Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Structure of higher education
 Higher education: past and...
 Higher education in the courts
 Some facts about state-controlled...
 Back Cover

Title: Black Perspectives on State Controlled Higher Education : the Florida report
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AM00000067/00001
 Material Information
Title: Black Perspectives on State Controlled Higher Education : the Florida report
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Stuart, Reginald
Hemphill Press ( Printer )
Publisher: The John Hay Whitney Foundation
Publication Date: 1974
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: AM00000067
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: Florida A&M University (FAMU)
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: notis - AAA1687

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front cover
    Title Page
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
    Structure of higher education
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
    Higher education: past and present
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
    Higher education in the courts
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
    Some facts about state-controlled higher education
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
    Back Cover
        Back cover
Full Text
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Black Perspectives

On State-Controlled Higher Education:

The Florida Report

by Reginald Stuart

Published by
The John Hay Whitney Foundation
April, 1974

OThe John Hay Whitney Foundation, 1974


Hugh C. Burroughs................................... 5

Introduction ............................................ 7

Structure of Higher Education ........................... 9
State Board of Education ..............................10
Commissioner of Education .......................10
District Boards of Trustees ........................10
State Board of Regents .............. ............. 11

Higher Education Past and Present.......................12
The Community Colleges .......................... 13
The Universities ................................. 13
The Land Grant Colleges ..............................15

Higher Education In The Courts ..........................17
Adams vs. Richardson ................................17
The November Notice .............................19
Florida's New Plan ............................... 21

Some Facts About State Controlled Higher Education........23
Black Decision Making Opportunities are Limited ....... 23
Black Employment Opportunities are Limited .......... 24
Black Educational Opportunities are Limited ........... 24

Members of The Board of Regents of the State
University System ................................. 26

Community College Districts by County Groupings ..........27

Public Black Colleges In Perspective ......................30

The Florida Report is the fourth in a series of publications
prepared by the John Hay Whitney Foundation as part of its
program to enhance the capability of Black Citizen's to be
effective participants in discussions about the future design and
operation of the public higher education system in their states.
The published Report, a condensed version of a much larger
document, is deliberately brief and is prepared in such a manner
that citizens, who are not normally involved in higher education,
can readily grasp the outline of the structure and workings of
public higher education.
The Report reveals several points which should be of major
concern toBlack Citizens of Florida and the governing bodies of
public higher education. First, that Blacks are grossly
under-represented in the public higher education system. In
fashioning an acceptable remedy for this situation, Black
Floridians should be equal participants in the discussions, and
Black students, faculty, or institutions should not be asked to
bear a disproportionate burden relative to their white
Second, that this period is perhaps the most opportune for
all citizens to work together to develop a unitary system in
Florida which responds justly to the higher education needs of all
citizens. It is the period when the governing bodies in higher
education are preparing and submitting desegregation plans to
the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW).
The Report was prepared largely in response to the
expressed need of Floridians who wish to learn more about their
state-supported higher education system. Many of them gave us
the benefit of their advice and comments; several were generous
with their time when Reginald Stuart conducted interviews
throughout the state. We extend our thanks to all of them.
In the final analysis the worth of this Report will be
measured by the extent to which Floridians find it a useful
reference as they work toward a public higher education system
of which they can all be proud. We hope this Report proves useful
and welcome comments and questions from our readers.
Director of Programs
John Hay Whitney Foundation


For the academic year 1973-74 Florida's taxpayers invested
$347,372,852 in state revenue in the state's public colleges and
According to the 1970 U.S. Census Report, Florida's
population was 6,789,443, of which 15.5 per cent, 1,041,651, were
Blacks. The public institutions of higher learning-nine
universities and 28 community colleges-enrolled more than
293,000 students in the fall of 1973. Most were Floridians. For
students who "qualify" the educational opportunities in Florida
are almost limitless.
Florida's state-controlled higher education system is
comprised of three types of institutions, several of which have
been assigned special missions by the state within the total
First are the five four-year universities, all of which have
special roles in the higher education system in addition to their
four year undergraduate programs. The University of Florida at
Gainesville and Florida State University at Tallahassee are
recognized as the state's senior research and graduate
institutions. The University of South Florida at Tampa is
recognized as the most highly developed urban institution with
seven graduate level areas of study. Florida A. & M. University
at Tallahassee, in addition to conducting its regular college
functions, has been recognized as the State's compensatory
education center.
Second are the four two-year universities which offer only
junior and senior year programs plus graduate level programs.
They are Florida Atlantic University at Boca Raton, the
University of West Florida at Pensacola, Florida International
University at Miami and the University of North Florida at
Jacksonville. These institutions are also under the control of the
Board of Regents.
The third type of institutions are the 28 community colleges,
many of which have multi-campuses operating under their
jurisdiction. These institutions offer two-year occupational
training for individuals who are not college bound, as well as
college parallel programs which provide for smooth transition to

a university level institution. Each community college is
governed by its own board of trustees.
Florida's higher education system did not begin to blossom
until the mid-1950's. Prior to that the state operated three
segregated universities and five segregated community colleges.
During the 20 year period from 1954-1974 the entire system was
overhauled in response to demands for more higher education
opportunities by the state's booming influx of citizens, the need
to prepare for the industrial development of the state and in
recognition of the fact that the state was not placing sufficient
emphasis on post-secondary education.
This significant period of development brought forth an
entirely new governance system for higher education, new
institutions and education standards. Such changes also
stimulated the spending of millions of tax dollars for activities
ranging from the landscaping of land parcels for construction of
new facilities, to employing faculty and other personnel to
operate new and expanding institutions to graduating thousands
of students.
A review of the state's post-secondary education activities
during this period of dramatic change and growth 1954-1974 -
strongly suggests that policies and agendas were adopted which
were adverse to positive change for Black students and workers.
Today Black Floridians find themselves in a game of catch-up in
efforts to recover from the loss of jobs and educational
opportunities which may be traced to the reorganization period
of the state system. Indications of Black progress are evident in
some sectors of higher education in Florida, such as the
appointment of Blacks to institutional governing boards by
Governor Askew. But overall, Blacks appear to be condemned to
a role of token presence in the state higher education system.







. i

H ^

Florida's state-controlled system of higher education is
structurally headed by the State Board of Education, presided
over by the Governor of Florida. The Board has jurisdiction over
elementary, secondary and higher education.
Higher education is divided into two divisions: 1) The
division of junior colleges headed by a Director and 2) the
division of universities headed by a Chancellor. Each of the 28
community colleges is governed by an individual board of
trustees. The nine universities are governed by a Board of
The division or vocational, technical and adult education is
headed by a director. The division's programs operate through
the institutions in the other three divisions.
State Board of Education 7 Members: 7 Whites 0 Blacks
Education policy in Florida is determined by the State Board
of Education, a constitutionally created body. The Governor
serves as chairman of the Board and the Commissioner of
Education serves as secretary. Five (5) other cabinet
members-all elected in statewide elections-make up the
remaining members of the Board of Education. They are the
Secretary of State, Attorney General, Comptroller, State
Treasurer and Commissioner of Agriculture.
The State Board of Education is primarily responsible for
setting basic policy for the division of the Department of
Education. This includes approval of budgets before submission
to the legislature via the Governor, adoption of minimum
standards for education and approval of planning and
construction proposals.
Commissioner of Education 1 White
As far as higher education is concerned, most other policy
making and control over higher education is vested in the
Commissioner of Education, the Board of Regents, and the local
boards of trustees for junior colleges. By law, the Department of
Education, under the direction of the State Board of Education, is
designated the supervisory and administrative agency. The
State Commissioner of Education administers the policies of the
Board of Education and Department of Education
28 District Boards of Trustees
194 Members: 174 Whites 20 Blacks
These corporate bodies were created under state statute in
1968, for the purpose of governing and operating community

colleges apart from local elementary and secondary schools.
Members are appointed by the Governor for five (5) year terms.
Duties and powers of these Boards range from the authority to
hire and fire personnel to the authority to propose budgets and
building programs. In the early years of development,
community colleges were primarily supported by their local
constituents; however, funding is now virtually 100 per cent from
the state, except for self-generated revenues. Despite the
funding pattern, the state remains officially committed to and
supportive of local control of community colleges.
State Board of Regents 9 Members: 8 Whites 1 Black
In 1968 the Florida legislature repealed Chapter 240 of its
statutes concerning governance of the universities under a Board
of Trustees. The new law, Chapter 63-204, granted the new nine
member appointive body broader powers leaning toward greater
autonomy from the rest of the public education system. Members
on the Board are appointed by the Governor and serve a term of
nine (9) years.
The Board of Regents has jurisdiction and nearly complete
control over all nine public universities and their special divisions
and branches. This includes the power to make rules and
regulations affecting governance, personnel, ownership of land
and facilities, and budgets. There are numerous other specific
powers spelled out in the law.
Chapter 69-106 of the Florida statutes transferred the Board
of Regents intact to the Department of Education, assigned it to
the division of universities and designated the Board the
responsibilities of directing the division.
The powers of the Board of Regents and the legislative
intent were reasserted in Chapter 240 of the 1970 statutes.

Higher Education: Past and Present

Prior to 1954 Florida's higher education system was small,
segregated and accessible to only a small percentage of its
college-bound citizens. But the growth of the university and
community college divisions in the past 20 years has been
phenomenal. For the purposes of this discussion the two divisions
are being reviewed individually.
The Community Colleges
Florida statutes define community colleges as "educational
institutions operated by local community college district boards
of trustees under specific authority and regulations of the State
Board of Education and offering courses and programs of general
and academic education parallel to that of the first and second
years of work in institutions in the state university system, of
occupational education, and of adult continuing education."
Prior to July 1, 1968, community colleges were operated as
parts of local school districts, with sizeable amounts of local funds
being combined with state monies to maintain their operations.
In July, 1968, the Florida legislature established independent
community college districts with boards of trustees appointed by
the governor. These boards vary in size from five to nine
members, depending on the number of counties in each district.
Community college boards are frequently politically strong
bodies which serve as local thermometers for politicians on the
state level.
Florida's public community colleges had their beginning in
1933 at which time Palm Beach Junior College in West Palm
Beach was established as a public two year college. From that
date until 1947, when St. Petersburg Junior College changed
from private to public, Palm Beach remained the only public
community college in Florida. State officials stated that the
enactment of the 1947 minimum Foundation Program by the
legislature stimulated additional interest among localities in
junior colleges. Two were established in 1948: Chipola Junior
College and Pensacola Junior College. In 1949, Washington
Junior College, the first public junior college for Blacks, was
opened in Escombia County. By 1950 there were five
state-controlled junior colleges in Florida, four of which were for
whites only, and the other for Blacks only.

Concerted efforts to develop community colleges were
launched in the mid-fifties. In 1955, the Council for the Study of
Higher Education issued its first report. The document called for
the development of a comprehensive system of lower level
academic institutions designed to meet a "broader" range of
educational needs than can be met in a university program.
As a result of this report, the Florida legislature established
the Community College Council of Florida as an advisory body to
the State Board of Education. The Council was charged with
making long range plans for the expansion of junior colleges in
In 1957, the Council issued its report, entitled The
Community Junior College in Florida's Future. This report was
adopted by the Florida legislature and became the state plan for
public community college education. Ignoring the implications of
the 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education federal court ruling, the
legislature did nothing to eliminate racially separate schools.
In 1957, the legislature authorized the establishment of the
Division of Community Colleges within the State Department of
Education and appropriated funds to begin implementation of the
master plan for community colleges.
Since that time the following has occurred:
The 12 predominantly Black junior colleges were phased
out by 1966.
In 1968 the state legislature removed junior colleges from
jurisdiction of local school boards and established independent
community college districts with boards of trustees appointed by
the Governor.
By 1973, the state community college system had 28 public
community colleges in operation. State officials say they intend
to open no more community colleges in the new future.
The Universities
Florida's nine-institution State University System traces its
origin to pre-statehood years when, in 1827, the United States
Congress reserved townships of land, called seminary lands, for
two higher education institutions. Despite this early birth, the
university system saw no real growth until 1960.
Today, the system includes two land grant colleges
(institutions with special programs related to the agricultural
sciences), two medical schools-one in Gainesville and one in
Tampa-primarily engaged in the training of physicians, and the

nation's first upper level (junior, senior and graduate)
universities. There are also 10 off-campus centers.
First of the state's universities was The University of
Florida at Gainsville established in 1853 for whites as a
coeducational institution. The School was later designated the
state's land grant college under the Morrill Act of 1862. The
University of Florida at Gainesville remains the state's largest
Florida State University at Tallahassee, the state's capital
city, was established in 1857 (as a school for women) and in 1887
the State Normal College for Colored Students was established,
also in Tallahassee, a few blocks away from Florida State
University. This latter institution is now recognized as Florida A.
& M. University, and was also designated a land grant college,
for Blacks only. Unfortunately, funds to fulfill its land grant role
were never provided Florida A. & M. in the same measure as the
University of Florida.
The governance structure of higher education in Florida
adapted to a few changes during the next decades, but there was
no significant activity on the university level until 1957. At that
time, as mentioned earlier, the state maintained three
segregated universities with a combined enrollment of 7,224
A study made by the Council for the Study of Higher
education in Florida, a body created by the state legislature,
resulted in adoption of a plan by the Board of Control,
predecessor of the Board of Regents, to construct new
universities throughout the state. Of more importance, however,
was the recommendation to limit freshman admissions to the
universities "So that the majority of students would be
channelled into junior colleges for their first two years." "The
purpose of the state policy in taking these actions was to provide
a system of higher education with the highest quality programs
for the greatest number of students at the lowest possible cost,"
the report said.
Since 1960 five additional universities have been
established, four of which were opened as upper level institutions
The University of South Florida, opened in 1960,is located in
Tampa, a city which comprises nearly 25 per cent of the state's
population. Florida Atlantic University at Boca Raton was
opened in 1962 as the nation's first upper level university. In 1963

the University of West Florida was established at Pensacola and
became the second upper level institution. Florida Technological
University opened in 1968 at Orlando, and Florida International
University, another upper level institution, began classes in 1972
in Miami. The last of the state's universities, The University of
North Florida, opened in Jacksonville in 1972.

The Land Grant Colleges
State governments have no monopoly on racial
discrimination in the financing of public higher education. In fact,
the federal contribution to the "land grant" colleges magnifies
the reality of disparities in funding.
The first Morrill Act of 1862 was adopted to ensure the
availability of a college education to the working classes,
disadvantaged and low income American. The legislation did not
require equal treatment for Blacks, and as a result, they were
not permitted to attend colleges provided for by the first Morrill
Act. In Florida this meant Blacks were excluded from the
state institution which is presently the University of Florida.
A second Morrill Act was passed in 1890. It specifically
provided for the education of Black Americans at public expense,
but made no provisions for federal grants of land to support the
new institutions as the first Act did. Florida A. & M. University
was designated the Black land grant college.
Prior to 1967 the traditionally Black land grant colleges
received only a few thousand dollars annually under the Morrill
Act, although other measures had been passed by Congress and
became major sources of monies for the traditionally white land
grant colleges. These acts include the Hatch Act, Smith-Lever
Act, McIntire-Stennis Act and Bankhead-Jones Act.
Florida A. & M. University receives no Hatch Act or
McIntire-Stennis Funds. On the other hand, the University of
Florida has been the beneficiary of these funds for years which,
combined with state and local monies, have sustained funding
disparities and, in turn, service disparities.
State officials in Florida keep inaccurate records of federal
contributions for the land grant colleges. In cases where figures
were provided they were incomplete. However, the partial
contributions give insight to the funding disparity patterns. One
Florida official likened the situation to "comparing a Volkswagen
with a battleship."

During fiscal 1967-68 the University of Florida received in
excess of $2.5-million in federal funds specifically for its land
grant functions. That same year Florida A. & M. University
received $15,000.
For fiscal 1972-73 the University of Florida received more
than $3-million in federal funds for land grant activities, while
Florida A. & M. received only $600,000.
While the amounts for the University of Florida continue to
increase annually, Florida A. & M. has been ordered to phase out
its School of Agriculture, the main vehicle for land grant

Higher Education In The Courts

Despite the 1954 Brown vs. Topeka Board of Education
school desegregation ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court and
passage of other civil rights acts by the United States Congress,
Florida higher education officials continue to maintain vestiges of
inequality in the functions and operation of the state's public
higher education system.
During the sixties State officials chose to close traditionally
Black higher education institutions and to displace Black
teachers and administrators as the primary instrument for
achieving what they termed "desegregation." These steps have
in part resulted in desegregation by elimination. In view of these
and other equally disturbing inequities in Florida and other
states, litigation was filed to force compliance with federal civil
rights laws. ,As a result of one such lawsuit, State officials are
presently under federal mandate to prepare and submit to the
U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare a
comprehensive higher education desegregation plan, or face the
loss of millions of federal dollars. Two such plans have been
submitted to HEW. One was rejected and the other, submitted in
February, 1974, is being reviewed.
The current HEW mandate is the result of litigation filed in
1971 in the U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C. Elliot C.
Lichtman, a Legal Defense Fund cooperating attorney, filed suit
in June, 1971, on behalf of 31 students and two taxpayer clients
against the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare.
The suit Kenneth Adams vs. Richardson (then HEW
Secretary Elloit Richardson) charged that HEW and its civil
rights division had failed to enforce Title VI of the Civil Rights
Act of 1964 with respect to state systems of higher education.
The suit claimed that HEW was providing funds to school
systems and colleges that continued to practice segregation and
to discriminate on the basis of race. The Civil Rights Act
expressly prohibits such practices.
In November 1972, U.S. District Judge John Pratt sustained
the position of the plaintiffs and ordered HEW to begin
compliance proceedings immediately against the school districts
and higher education systems named in the suit. The

state-controlled higher education system in Florida was one of
the parties deemed in non-compliance with the law.
On May 19, 1973, Peter Holmes of the HEW Office of Civil
Rights wrote the Florida Board of Regents requesting a "plan of
compliance" in keeping with certain criteria set out by HEW.
Meanwhile, HEW had appealed Judge Pratt's ruling to the
Court of Appeals. Also, the National Association for Equal
Opportunity in Higher Education (NAFEOHE), an organization
of Black college presidents, entered the case on the Appeals
Court level through an amicus curia brief, which raised pertinent
questions about the impact of the Pratt decision on Black public
colleges. The eight sitting judges of the Appeals Court sustained
Judge Pratt's ruling, but in view of some points presented by
NAFEOHE, the judges modified, by a few months, the HEW
enforcement timetable.
Florida is one of 10 states affected by the Adams vs.
Richardson decision and the subsequent HEW orders. The other
nine states are Mississippi, Louisiana, Virginia, Arkansas,
Oklahoma, North Carolina, Maryland, Pennsylvania and Georgia.
Florida filed its initial desegregation plan with HEW in
June, 1973. This plan focused on Florida A. & M. University as
the primary obstacle to desegregation and proposed ways by
which it could expand its offerings and, therefore, possibly
attract more white students to its campus.
The plan did not make substantive proposals for attracting
more Black students to the traditionally white campuses, nor was
much attention directed to affirmative action in employment of
Blacks on these campuses.

Much of the initial plan dealt in generalities, except in
instances where Florida A. & M. University was discussed.
Emphasis was placed on making substantial changes in the
FAMU program and philosophy so that whites would be
attracted to the institution. Meanwhile, the traditionally white
institutions were characterized as almost helpless in executing
desegregation plans. The following excerpts adequately present
the tone of the June, 1973 plan as written by Florida higher
education officials:
"Since, as noted earlier, four of the nine state universities
are upper level institutions offering programs only at the
junior and senior and graduate levels, their potential for re-
cruiting large numbers of Black students is restricted. The

upper level institutions are Florida Atlantic University, Uni-
versity of West Florida, University of North Florida and
Florida International University.
"The Board of Regents has assigned a special role to Florida
A. & M. University to provide compensatory training for
students of all races who are from families which have long
suffered social and economic deprivation. The Regents are
financing this program at a rate higher than that of other
universities. In addition, student financial aid fees available
to the Regents are allocated to the universities on the basis
of need as measured by parental income.
"Each of the eight other predominantly white state univer-
sities are carrying out a variety of experimental programs
which have as their objectives: (1) obtaining information
concerning procedures and techniques whereby poorly pre-
pared students and students from highly divergent cultural
backgrounds can be brought into the mainstream of campus
academic programs at a level of performance acceptable at
those universities, and (2) obtaining information concerning
the validity of admissions criteria as they apply to various
minority groups with the hope of improving the validity
of these criteria.
"These experimental programs are serving to increase
steadily the percentage of Black students enrolled as well as
to expand the percentage of Black faculty.
"The Board of Regents has taken steps to alter the mission
of Florida A. & M. University so that its programs are
broadened, enhanced in quality, and differentiated from
those of other institutions so that the University will become
more attractive to white students.
"The predominantly white universities have developed goals
and programs designed to increase the ratio of Black
students and Black faculty over a period of five years so that
the state's commitment to equalize educational op-
portunities in all respects will be accomplished."

The November Notice
On November 10, 1973, Florida's initial plan was rejected by
HEW. Peter Holmes, director of HEW-OCR wrote:
"Your submission states projected goals for students and
faculty desegregation. However, it lacks sufficient specifi-
city as to the processes which will be used to effect this de-

segregation, and it does not provide detailed information
concerning the basis for the projections. Your submission
also indicates that resources will be provided to Florida
Agricultural and Mechanical University (FAMU), but there
is no mention of when these resources will be provided or in
what quantity. Nor is there any indication as to what
resource allocations are planned for other institutions
in the State. Finally, the steps which you have formulated
in your submission do not promise to achieve the timely
conversion of the Florida system of higher education from
a dual to a unitary system."
Holmes then set forth certain guidelines for the state to use
in drawing a new plan. Regarding the tendency of state officials
to assume that closing Black schools solves all problems, Holmes
'In order to provide an adequate basis for our evaluating its
effectiveness, your plan must be specific both as to ob-
jectives and processes, and each action in the plan must be
set forth in detail. The plan and its implementation may not
place a greater burden on Black as compared to white
students, faculty and staff in any aspect of the educational
process. Such burdens include the denial to students of
course offerings, access to facilities, financial aid or other
benefits and seniority rights. The closing or downgrading of
FAMU in connection with desegregation, for example,
would create a presumption that a greater burden is being
placed upon the Black students and faculty in the State. In
addition, the Florida plan must include all State institutions
of higher education (lower/upper division, upper/graduate
divisions and community colleges), both those which were in
existence during the period of State enforced segregation
and those which, while opened or established after 1954,
have, or may have perpetuated that segregation, or im-
pacted upon the desegregation of the system."
Holmes addressed his letter to State University System
Chancellor Robert Mautz. He (Holmes) still had not notified the
heads of agencies handling other responsibilities in the state
higher education system of the need for their involvement.
Holmes complained that the state had submitted insufficient
data on governance and employment, and had, in general, failed
to come up with a plan. He suggested that Florida create a
special "Biracial Committee" to draw up, approve and help

implement a new plan and that the new plan be submitted by
February 10, 1974.
"Your submission describes the State University System
Equal Educational Advisory Council,which appears to have,
as a part of its duties, the responsibility for assisting in the
developing and updating of a desegregation plan for
Florida's System of Higher Education. However, your de-
scription of this Council (pp. 13-14) also indicates that its
primary function is more that of an advisory committee to
the Board of Regents on broad policy issues, rather than a
committee specifically charged with developing and imple-
menting the desegregation plan. Therefore, in order to
insure meaningful participation in the development of the
plan and support for its implementation by both academic
and the community at large, we recommend that the State
establish a special biracial committee, including persons of
each race not employed by the Stae as well as one or more
representatives of FAMU, and having a proportion of Black
members at least equal to the current proportion of Black
twelfth grade students in the State of Florida. This special
committee should be charged with the specific responsibility
of developing a desegregation plan, either alone or in con-
junction with the SUS Advisory Council. We would also sug-
gest that this special committee approve the plan and parti-
cipate in its implementation. If you decide to follow this
suggestion, we would appreciate receiving with your
response a description of the composition and the mode of
selection of the members of this special committee."
Florida's New Plan
In mid-February, 1974, state education officials, under the
auspices of former Education Commissioner Floyd Christian,
submitted a new proposal to HEW for consideration as a
compliance plan. Plan For Equalizing Educational Opportunity in
Public Higher Education in Florida was submitted in two
volumes. Volume 1 dealt with the state universities and Volume 2
addressed itself to the community colleges.
The plan for community colleges rejects quotas on student
enrollment, although community college officials suggested that
ideally Black enrollment should be proportionate to that of the
percentage of Blacks of college age in a given community college
district. Also, community college officials said they expected no
significant changes in Black employment ratios, citing a leveling

off of student enrollment, completion of the state's master plan
for community colleges and the inability of community colleges to
compete for "qualified" Black candidates.
The biracial committee Mr. Holmes suggested be formed to
help develop a desegregation plan for Florida's institutions of
higher learning was never established. Although more than 80
per cent of the university system compliance plan focuses on A.
& M. University, few Blacks were involved in the final stages of
deciding exactly what the new compliance plan should contain or
exactly what should be proposed concerning Florida A. & M.
University's role in a desegregated system.
In one of the working papers of the State University System
dated January 25, 1974, the role of FAMU in the system was
explored by the Office of Academic Affairs of the State
University System. The working paper noted, in responding to
FAMU's revised role and scope statement, that the University
had devoted itself to making certain modifications in programs
designed to attract or at least appeal to a broader range of
constituents (whites). In making its comments, the Office of
Academic Affairs also noted:
"One of the foremost criteria for the development of new
programs or continuance of existing ones is quality (under-
lined in original document). It will take time and great effort
on the part of appropriate personnel at FAMU to develop
a University attitude which recognizes that in program
development, quality (underlined in original document)
should take precedence over the special needs of Black
It is this kind of attitude which permeates many policies of
the State University System, resulting in gross under-repre-
sentation of Blacks in degree granting programs, lucrative job
opportunities and greater access to the decision-making process.
In its new plan, the state proposed that FAMU's "distinctive
thrust" be that of serving students seeking career service and
professional occupations.
The new plan avoided numerical goals for students, made no
employment commitments of any significance and did not touch
upon the subject of administrative desegregation. With regard to
a biracial committee, the State University System identified a
committee in its plan which it said would be asked to review the
plan and help monitor its implementation; development of the
plan by a biracial committee was clearly ruled out.
As of April 15, 1974 state officials were revising their new
desegregation plan.

Some Facts About State-Controlled

Higher Education

Based on the 1970 census, Black citizens represented 15.5
per cent of Florida's population. Their representation in the
state's higher education system is substantially smaller.
As of January 1, 1974 Black citizens held only 21 of 211
positions on the principal policy and decision making higher
education boards. Of these 21, 20 were on community college
boards. Only 6.1 per cent of the full-time faculty at
state-controlled senior colleges and universities were Black, and
the number and percentage were even smaller for the
community colleges.
Blacks comprised roughly 9.3 per cent of the community
college enrollees in the fall of 1973, and more than half of these
students were enrolled in non-degree programs. Only 8.5 per
cent of the students in the state-controlled universities were
Black in the fall of 1973.
These facts become much more revealing when one
examines Black presence on a systemwide basis in specific areas
such as top level decision making bodies, employment
opportunities and educational opportunities.

Black Decision Making Opportunities Are Limited
Florida's state-controlled system of higher education is
influenced and controlled by individuals involved in various
decision-making roles.
In addition to the state legislature, educational policy is
determined by boards and commissions created by state statute
and individuals appointed to these bodies to execute policy. Black
presence throughout the decision making system in Florida
ranges from small to nonexistent. Yet, it is these nearly all white
bodies, exercising almost total control over public higher
education, which have direct influence on the destinies of Black
Floridians seeking a place in higher education.

Numerical Summary of Decision Makers by Body and Race*
Body Total White Black
Florida State Senate 40 40 0
Florida House of Representativ es 120 117 3
State Board of Education 7 7 0
Commissioner of Education 1 1 0
Local Boards for Junior Colleges 194 174 20
State Board of Regents 9 8 1
*Figures are based on official state documents as of January,
Black Employment Opportunities Are Limited
An examination of key employment areas provides examples
of employment inequities on all levels of state-controlled higher
A. Of the 28 junior colleges operated with public tax dollars
in Florida in 1974, none are headed by Blacks. Ten years ago,
there were 12 junior colleges headed by Blacks. These were the
twelve Black junior colleges.
B. Of the nine public universities in Florida, only one is
headed by a Black, and that institution-Florida A. & M.
University-is the traditionally Black institution.
C. In the fall of 1973 the state's nine universities employed
6,787 faculty members. Only 414 of those individuals, 6.1 per cent
were Blacks. Furthermore, more than half of the Black faculty
employed by the nine schools were employed at Florida A. & M.
University, the traditionally Black school. Despite this, however,
Florida A. & M. had maintained the highest rate of faculty
desegregation of the nine schools.
D. Estimates of Black employment, provided by the
Department of Community Colleges for the 1972-73 academic
year, showed that Blacks were absent from or grossly
underrepresented in nearly every category of employment. The
department has not kept accurate records regarding Black
employment, but the employment picture for Community
Colleges was said to be worse than that of the University system.
Black Educational Opportunities Are Limited
State officials maintain that every student in the state has
an opportunity to pursue undergraduate and graduate-level work
in one of the schools of the public higher education system. That
assertion is true in principle, but is never realized by many Black
college aspirants in Florida.

A. Of the 99,824 students enrolled in the state's nine
universities in the fall of 1973, only 9,285, 9.2%, were Black.
Nearly half of these students were enrolled at Florida A. & M.
B. Of the 123,920 students enrolled in the state's community
colleges in the fall of 1972, only 9.3 per cent, 11,503, were Black.
Most were enrolled in two-year degree programs for vocational
C. Between the spring of 1963 and 1973 the University of
Florida College of Medicine graduated 598 students with M.D.
degrees. Only 7 of these graduates were Black.
D. In their June, 1973 compliance plan filed with the U.S.
Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Florida education
officials projected that only 16 per cent of students enrolled in
community colleges in 1972-73 would graduate with an Associate
Arts (college parallel) degree, and that less than one in 10 of
these students would be Black. Numerically, fewer than 250
Blacks were awarded A.A. degrees in the spring of 1973.



J. J. Daniel, Chairman
Marshall M. Criser, Vice Chairman
Palm Beach

Chester H. Ferguson

James J. Gardener
Fort Lauderdale

E. W. Hopkins, Jr.

D. Burke Kibler, III.

Jack McGriff

Julius F. Parker, Jr.

Mrs. E. D. Pearce

Term Expires

January, 1980

January, 1979

January, 1979

January, 1981

January, 1978

January, 1976

January, 1982

January, 1977

January, 1975



Brevard Community College
County Comprising District: Brevard:
Membership: 4 Whites 1 Black
Broward Community College
County Comprising District: Broward
Membership: 5 Whites 0 Blacks
Central Florida Community College
Counties Comprising District: Marion, Citrus, Levy
Membership: 6 Whites 1 Black
Chipola Community College
Counties Comprising District: Jackson, Calhoun, Holmes,
Washington Membership: 9 Whites 0 Blacks
Daytona Beach Community College
Counties Comprising District: Volusia, Flagler
Membership: 7 Whites 1 Black
Edison Community College
Counties Comprising District: Lee, Charlotte, Collier
Membership: 6 Whites 1 Black
Florida Junior College at Jacksonville
Counties Comprising District: Duval, Nassau
Membership: 7 Whites 1 Black
Florida Keys Community College
Counties Comprising District:
Membership: 4 Whites 1 Black
Gulf Coast Community College
Counties Comprising District: Gay, Gulf
Membership: 7 Whites 1 Black
Hillsborough Community College
County Comprising District:
Membership: 4 Whites 1 Black
Indian River Community College
Counties Comprising District: St. Lucie, Indian River, Martin,
Okeechobee Membership: 8 Whites 1 Black
Lake City Community College
Counties Comprising District: Columbia, Baker, Dixie, Gilchrist,
Union. Membership: 9 Whites 0 Blacks

Lake-Sumter Community College
Counties Comprising District: Lake, Sumter
Membership: 8 Whites 1 Black
Manatee Community College
County Comprising District: Manatee
Membership: 4 Whites 1 Black
Miami-Dade Community College
County Comprising District: Dade
Membership: 4 Whites 1 Black
North Florida Community College
Counties Comprising District: Madison, Taylor, Hamilton,
Jefferson, Lafayette Membership: 9 Whites 0 Blacks
Okaloosa-Walton Community College
County Comprising District: Okaloosa-Walton
Membership: 8 Whites 0 Blacks
Palm Beach Community College
County Comprising District: Palm Beach
Membership: 4 Whites 1 Black
Pasco-Hernando Community College
County Comprising Distict: Pasco-Hernando
Membership: 8 Whites 1 Black
Pensacola Community College
Counties Comprising District: Escombia, Santa Rosa
Membership: 7 Whites 1 Black
Polk Community College
County Comprising District: Polk
Membership: 4 Whites 1 Black
St. John's River Community College
Counties Comprising District: Putnam, Clay, St. John's
Membership: 6 Whites 1 Black
St. Petersburgh Community College
Counties Comprising Distict:
Membership: 5 Whites 0 Blacks
Santa Fe Community College
Counties Comprising District: Alachua, Bradford
Membership: 7 Whites 1 Black
Seminole Community College
County Comprising District: Seminole
Membership: 4 Whites 1 Blacks

South Florida Junior College
Counties Comprising District: Highlands, Hardee
Membership: 9 Whites 0 Blacks
Tallahassee Community College
Counties Comprising District: Leon, Gadsden, Wakulla
Membership: 7 Whites 0 Blacks
Valencia Community College
County Comprising District: Orange
Membership: 4 Whites 1 Black


John Egerton, author of the Public Negro Colleges:
Integration and Disintegration, published by the Race Relations
Information Center, found in 1971 the general security of most
traditionally Black colleges to be in jeopardy. Based on Egerton's
study the following situations have been identified:

Three public Negro colleges have been annexed by larger
and older public universities that are predominantly white:
Maryland State College at Princess Anne is now the
University of Maryland-Eastern Shore
Prairie View A&M College is now part of the Texas
A&M University administrative structure
Arkansas AM&N College is now the University of
Arkansas at Pine Bluff
Three others now have a majority of white students:
Bluefield State College in Bluefield: West Virginia
West Virginia State College in Institute, West Virginia
Lincoln University in Jefferson City, Mo.
Three others have white enrollments of 30 to 40 percent and
appear likely to become majority-white within a few years:
Delaware State College in Dover, Del.
Bowie State College in Bowie, Md.
Kentucky State College in Frankfort, Ky.
Fourteen others have direct competition from predominant-
ly white state institutions located in the same communities:
Florida A&M University at Tallahassee
Alabama A&M University at Huntsville
Alabama State University at Montgomery
Albany (Ga.) State College
Savannah (Ga.) State College
Grambling (La.) State College
Southern University in Baton Rouge, New Orleans and
Shreveport, La.
Morgan State College in Baltimore, Md.
Coppin State College in Baltimore, Md.
Tennessee State University in Nashville
Texas Southern University in Houston

Norfolk (Va.) State College
Virginia State College at Petersburg
Four others are within easy commuting distance of a
predominantly white state institution:
North Carolina Central University in Durham
Central State University in Wilberforce, Ohio
Cheyney State College in Cheyney, Pa.
Mississippi Valley State College at Itta Bena
The remaining eight institutions are:
Fort Valley (Ga.) State College
Alcorn A&M College in Lorman, Miss.
Jackson (Miss.) State College
Elizabeth City (N.C.) State University
Fayetteville (N.C.) State University
Winston-Salem (N.C.) State University
Langston (Okla.) University
South Carolina State College at Orangeburg

Data for this document were based on personal interviews
with private citizens and public officials in the State of Florida,
official state and federal documents dealing with higher
education in Florida, and information from the race Relations
Information Center, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational
Fund and the John Hay Whitney Foundation. Contents of this
document do not necessarily reflect the views of these
organizations or individuals.

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