mainstream of American society.25 Like Spear, Katzman maintained
that the Black masses began to shift away from the accommodationist
approach as a way of dealing with their worsening condition.26 Except
for the upper class, Katzman noted that discriminatory practices in
employment made it difficult for lower class families to sustain a viable
household. Katzman concluded that the hiring of Blacks declined sig-
nificantly in the four decades following the Civil War as a result of the
competition between whites and Blacks for available jobs.27
Historians initially took a careful look at Black communities in
Northern cities, but in the 1970s several scholarly studies took as their
focus the post-Civil War Southern city. Robert Perdue, in his The Negro
in Savannah: 1865-1900 (1973), described the social and cultural life of
Blacks in Savannah. Purdue claimed that the large Black community in
the city of Savannah after the Civil War evolved as a result of the lack
of jobs for Blacks in the rural areas of Georgia.28 Whites feared both the
influx of Blacks into the city and their demand for social equality; these
fears, Purdue argued, led to segregation in employment, housing, and
education. Paradoxically, Purdue claimed that both Black and white
leaders "worked [ed] assiduously" to maintain cordial race relations.29
Black leaders in Savannah, Perdue noted, articulated the needs and
concerns of the Black masses without much success. Moreover, Blacks
did not possess a strong enough voice in local politics to challenge
successfully the injustices they encountered. Perdue concluded that Blacks,
who comprised about fifty percent of Savannah's population, remained
optimistic about their future in that city despite their lack of progress
after the Civil War.30
John Blassingame, in his Black New Orleans: 1860-1880 (1973),
revealed that Blacks in New Orleans had a much greater opportunity to
achieve a better quality of life than did Blacks in Savannah or any other
Southern city.31 Blacks in the city of New Orleans found it to their

23. Ibid., pp. 53-80.
24. Ibid.. pp. 157-168.
25. Ibid., pp. 175-206.
26. Ibid.
27. Ihid., pp. 104-121.
28. Robert Perdue, The Negro in Savannah: 1865-1900 (New York. 1973). pp. 105-122.
29. Ihid.. p. 1137.
30, Ibid., 137-141.
31. John Blassingame, Black .New Orlean.N: 1860-1880 (Chicago. 1973). pp. 49-77.


advantage to sustain the Black community as a viable social unit in
order to deal effectively with the discriminatory behavior of whites.32
Blassingame found that Blacks were still able to gain skillful employ-
ment and significant amounts of capital despite residential segregation
and discrimination in employment. Since Blacks in New Orleans had
developed many skills during the antebellum period, Blassingame claimed
they used these skills to achieve economic gain during the Reconstruc-
tion period.33 Unlike Blacks in other Southern cities, Blassingame as-
serted that the political power of Blacks and the sympathetic Catholic
influence in New Orleans enabled many Blacks to attend integrated
schools and public places during the several decades following the Civil
War. Blacks responded, moreover, to the discriminatory practices of
whites by voting into office people. who were sympathetic to the needs
and concerns of the Black community.34 Perdue's study of Savannah
Blacks did not deal with the dynamics of the Black family; Blassingame's
in-depth study, however, indicated that the Black family in New Orleans
became just about as stable as those of whites by the end of the 1880s.
Blassingame concluded that New Orleans Blacks, during the period from
1860 to 1880, were the most literate and successful group of Blacks in
the United States.35
More recently, Kenneth L. Kusmer, in his A Ghetto Takes Shape:
Black Cleveland, 1870-1930 (1976), followed much the same general line
of analysis laid down by Osofsky, Spear, and Katzman. It was Kusmer's
purpose to describe and analyze the internal dynamics of the Black
community in the Cleveland area before the 1930s.36 Kusmer claimed
that Blacks in Cleveland experienced very little discrimination after the
Civil War as a result of whites' sympathy with the degraded status of the
newly emancipated Blacks.37 After reconstruction, however, problems
emerged, Kusmer noted, because whites began to push the emancipation
of these freedmen into the back of their minds and to view Blacks as a
potential threat to their jobs. Much like Spear and Osofsky, Kusmer
noted that there were distinctive social classes and leaders within the
Black community during the period from 1870 to 1930.38 While there
existed many different ideological groups in Cleveland, Kusmer asserted
that there was very little internal dissension among Blacks in Cleveland;
a cooperative stance arose out of an attempt to respond to the oppres-
sive tactics used by whites to subjugate Blacks in that city. Similar to
Katzman, Kusmer concluded that the Black ghetto in Cleveland had

32. Ibid., pp. 173-210.
33. Ibid.. pp. 49-77.
34. Ibid., pp. 188-192.
35. Ibid., pp. 90-105, and 107-137.
36. Kenneth, L. Kusmer. A Ghetto Takes Shape: Black Cleveland. 1870-1930 (Chicago,
1976), pp. 91-112.
37. Ibid., pp. 3-31.
38. Ibid., pp. 91-112.


fully developed by the 1930s as a result of the tight enforcement of
segregation in employment and housing by whites.39
Finally, a recent work on the Black family has broadened our un-
derstanding of how this institution fared under slavery and under free-
dom. Herbert Gutman, the social historian, has concurred with Blassin-
game's finding that the Black family historically has functioned as a
viable social unit.40 In his The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom
(1976), Gutman traced the growth and development of the Black family
from the early eighteenth century to the early twentieth century, using
the federal census from the era of slavery to the great Black migration to
the urban centers of the North in the early decades of this century.
Blacks placed a high value on maintaining the family unit, Gutman
argued, in spite of their subservient position in the urban areas.41 In fact,
Gutman claimed that the high degree of mobility among Blacks after the
Civil War to various states was often motivated by attempts to find
loved ones from whom they had been separated during slavery. Thus,
Gutman maintained that the deterioration of the Black family noted by
Moynihan is a product of economic and social factors operating after
1924 rather than before this time.42


This essay focused on a selected body of literature dealing with the
Black urban community in the North and South from 1865-1930. Most
of the works examined in this essay analyzed the historiographical posi-
tions of various social scientists as they related to the Black urban
community. These historiographical positions revealed the different in-
terpretations of scholars as they attempted to describe and analyze vari-
ous Black urban communities.
The works relating to the Black urban community examined in this
essay revealed how the dominant racial attitudes and beliefs of the white
majority have affected the position of the Black minority in American
society. The pattern that emerged from these works is one of cohesion
within the Black urban community, but subordination became an out-
growth of whites' historical use of power to gain advantages for their
group; these advantages, for example, come in the form of better em-
ployment, better housing, and better educational facilities. These works
examined above also show that some elements of the white community
have used historically a variety of methods, including discrimination,
violence, and segregation to keep Blacks in a subordinate position. More-
over, these works scrutinized how Blacks have responded to the oppres-

39. Ibid., pp. 206-234.
40. Gutman, Black Family, pp. 35-298.
41. Ibid.
42. Ibid.


sion by whites by developing their own separate viable communities.
While historians have. done comparative studies of various slave
societies, very few attempts have been made to do a comprehensive
comparative study of Black urban communities during slavery or after
the emancipation of Blacks. Most often, historians have simply dealt with
the plight of urban Blacks only in a racial context. The author recom-
mends, therefore, that scholars explore the patterns of continuity and
change that have existed in the history of Black urban communities
before and after the Civil War. This could be approached in much the
same way that historians and social scientists have studied the similar-
ities and diversities among slave communities. A comprehensive com-
parative study of urban Blacks from slavery up to 1930, therefore, may
yield interesting insights about the extent to which common structures
and patterns of interaction have characterized the Black communal ex-
perience. Instead of primarily focusing on racism in the development of
these communities, it would behoove scholars to focus on the historical
development of social stratification and mobility patterns among Blacks
as well as on the positive ways in which Blacks have responded to the
oppression of whites. Scholars ought to thoroughly analyze and com-
pare the function of local Black organizations and social institutions to
determine whether or not they differ significantly in orientation from
their national counterparts. Scholars should pay particular attention to
the varying patterns of political participation, family structure, and pro-
perty ownership among individual Black communities. And finally, the
comparative study of Afro-Americans and other ethnic groups in the
population may add to our knowledge of the dynamics of etho-racial
urban community development before and after the Civil War.

A Survey of Humanities Programs In
Selected Colleges, Universities and Junior Colleges

Julian E. Compton
Associate Professor of Humanities
Florida A&M University

In an effort to improve and expand the humanities program at
Florida A & M University the author was asked to do a survey of
existing humanities programs at selected schools throughout the coun-
try. The specific purpose was to investigate the commonalities and dif-
ferences on a variety of topics among the various programs. Included in
the survey were large universities and colleges, smaller colleges, pre-
dominately black universities and colleges, art colleges, and junior col-
leges in Florida. Each was asked to respond to an eighteen-question
survey.. (See appendix.) The questions requested information concerning
the extent of each school's program, the various cultures and disciplines
included, the teaching and testing strategies utilized, and the overall
philosophy of the program. A general pattern emerged from the re-
sponses received which will be discussed in the narrative. Specific results
are contained in the appendix.
In compiling the results of this humanities survey certain conclu-
sions became obvious. Emergent conclusions are based on a majority or
a significant minority of responses. The majority of schools responding
to the survey have humanities programs with required courses on the
freshman or sophomore level. However, it is only large predominantly
white universities which offer upper level courses and an opportunity to
major in humanities.
The majority of schools emphasize European and American studies
and supplement with Oriental and African materials. The disciplines of
visual arts, music, literature and philosophy are taught, usually in a
unified course. A slight majority have tried combining courses to create
new perspectives and offer cross-cultural courses. In both the combi-


nation and cross-cultural courses the white universities and colleges lead
in experimentation; however, the black universities also have many cross-
cultural courses.
A majority of schools combine traditional and experimental teach-
ing methodologies. A significant minority of large white universities
continues to rely on traditional methods. Media are used by a majority
of programs, but much less so by large white universities. Testing is left
in the hands of the individual instructor, and only a significant minority
among the junior colleges uses departmental tests. Examinations com-
bine short answer and essay questions in almost all programs. A few
white universities, however, use essays alone. Programs are divided on
the use of faculty training seminars, and a slight majority maintains
student workshops to supplement academic instruction.
Much less certainty exists in the area of the philosophy of the
humanities programs. Question eight of the survey asked, "Which of the
following best describes the organizing principle for the basic humanities
courses?" The choices listed were historical, history of ideas, media in-
troduction, popular culture concepts, aesthetics and other. Only twenty
per cent of the responding schools could narrow their answers to a single
principle. Many schools listed three, four, or all six possibilities.
Since the question asked for the "controlling principle", it appears
that seventy-nine per cent of the schools do not have one controlling
principle. Schools listed the choices in the following per cents: histor-
ical 44%, history of ideas 40%, aesthetics 21%, concepts 16%,
popular culture 7%, .media introduction 7%, and other 28%.
These percentages seem to indicate that the majority of the schools
responding to the survey teach a unified humanities course which is
based on historical movement and/or the history of ideas approach in
combination with other emphases. One could receive the impression that
many of these schools use a unified humanities text such as the recog-
nized standard, Arts and Ideas by William Fleming, and build the course
around it. However, upon analyzing the course offerings and sample
tests received with the survey, it is obvious that such is not the case.
Many of the schools do have unified humanities courses, but many
others have western literature or art courses which are defined as hu-
manities courses. Some of these courses are supplemented with material
from other areas. As a general conclusion it seems that the schools
which responded to this survey define humanities in a variety of ways,
use a variety of approaches, and most are not clear as to the overall
philosophy for their programs.
Since most schools seem to be offering humanities courses without a
carefully thought-out philosophy, it would seem instructive to analyze
what the schools with well-conceived programs are doing.
The most impressive humanities program which appeared in this
survey is the one at St. Andrews (Presbyterian) College. With a student
body of only eight hundred, they offer a four-year, team-taught hu-


manities program for the general education of their students. These
cultures are studied for periods of one year each: Biblical and classical,
European through twentieth century, non-western, American experience
and future problems. These offer a depth of study unrivaled on the
undergraduate, basic level. Several disciplines are integrated around top-
ics within each of the areas listed. Course outlines have been fully de-
veloped by faculty teams and the program looks exciting. (No major is
Universities with notable humanities programs are Boston Univer-
sity, Florida State University and Jacksonville University. Boston offers
five well-conceived topical courses, two of which are related to historical
periods and supplements them with courses from specific disciplines for
a major. Jacksonville offers four survey courses plus courses in the
history of ideas, comparative arts, non-western culture, and a problems
seminar. Topics for the seminar have been opera and literature, contem-
porary theology and modern art, and American popular culture.
Florida State University probably has the largest program in hu-
manities with four survey courses, three courses in Asian humanities,
one course in western contemporary trends, and two seminars on con-
temporary topics. In addition, they have a full graduate program leading
to the Ph.D. in humanities which goes beyond the concern of this survey.
One of the most original approaches to humanities can be found at
Miles College. Working under a grant from the Danforth Foundation
they have grouped together four sophomore courses of two semesters'
length from world literature, world religion, philosophy and art-music.
Each of the four courses deals with the same three questions during a
semester in what is called a trans-disciplinary approach. The questions
for semester one are: (1) "What is religion, philosophy, etc. ... ?", (2)
"How do systems shape us?", and (3) "How do we become human?"
The schools with well-conceived programs seem to be firmly estab-
lished in an historical survey of western culture which usually runs for
four courses. Only Miles avoids this. However, no school with a good
humanities program stops with an historical survey. Programs which
know what they are trying to accomplish invariably culminate with ideas
courses. Many programs offer courses in modern trends and perspec-
tives, but the best programs go further in raising universal questions
such as: "What is the nature of man?", "How does man relate to other
men?", or "What is man's place in nature and the universe?" It appears
that the future for humanities programs will be to provide: (1) courses
which supply historical information, and (2) courses which provide ideo-
logical discussions and overviews that are both contemporarily relevant
and universal.
This survey was undertaken to gather information which would aid
Florida A & M University in expanding its humanities program. How-
ever, a few conclusions could benefit other schools as well:
(1) Large white universities are much more traditional in their teach-


ing strategies than the other schools surveyed and might profit by re-
(2) White schools supplement European curriculum materials with
Oriental materials. Black schools supplement with African materials.
Very few schools have a good offering of both African and Oriental
(3) Large white universities have the best-conceived total human-
ities programs, and this is indicated in their ideas courses which relate
the universals which span all cultures. At least one such summary course
should be taught in each school.
The survey had a reassuring effect for Florida A & M University's
humanities program. Courses already in the planning stage (African,
Oriental and American minority cultures) will supplement the sopho-
more survey courses and create the breadth which many schools lack. It
will give a unique culture balance to the program.
The glaring weakness of the program at Florida A & M University
in the lack of ideas courses. All of the better humanities programs have
summary courses or seminars in the history of ideas, contemporary
issues or problems in the humanities. The university is urged to create at
least one ideas course as a culminating activity of humanities study.

Survey Results

1. Do you have a humanities program?

2. Are humanities courses required?

3. Do you offer a major?

4. Is the material primarily western
European and American?

5. Are African, Asian and minority
materials used?
6. On what level are courses taught?

7. Which areas are included:
Visual Arts, Music, Literature,
Philosophy, Other

Yes 4 2 6 4 14 5
No 3 0 0 2 3 0

Yes 6 2
No 1 0

Yes 1 0
No 6 2

Yes 5 2
No 1 0

Yes 3
No 3
Freshman 6
Sophomore 7
Upper Level 0

Four or More 4
Three or Less 3

9 4
8 1

0 6 1
5 11 4

5 13 5
1 1 0

4 14 5
2 0 0
0 10 4
6 13 4
0 12 4

4 10 3
2 3 2



Per Cent


95 n


(Continued) ,


8. Which best describes the organiz-
ing principle?

9. Omitted.
10. Describe your teaching methodology.

11. Is there much use of media?

12. What form of testing do you use?

13. What form of answers are required?

Historical 4
History of Ideas 5
Concepts 0
Aesthetics 2
Popular Culture 1
Media Introduction 1
Other 0

Traditional 1
Experimental 0
Combination 6

2 3
0 2
1 0
1 1
0 1
0 1
0 0

0 0
0 1
2 4

Yes 7 2 4 5
No 0 0 1 1

National tests 1 0 0 0
Department tests 4 0 0 1
Instructors' tests 7 1 5 5
No tests 0 1 0 0

Essay 1 0 0 1
Short answer 0 0 0 0
Combination 6 1 5 5
None 0 1 0 0


6 2
5 2
:3 3
4 0
0 0
0 1
1 0

6 0
0 2
9 3

9 4
5 1

0 0
2 3
13 5
0 0

4 0
0 0
10 5
0 0

Per Cent p
40 -
21 5




14. Do you hold seminars to prepare Yes 4 1 3 3 5 3 19 49
faculty for the core curriculum? No 3 1 2 3 9 2 20 51

15. Do you have any workshop activities Yes 4 2 3 3 7 3 22 56
in which students may work in the arts? No 3 0 2 3 7 2 17 44

16. Do you offer any courses which Yes 2 2 2 0 11 4 21 54
combine two previously taught sepa- No 5 0 3 6 3 1 18 46

17. Do you offer cross-cultural courses Yes 0 2 4 3 8 4 21 55
which combine Asian, African and No 6 0 1 3 6 1 17 45
American minority materials with
the usual European and American

Surveyed 22 6 7 36 23 30 124 -
Responded 7 2 6 6 17 5 43 35

Per Cent 32 33 86 17 74 17 35
FJ Florida Jr. Colleges
AC Art Colleges
BU Black Universities
BC Black Colleges
WU White Universities
WC White Colleges

The Critics' Assessment of Faulkner's
Negro Characters

Beulah S. Hemmingway
Instructor In Languages

If William Faulkner is not the most prolific novelist in the annals of
recent Southern literature,! he is at least the most widely written about.2
This plethora of literature on Faulkner defies easy commentary of the
man and his talents, rules out easy generalizations about the value and
meaning of his work, and often destroys long cherished stereotypes of
his characters. Thus, the critics of Faulknerian prose tread on dangerous
ground and must at all times avoid imposing predetermined attitudes on
Faulkner's literary creations. This essay verifies this contention as it
focuses on Faulkner's critics and their assessment of his treatment of his
Negro characters. The commentary reviewed reveals the diversity of
critics reactions upon Faulkner's Negro character delineations. One is
able to discern several theories regarding or classifying portrayal of
Negro characters in his fiction.
One such theory holds that Faulkner is America's foremost writer
in capturing thoroughly and accurately the nuances of Negro speech and
in depicting convincingly the Negroes as'victimized members of Ameri-
can society. Noted among such -advocates are well established black

'William. Faulkner is author of twenty-four books of fiction and two volumes of
2For a listing of works on William Faulkner see: John Bassett. William Faulkner:
An Annotated Checklist of Criticism (New York: D. Lewis. 1972): Maurice Beebe, "Cri-
ticism of William Faulkner: A Selected Checklist With an Index to Studies of Separate
Works," Modern Fiction Studies. 8, No. I (Spring, 1967): James B. Meriwether. The
Literary Career of William Faulkner: A ib, '. .. ,..' Study (Princeton. New Jersey:
Princeton University Library. 1961); and Irene L. Sleeth. William Faulkner: A Biblio-
graphy of Criticism, The Swallow Pamphlets. No. 13 (Denver: Alan Swallow, 1962).


critics Sterling Brown, Hugh Gloster, and Charles Nilon, along with
noted American literary critics Irving Howe and Robert Penn Warren.
Another theory meriting separate commentary maintains that Faulk-
ner treats basically stereotyped Negro characters, primarily the faithful
retainer and the blacks who will endure. Thus, Faulkner is viewed as a
Southern apologist for the status quo, or as one who looks nostaligically
on the plantation tradition, and perpetuates, intentionally or not, a
paternalistic attitude toward the Negro.
Faulkner's portrayal of Negro characters and his dramatization of
the life of the mulattoes provoke equally diverse opinions. Some of the
reviewers commenting on Faulkner's characters with mixed blood claim
he uses mulattoes as warnings against the danger of miscegenation.3
Others evaluating Faulkner's characters with mixed blood maintain that
the calamities that often surround or shadow the miscegenated character
are social and that Faulkner's conclusions, when tragically represented.
are based on pragmatic findings.
Finally, most of the material examined supports the theory that
Faulkner's treatment of Negro characters is not a separate or distinct
aspect of his creation of characters in general. His Negroes, like his
other characters, grow from an organic concept of man and nature.
These commentators view him primarily as a moralist who sees and
presents Negroes as humans, and who uses his fiction as a vehicle to
portray universal as well as racial problems. It may be noted that while
many support this view, they simultaneously point out Faulkner's di-
verse treatment of Negro characters when his treatment is deemed sig-
In light of this exhausting body' of criticism, it is worthwhile to
examine or to review some of this commentary, noting the kinds of
critical opinions voiced, the status and race of the persons voicing such
opinions, the diversity or uniformity of such statements, and finally to
make some judgement regarding the fallacy or soundness of these crit-
ical remarks. Needless to say, this is not an attempt to uncover any
profound truths about Faulkner's portrayal of black characters, for as
any intelligent student of Faulkner will readily admit Faulkner's com-
plexity and variation of Negro character presentations defy absolutes.
Is Faulkner deserving of the tribute of being' America's foremost
writer in capturing thoroughly and accurately the nuances of Negro speech
and of picturing blacks as victims of American society? Sterling Brown
in The Negro in American Fiction answers affirmatively. He observes
that "Faulkner records Negro speech with complete accuracy, more im-
portant,. he gets into character with the uncanny penetration that makes

'Addison Gayle. Jr. Has written for magazines and periodicals. He is editor of
Black Expressioni Essa .vs hb and About Black Americans in the Creative'Arfs (19Q69)
Bondage. Freedom and Beyond: The Prose of Black America (1970). The Black AeWrtetic
(1971). and is author of The Black Situation (1970).


him one of the most significant of the new novelists." Brown indicates
that Faulkner's Negro characters are a long way from happy go lucky
comics. He believes that they have a poignant understanding of the
bitter life they are doomed to live in a backward-hate-ridden South.4
Hugh Gloster in Negro Voices in American Fiction and Irving Howe in
"Faulkner and the Negro" share Brown's view. Howe, in particular, goes
to great length to give examples of Negro dialogue spoken by Faulkner's
black characters and to point out that "none other has listened with such
fidelity to the nuances of their speech and recorded them with such skill;
none other has exposed his imagination so freely, to discover, whatever
pain or discomfort, their meaning for American life."5
Paying tribute to Faulkner's accurate ability to portray the Negro
characters as victims, Charles Nilon in his essay, "Faulkner and the
Negro," observes that the Negroes' undesirable characteristics are copied
from white people, and these characteristics are indications of formed
habit rather than racial particularity. He notes further that though often
Faulkner's characters are lowly, uneducated people, they are victims of
circumstances they cannot control. He cites Nancy in "That Evening
Sun" and Rider in "Pantaloon in Black" as examples of this type.6
Charles I. Glicksberg also interprets Faulkner's dramatization of
Negroes as victims of American society. He feels that Faulkner tries to
be unfalteringlyy objective in his naturalistic presentation of the life of
the South ." Glicksberg credits Faulkner with presenting a fairly
faithful picture of the conditions under which Negroes must live and
how these conditions mould their character, attitudes, and habits.7
American literary critic Robert Penn Warren also shares the view
that Faulkner sometimes pictures the Negro characters as victims of an
oppressive society. Warren, in "Faulkner: The South the Negro and
Time" shows that Dilsey in The Sound and the Fury (1929) may be
viewed in light of Jason who sees her as "somebody in the kitchen to eat
up all the grub the young ones can't tote off." Or when seen from still
another angle, Disley "endures," but her endurance is tested not in acts
of spectacular heroism, but in her submission to the tedious, trivial and
willfully inconsiderate demands made upon her by the Compson family.8
The accolades heaped on Faulkner for his accurate dramatization
of Negro speech and delineation of Negroes as victims of American

4Sterling Brown. The Negro in American Fiction (Washington, D.C.: The Associates
in Negro Folk Education, 1937), 179.
SIrving Howe, William Faulkner: A Critical Study (New York: Vintage Books, 1952),
ICharles H. Nilon. "Faulkner and the Negro." Colorado University Studies: Series
in Language and Literature. No. 8 (September, 1962), 33.
'Charles I. Glicksberg, "William Faulkner and the Negro Problem," Phylon 10 (Sec-
ond Quarter, 1949), 157.
'Robert Penn Warren. "Faulkner: The South, the Negro and Time." Faulkner, A
Collection of Critical EssaYs, ed. Robert P. Warren (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Pren-
tice-Hall. 1966). 258.


society do not negate other kinds of comments. Perhaps these very
characterizations have partially induced some critics to accuse,the au-
thor of being too preoccupied in depicting Negro stereotypes, parti-
cularly the faithful retainer. A typical example of the faithful retainer
provoking much of this critism is Dilsey:of The Sound and the Fury.
Dilsey attempts to hold the Compson family together in spite of having
to suffer insults and abuse. She survives by virtue of patience and
submissiveness. This characterization has elicited diverse comments.
For example, Addison Gayle, Jr. in "Cultural Hegemony: The
Southern White Writer and American Letters" says that the function of
this character is to satisfy the demands of white Americans for racial
peace, and that Dilsey is a remnant of the plantation tradition. He sees
her as one who accepts her lowly place with a Bible under her arm not
with a Molotov cocktail under her skirt. Gayle argues that this enthusi-
astic portrayal of endurance projects a model for other Negroes to emu-
However, Faulkner does not restrict his admiration of the ability to
endure to Negro characters. Similar admiration is shown for Lena Grove,
a white character in Light in August, who encounters several hardships
and endures them stoically. Additionally, one also feels a certain amount
of respect for Cash in As I Lay Dying when he suffers from a broken leg
and manages to endure through all of his hardships.
Reacting to this same character type, Irving Howe intimates that if
Faulkner was attempting to honor Dilsy in particular and Negroes in
general, hoping the comment "They endured" to be used sentimentally
as prescription and prediction for the future, then such sentiment invites
a measure of doubt. He says, quite correctly:

How Negroes really feel about Southern or American society ;
is terribly hard for any white man to say. Serious whites,
as they learn more about the hidden, the true lives of Negroes,
grow more hesitant to generalize; they discover how little
they know. Yet one may wonder whether Negroes are quite as
ready to 'endure' as Faulkner suggests-a question that has a
decided relevance to his work since a fixed idea about Negro
'endurance' can limit his capacity to see Negro life freshly.'0

Even though Howe admits that Faulkner does not limit his admira-
tion of ability to survive injustice to Negro characters, he suggests that
as a white, Faulkner "has less 'right' to admire the posture of passivity'in
the. Negroes than he does in the whites." Howe feels that blacks who

'Addison Gayle. Jr. "Cultural Hegemony: The Southern White Writer and American
Letters." Amistad I, eds. John A. Williams and Charles F. Harris (New York: Vintage
Books. 1970). 20.
"'Howe. 131.


have long been subjected to humiliation will probably resent it, no mat-
ter how much they may be required to disguise their more intimate
Sterling Brown and Hugh Gloster, both black writers and critics,
oppose this view. They see Dilsey's portrayal as miles away from the
plantation tradition. Brown describes Dilsey as hobbling about the
kitchen, impudent and bullying, with her temper worn shot by the
bickering and the turmoil. He also claims that Luster, the black play-
mate for Benjy, the idiot of the Compsonr family in The Sound and the
Fury, is likewise convincing of the non-stereotyped servant.12
Another black critic who concurs with this view is Charles Nilon
who declares that "the most distinctive thing about Faulkner's creation
of Negro characters is his destruction of the Negro stereotype."'3 Nilon
sees Marengo in The Unvanquished (1938) as highly individualized in
terms of racial status, but not in terms of racial difference. His indivi-
dualization is social in nature and origin to fit the social role he must
play in life. Nilon believes this same kind of individualizing of Negro
characters such as those in Sartoris (1929) is sound.'4
Still an additional supporter of this theory is another black author
and critic Catherine Starke. She submits as evidence Dilsey's name,'5 her
calling the Compson children by their first names even after they have
become adults, her making responsible decisions, and Faulkner's whole
delineation of Dilsey's sense of independence indicate a shift toward
individualization rather than stereotyping.16
The question of whether or not Dilsey, a faithful retainer, should be
or was meant as a model for other blacks to emulate is irrelevant ac-
cording to Cleanth Brooks. He feels it might be better to let the matter
rest on the admiration for Dilsey as a figure in a novel, if she is truly
admirable in it, and not try to protect the reader from himself. He adds
that few readers are likely to take her as a "Moral archetype or model."'7
Obviously, Mr. Brooks supports the idea of art for art's sake, an
idea that is not embraced and endorsed by many parents who are at-
tempting to censor literature thought to be adversely influential. More-
over, since several critics of Faulkner's depiction of Negroes feel that
these characters have implications in real life, it is germaine to mention a

Ibid., 131.
2Brown, 177.
'1Nilon, 110.
14Ibid., 59.
'-The idea here is that "Dilsey" is not a typical mammy name Perhaps one could
compare Dilsey with Mammy in Gone With the Wind (1936) by Margaret Mitchell.
Certain names in the black community have per jorative connotations. Additionally,
Catherine Starke notes that even though Dilsey wears the traditional turban of mammies,
she also perches a black straw hat above it.
"'Catherine J. Starke. Black Portraiture in American Fiction (New York: Basic Books,
1971). 131.
"Cleanth Brooks. William Faulkner, The Yoknapatawpha County (New Haven: Yale
University Press. 1963). 386.


few concepts of the purpose of literature, being aware, of course, of
opposing views. Several writers have voiced concern about the kinds of
images portrayed in literature and the purpose of literature. For ex-
ample, Richard Wright, a noted black novelist, says that because a
writer has the ability to fuse and to articulate the experiences of men,
because his writing possesses the potential cunning to steal into the
inmost recesses of the human heart, because he can create the myths and
symbols that inspire faith in life, he has a serious responsibility to depict
life in all of its manifold and intricate relationships.8 Nick Aaron Ford,
a black literary critic and professor of English at Morgan State College
in Baltimore, believes that a writer should use propaganda, but that
propaganda must be skillfully surbordinated to the purpose of art.19 In
The Great Tradition, Granville Hicks, an American literary critic, writes,
"In the whole history of American literature one can scarcely think of a
writer, commonly recognized as great, who did not immerse himself in
the life of the time ."20
In light of these concepts about the purposes of literature and proper
images to be portrayed in writings of fiction, should Faulkner have been
concerned with portraying "proper" images of blacks as well as writing
utiliterian literature with a specific purpose in mind in creating black
characters? Or was he? Charles Peavy, author of Go Slow Now: Faulk-
ner and the Race Question, believes that the author did not purposely
romanticize the old South and its tradition, specifically, the loyal servant
when he depicted such Negro characters, but that Faulkner was ob-
viously concerned with recreating the past. Utilizing the historical angle,
Peavy argues at great length that there is an historical basis for Faulk-
ner's presentation of the master-slave relationship. He staunchly declares
that "Faulkner was in no way intending to sentimentalize the slavery
system, nor was he attempting to perpetuate the myth of the plantation
South.2' However, in his zealous attempt to defend or explain Faulk-
ner's character dramatizations, he claims that Faulkner "is suggesting
the ideal" in his fiction.22
Accepting the fact that such master-slave relationship did exist, one
still wonders why Faulkner selected these to glorify. Few readers will fail
to admire Dilsey in The Sound And The Fury or Ringo, a loyal, faithful
retainer, in The Unvanquished. Exactly, what was the author's motiva-
tion in presenting these devoted -ervants in such a favorable light?
Faulkner portrays Ringo, the Negro companion of Bayard Sartoris

'5Richard Wright, "Introduction: Blueprint for Negro Writing," The Black Aesthetic,
ed. Addison Gayle, Jr. (Garden City. New York: Doubleday and Co., 1971), 339.
"Nick Aaron Ford, "A Blueprint for Negro Authors," Black Expression, ed. Addison
Gayle, Jr. (New York: Weybright and Talley), 278.
20Granville Hicks' statement was quoted in Nick Aaron Ford's, "A Blueprint for
Negro Authors."
21Charles D. Peavy, Go Slow Now: Faulkner and ihe Race Que.tion (Eugene, Oregon:
University of Oregon, 1971), 31.
22bid., 93


in the Unvanquished (1938), as a faithful retainer. The story takes place
during the Civil War, and one sees Ringo, who is considered by most
readers of the novel as intelligent, using his talent not to seek personal
freedom, but to remain the loyal and faithful servant.
Ringo is only a stereotype; he did not exist in lower Louisiana,
coastal South Carolina, or numerous other places in the South. Al-
though not always aware of the deep implications of the war and the
opportunities it offered them to strike a blow for freedom, thousands, if
not millions of black eagerly sought freedom at the first opportunity.
Bell 1. Wiley, Joel Williamson, and Willie Lee Rose, all distinguished
historians of the Negro during the Civil War and Reconstruction, pre-
sent a portrait strikingly different from Faulkner's Ringo.23 Thus, again
one wonders why Faulkner chose to immortalize Ringo, while not ig-
noring, but certainly not exalting, other blacks who differed from this
stereotype. At least one black critic, Ralph Ellison chastizes Faulkner
when he says that "loyalty given where one's humanity is unrecognized
seems a bit obscene.24
The Unvanquished pictures slaves as primarily contented members
of Southern society. Melvin Backman in Faulkner, The Major Years
maintains that Faulkner does not consider whether the Negro too may
be entitled to human rights. "The 'good' Negro like Ringo, remains loyal
to his white masters and even fights for his 'nigger' status. As a boy,
Ringo is considered almost one of the family; and since the book holds
on to the feeling of a boy's world, the picture of the Negro-white re-
lationship is essentially idyllic rather than realistic."25
Howe indicts Faulkner even more for his portrayal of the faithful
retainer. He points out that in contrast to the faithful retainer are de-
pictions of those Negroes who sought freedom. One example is Loosh,
also in The Unvanquished, who proclaimed, "I going. I done been free;
God's own angel proclamated me free and gonter general me to Jordan..."
He is not, as Howe observes, "conceived in warmth or developed in
depth." Such characters are singled out for an uneasy kind of ridicule,
and their rebelliousness is hardly taken seriously Similarly, Backman
notes that Loosh's departure is felt to be a desertion of the Satorises in
the time of their need. This feeling is also shared by other readers of this

'2For a different portrait of the black servant during the Civil War and Reconstruc-
tion see: Bell I. Wiley. Southern Negroes, 1861-1865 (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1938); Willie Lee Rose, Rehearsal for Reconstruction: The Port Royal Experiment (In-
dianapolis: Bobbs Merrill, 1964); and Joel Williamson, After Slaver": Reconstruction
In South Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina. 1965).
24Ralph Ellison Shadow and Act (New York: Random House. 1964). 43.
25Melvin Backman, Faulkner, the Maior Years (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1966), 118,
'6Howe, 122
'If Faulkner was -using propaganda in this novel, he is to be highly commended for
an exceptional job of skillfully subordinating it to his art.


While some critics react unfavorably toward Faulkner's portrayal of
Negro characters with mixed blood, other react favorably. Faulkner
presents two different .types of Negro characters with mixed blood. For
example, in Light In August, Joe Christmas is represented as one whose
social identity is never established but is believed to have had Negro
blood. Conversely, in Intruder in the Dust, Lucas Beauchamp is the
product of a white father and a Negro mother.
Joe Christmas is torn by the conflict of color which causes him
pain. His life is primarily a series of opposition, most of which involve
physical violence. He struggles with the dietitian, Mr. McEachern, Mrs.
McEachern, Brown, Joanne Burden, the Sheriffs possee, and Grimm.
He is a complex character who is sometimes described as a Christ figure,
and at other times we know him to be a killer who is extraordinarily
"Joe Christmas," writes Addison Gayle, Jr. "is doomed to an ig-
nominious existence and a tragic end." One cannot exist in Faulkner's
world half-white or half-black. Joe Christmas is without roots in either
the black society or the white; he is an outcast, the tragic mulatto of the
plantation tradition who comes to prominence after the Civil War. Gayle
states that Faulkner uses him "as a reminder of the evils of miscegena-
tion-that act for which John C. Calhoun made no provisions and
which may eventually bring about the destruction of the existing social
Glicksberg offers a similar view when he writes that Faulkner uses
". .. the theme of Negro blood as a source of defilement, an abomina-
tion.29 Likewise, Howe observes that Faulkner's Joe Christmas, trapped
between the demarcated races, is an unavoidable candidate for the role
of victim. He concludes that "Mulattoes are living agents of the 'threat'"
of miscegenation, a 'threat'" which seems most to disturb Faulkner
whenever he is most sympathetic to the Negro. All rationalizations for
prejudice having crumbled, there remains only an inherited fear of blood-
mixture.30 Maxwell Geismar agrees with this assessment of Faulkner. He
claims in Writer's in Crisis that "Faulkner .threatens the entire
western hemisphere with the rape of Negro.. ." Joe Christmas is shown
as an inhuman criminal, the degenerate who will eliminate the civiliza-
tion which freed him.31
Charles Nilon opposes Howe's and Geismar's views; he reasons
convincingly that Faulkner does not make his mulattoes tragic because
of their white blood or pathetic because of their black blood, nor does
he indicate that mixed blood makes them superior. If his work is con-

'2Gayle, 21
2'Glicksberg, 157
-"Howe, 122
"Maxwell Geismar. "William Faulkner: The Negro and the Female," Writers in Crisis
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1942), 179.


sidered as a whole, Faulkner's treatment of race is social, and his con-
clusions are based on pragmatic findings.32 Nilon further explains that
most of Faulkner's writings on miscegenation are examinations of the
connotative meanings of the word Negro and illustration of compulsive
force of those meanings in the determination of social attitudes. Sum-
marily, he feels that Faulkner's treatment of the mulatto is ethical.
Charles Peavy claims Faulkner has been seriously misinterpreted.
He sees him as primarily sympathetic with the miscegenated victims.
These offspring of black-white unions are made to suffer because of the
prevailing attitude toward racial interbreeding. He declares that it is the
miscegenation complex, not miscegenation that is the real concern of
Was Faulkner aware of negative reviews of his portrayal of Joe
Christmas before creating the character of Lucas Beauchamp, did the
social changes influence him, or was Faulkner simply trying to present a
different side of a situation? No matter what the answer, most critics
seem to agree that with his creation of Lucas Beauchamp, Faulkner
succeeds in presenting an individual who cannot be used pejoratively.
Catherine Starke says of Lucas Beauchamp, that "He is a down-to-
earth-realist. More than that, he is the black-skinned embodiment of
man's aspiration for dignity and personal freedom; but most important,
he possesses the personal courage and integrity to rise above cultural
belief about him."34 Howe agrees that Faulkner's presentation of Lucas
Beauchamp indicates that he (Faulkner) has transcended his previous
attitude toward the Negro. Lucas exists in himself.35 However, it might
be noted here that it is difficult to know what Faulkner's previous
attitude toward the Negro was, especially when one examines the por-
trayal of Dilsey of The Sound and the Fury, published in 1929, nineteen
years prior to the publication of Intruder in the Dust, published in 1948.
This statement is relevant, however, only if one considers Dilsey an
admirable character. Hugh Gloster concurs that Lucas Beauchamp is a
distinctive and memorable character-proud, fearless, stately, calm, in-
tractable old man who refused to say mister and observe other con-
ventional standards of Jim Crow etiquette in spite of the fact that every
white man in the country was thinking: "We got to make him a nigger
first. He's got to admit he's a nigger."36 Charles H. Nilon, another
enthusiastic supporter of Faulkner's creation of Lucas Beauchamp, writes,
"Lucas is an individual rather than a social being. His quality is defined
by what he does rather than by what he is."37

32Nilon, 12.
3Peavy, 35.
3'Starke, 192.
"3Howe. 129.
36Hugh M. Gloster, "Southern Justice." Phylon 10 (First Quarter 1949), 94.
:"Nilou. 12


In spite of accusing Faulkner of using stereotypes to promote or to
maintain the racial status quo or the mulatto as a warning against the
dangers of blood-mixing, the critics overwhelmingly agree that Faulkner
does an admirable job of portraying the human condition and that he is
a moralist who is primarily concerned with the problems of the universe,
particularly the South.
The findings of this study warrant the following conclusions:
First, there is diversity among the critics' views of Faulkner's Negro
characterizations. This diversity may be attributed partially to Faulk-
ner's uneveness in portraying the Negro characters as well as inherent
prejudices and biases of the critics making the assessment.
Secondly, critics tend to make fallacious arguments, particularly
when they attempt to assign motivation and intent to the author for his
character creations. While one may speculate on Faulkner's intentions, it
is perilous to state categorically and unequivocally the author's inten-
Thirdly, one may be forced to settle for intellectually stimulating
but unanswerable questions about Faulkner's Negro characters. For ex-
ample, to what extent can Faulkner's fiction be used to indicate his true
feelings, or if his fiction is indicative of his feelings, of his attitudes-
positive and negative-do these factors affect his work as a writer-artist?
If so, to what extent? Or, to what extent is a writer obligated to project
certain images, considered good for society-and who determines what
those images should be if not the writer?
Fourthly, Faulkner's complexity as a writer difies simplistic ap-
Finally, there is almost unaminous agreement among the critics that
in spite of adverse criticism and diverse opinions in evaluating certain
kinds of Negro characters-the faithful retainer and the mulatto-and
perhaps even because he ventured to depict these types, that Faulkner is
deserving of admiration and is worthy of his reputation as one of the
greatest novelists of twentieth century America.


Beckman, Melvin. Faulkner, The Major Years. Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
Bassett, John. William Faulkrer: An Annotated Checklist of Criticism. New York: D.
Lewis, 1972.
Beebe, Maurice. "Criticism of William Faulkner: A Selected Checklist with an Index to
Studies of Separate Works," Modern Fiction Studies, 8, No. 1 (Spring, 1967).
Brooks, Cleanth, William Faulkner: The Yoknapatawpha County. New Haven: Yale Uni-
versity Press, 1963.
Brown Sterling. The Negro in American Fiction. Washington, D.C.: The Associates in
Negro Folk Education, 1937.
Ellison. Ralph. Shadow and Act. New York: Random House, 1964.
Ford, Nick Aaron. "A Blueprint for Negro Authors," Black Expression Essays by and
About Black Americans in the Creative Arts. New York: Weybright and Talley, 1969.


Gayle, Addison. "Cultural Hegemony; The Southern White Writer and American Letters,"
Amistad I, eds. John A. Williams and Charles F. Harris. New York: Vintage Books,
Geismar, Maxwell. "William Faulkner: The Negro and the Female," Writers in Crisis.
Boston: Houghton Mifflin & Co., 1942.
Glicksberg, Charles I. "William Faulkner and the Negro Problem," Phylon 10 (Second
Quarter, 1949), 153-160.
Gloster, Hugh M. Negro Voices in American Fiction. New York: Russell and Russell,
Gloster, Hugh M. "Southern Justice," Phylon 10 (First Quarter, 1949), 93-95.
Howe, Irving, William Faulkner: A Critical Study. New York: Vintage, 1952.
Meriwether, James B. The Literary Career of William Faulkner: A Bibliographical Study.
Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Library, 1961.
Nilon, Charles H. "Faulkner and the Negro," University of Colorado Studies: Series in
Language and Literature, No. 8, (September, 1962). 1-111.
Peavy, Charles H. Go Slow Now: Faulkner and the Race Question. Eugene Oregon:
University of Oregon, 1971.
Rose, Willie Lee. Rehearsal for Reconstruction: The Port Royal Experiment. Indianapolis:
Bobbs Merrill, 1964.
Sleeth, Irene L. William Faulkner: A Bibliography of Criticism. The Swallow Pamphlets,
No. 13. Denver: Alan Swallow, 1962.
Starke, Catherine J. Black Portraiture in American Fiction. New York: Basic Books,
Inc., 1971.
Warren, Robert Penn, ed. Faulkner, A Collection of Critical Essays. Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1966.
Wiley, Bell I. Southern Negroes, 1861-1865. New Haven: Yale, 1938.
Williamson, Joel. After Slavery: Reconstruction in South Carolina. Chapel Hill: Uni-
versity of North Carolina, 1965.
Wright. Richard. "Introduction: Blueprint for Negro Writing," The Black Aesthetic, ed.
Addison Gayle. Jr. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1971.

Literary Dialogue: A Comparison of Jean Toomer's
Cane and Sherwood Anderson's Winesburg, Ohio

Australia Henderson
Assistant Professor of Communications

For the teacher who desires to explore the parallels between Ameri-
can and Afro-American literature during the 1920's, Jean Toomer's Cane
and Sherwood Anderson's Winesburg, Ohio provide an extraordinarily
valuable source. Keeping in mind that a teacher would be restricted by
time and by the necessity of including other authors in a multi-ethnic
unit, I will focus only on the major parallels in these works and briefly
point out some differences.
Both Anderson and Toomer had similar visions of life. Winesburg,
Ohio and Cane represent a search to regain a pristine, uncomplicated
quality of life which is gradually being-eroded by industrialization. Like
the Fugitive group of Nashville, Anderson and Toomer lamented the
passing of an agrarian way of life and the encroachment of the machine
in the rural gardens of Winesburg or Clyde, Ohio and Sparta, Georgia.
Anderson's vision of American society's shift to the machine age is
exemplified in a four-part tale called "Godliness." Here, Anderson re-
corded the post Civil War changes which transformed rural societies like
Winesburg from a kind of pioneering innocence to isolated pockets of
humans in persuit of material goods. As a part of this change, Jesse
Bently, the protagonist of "Godliness," torn between religious mysticism
and materialism, alienates and frightens away the grandson he loves. In
lamenting the change which Bently helps to bring about, Anderson states:

In our day a farmer standing by the stove in the store in his
village has his mind filled to overflowing with the words of
other men. The newspapers and the magazines have pumped
him full. Much of the old brutal ignorance that had in it also
a kind of beautiful childlike innocence is gone forever.'

'Sherwood Anderson, Winesburg, Ohio (New York: Viking Press, 1971), p. 71.


Similarly, Toomer's poem, "Song of the Sun" in part I of Cane,
expresses his desire to capture the fading vitality of a race of black men,
who, although once chained by slavery, still maintains a strength which
allows it to commune naturally, spiritually, with the soil or substance of
its environment. Responding to the pain and strength in the slave past,
Toomer rejoices:

O land and soil, red soil and sweet-gum tree,

Thy son, I have in time returned to thee

In time, for though the sun is setting on
a song-lit race of slaves, it has not set;
Though late, O soil, it is not too late yet
To catch thy plaintive soul, leaving, soon gone,
Leaving, to catch thy plaintive soul soon gone.

O Negro slaves, dark purple ripened plums,

Passing, before they stripped the old tree bare
One plum was saved for me, one seed becomes

An everlasting song, a singing tree
Caroling softly souls of slavery,
What they were, and what they are to me,
Caroling softly souls of slavery.2

Published in 1919, Winesburg, Ohio was followed by Cane in 1923.
Despite this four-year gap, there are similarities in form and structure in
the works. In its sketches and stories of individuals in a rural town,
Cane mirrors Winesburg. The stories in both works are essentially plot-
less, centering instead on a condition or moment in a character's life.
While the locale of the stories helps to unify them, unity in the
stories in both works is further achieved through recurring elements,
characters or themes. In Winesburg, there are the gestures of characters
like Wing Biddlebaum in "Hands" or Dr. Reefy in "Paper Pills." Then
there is the reappearing figure of George Willard, the young newspaper
reporter, who serves as a confidant for individual characters, and who
grows into manhood with the progression of each story.
Likewise, in Cane, the stories in Part I are joined by the observation
of a young man, a Northerner who, in his innocence, embraces the
native richness of Georgia's soil and peasantry. Sensual references to the
odor of cane and smoke, the rustle of pine needles, the beauty of dusk

2Jean Toomer, Cane (New York: Harper & Row, 1969). p. 21.


also serve to unify the stories in Part I. Toomer's skillful comparisons of
his female characters to objects in nature help to join the individual
portraits of Karintha, Becky, Fern or Esther.
While Anderson himself preferred to define his book as a novel, the
stories, sketches, poetry and play in Cane make it difficult to classify
conveniently it as a novel.
The movement of the setting in Cane also makes it structurally
different from Winesburg. The setting in Winesburg is stationary; Cane
is structured so that it moves in a cycle. Part I takes place in rural
Georgia, Part II in Washington, D.C. and Chicago, and Part III again
takes place in Georgia.
The themes of human isolation, the tragedy of separateness, the
sterility of people and the search for self-realization and fulfillment are
in both works. Both authors point out that human isolation and sterility
do not occur only from external pressures, but also from a narrowness
of vision or an inability or unwillingness to understand the complexities
of life. Anderson's and Toomer's characters are outsiders because of
their inability to communicate with their communities or because their
communities refuse to reach out to them. Anderson's "grotesques" are
not physically misshapen figures, but are characters who, because of
emotional drawbacks, cannot open themselves up to others. Toomer's
six women in Part I are isolated because the men who try to relate to
them do so only on sexual levels and because the women themselves do
not have the capacity to explain their needs or are indifferent to those
who try to understand them. Toomer suggests in Part II that the char-
acter's inability to communicate stems not only from his sterile, cir-
cumscribed environment, but also from his acceptance of the environ-
ment or from his inability to respond naturally or instinctively.
Winesburg and Cane are essentially character-centered works. Char-
acters from various levels of life are presented. The stories in both works
are glimpses beneath the surface of both intellectual and peasant life.
There are direct parallels in the lives of the characters in both
works. Anderson's presentation of Alice Hindman in "Adventure" so
closely resembles "Esther" in Cane that one can assume that Toomer
may have used Alice as a model for Esther. Both women spend their
lives serving as clerks in stores, waiting for the return of the men they
love. The twenty-seven year old Alice, realizing that after eleven years,
her lover would not return, runs out of her house nude, searching for
someone to love. A vague, "What say?" coming from an elderly, half-
deaf man is the only answer to her call for love. Esther, also twenty-
seven, sees Barlo, the man who has been etched in her memory for
eighteen years. She slips from her house at the stroke of midnight and
enters the saloon where Barlo is. Amid the smoke, whiskey fumes and
jeers of the onlookers, Barlo becomes repulsive, ugly. Esther recoils. She
drifts down the steps of the saloon to a town which is no longer there.


;.CharadcTr relationships in both works are similar. Dr. ,Reefy-and
Elizabeth \\ illard in "Death," Wash Williams and his wife-in "Respect-
ability" are, like Toomer's Dorris and John in "Theater" and.Dan. and
Murielin "Bo\ Seat," frustrated in their attempts, to:seek inutual ful-
fillment..and love. .
The relationships between the characters and their communities are
similar in. both works. The community serves as a collective voice, a
Greek. chorus, if you will, watching the characters, judging them,,or
paii'tcipating in the action. ..
There are differences in the manner in which the characters in both
works relate to each other. While fulfillment in love is not included in
Cane,., II;rf t'burg shows the progression of George Willard's relations
with girls from physical self-gratification to spiritual union with Helen...
White, the banker's daughter.
Unlike. Toomer, Anderson does extend his character relationships
beyond those involving heterosexual love. The story, "i ot he r,': depicts
thefrustrated attempts at communion between George Willard and his
mother.: The relations between grandfather and grandson are recorded in,
"Terror." An older man attempts to give advice to a youth in "The
Untold Lie."
Where Toomer's outcasts do not seek an opportunity to confide in
anyone, Anderson's grotesques initiate a relationship with George Wil-
lard, a representative of the world from which they have been isolated.
: In Cane, some of the frustration involved in the character relation-
ships.stem from problems of race. This is not true in Winesburg..Bob
Stone, the white character in "Blood-Burning Moon," cannot communi-
cate, even to himself, his simultaneous attraction and repulsion for Loui-
sa's blackness. Kabnis, the protagonist of the play, Kabnis, has returned
South to seek new beginnings in the traditions and culture of Southern
blacks. Contemptuous of blacks; afraid of whites, he turns to cynicism,
self-contempt and alcohol. .
While their portraits of the Midwest and South are more personal
than realistic, Anderson and Toomer nevertheless create effective pictures
of rural life. The descriptions of the items in a Winesburg dry goods
store-combs of honey, suspender buttons, and storeowner's repeated
phrase, "Well I'll be washed, ironed and starched," give .one a sense of
the flavor of.life in the Midwest prior to industrialization.- Toomer's
blend of poetry and prose, his depiction of the natural beauty and
lushness of the rural South, of the violence, disorder and bloodshed
which lie beneath the lushness, his sense of theAfrican, past from which
Southern folk culture has grown, his presentation of Seventh Street with
its jazz and unconscious rhythms, of the regimented lives of northern
blacks-all are within the province of Cane..
As Dr. Darwin T. Turner explains in his: examination of the corre-
spondence between Toomer and Anderson (see the College Language


Association Journal, June, 1974), both authors, having read each other's
works, felt a kinship beyond polite recognition. Each recognized the
other as we recognize them today: as craftsmen of the first order, weav-
ing lyrical impressions of their individual worlds.

Race And Sex As Determinants of Perceived
Belief Similarity

Dallas C. Williams
Assistant Professor
Florida A&M University

This paper is a modification of a doctoral dissertation submitted to
the Department of Psychology, Michigan State University. I wish to
thank Lawrence A. Messe for his guidance and advice. Also, I am
grateful to the administration and staff of Lansing Community College,
Lansing, Michigan for allowing me to solicit their students to participate
in this study.
Requests for reprints should be sent to Dallas C. Williams, De-
partment of Psychology, Florida A and M University, Tallahassee, Flor-
ida 32307.


This research extended past work on the effects of the race of a
stimulus person on estimations of belief similarity by exploring the ex-
tent to which black and white, male and female subjects' judgments
about belief similarity were affected by the race and sex of the target
person. As expected, greater belief similarity was perceived when targets
and subjects were of the same race and when they were of the same sex.
Moreover, the race of the target had a greater impact on the judgements
of black subjects, while the effect of the sex of the target was greater for
female subjects. Results were discussed in terms of their implications for
understanding friendship formation processes.

Race And Sex As Determinants of Perceived
Belief Similarity
A phenomenon that has been studied considerably-apparently be-
cause of psychologists' long-standing interest in prejudice-is the use of


ethnic stereotypes in identifying or classifying other people. Tagiuri (1969),
for example, summarized numerous studies that demonstrated that peo-
ple often use stereotypes and make judgements on the basis of physical
stimuli when forming impressions of others. Also, several investigators
have reported that whites in general act more favorably towards other
whites' than they do towards blacks when making various types of socio-
metric choices. For example, friendship choices on the basis of race have
been reported among school children (Kock, 1949), graduate students
(Mann, 1958), and infantrymen (Berkun & Meeland, 1958).
Of most relevance to the present research is a study conducted by
Byrne and Wong (1962), who demonstrated the impact of race and
racial prejudice on judgements of belief similarity and likeability. They
presented white subjects with minimal background information about a
black or white stranger and asked them to make judgements about that
person. One finding of this study was that these (white) subjects per-
ceived their own beliefs to be more similar to the white target than to the
black target. This finding is of particular interest because it serves as the
basis for examining the "race versus belief' controversy (see, for ex-
ample, Rokeach, 1960 and Triandis, 1961) from a somewhat different
Rokeach (1960) proposed a Belief Congruence Theory of racial
attitudes which argued that such attitudes are based more on an as-
sumed dissimilarity of beliefs than on objective racial characteristics.
Triandis (1961), on the other hand, proposed that for most important
interpersonal encounters, race is a more influential variable than is belief
congruence. While both positions have received some empirical support,
most research on this issue (e.g., Arderson & Cote, 1966; Byrne &
McGrew, 1964; Bixenstine & Mezes, 1971; Silverman & Cochrane, 1972)
has supported Rokeach's hypothesis.
The findings from Byrne and Wong's (1962) study, however, suggest
that both variables are important, but at different stages in the develop-
ment of a social relationship. Race typically should be an important
variable in the initial stages of a relationship because, during this period,
the important beliefs of another person usually are not known or readily
uncovered. This lack of knowledge makes stereotypes and other mecha-
nisms salient so that physical characteristics, at least in part, serve as a
bases for making inferences about the other person's beliefs. Thus, when
confronted with a person who "looks different," people will tend to
assume belief dissimilarity, and hence, choose not become more intimate
with him/her; Because of this "austistic hostility" (Newcomb, 1947), it is
unlikely that the other person's real beliefs will be discovered. It is only
in what probably are less frequent "real-life" instances when a person's
beliefs are known at the initial stage of an interpersonal encounter or
when people are forced by circumstances to interact extensively that
there should be a strong belief effect in friendship formation.
A related implication of Byrne and Wong's (1962) finding is that the


studies of the impact of race versus belief on friendship formation have
supported Rokeach's position because they presented subjects with both
stimuli (i.e., race.& belief) simultaneously, and in doing so they provided
them with information that people in the "real world" frequently do not
have so readily. Most people in the "real world" typically are given only
one stimulus, race,, when first encountering a, stranger.
Given that race is a determinant of perceived belief similarity,and,
thus, is likely to have an impact on the early stages of interpersonal
relations, it seemed reasonable to extend the work in this; area by (a)
examining the impact of other physical cues, such as sex,, on. perceived
similarity and (b) examining the relationship between, physical cues and
,perceived belief similarity in a non-white population.
The major hypothesis of this study (hypothesis I) was as follows:
Based upon the works of Byrne and Wong (1962) it was predictedthat
race of subjects and target would interact to determine perceived belief
similarity (i.e., subjects -would perceive, the beliefs of the same-raced
target person as more similar to themselves than they would a different-
raced target). Moreover, given the premise that blacks perceive them-
selves to be more homogenous in their experiences, culture and beliefs
than whites, two corollary hypothesis also were generated. Hypothesis Ia
predicted that blacks would see themselves as more similar, to other
blacks than whites would to other whites. Hypothesis Ib, predicted that
whites would see themselves as less dissimilar to blacks. than blacks
would to whites.
A second major hypothesis, (hypothesis II) was developed from the
reasonable assumption that persons also use other visual, external cues,
in addition.to race, to predict the internal states of others. From this
assumption,-,it follows that persons also would make belief similarity
judgments on the basis of whether a target person was of same or:a
different sex, given that our culture also defines this aggregate character-
istic as "important." Thus it was expected that like-sexed target persons
would be seen as more similar than opposite-sexed target persons. More-
,over,. given the assumption :of greater perceived homogeneity of experi-
ences and beliefs in blacks, a corollary hypothesis also was generated.
Hypothesis IIa, predicted that sex of target would be more.of a deter-
minant of perceived similarity for whites than for blacks .(i.., within
like-raced targets, whites would see themselves as less similar to some-
one of the opposite sex. than would blacks).



Subjects, were 160 (40 black males; 40 black females; 40 white males;
40 white females) students recruited from a community college located
in Lansing, Michigan. All subjects received $1 for their participation in
the research.



Two. questionnaires :were constructed to test the hypotheses, the
first questionnaire was designed to gather relevant demographic informa-
tion (i.e., age, race, nationality, and sex)., The second questionnaire,
designed to test the hypotheses, presented subjects with,minimal back-
ground information on four hypothetical target persons and asked them
to rate each of the four on the six, nine-point scales that are presented in
Table 1. Three of the target persons were "fillers" and remained constant
across questionnaire conditions; the one remaining target person, always
presented to the subjects as the third stimulus, was varied systematically
with respect to race and sex. For two of the forms, this person was
identified as "Michael," for the remainder the target was "Barbara."
Within each condition of sex, the target was identified as either a white
or black. In every case the crucial target person was a "20 year old"
student from the subject's "part of the country."

Experimental Design

This study employed an experimental design whose dimensions were
2 (Race of Subject; Black or White) by 2 (Race of Target; same or
different from subject).by 2 (Sex of Subject; Male or Female) by .2 (Sex
of Target; same or different from subject). Ten subjects of each sex and
race were randomly assigned to the conditions of race and sex of the


All potential participants were recruited by chance by one of two
female recruiters (one black and one white). After they introduced them-
selves to a potential subject, the recruiters asked if he or she would like
to earn $1 for participating in a behavioral-motivational study, which
the recruiters explained would take only 15 minutes to complete. If the
person agreed to participate than he or she was directed by a recruiter to
the testing area. After each subject had reached the testing site, he or she
was given at random one of the four possible forms of-the questionnaire
discussed above. The subject was asked to read carefully all the in-
structions (which were located at the top of the page) before answering
any questions. In addition, each subject was told that the second ques-
tionnaire contained several statements concerning four people, and that
he or she was to make judgements about each individual as seriously
and as quickly as possible, since the researchers were interested in first


One of the three analyses performed on the data that was collected
in this study was correlational; it examined if,i as in previous studies
(e.g., Bonney, 1946; Loomis, 1946; Newcomb, 1956; Precker, 1952; Rich-


Table I

Sample of scales that subjects used to evaluate the stimuli person

Please read all statements carefully and make your appropriate
judgement on the scales below each question.
Michael, a twenty-year old black college student from your area of
th, country.
*E'Jw similar do you feel Michael's beliefs are to yours?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
not at all very similar

How successful do you think Michael is?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
not at all very successful

*If you met Michael in real life how likely is it, do you think that
you might become friends?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
not at all very likely

How outgoing do you think Michael is?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
not at all very outgoing

How intelligent do you think Michael is?

1 2 3
not at all

*How much in common

1 2 3
nothing at all

Dependent measures

4 5 6 7 8 9
very intelligent

do you think you have with Michael?

4 5 6 7 8 9
great deal in common


ardson, 1940; and Winslow, 1937), there was a direct relationship be-
tween perceived similarity and potential liking. As expected, the results
did replicate the findings of past research since there was a strong direct
relationship between estimated similarity and liking, r = .78 p <.0001.
The two remaining analyses performed in this study were analyses
of variance (ANOVA). One ANOVA, performed on the perceived simi-
larity scores (Item I on the questionnaire), and summarized in Table 2,
however, was the most crucial analysis in terms of examining the major
hypothesis. The other ANOVA, summarized in Table 3, was a supple-
mentary analysis performed on the perceived "in common" scores (item
6 on the questionnaire).
Hypothesis I predicted that race of the subjects and target would
influence perceived belief similarity. As Tables 2 and 3 indicate, the race
of target-same as or different from the subject-main effect was highly
significant for both dependent variables. The means relevant to these
two effects, preserved in Table 4, indicate that subjects perceived them-
selves to be more similar in beliefs and to have more in common with
like-raced others.

Table 2

Summary of ANOVA for Perceived Belief Similarity

df Ms F

Race of Subject (A) 1 2.50 1.70
Sex of Subject (B) 1 0.40 <1
Race of Target (C) 1 490.00 334.10***
Sex of Target (D) 1 14.00 9.55**
A XB 1 0.40 <1
A X C 1 14.40 9.82**
AXD 1 0.40 <1
BXC 1 2.50 1.70
B XD 1 8.10 5.52*
C X D 1 0.90 <1
AX B X C 1 4.90 3.34
AXBXD 1 0.10 <1
AX C XD 1 0.90 <1
B X C X D 1 0.00
AXBXCXD 1 0.00
Error 144 1.47



Table 3

Summary of ANOVA for Perceived Commonality

df Ms F

Race of Subject (A) 1 0.10 <1
Sex of Subject (B) 1 2.30 1.24
Race of Target (C) 1 406.40 218.90**
Sex of Target (D) 1 18.90 10.18*
AX B 1 2.20 1.18.
AX C 1 18.90 ; 10.18*
AX D 1 1.00 1,.
B C 1 3.90 .. 2.10
B X D 1 0.00,
C.1X,D .1 33.30 17.94*
A X B X C 1 3.30. 1.78
AX B X D 1 1.10 .<1
AX C X D 1 2.80 1.51
B C X D 1 0.30 <1
AX B C D 1 1.10 <1
Error 144 1.86


Hypothesis la predicted that black subjects would perceive a greater
degree of belief similarity to black targets than white subjects would to
white targets, while Hypothesis Ib predicted that white subjects would
perceive themselves to be less dissimilar to blacks than blacks would to
other whites. Thus, a significant race of subject (white or black) by race
of target (same or different)'interaction was expected. Tables 2 and 3
indicate that this was the case for both dependent measures. The rele-

Table 4

Means Relevant to the Effect of Race

Race of Tjarze

Dependent Measure Same as S Different from S

Perceived Similarity 7.58 4.08
Perceived Commonality 7.56 4.38


vant means, present in Table 5, and appropriate individual comparisons
indicated that both corollary hypotheses were supported. The race of
target effect was stronger for black subjects (t 15.13, 12.72, for belief
similarity and "in common," respectively) than it was for whites (t =
10.72, 8.20, for belief similarity and "in common," respectively). More-
over, whites saw themselves as less similar in their beliefs and having
less in coImon, with white targets than did blacks and black targets
(t = 3.13, 2.37 for belief similarity and "in common" respectively) and
whites saw themselves as somewhat less dissimilar to blacks than blacks
did to whites (t = 1.29, 2.13, for similarity and "l.rnnnrIn." respectively).

Table 5

Means Relevant to the Race of Subject
by Race of Target Interaction

Race of Target

Race of Subject Same as S Different from S

Perceived Siin;lrit\

Black Subjects : 8.00 3.90
White Subjects 7.15 425

Perceived Commonality

Black Subjects 7.92 4.05
White Subjects 7.20 4.70

Hypothesis, II predicted that subjects would perceive greater simi-
larity with like sexed targets. This, hypothesis, as Tables 2. and 3 indicate,
was supported since the main effect of sex of target-same as or.differ-
ent from subject-was significant for both dependent measures. More-
over, the relevant means, presented.in Table 6, were in.the predicted
Hypothesis IIa predicted that the effect of sex of target xould be
greater when a white subject was paired with a white target than when a
black subject was paired with a black target. A conservative, test of this
hypothesis: requires a significant race of subject by race of target (same
or different) by sex of target (same or different) interaction for sup-


Table 6

Means Relevant to the Effect of Sex

Sex of Target

Dependent Measure Same S Different from S

Perceived Similarity 6.12 5.52
Perceived Commonality 6.31 5.62

port-since, with liked-raced targets, white subjects were expected to
generate a stronger sex of target effect than were black subjects-but as
Tables 2 and 3 indicate, this was not the case for either dependent
variable. Winer (1971, p. 384) however, suggests that individual com-
parisons should be performed, no matter the significance of the overall
effect, when specific, directional hypotheses are being tested. Thus, in-
dividual comparisons were performed on the relevant means, which are
presented in Table 7.
The test performed on the perceived similarity scores supported the
hypothesis since same-sexed targets were seen as significantly more simi-
lar in white subject-target pairs (t = 1.82, p <.05) but not in black sub-
jects-target pairs (t = .52). However, the test performed on the secondary
variable of perceived areas "in common" did not support hypothesis IIa.
Thus, while somewhat supportive, findings relevant to this prediction
were not found to be strong.
Unpredicted findings. Table 2 indicates that sex of subject by sex of
target interaction for perceived similarity, although not predicted, was
significant. Table 8, which presents the relevant cell means, indicates
that sex of target effect was stronger for female subjects than it was for
males. Test of simple effects confirmed this conclusion: the sex of target
simple main effect for males did not approach significance (F = .31), but
it was significant for females (F = 15.00, p <.01); likewise, females saw
themselves as more similar to female targets than males did to male
targets (F= 4.12, p <.05). Thus, it appears that sex was a more salient
variable for females than it was for males, especially with regard to this
variable's effect on perceived similarity.
Likewise, although not predicted, the ANOVA revealed that the
Race of Target x sex of Target Interaction was significant for the "in
common" dependant measure. Table 9 indicates, and tests of simple
effects confirmed, that this interaction was due primarily to the results
that there was a sex of target effect only when subject and target were of
different races (F = 27.60, p <.001). Thus, for same raced pairs, subjects
perceived that they have at least as much in common with a target of the


Table 7

Means Relevant to the Effect of Sex of Target
for Black and White Subjects Paired with Liked-Raced Targets

Raced Targets

Sex of Target

Race of Subject-Target
Pair Same as S Different from S

Perceived Similarity

Black Subjects and
Targets 8.10 7.90
White Subjects and
Targets 7.50 6.80

Perceived Commonality

Black Subjects and
Targets 7.60 8.25
White Subjects and
Targets 7.30 7.10

Table 8

Means Relevant to the Sex of Subject by Sex of
Target Interaction for Perceived Belief-Similarity

Sex of Target

Sex of Subject Same as S Different from S

Male 5.83 5.70
Female 6.40 5.35


opposite sex as they have with a target of the same sex. When the target
was of a different race, however, subjects perceived that they had more
in common with targets' of the same sex.


The first hypothesis, predicted that race of subject and target would
interact to affect Judgments concerning perceived belief similarity and
areas "in common." These findings are consistent with other studies
which have shown that people do use the race of the target systemati-
cally when assessing perceived similarity (e.g., Byrne and Wong, 1962;
Mann, 1958). The present research extended the findings of these stud-
ies, however,..because it demonstrated that this effect operates-in fact,
it operates even more strongly-for black persons as well as for whites.
More importantly, this study has helped to place.in perspective the
finding of Rokeach (1961) and others that beliefs often appear to be a
more important determinant of friendship than does race. It was.argued
that this different is due largely to procedures that provided subjects
with information about both the belief and the race of the target simul-
taneously, a set of circumstances that probably does not occur in the
real world very often. Thus, the present findings support indirectly the
premise that-race is a primary variable in the sequential sense, since
people appear to make inferences about other people's beliefs based
solely on this information. Interpreted in this manner this research sup-
ports the premise that in. order for most cross-racial relationships to
develop people must be open-minded and receptive in the initial stage of
the relationship in order -to learn the other's real beliefs. Otherwise, the
relationship is likely to terminate at this initial stage since people tend to
assume dissimilarity of beliefs across races. Furthermore, it appears to
be important that interactants communicate beliefs clearly in the initial
stage of a potential relationship because when people are physically
different from each other, as in the case of cross-racial encounters, the
relevance of other's social standards tend to be ambiguous. Thus, one is
likely to be afraid that his or her behavior will be unacceptable, thereby
making him or herself uneasy, anxious and defensive, because he or she
does not know what is .-.pr.-aJ or how to behave.
Hypothesis la (which had not been investigated previously) pre-
dicted that blacks would see themselves as more similar to other blacks
than whites would to other whites: This prediction also was strongly
supported for both dependent variables. The results of this research,
thus, support the generalization that blacks perceive themselves to be
somewhat more homogeneous in their beliefs and culture than do whites.
The author attributes the findings that support Hypothesis Ia to a
sense of "black awareness" in the black subjects that helps them- to
understand themselves and what it means to be black. One must recog-
nize that black.people in this-society are in the-midst-of an identity crisis;


the.orgin or which lies in a reaction against a number of negative his-
torical roots, e.g.,."plantation culture," "slave society," and racial eti-
quette.".,Having been brought involuntary from Africa and forced to"
experience and adapt to a dehumanizing environment,, perhaps it took
until. today for Afro-Americans to feel free enough to search for their
true cultural identity.
Thus, today's blacks have begun to accept themselves and their
people more, in part through:a new-found self-acceptance and asser-
tiveness that are so clearly manifested in the ideas they are beginning to
have about themselves, both as individuals and.as a:race.. Thus, blacks
see themselves as more of a people than do whites, who.appear to feel
less of a need to explore and understand the degree of similarity in.their
own cultural roots .. -
Hypothesis Ib, which predicted that white subjects would report
themselves, to be less dissimilar to blacks than blacks would to whites,
was marginally supported for perceived similarity and strongly supported
for..perceived areas "in common.".
Given the.somewhat tenuous support for this prediction it could be
that these results are largely due to a race difference in concerns with the:
social desirable or permissible response to the stimulus questions. Whites
might have felt more constrained and therefore,, less "free'- to express
their felt dissimilarity to blacks than.did blacks toward white targets.- On
the other hand, it could be that these findings reflect a "real" difference
in such perceptions; i.e., blacks, because of the recent rise in feelings of
awareness and solidarity towards other blacks, might be more influenced
by the race of the black target.
Hypothesis II predicted that people: also would make belief simi-
larity judgements on the basis of same- or different-sexed targets; i.e.,
like-sexed target person would be seen as more similar than opposite-sex
target persons. This prediction was supported for both dependent vari-
ables. These findings, which essentially replicate and extend the results
that supported the .first hypothesis, demonstrate that people will use a
number of external physical characteristics to help them make general-
izations about others. These characteristics probably are those that are
related to ascribed status in our society.

Unpredicted Findings

One unpredicted finding revealed that the effect of the sex of target
on perceived areas "in common" was present only when subject and
target were of a different race. This finding suggests again that subjects
perceived areas "in common" as reflecting compatibility across sexes
within like-raced pairs; however, for cross-raced pairs, subjects perceived
that they had more in common .with the same-sexed target. Thus, it
appears that when issues such as sexuality and courtship in general are
constrained by current social conventions-that is, under cross-race


pairings-areas "in common" seems to be subject to the same sex effects
as was perceived belief similarity. It is only when issues of courtship,
etc., appear more acceptable that such sex differences attenuate for
perceived area "in common."
A second unpredicted finding revealed that the Sex of Subject x
Sex of Target interaction was significant for the perceived similarity
variable (but not for the perceived "in common" variable). The effects of
belief similarity on sex of target was found to be stronger for female
subjects than it was for males. This finding is consistent with the find-
ings that are relevant to hypothesis la and the idea, expressed earlier, of
an increase in consciousness, based on common oppression, leading to
an increased perception of belief similarity. In this case, there might be a
greater identification and awareness of common predicament based on a
reaction by women to their disadvantaged sex role.
Although both main effects for race of target and sex of target were
found to be significant for both dependent variables, it is interesting to
note that on both dependent variables, the race of target main effect was
much stronger than the main effect for sex of target. This difference
probably reflects a difference in the salience of the two physical cues,
i.e., members of our society appear to be influenced much more by race
than they are by sex when making judgements about similarity of beliefs
between themselves and others. This finding is reasonable within the
perspective that the oppression of women as a status has for the most
part been more subtle, whereas oppression of blacks has been more
extreme and overt.


Anderson, C., and Cote, A. D. Belief dissonance as a source of disaffection between
ethnic groups. Journal of personality and Social Psychology, 1966, 4, 477-453.
Bonney, M. A. sociometric study of the relationship of some factors to mutual friendships
on the elementary, secondary, and college levels, Sociometry, 1964, 9, 21-47.
Berkum, M. and Mecland, T. Sociometric effects of race and combat performance. Socio-
metry, 1958, 21, 145-149.
Byrne, D. and Wong, T. Racial prejudice, interpersonal attraction, and assumed dis-
similarity of attitudes. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 1962, 65, 246-
Byrne, D., and McGrew, G. Interpersonal Attraction towards Negroes. Human Relations,
1964, 17, 201-213.
Hendrick, C., Bixenstine, V., and Hawkins, G. Race versus belief similarity as deter-
minants of attraction. Journal of personality and Social Psychology, 1971, 17, 201-
Koch, H. The social distance between certain racial, nationality, and skin-pigmentation
groups in selected populations of American school children. Journal of Genetic Psy-
chology. 1946, 68, 63-95.
Mann, J. The influence of racial prejudice on sociometric choices and perceptions. Socio-
metry, 1958. 21, 150-158.
Newcomb. T. M. Austistic hostility and social reality. Human Relations. 1947, 1. 69-86.
Newcomb. T. M. The prediction of interpersonal attraction. Animeran Prchiologist 1956.
II. 575-586.


Preker, J. A. similarity of valuings as a factor in selection of peers and near-authority
figures. Journal Abnormal and Social Psychology, 1952, 47, 406-414.
Richardson, Helen M. Community of values as a factor in friendships of college and
adult women. Journal of Social Psychology, 11. 303-312.
Rokeach, M. The Open and Closed Mind. New York: Basic Books. Inc., 1960.
Rokeach, M. Belief versus race as determinants of social distance: Comment on Triandis:
paper. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 1961, 62, 187-188.
Rokeach, M. Smith. P. and Evans, R. Two kinds of prejudice or one? In M. Rokeach
(Ed.), The Open and Closed Mind. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1960.
Silverman, B., and Cochrance, R. The effect of the social context on the principle of
belief congruence. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 1972,22, 259-268.
Taguir, R. Person Perception. In Lindzey, G. and Aronson, E. (Ed.) The handbook of
social psychology (2nd Ed.) Vol. 3 Reading, Mass. Addison-Wesley, 1969.
Triandis, H. C. A note on Rokeach;s theory of prejudice. Journal of Abnormal and
Social Psychology, 1961, 62, 184-186.
Williams, D. C. Race versus belief revisited: A bi-racial examination. Unpublished master's
thesis, Michigan State University.

"Education For A Second-Class Citizenship In
South Carolina 1900-1920"

By Theodore Hemmingway
Assistant Professor of History

The educational system of the Palmetto state reflected the power-
lessness of black Carolinians in the first two decades of this century.
Native whites completely controlled it. Operating on the same principles
that colonial powers found useful, they manipulated black education
thereby facilitating the rise and maintenance of white supremacy.'
Through their control of black education, whites indoctrinated blacks to
believe in their own inferiority, created in them a feeling of helplessness
and dependency, and persuaded blacks to believe that white supremacy
was the only viable system of race relations. In achieving these ob-
jectives, whites guided blacks further down the path to economic, poli-
tical and social subordination, and made black education dysfunctional.
It did not motivate black youth to enter the mainstream of American
life, did not inspire black youth to challenge white Carolina's control
over them, and worst of all, it did not encourage blacks to study their
problems, to formulate solutions, nor to understand how complete their
subordination was.
What passed for black education during this era was not black
education at all, but rather a watered-down version of the variety of-
fered whites. Some teachers in black schools were white, particularly in

'For some interesting comparisons, see V. M. Battle, C. H. Lyons (eds.) Essays in
the History of African Education (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970); W.
Bryant Numford, Africans Learn to be French (New York: Negro Universities Press,
1970); C. K. Graham. A History of Education in Ghana (London: Frank Cass and Com-
pany, Ltd., 1971); Stokely Carmicheal, Charles Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of
Liberation (New York: Vintage Books, 1967), pp. 2-32; Harold Cruse, Revolutionary
Nationalism and the Afro-American, "Studies on the Left, 2, 3(1962), 13-25; Robert K.
Blauner; Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt," Social Problems (Spring, 1969), 392-


Charleston and the Sand Hill section of the State. Most black teachers
were trained in white-directed normal schools and colleges. Textbooks,
written by whites, drew their language and contents from white society
and impressed upon black youth the southern point of view. Curricula
also reflected white domination. Based on the classical model, and
steeped in ethnocentrism, most curricula were ill-suited to the needs of
sharecroppers, small farmers, artisans, and unskilled laborers.
White domination of the educational machinery facilitated the rise
and maintenance of white supremacy. Accordingly, state officials steered
blacks away from the learned professions, forced them into handicrafts
and industrial education, afforded blacks only the rudiments of learning,
and repeatedly stressed the potential dangers of cx paindjin these bound-
aries.2 Most whites believed that a proper education would make blacks
better servants, more efficient laborers, and better-adapted to their roles
in South Carolina society. From a purely economic standpoint, Lee
County whites believed that "a literate working man is worth more than
an illiterate one."3
"The clearest illustration of this programming and brainwashing,"
Idus Newby writes, "is seen in the education of black Carolinians in the
quarter century after 1895".4 During that era, the maintenance of white
supremacy took on new importance. Consequently, textbook selection
became the vehicle for teaching blacks to accommodate themselves to
white supremacy. White Southerners authored the great majority of texts
used particularly in the Social Sciences. Overall, these volumes were
weighted with white supremacist attitudes, pejorative references to blacks,
praise for existing governmental structures, and condemnation for
Northern historians and other social scientists whose interpretations dif-
fered, if only slightly from their own. More significantly, the contents of
these texts bore little resemblance to the reality of living Jim Crow in
one of the South's most racist states. Consequently, terms such as citi-
zenship, democracy, freedom, free enterprise, equality of opportunity
and countless others were confusing, if not insulting, to black youth.
Education in South Carolina was a tool of social control, a but-
tressor of white supremacy. Generally, it characterized whites as a-
chievers, rulers, and participants in history. Conversely, it denigrated

2South Carolina Superintendent of Education. Thirty-First Annual Report, 1899.
pp. 302-303; SCSE, Thirty-Third Annual Report 1901 pp. 107-110; House Journal, 1911
p. 92; The State (Columbia) 14 August 1906; (Columbia) 14 August 1906; The New York
Age, 23 August 1906; Frances B. Simkins, Pitch Fork Ben Tillman (Baton Rouge: Louisi-
ana State University, 1944), pp. 399-400.
3For similar attitudes see Sara Godbold and G. A. Williamson, Marion County:
Economic and Social (Columbia: University of South Carolina, 1925), p. 58; J. E. Stock-
marade, D. S. Schull, Lexington County: Economic and Social (Columbia: University
of South Carolina, 1923), p. 56; A. W. Dick, G. R. McElveen, and L. M. Peebles, Lee
County: Economic and Social (Columbia: University of South Carolina, 1925), p. 73.
4Idus Newby, Black Carolinians: A History of Blacks in South Carolina from 1895
to 1968 (Columbia: University of South Carolina. 1973), p. 82.


blacks, pointed to their savage and slave origins, and regarded them as
observers of history and wards of the state.5 Witness for example, D. D.
Wallace, a distinguished state historian's, assertions that "It takes a wise,
virtuous and self-controlled people to govern themselves." Since blacks
did not govern themselves, were they unwise, unvirtuous and uncon-
trollable? "The American people know how to manage the business of
government as well, if not better than, any other people in the world."6
Are blacks Americans?, Wondered the black child.
Wallace's characterization in 1906 of the self-governing qualities of
South Carolinians was confusing enough, but his descriptions of various
governmental branches totally lacked credibility. He claimed, as the
special duties of the court, the protection "from violation of the rights of
every woman, man and child." "The South Carolina Constitution of
1895 provides that everyone, poor or rich, weak or strong, good or bad,
must be treated fairly in the courts. .. It is the duty of every official."7
Doubtless black youth did not, indeed could not, take Wallace seriously
since South Carolina laws and the courts had recently disfranchised
blacks and robbed them of many constitutional privileges. Wallace's
treatment of civics was liberal compared to the William Gilmore Simms
volume. Originally published in -1840, and revised in 1860, the volume
was revised and updated again in 1917 by Simms' granddaughter, Mary
C. Simms Oliphant. Although blacks constituted over half of South
Carolina's population until 1925, they received scant attention in Mrs.
Oliphant's volume. She constantly demeaned Afro-Americans. Mrs. Oli-
phant described them as "Africans," "Negroes" "Coloreds," darkiess,"
"ignorant," "childish," and "savages." Blacks who read this book could
draw only one conclusion: they were inferior to whites. If the conclusion
escaped them, Mrs. Oliphant diligently reminded them in her conclus-
ions that "South Carolina has a white man's government."8
The effects of such propaganda on the minds of black youth must
have been staggering. Not only did it confuse them, but it also blunted
their aspirations, and stunted their intellectual growth. Worse, it taught
blacks nothing about themselves, or their problems. Furthermore, it
thwarted ambitions, curtailed hope, promoted apathy, and molded for
the most part, conservative and conformist products. Students of this
variety brought few, if any, new views to bear on the existing system of
race relations in the Palmetto state. In fact, most found their niche in

'See for example, David Duncan Wallace, Civil Government in South Carolina
(Dallas, 1906); David Duncan Wallace, Civil Government in the United States (Dallas,
1906); John L. Weber, Fifty Lessons in the History of South Carolina (Boston, 1891);
John A. Chapman. School History of South Carolina (Rev. ed: Richmond, 1899); Henry
A. White, The Making of South Carolina (New York: 1906); John J. Dargan. School
History of South Carolina (rev. ed. Columbia, 1917).
ID. D. Wallace. Civil Government in South Carolina, pp. 7, 56, 79, 141.
VIbid., pp. 144, 154.
8Mary C. Simms Oliphant. The New Simms History of South Carolina (Columbia:
The State Printing Company. 1940), pp. 264-65.


the system and worked in ways, unknown to themselves, to perpetuate
it. Those who differed found South Carolina a frustrating place in which
to live and many left at the earliest opportunity. Between 1900 and 1930,
the total population of black South Carolina increased from 782,509 to
794,716, or less than one percent. Meanwhile, white South Carolina
grew from 557,807 to 944,048, or 41 percent. Overall, black South Caro-
lina lost 351,000 people through migration during this era, or 12.7 per-
cent of its population.9 Their departure, in all probability, initiated a
serious brain drain for black South Carolina. Not only did it deprive
blacks of numerous professionals, but it robbed blacks of potential lead-
ers whose combined talents could have eased the burden of !I inr, in one
of the nations most racist states.
White attitudes towards industrial education for black Carolinians
was much the same. Industrial education, many whites maintained, was
the only kind blacks should receive.10 Yet, in truth, industrial education
was never more than a corollary of white supremacy, a .i.ur,!c:i.; for
white control. In practice, it was limited to a few simple lessons in
carpentry, masonry, gardening and the household arts, which made blacks
more useful to the larger society, but not necessarily to themselves. Even
so, South Carolina's unwillingness to fund this form of education for
blacks was as apparent as the inequities in the appropriations for liberal
arts education. For instance, in 1928-29, the state spent $91,077.04 (87.3
percent) of the industrial education budget for whites compared to
$12,796.00 for blacks. The depression only served to widen this dis-
crepancy. By 1934, the gap in expenditures had increased to $148,996.70
(90.5 percent for whites compared to $15,672.65 for blacks). Moreover,
surveys found industrial education desperately in need of modernization.
Ambrose Caliver, a black senior research specialist in the United States
Office of Education, recommended improvements in facilities, adapta-
tion of courses to meet occupational demands, better preparation of
vocational teachers, and greater financial support. Caliver noted, how-
ever, that improvements in industrial education for Blacks were largely
dependent on improvements in general education."
Such improvements were slow to materialize. Between 1900-1920,
the problems of black education were legion. Black students were con-
fronted with poor educational facilities, inadequate teaching materials,

9The number of migrants was determined by adding migration statistics for these
years. See the U. S. Bureau of Census, U. S. Population: 1960,1: Characteristics of the
Population, Part. 42, South Carolina (Washington, 1963). pp. 21-22.
"'SCSE, Forty-First Annual Report, 1910. pp. 944-45; Fijiy-Second Annual Report,
1920, p. 81; The State (Columbia) II March 1910; 2 January 1911.
"George Brown Tindall. The Emergence of the sNew South, 1913-1945, Vol. X of
A History of the South, Wendell Stephenson and E. Merton Coulter (eds.) (10 volumes
Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1967, p. 274; Alain Locke. "Negro Edu-
cation Bids for par," Survey. LIV(1925), p. 568: Ambrose Caliver. Vocational Education
and Guidance for Negroes (West Port. Connecticut: Negro Universities Press. 1970), pp.
13-14, 128.


over crowded classrooms, poorly trained teachers, short school terms,
and hostile state officials2 This shoddy environment moved some teach-
ers and. state officials to pity. A state normal school student visiting
Marion County in 1903 reported "there was literally nothing in the way
of equipment except one table and a few benches fastened against the
wall."" Schools in the small hamlet of Jamison in Newberry County
lacked adequate backboards, erasers, maps, charts, globes, window shut-
ters, and window panes, and students outnumbered desks.14 Upon visit-
ing a black school in 1917, John Swearingen, State Superintendent of
Education, concluded: "It is not a wonder they (black students) do not
learn more, but the real wonder is that they learn as much as they do."'5
It could not have been otherwise since white officialdom, from the gov-
ernor downwards, treated the education of black people as a stepchild,
something to be tolerated but not promoted. The most blatant example
of this type behavior was county superintendents of education. Harold
Crouch, who filled this position for Barnwell County in 1913, made
fifty-six visits to white schools and only twelve to black schools, al-
though blacks comprised 72 percent of the county population. R. D. W.
Rowell, of Bamberg, worked tirelessly to increase white enrollment in
County schools but neglected blacks. He offered prizes and incentives to
white youth, but none for the black students. Georgetown County Sup-
erintendent, J. W. Doar, proposed a compulsory school law that would
allow school officials in each county "to designate such children as they
saw fit to attend school (and let them designate all the white children in
the county). .. of course," he added, "this part of the law is to be
unwritten."'6 These officials were not exceptions. Hostility to black
school improvement was so rampant, and supervision so poor, that
many county superintendents did not even know their location. The
South Carolina supervisor of elementary rural schools declared in 1910
that local officials asked no questions except "concerning enrollment at
the end of the session.""
The inferiority of black schools and the attitude of white officials
were structured by State law. The Constitution of 1895 required statu-
tory segregation in public schools. Then, the General Assembly of 1896
passed an act that prohibited a division of school funds on the basis of
taxes paid by each race, but it virtually eliminated black trustees from

"Newby, Black Carolinians. pp. 82-114: Theodore Hemmingway. "Beneath the Yoke
of Bondage: A History of Black Folks in South Carolina. 1900-1940," (Unpublished
Ph.D. Dissertation, University of South Carolina, 1976). pp. 165-185: Lewis Harlan.
Sep)arale a nt Unequal: Public School Campaign and Racism in the South Seaboard
States, 1901-1905 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1958), pp. 170, 209.
'ISCSE Report. 1903 p. 63.
'41hid. 1907 p. 37: William Pickens. Bursting Bonds (Boston: Jordan and Moore.
1923). pp. 9-11.
'Ihiil. 1918. pp. 99-100.
'hbid. 1914. pp. 60. 63. 79.
'lhibd., 1910. p. 120.


school boards, by allowing the legislature to choose county boards of
education, which in turn, appointed the district trustees. Further, the act
gave local officials the authority to allocate school funds in "the best
interests of the school district."'8 Since "best interests" were synonomous
with white interests, white schools received the lion's share of expendi-
tures, while officials padded black enrollment figures to obtain greater
funds for their counties. One school official testified that "in my county
the trustees find out how much taxes the colored people pay, and then
give them that much education. Let us not be hypocrities about it."'"
There was little need for hypocrisy. The practice was common through-
out the state.
State appropriations reflected as much. In 1900, South Carolina
school districts spent $171,954.69 on public education for blacks com-
pared to $588,414.50 for whites or 15.4 percent of the total budget. At
that date blacks comprised 58.4 percent of the state's population. The
pattern changed only slightly as the century progressed. Expeditures for
blacks amounted to 18.7 percent of the educational budget in 1905.
Overall, South Carolina spent $23,454,743.56 on white education be-
tween 1900 and 1915 compared to $4,583,650.61 on the education of
blacks, or 19.5 percent. These figures do not tell the whole story. The
number of blacks of school age greatly exceeded their enrollment in
school. Blacks between the ages of five and nineteen, for instance, out-
numbered whites 320,186 to 205,310 in 1900 and 336,526 to 237,334 in
1910. Average per capital expenditures for blacks in 1900 were 53 cents
and $1.09 in 1910.20 As great as these discrepancies were, they paled into
insignificance when compared with those in local areas. Generally, coun-
ties with heavy black populations showed the greatest amount of dis-
crimination while those with smaller concentrations of Negroes showed
the least. Charleston and Richland counties, however, deviated from this
pattern. Although both had sizeable black populations, they discrimi-
nated less than other similar counties, but not so little as they believed.2'
South Carolina not only discriminated against black students, but
black teachers as well. Their salaries were pitifully low compared to
those of whites, and their student loads were excessive. The state spent
$561.604.24 for white teachers in 1900 and $183,120.40 for blacks. Coun-
ty statistics further document this discrepancy. Black teachers in Abbe-
ville received 39 percent of the teacher salaries although blacks com-
prised 66.1 percent of the population. Charleston, 68.5 percent black in
1900, paid white teachers 86 percent of the salaries, and Beaufort, 90.5

'"SCSE Report, 1899, p. 113.
"Quoted in Harlan, Separate, and Unequal, p. 175.
2"These statistics are based on school expenditures between 1900 and 1915, and census
statistics in 1910. See SCSE Reports. 1900, p. 255; 1901. p. 263; 1902, p. 320; 1903, p. 197:
1904. p. 208; 1905, p. 242; 1906. p. 188; 1907. p. 174: 1908, p. 182: 1909, p. 193; 1910, p.
247; 1911, p. 670; 1912, p. 234; 1913, p. 523; 1914. p. 312. 1915, p. 310.
'See Harlan, Separate, But Unequal, p. 207.


percent black, spent only 78 percent of its budget for teachers of blacks.
Overall, black teachers averaged $77.34 compared to $170.73 for whites
per year in 1900, or 45.3 percent of their white counterparts' salaries.
Fifteen years later, the salaries of white teachers had grown to $383.39
per year compared to $112.31 for blacks, 70.7 percent greater.22 By the
latter date, the school term for whites was 133 days compared to 67 days
for blacks.23
Outside agencies such as the Southern Education Board, the Jeanes
Fund, the Peabody Fund, and the Rosenwald Fund attempted to nar-
row these discrepancies and to promote black education, but their philo-
sophy was flawed. They worked within guidelines established by state
officials, underestimated the depths of racism and believed that white
education must improve before that of blacks. Furthermore, they re-
served the learned professions and highly technical jobs for whites there-
by relegating blacks to fill the more menial positions in society. Finally,
these agencies widened, rather than narrowed the gap between black and
white education.
On the positive side of the ledger, philanthropic agencies fashioned
greater interest in education for all Carolinians, promoted teacher-
training for blacks, constructed county training schools which fa-
cilitated the rise of public high schools, contributed funds to improve
the quality of teaching in South Carolina, and led the drive for con-
solidation of small schools. On the negative side of the ledger, they
designed curricula illsuited to the needs of black Carolinians, delayed
the state's assumption of its responsibility to fund education for all its
citizens, worked to uphold the status quo and thwarted the ambitions of
blacks by teaching them to be dependent upon white South Carolina.
Furthermore, they denied blacks the opportunity to acquire valuable
technical and social knowledge by removing abstract mathematics, vari-
ous sciences, world geography and history from the curricula, and re-
placing them with studies in simple bookkeeping exercises, agriculture,
home economics, and handicrafts.24 These changes limited student's
knowledge about the world around them. Black pupils knew little about
where they lived, and even less about the social system that structured
their living conditions. Without such knowledge, black Carolinians could
neither define nor understand their problems, much less solve them.
Given the racial climate of South Carolina and its devotion to white
supremacy between 1900 and 1920, it is unrealistic to have expected

'SCSE Report. 1900. pp. 254-264: 1915: pp. 310-311.
'SCSE Report. 1915. pp. 251-252.
:4Charles Dabney, ( niver.al Education in the South, I1 (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press. 1936). pp. 500-501: Henry A. Bullock. A Historr of Negro Edu-
cation in the South Since 1916 (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1967). p. 120: Horace M.
Bond. Tie Elldicaion of tie Negro in the American Social Order (New York: Octogan
Books. 1906); pp. 124-126: E. A. RedClay, County Training Schools and Public Second-
atry lt.:catilon in the South (Washington. D. C.: John F. Slater Fund 1935): The State
(Columbia) 24 April 1903.


different results. Although the 1895 Constitution committed the state to
support black education, it was a commitment that the State kept grudg-
ingly. Several factors explain this phenomenon. South Carolinians were
slow to accept the value of the public school movement. Upcountry mill
owners and low country farmers feared its affects on their labor supply.
Futhermore, the state's slow economic development deprived it of funds to
support a public school system and even more, a dual one. Forced to
choose between a sound education for whites and blacks, or one that
favored whites, racism dictated that whites be served. As a result, blacks
were relegated to the bottom rungs of society, and education failed to fill
its promise of a better life.
Still, black education was not a total failure for black South Caro-
linians. Black students made up .4.2 percent (169 students) of the total
high school enrollment in 1900 and 7.5 percent (669 students in 1915).
(During this time the number of white high school students increased
from 3,829 to 8.229.)25 This growth, small as it was, accounted for an
increase in trained black leaders, a reduction in illiteracy, and the eleva-
tion of some blacks above the poverty level. Furthermore, it preserved a
sense of black worth, nurtured hopes for a brighter future, and pushed
others along the path to self-realization. Without it black South Caro-
linians would have fared even worse. It is unfortunate that they did not
do far better.


Primary Sources

South Carolina Superintendant of Education,
Columbia State Printing Company, 1899.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education,
Columbia State Printing Company, 1900.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education,
Columbia State Printing Company, 1901.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education,
Columbia State Printing Company, 1902.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education,
Columbia State Printing Company, 1903.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education,
Columbia State Printing Company, 1904.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education,
Columbia State Printing Company, 1905.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education,
Columbia State Printing Company, 1906.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education,
Columbia State Printing Company, 1907.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education,
Columbia State Printing Company, 1908.

Thirty-First Annual Report.

Thirty-Second Annual Report.

Thirty-Third Annual Report.

Thirty-Fourth Annual Report.

Thirty-Fifth Annual Report.

Thirty-Sixth Annual Report.

Thirty-Seventh Annual Report.

Thirty-Eighth Annual Report.

Thirty-Ninth Annual Report.

Fortieth Annual Report.

25Harlan, Separate and Unequal, p. 208: Jones, Negro Education, Vol. 11, p. 475.


South Carolina Superintendant of Education, Forty-First Annual Report.
Columbia State Printing Company, 1909.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education, Forty-Second Annual Report.
Columbia State Printing Company, 1910.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education, Forty-Third Annual Report.
Columbia State Printing Company, 1911.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education, Forty-Fourth Annual Report.
Columbia State Printing Company, 1912.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education, Forty-Fifth Annual Report.
Columbia State Printing Company, 1913.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education, Forty-Sixth Annual Report.
Columbia State Printing Company, 1914.
South Carolina Superintendant of Education, Forty-Seventh Annual Report.
Columbia State Printing Company, 1915.
House Journal. Columbia South Carolina. State Printing Company, 1911.


Cruse, Harold. "Revolutionary .Nationalism and the Afro-American," Studies.On the Left,
23 (1962), 13-25.
Blauner, Robert K. "Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt," Social Problems (Spring
1969), 392-408.
Locke, Alaine, "Negro Education Bids for Par." Survey. LIV, (1925), 563-570.

Secondary Sources

Bond, Horace. M. The Education of the Negro in the American Social Order. New York:
Octagon Books, 1966.
Bollock, Henry A. A History of Negro Education in the South Since 1619. New York:
Praeger Publishers, 1967.
Caliver, Ambrose. Vocational Education, and Guidance for Negroes. Westport, Connecti-
cut: Negro Universities Press, 1970.
Carmicheal, Stokeley and Hamilton, Charles. Black Power: The Politics of Liberation.
New York: Vintage Books, 1967.
Dabney, Charles. Universal Education in the South. Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina, 1936.
Dick, A. W. McElueen, G. R. Peebles, L. M. Lee County: Economic and Social Colum-
bia: University of South Carolina Press. 1925.
Godbold. Sara. Williamson. G. A. Marion County: Economic and Social. Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press. 1925.
Graham. C. K. A History of Education in Ghana London: Frank Cass and Company,
Harlan, Lewis. Separate and Unequal: Public School Campaigns and Racism in the South-
ern Seaboard States. 1901-1915. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
Mays. Benjamin E. Born to Rebel. New York: Simon and Shuster, 1971.
Mumford. W. Bryant. Africans Learn to be French. New York: Negro Universities Press,
Newby, Idus. Black Carolinians: A History of Blacks in South Carolina from 1895 to
1968. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. 1973.
Pickens. William. Bursting Bonds. Boston: Jordan and Moore: 1923.
Redclay. E. A. County Training Schools and Public Secondary Education in the South.
Washington. D. C.: John F. Slater Fund. 1935.


Simkins, Francis B. Pitchford Ben Tillman. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University
Press, 1944.
Stockmarade, J. E. Schull, D. S. Lexington County: Economic and Social Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1923.
Tindall, George B. The Emergence of the New South, 1913-1945. Vol X of A History
of the South, Wendell Stephenson and Coulter, E. Merton (eds) 10 Volumes. Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1967.

Microdistribution of Magnolia grandiflora L. in
Northern Florida Mixed Hardwood Forests

Michael D. Hubbard
Laboratory of Aquatic Entomology

Magnolia grandiflora L., the southern magnolia, is a dominant tree
species in the mixed hardwood climax forests of northern Florida (Blais-
dell et al. 1974). It occurs wherever optimal, mesic conditions exist and
is common in northern Florida in hammocks, dunes, river bottoms, and
on ravine slopes.
Several authors (Kurz 1942, 1944; Kurz & Wagner 1952: Blaisdell et
al. 1974) have remarked that reproduction of this species apparently
does not taken place under the canopy of conspecifics, although germ-
ination and growth of seedlings is common under the canopy of associ-
ated species. In this paper I describe the micro-distribution of Magnolia
grandiflora in the mixed hardwood forest habitat, and speculate upon a
possible mechanism regulating this distribution and its probable evolu-
tionary significance.


Three study sites ranging in area from 1115 to 1394 m' were chosen
in a beech-magnolia mixed hardwood ravine habitat in the Red Hills
region north of Tallahassee. Leon County. Florida (see Kurz 1944 for a
fuller discussion of this ecosystem). All of the study sites chosen were
subsets of an apparently homogeneous area of this habitat to avoid
problems associated with varying clump size (Morisita 1959). In' this
study only Magnolia graindlflora with a diameter at breast height (DBH)
of 25 mm or greater were considered for reasons to be elucidated in the
discussion. The "nearest-neighbor" method of determining dispersion
was used in this study. This method has been well developed by various


authors (Clark & Evans 1954; Morisita 1954; Cottam & Curtis 1956;
Thompson 1956; Blackwith 1958) and is summarized by Southwood
(1966). The statistical techniques used in this study have been adapted
from the works of these authors.
The nearest neighbor method measures the amount of deviation of
the dispersion from randomness. The basic measurement in this method
is the distance from a randomly chosen individual to its nearest neigh-
bor. A series of such measurements from the same population are taken
and the sample mean is calculated (all individuals from the population
under investigation may be included, in which case the sample mean is
also the population mean). The expected mean nearest-neighbor dis-
tance is calculated for a random distribution of the same density and
compared with the sample mean to estimate deviation of the sample
population from randomness in dispersion.
In a population with a density d, with N individuals, and each
nearest-neighbor distance represented by rn, the mean nearest-neighbor
distance may be determined by T= Ern/N. In a random distribution the
expected mean nearest-neighbor distance re is equal to 1/2 r. The ratio
k = f/e can be used to estimate the deviance from a random distri-
bution. In a completely clumped distribution all individuals would oc-
cupy the same point and thus 7 would equal zero, making k = 0. In a
random distribution F and re would be equal making k = 1. In a com-
pletely regular (uniform) distribution k = 2.1491.. The measure k can
readily be interpreted in simple terms: in any given distribution the mean
nearest-neighbor distance F is k times the nearest-neighbor distance ex-
pected for a random distribution with the same density.
Another closely related estimate of randomness of distribution uses
the square of the mean nearest-neighbor distance. In a randomly dis-
tributed population the density d = 1/472; thus 72 = 1/4 d = 0.25/d. In
a perfectly uniform distribution 2 = 1.154/d. The numerator (y) in these
equations (r2 = y/d) can be calculated and used to estimate the degree of
departure from randomness.
The value of these estimates can be greatly enhanced if their reli-
ability can be determined in some manner. If these methods indicate that
the dispersion is not random, the significance-of the degree of departure
from randomness may, be tested by the normal distribution. The formula
used for this test is C =,r rei/ore, where are is the standard error of the
mean nearest-neighbor distance in a randomly distributed population of
the same density as the experimental population. This standard error
may be computed by the formula

are = 0.26136/ Nd

The values of C and their associated probabilities for the three study
sites are shown in Table 1.

Table 1

Parameter values for distribution analyses (see text for explanation of symbols).

N Area d r re k are C p y
(m2) (m-2) (m) (m) (m)
Site I 14 1254 0.0112 5.69 4.73 1.20 0.66 1.46 <0.08 0.325

Site II 12 1115 0.0108 6.07 4.82 1.26 0.73 1.72 <0.05 0.398

Site III 19 1394 0.0136 5.39 4.28 1.26 0.51 2.16 <0.02 0.395


Results and Discussion

At all three study sites the mean nearest-neighbor distance of M.
grandiflora (r) was greater than the mean nearest-neighbor distance that
would be expected for a random distribution (re) (Table 1). Values of k
were greater than unity indicating that the individuals were overdis-
persed (i.e., departure from randomness in the direction of regularity).
The other estimators of dispersion examined (y and C) also in-
dicated overdispersion. The probabilities of C (p) indicate statistically
significant overdispersion (Table 1).
Precise mechanisms resulting in this overdispersion of Magnolia
grandiflora in northern Florida beech-magnolia mixed hardwood forests
remain to be explained, but it may be postulated that an autotoxic
allelopathy is a factor in this phenomenon.
Allelopathy occurs when one plant releases a chemical which pre-
vents the germination, growth, or occurrence of another plant. These
substances, known as allelochemics, may be released or leached from
leaves, leaf litter, root systems, or fruits. Allelopathy may affect other
species, may be directed against conspecifics (autotoxic allelopathy), or
both. Excellent reviews of this subject may be found in Whittaker (1970),
and Whittaker and Feeny (1971).
Several lines of evidence support this hypothesis of autotoxic alleo-
pathy. One of which is, of course, the overdispersion itself. Several
Magnolia seedlings are often found growing quite closely together, but
the close occurrence of large trees is extremely rare (for this reason small
seedlings, <25 mm DBH, were excluded from the study). Blaisdell et al.
(1974) reported that M. grandiflora seedlings are almost never found
under the canopy of large Magnolia. This observation was confirmed
during the present study. Blaisdell et al. (1974) also reported that it
requires about 20 years before a Magnolia will grow where a large
Magnolia previously stood. Many other species of trees, however, in-
cluding beech, and several species of oak and pine, will germinate and
grow under the canopy of M. grandiflora (Hubbard, unpublished).
With the postulation of the occurrence of an autotoxic allelopathy
in Magnolia grandiflora the question arises as to the evolutionary signi-
ficance of such a phenomenon. Why is there an intraspecific inhibition
against germination and/or growth which presumably acts against even
offspring seeds? A partial explanation for this question may come from
the fact that Magnolia often reproduce vegetatively, sprouts arising from
roots of the parent tree, as do many other trees (Blaisdell et al. 1974;
Hubbard, unpublished). The ability to reproduce vegetatively allows the
parent Magnolia to exhibit autotoxic allelopathy, not only against just
other conspecifics, but even against its own seeds, and ensure that all
new Magnolia grandiflora trees within its influence are vegetative clones,
with a genotype identical to its own. In this manner intraspecific com-
petition with other genomes is greatly reduced and Darwinian fitness is


thus tremendously increased. The coefficient of relationship with a vege-
tative clone is 1, whereas the average coefficient of relationship with an
outcrossed seed is 0.5.
Webb et al. (1967) reported on the occurrence of autotoxic allelo-
pathy in a subtropical rain forest tree, Grevillea robusta, and hypo-
thesized that this autotoxicity evolved in response to what amounts to
selection at the community level. They maintained that the stability of
tropical rain forests requires diversity of species (an idea not peculiar to
those authors) and that autotoxic allelopathy may have evolved to com-
pensate for this need. The situation reported by Webb et al. (1967) in
Grevillea may be similar to that of Magnolia grandiflora and judicious
application of Occam's razor leads to the inference that autotoxic allelo-
pathy may have evolved for the most "selfish" of reasons, perpetuation
of the genotype of the individual, and not in response to selection for
diversity at the community level. This may help explain a portion of the
diversity of tropical rain forests, and of the mixed hardwood forests
which have been reported to be the most diverse of the common forest
types of northern Florida (Monk & McGinnis 1966).
It is interesting to note that seed predation (especially of the "dis-
tance-responsive" type), which has been postulated by Janzen (1970,
1971) to be a factor in the increased tree species diversity of the tropics,
may result in the same type of overdispersion as autotoxic allelopathy
and that this seed predation might well, in some cases, be a product of
coevolution of the tree and predator; reducing intraspecific competition
among the trees and allowing increased fitness by vegetative reproduc-
tion as does autotoxic allelopathy.
Further research needs to be conducted on this topic, and the pos-
tulated existence of autotoxic allelopathy in Magnolia grandiflora re-
mains to be demonstrated.


I would like to thank numerous colleagues for spirited discussion of
various stages of this work. Special thanks are due W. E. Bradshaw, A.
F. Clewell, W. L. Kruczynski, and D. R. Strong, Jr. The responsibility
for the conclusions and speculations, however, remains wholly my own.
This study was partially supported by a grant from the Cooperative
State: Research Service, U. S. D. A., P. L. 89-106.

Literature Cited

Blackwith, R. E. 1958. "Nearest-neighbor distance measurements for the estimation of
animal populations." Ecology 39:147-150.
Blaisdell, Robert S., Jean Wooten, & R. K. Godfrey. 1974. "The role of magnolia and
beech in forest processes in the Tallahassee, Florida, Thomasville, Georgia area."
Proc. Ann. Tall Timbers Fire Ecol. Conf., Tallahassee 13:363-397.


Clark, P. J. & F. C. Evans. 1954. "Distance to nearest neighbor as a measure of spatial
relationships in populations." Ecology 35:445-453.
Cottam, Grant, & J. T. Curtis. 1956. "The use of distance measures in phytosociological
sampling." Ecology 37:451-460.
Janzen, Daniel H. 1970. "Herbivores and the number of tree species in tropical forests."
Am. Nat. 104:501-528.
Janzen, Daniel H. 1971. "Seed predation by animals." Ann. Rev. Ecol. Syst. 2:465-492.
Kurz, Herman. 1942. "Florida dunes and scrub, vegetation and geology." Florida Geol.
Surv. Bull. 23:1-154.
Kurz, Herman. 1944. "Secondary forest succession in the Tallahassee Red Hills." Proc.
Florida Acad. Sci. 7:1-100.
Kurz, Herman, & Kenneth Wagner. 1952. "Magnolia associations in northern Florida."
J. Tennessee Acad. Sci. 27:207.
Monk, C. D., & J. T. McGinnis. 1966. "Tree species diversity in six forest types in north
central Florida." J. Ecol. 54:341-344.
Morisita, Masaaki. 1954. "Estimation of population density by spacing method." Mem.
Fac. Sci. Kyushu Univ., Ser. E (Biol.), 1:187-197.
Morisita, Masaaki. 1959. "Measuring of interspecific association and similarity between
communities." Mem. Fac. Sci. Kyushu Univ., Ser. E (Biol.), 3:65-80.
Southwood, T. R. E. 1966. Ecological methods with particular reference to the study of
insect populations. Methuen & Co., London. 391p.
Thompson, H. R. 1956. "Distribution of distance to Nth neighbor in a population of
randomly distributed individuals." Ecology 37:391-394.
Webb, L. J., J. G. Tracey, & K. P. Haydock. 1967. "A factor toxic to seedlings of the
same species associated with living roots of the non-gregarious subtropical rain forest
tree Grevillea robusta." J. Appl. Ecol. 4:13-25.
Whittaker, R. H. 1970. "The biochemical ecology of higher plants." Pages 43-70 in E.
Sondheimer & J. B. Simeone, eds., Chemical Ecology. Academic Press, New York.
Whittaker, R. H., & P. P. Feeny. 1971. "Allelochemics: Chemical interactions between
species." Science 171:757-770.

Peanut Protein Research at
Florida A&M University

Julius L. Heinis*
Florida A&M University


Three grants have allowed FAMU personnel to carry out amino
acid analyses, fat determination and protein characterizations of pea-
nuts. A total of 239 selections have been analyzed for amino acids. We
found that the average peanut variety has only 67% of methionine con-
tent of whole hen eggs. There was a small but significant negative corre-
lation between methionine and protein content. Results from one year's
irrigation showed that this practice favors oil over protein content. Plant
tissue culture work is now in progress with hopes to stimulate methio-
nine biosynthesis in peanuts.

Peanuts are an important protein-rich food grown in warm climate
states. Like other plant proteins, however, they are low in sulfur-con-
taining amino acids, especially methionine. A desirable goal would be to
find a peanut variety with a methionine content more closely in line with
eggs (Table 1). The original peanut protein project has been funded by
CSRS in 1968 and 2 further grants were awarded in 1972 and 1974. The
current staffing consists of 6 professionals and from 6 to 8 student
assistants. Nearly a dozen papers have been presented at scientist meet-
ings and sent in for publication. Among the major equipment purchased

*Speech presented by Arthur L. Guy at the Bicentennial Research Symposium in
Washington, D.C. under sponsorship of the Historically Black Land Grant Institutions,
November 11-13. 1976. Research supported by CSRS grant No 516-15-16.


Table 1

Several Essential Amino Acids In Eggs & Peanuts, Assuming
50% Oil, in mg/g Food, Edible Portion.

ionine Lysine Valine Tryptophan Isoleucine

Whole hen
egg 416 863 847 240 (yolk) 778
FAO* 338 1036 1224 305 990
ours** 280 847 976 310 803
% of eggs 67 98 115 129 104

*From: Amino Acid Content of Foods and Biological Data on Proteins,
FAO Nutritional Studies No. 24 (Rome: Food and Agricultural
Organization, 1970).
**Analyzed with an automatic analyzer except tryptophan which was
determined separately

with CSRS funds are an amino acid analyzer, an electrophoresis ap-
paratus, a spectrophotometer, a highspeed refrigerated centrifuge, a fat
analyzer, and a freeze-dryer.

1. Fat Determination
We soon found that before making amino acid analyses, peanuts
had to be defatted. Several methods are available for doing this, in-
cluding the use of petroleum ether, acetone, tetrachlorethylene, and hex-
ane as solvents. Oil extraction may be combined with oil determination.
Therefore a Foss-Let oil extractor was purchased. Results obtained with
this apparatus were compared with established techniques where either a
Soxhlet or a Goldfisch instrument is used (1). Results proved very com-
parable and consequently oil extractions were done with a Foss-Let.

2. Effect of Growth Regulators, and Irrigation on Protein and Oil Con-
From the beginning it was thought that environment, cultural prac-
tices and chemical treatment of plants have an effect on the protein and
oil contents of peanuts. Treatment with DPX 2801 and TD 6266, both
herbicides, resulted in slightly higher protein concentration than Kylar
and control plants.
In 1974, peanuts var. Florunner were obtained from Marianna,
Florida where the experimenter (Dr. D. W. Gorbet) made a cultural


evaluation of irrigation. These samples were analyzed for percent oil and
amino acid contents. The condensed results presented in Figure 1 show
that irrigated peanuts had higher oil contents than non-irrigated ones,
and from this we concluded that for higher protein production non-
irrigation was better.

3. Amino Acid Analyses
Our intent was to screen several hundred peanut varieties for amino
acids. The following varieties and sources were assayed:
96 Georgia (Dr. R. O. Hammons and Dr. C. T. Young)
33 Florida 1973/74 crops (Dr. A. J. Norden)
50 Georgia 1974 crop (Dr. R. O. Hammons)
20 Florida 1975 (not included in following tables, Dr. A. J. Norden)
30 Marianna, irrigated and non-irrigated, (Dr. D. W. Gorbet)
239 Total

Analyses were made for all amino acids, oil and protein, in the hope of
locating a high-methionine variety. Tryptophan was not assayed except
in the 20 Florida 1975 varieties where we also tested for the vitamin
niacin. No variety was found to be really outstanding in methionine
levels, although a few varieties, including Jenkins Jumbo, were higher
than average. Table 2 gives mean values and the statistical evaluation for
all our assays. All varieties were analyzed at least in triplicates which
yielded a total of up to 714 individual values. With the computer we also
made a Pearson correlation table (Table 3). Amino acids had positive
correlations among each other. Most amino acids also correlated posi-
tively with percent protein. However, methionine had a small, but sig-
nificant (5% level) negative correlation with protein. In other words, we
could not expect to find a variety that is both high in methionine and in
protein. This finding suggested the need for further detailed research
using electrophoresis as a tool. Preliminary electrophoretic separation
showed that the first 6 bands with molecular weights below 17,000 con-
tained most of the methionine. Some polypeptides, yet unnamed, ap-
parently are slightly richer in methionine than the others found through

4. Protein Characterization
Another line of research deals with protein characterization using
electrophoresis. Conceivably this technique can be used for "fingerprint-
ing" peanuts to tell plant breeders how closely related specific varieties
are. Twenty-one components have been determined (2) four to six of
which making up over 70% of the proteins.

5. Tissue Culture
While survey for amino acid contents as well as electrophoresis of
individual proteins are interesting and may yet yield a high methionine





(per cent) (mg/g defatted seeds) (% calculat





ed from total amino acids) Z

Figure 1



Table 2

Amino Acids (in mg/gr Defatted Meal) Oil and Protein (In % of
Total Peanut)

Standard Mimimum Maximum
Variable N Mean Deviation Value Value C.V.







*Tryptophan determined microbiologically after alkaline hydrolysis for
7 hrs in autoclave
**Niacin in mg! 100g whole peanuts.

peanut variety, we feel we should also try to actively stimulate meth-
ionine biosynthesis in peanuts. We have started tissue culture experi-
ments and plan to use this as a tool to study the latter possibility.

Literature Cited

1. Heinis. J. L. and Mary Saunders. Evaluation of the Foss-Let instrument for deter-
mining oil content in peanuts. Oleagineux 29:91-93, 1974.
2. Savoy, C. F. Peanut (ArachisI hpogaea L.) seed protein characterization and genotype
sample classification using polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis. Biochemical and Bio-
physical Research Communication 68:886-893. 1976.

Table 3

Correlations Among Amino Acids, Oil And Protein In Peanuts



1.0 -.06

**Average amino acid values correlated with single protein value for each variety
All non-flagged values correlated with single protein value for each variety
S Significant at '~, level
N Not significant at 10% level

1.0* .69 .36 .74 .60 .49 .58 .62 .52 .65 .54 .16 .53 .23 .59 .64 .66 .68 -1.0
1.0 .50 .62 .53 .53 .56 .58 .46 .51 .50 .12 .43 .23 .59 .62 .57 .63 -.04
1.0 .41 .26 .36 .36 .32 .29 .33 .28 .27 .09 .17 .39 .36 .23 .28 .06
1.0 .63 .58 .67 .71 .61 .66 .61 .18 .54 .36 .67 .72 .75 .74 -.09
1.0 .76 .78 .81 .60 .69 .61 .17 .59 .22 .68 .71 .71 .74 -.09
1.0 .77 .77 .62 .62 .57 .14 .54 .34 .66' .69 .66 .66 -.09
1.0 .86 .62 .73 .67 .21 .60 .37 .70 .77 .77 .75 -.05
1.0 .62 .79 .72 .14 .65 .33 .81 .86 .80 .82 .13
1.0 .53 .49 .10 .50 .29 .52 .54 .61 .62 .27
1.0 .78 .24 .63 .25 .75 .79 .71 .73 .03
1.0 .28 .67 .24 .70 .73 .70 .74 .06
1.0 .15 .27 .13 .18 .14 .15 .06
1.0 .25 .57 .62 .63 .65 -.11
1.0 .25 .29 .37 .28 .04
1.0 .88 .75 .77 .01
1.0 .81 .82 .03
1.0 .86 .81


.15 3
.14 m
-.41 p

University Research Committee

Awards 1976-77

Jeffrey M. Jacques, Chairman

One of the purposes of the Florida A&M University Research Com-
mittee is to motivate and support institutional and academic research of
its faculty. Consistent with this mission, the Research Committee a-
warded $20,863.00 covering 15 projects during the 1976-77 academic
The criteria for evaluation and awarding support were:
1. Those projects with the greatest merit;
2. Those researchers who have not received funding before or
3. Those researchers who need some limited assistance to complete
their project or
4. Those projects which need an initial outlay to demonstrate com-
petence and are likely to be funded on a larger level external to
the University (i.e. seed money);
5. To help as many researchers as possible; and,
6. To fund a variety of research projects from different Colleges
and Schools.
The abstracts listed below exemplify the great variety and high
quality of research activities supported by this Committee.

Project Title: A Diagnostic and Prescriptive Approach to the Teaching
of Relevant Mathematics Concepts to Elementary Students

Principal Investigator: Dr. Mila Ignatz

Amount: $1,200.00

Research on the acquisition of mathematics concepts indicate that
these concepts are best learned in devised situations in which a child can


probe, organize materials and ideas and see relationships among them.
It is through the child's own explorations that he shapes his perceptions
into thoughts which he will be able to display as figures, symbols and
diagrams. Coherent mathematical thinking arises from the child's own
manipulations, reflecting on his results and comparing them with those
of his peers rather than the traditional memorizing of arithemetical
skills. It is also in the writing of descriptions of observations and results
of investigations that a wide and meaningful mathematical vocabulary is

Minicourses on the concepts of addition, subtraction, multiplica-
tion, and fractions will be developed. The minicourses on addition and
subtraction will be geared toward the first and second grade levels and
those of multiplication and fractions will be geared toward the fifth and
sixth grades. The reason for these decisions is that these concepts are
introduced at these levels and the students are at the intellectual de-
velopment levels where they are able to assimilate these concepts into
their mental structure.
Minicourse development will involve the following stages:

1. Compilation of instructional objectives that will define and de-
scribe the goals of the program in terms of student behavioral
2. Selection of activities and materials that facilitate the acquisition
of these concepts.
3. Development of evaluation instruments for protesting, posttest-
ing and keeping track of student progress.

Project Title: Computer Generated Eigenfunctions of Helium with and
without Iteration

Principal Investigator: Dr. Herbert W. Jones

Amount: $750.00

To develop a computer programme to find the electronic wave
functions for the self-consistent-field (SCF) of the helium atom.

Two modes of attack are yielding results: (1) The traditional method
is to assume various energy values and follow the wave function from
the origin to high radial values and see if the wave function satisfies the
boundar; cndiions, i.e., goes to zero at infinity. Our Tektronic 4013
graphics terminal is ideal for this study. The programmes execute very


quickly on the CDC 6600 and one can test three or four energies per
minute, and observe the plots on the CRT. Excellent agreement with
known results is being achieved. A new Taylor's series method of solving
the differential equation is being used. It appears that using four terms
in the expansion, with a vital correction to the first derivative, is proving
itself and may in itself be a noteworthy contribution. (2) A second more
ambitious method of solving the problem without trial values is showing
results. In this method simultaneous differential equations are solved by
Taylor's series. Preliminary indications are that the two methods agree.
Tested and packaged programmes should be available by the end of the

Project Title: Wind Tunnel

Principal Investigator: Mr. Grant V. Genova

Amount: $340.00

1) To have available to students, as well as architects in this region,
an equipped environmental simulating and learning center;
2) This equipment, used as the beginning hardware, will be used
to produce a complete teaching software program for learning
the basic principles to wind movement upon buildings; and,
3) To continue .the development of this laboratory in the areas of
natural light, artificial light, acoustics, and convection, conduc-
tion phenomena on buildings with the probable exploration for
more advanced funding from other agencies.

The design and construction of a low velocity wind tunnel designed
to permit simulation and observation of the phenomena of wind around,
over and through a building. This tunnel would allow the effects of wind
to be measured and visualized on a three dimensional format. Wind
conditions are concluded from a set of simulating "runs" on the wind/
water table.

Project Title: Sonorous Breathing Research Project

Principal Investigator: Dr. Marcus H. Boulware

Amount: $400.00

As part of an ongoing interest in the import of sonorous breathing,
the grant enabled updating of new information. Basically, there was


little new information in the book, Schnarchen (Snoring), except it ex-
plained various sleeping positions from the medical point of view and
how some of these could minimize snoring. The German book gave the
rationale used by doctors in coping with snoring. The book suggested ap-
proximately a dozen new remedies, among which was the medical treat-
ment of blocked nasal passages which in turn caused mouth breathing
and often snoring.

Translation of the German book Schnarchen (Snoring) into Eng-

Project Title: An Anaysis and Cataloging of Programs in Ethnic Sr'udic,
and Multi-Cultural Education Related to Teacher Education on the
Secondary Level in Colleges and Universities Approved by the Ameri-
can Association of Colleges for Teacher Education

Principal Investigator: Dr. Anne R. Gayles

Amount: $725.00

The purpose of the investigation was to survey and appraise the
status of multi-cultural teacher education curricula in colleges and uni-
versities approved by the American Association of Colleges for Teacher
The study was designed to:
1) identify the number and kinds of multicultural curricula experi-
ences and programs;
2) reveal the variety of multicultural curricular experiences and
3) ascertain the quality of the multicultural curricular experiences
and programs.
4) determine the rationale, purposes, principles and concepts which
undergird the multicultural curricular experiences and programs;
5) to identify current policies and practices in developing, organizing,
and implementing multicultural curricular experiences.

Three classes of data were used:
1) information gained from a comprehensive study of research
findings and thought in professional (nonresearch) literature
pertaining to multicultural education and to multicultural
experiences in teacher education in selected colleges and uni-


versities approved by the American Association of Colleges in
Teacher Education;
2) essential understandings obtained from personal and informal
interviews with students, teachers and administrators directly
involved in multicultural teacher education experiences in colleges
and universities approved by the American Association of Colleges
in Teacher Education; and,
3) data secured from the letter of inquiry sent to administrative deans
of colleges of education approved by the National Council for
Accreditation of Teacher Education.

Project Title: An Institute on Local Environmental Problems

Principal Investigator: Mr. Fred Akers

Amount: $400.00

1) To bring in high school teachers and students from Leon and
neighboring counties making them aware of existing environ-
mental problems in this area of the state.
2) To have these individuals attempt to find solutions to these
problems in instances where funds were inadequate or where no
attempt was being made to resolve such existing situations.

Project Title: Separation with Polaroid

Principal Investigator: Mr. George C. Floersch

Amount: $500.00

To standardize color separations using various polaroid materials and
equipment and to develop a short instructional manuel or booklet using
the aforementioned materials and equipment to produce such a product.
This research project was initiated to develop a separation process using
a minimal amount of equipment at a minimal cost.

The basic methods of color separation were employed in this pro-
jeci and well as basic camera equipment. A more sophisticated copy unit
manufactured by d- .. id Corporation was used to produce the final

Project Title: Effect of Alcohol on Tissue Cholesterol Trapping

RE.SFAR(CI Buii Ll IN 73

Principal Investigator: Dr. W. R. Primas

Amount: $1,790.00

Cholesterol has long been incriminated as the etiology for the de-
velopment of atherosclerosis and its hypertensive sequellae. The initial
inductive mechanism for tissue trapping of cholesterol has not been
determined. This research project is designed to elucidate the role of
ethanol (dietary) in the uptake and trapping of cholesterol. In this pro-
ject experimental hypertension will be induced in rabbits by the Gold-
blatt method and the degree of atherosclerotic development will be com-
pared with animals receiving water and those receiving alcohol in their

Spectrometric and histological analysis of blood, arteries, liver, and
heart tissue will be utilized for demonstrating the correlation between
ethanol and cholesterol tissue trapping.

Project Title: Anti-inflamatory Activity of Steroidal-21-oic

Principal Investigator: Dr. Hee J. Lee

Amount: $1,000.00

1) To provide a better understanding of mode of anti-inflamatory
activity of a new class of acidic steroid methyl esters;
2) To compare metabolism and excretion of acidic metabolites under
various physiological variables such as sex, age, and pregnancy
in laboratory animals, and effects of extra-adrenal and adrenal
drugs on the formation of these metabolities; and,
3) To formulate anti-inflamatory steroid drug with less systemic
toxicity and to understand the significance of acidic metabolite
formation in a hope that this will provide diagnostic value in
evaluating physiological states and metabolic diseases.

Experimentation will be done in a laboratory setting with the use of
specific chemicals and test animals.

Project Title: Data Base Studies of Selected Counties (Okaloosa, Walton,
Washington, and Holmes)

Principal Investigator: Dr. J. S. Dhillon


To have thirty-five copies of four previous publications (Data Base
for Washington County, Data Base for Okaloosa County, Data Base for
Holmes County and Data Base for Walton County) reproduced for dis-
tribution to state officials, state libraries, and other professionals in the

Project Title: The Transference of Photographic Images onto Ceramics
Utilizing the Silk Screen Process with Slip and Glaze

Principal Investigator: Ms. Leatrice Y. Tucker

Amount: $980.32

To experiment with the process of transferring photographic images
directly onto moist greenware unfiredd) slabs of clay, using colored slips
and the silk screen process. The resulting imagery will become a permanent
part of the clay and glaze, and will last as long as the life of the clay surface
(approximately 5,000 years).

Construction of six silk screens prepared especially for ceramic
printing. Using selected images from newspapers, magazines, and original
photographs or books, a photo-stencil will be made onto the silk screen
by enlarging the negative on orthographic film, and transferring it with
a light sensitive photoemulsion.

Project Title: Electron-Impact Excitation of Molecular Nitrogen

Principal Investigator: Dr. Charles A. Weatherford

Amount: $1,000.00

1) An attempt to calculate the total differential, electron-molecular
Nitrogen; and,
2) To calculate rotational and vibrational cross sections, for the
elastic and electronic excitation processes

The use of a distorted wave procedure.


Dr. Lucile P. Saylor

Dr. Margaret E. M. Tolbert

Dr. Christopher Ikediobi

Dr. Doris N. Alston

Mr. John H. Thompkins, Jr.

Mr. David W. Felder

Dr. Walter L. Johnson

Dr. Ronald F. Yrabedra

1977-78 University Research Committee Awards

Project Title

Test Awareness Project for College Bound Minority High School

The Inhibitory Effects of Prostaglandins on Protein Synthesis by
Enzymatically Isolated Rat Hepatic Parenchymal Cells

Improvement of Peanut Protein through Chemical-Enzymatic Modifi-

Middle-Age Viewpoints/A Five Factor Perspective

Significance of Field Experience (Laboratory-Clinical Experience) in
a Teacher Education Program: Implications for Supervision

The Design of a Logic Textbook by the Method of Interactive Evalua-

Establishment of a Scientific Arboretum at Florida A&M University

An Investigation of Selected Characteristics of Kindergarten Children's
Drawings of the Human Figure: An Associational Study











Award --

Project Title

Mr. James N. Eaton

Mr. James N. Eaton

Dr. Abraham P. Ollapally

Dr. Clifton F. Savoy

Dr. Barbara R. Cotton

Mr. Claude L. Robbins

Dr. W. H. Castine

Dr. Ralph W. Turner

Dr. Charles A. Weatherford

Dr. Vance M. Gragg

Historical Tape Preservation

Preservation of Historical Documents

Synthesis of 5-Fluoro-l-(4' Keto-aL-rhamnosyl) uracil

Initiation of a Foreign Assistance Program at Florida A&M University

A Humanistic Approach to the Study of Ancient and Medieval History
(Curriculum Development Proposal)

A Pilot Project to Assess Natural Light in Florida

Effects of "Curing" upon Student Evaluations of Instruction

Synthesis and Structural Determination of Selection Metal-Ion
Aromatic Complexes

Electron-Impact Excitation of Molecular Nitrogen

Comprehensive Development of the City of Gretna, Florida by the
FAMU Business Development Center














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