The European and the Indian

Material Information

The European and the Indian ;European-Indian contacts in Georgia and Florida
Series Title:
Florida Anthropological Society publications ;
Smith, Hale Gilliam
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla
Florida Anthropological Society
Publication Date:
Number 4, 1946
Physical Description:
150 pages : illustrations, maps ; 23 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Acculturation ( lcsh )
Indians of North America -- Florida ( lcsh )
Indians of North America -- Georgia ( lcsh )
Acculturation ( fast )
Indians of North America ( fast )
Florida ( fast )
Georgia ( fast )
serial ( sobekcm )
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )


Adapted from thesis, University of Michigan.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 137-150).
General Note:
Adapted from thesis, University of Michigan.
General Note:
Rep. 1968, Johnson Reprint Corp.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Florida Anthropologist Society, Inc. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
658080477 ( OCLC )
572 SMI ( ddc )

Full Text
NUMBER 4 1956
Reprinted with the permission of the Florida Anthropological Society
111 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10003 Berkeley Square House, London, W. 1

Donated by Jerry Margotta
as part of the
H.G. Pilcher Collection
First reprinting, 1968, Johnson Reprint Corporation
Printed in the United States of America


European-Indian Contacts
in Georgia and Florida
Florida Anthropological Society Publications
Number 4


The area now included within the boundaries of the present
state of Florida has had a longer period of Euro-American settle
ment than any other section of the United States. Over a period
of three centuries the aboriginal cultures were receiving stimuli
from the Spanish, the English, and the French. The Spanish in
fluence, however, was more intensive for a longer period.
In the excavation of various Spanish-Indian sites in Florida
during 1946/47, it was noted that there were remarkable differences
between the materials procured from these sites and materials
found in English-Indian sites of Georgia and Alabama. With
similar aboriginal conditions in both Georgia and Florida and with
each area subject to the predominant influence of a different Euro
pean nation, we have a situation that approaches a controlled type
of laboratory experiment. It was hoped that a study of the various
known historical sites in northern Florida (above the TampaVero
Beach line) might reveal what elements of the aboriginal culture
were the first to be abandoned and what substitutes were made.
The problem resolved itself into an analysis and synthesis of
the archaeological and historical materials pertaining to the effects
of diverse European (Spanish and English) cultures upon the
aboriginal cultures of Florida and Georgia. This analysis and
synthesis has viewed the culture change reflected in archaeological
materials from the inception of European influences into this area
until the 1800 time period.
This paper was originally written in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the Ph.D. degree at the Horace H. Rackham
School of Graduate Studies, University of Michigan. The present
version is slightly abbreviated and rearranged.
I wish to express my gratitude especially to Dr. James B. Griffin
for his instruction, guidance, and co-operation; to Dr. John M.
Goggin for giving me access to his file and unpublished manuscripts;
to Dr. Irving Rouse for allowing me to read his manuscript copy
of A Survey of Indian River Archeology, Florida; to Mr. John W.
Griffin and Mr. Ripley P. Bullen for giving me access to their files
and use of their negatives; to Dr. William H. Sears, Dr. Charles
H. Fairbanks, Dr. Wesley R. Hurt, and Mr. Albert C. Manucy for
allowing me to read various unpublished manuscripts. Since this
paper was completed in 1950, several of these manuscripts have been
I want to express, also, my appreciation to Dr. Edwin R. Walker
for his patience and encouragement.
Publication has been made possible by the Research Council
of Florida State University.
H. G. S.

1500-1600 1
II. MIDDLE PERIOD 1600-1700 39
PERIOD 1700-1800 79

I. SITES OF THE 1500-1600 PERIOD 12
II. SITES OF THE 1600-1700 PERIOD 45
IV. SITES OF THE 1700-1800 PERIOD 84

Prior to the arrival of Europeans in Florida, the stateas we
all knowwas inhabited by Indians. The present study is particu
larly interested to see what happened when Europeans arrived.
What happened to the Indians when the Spaniards came? What
happened when Englishmen arrived? Was the effect in Florida like
that in neighboring Georgia?
European contacts with the Florida Indians were first slight; for
the most part hostility appeared on both sides. The earliest ex
plorations and attempts at colonization of Florida were made by
the Spanish. The Council of the Indies claimed that since 1510
fleets and ships had gone to Florida, and Florida is shown on the
Cantino map of 1502 (Lowery, 1901, p. 123). It is, of course, highly
probable that Florida was known soon after, if not before, the
first voyage of Columbus.
The voyage of John Cabot in 1497 may have taken him into the
Florida area (Lowery, ibid., p. 123). This voyage is still under con
troversy as is the alleged expedition of Vespucci in 1497. These
early voyages of discovery had virtually no influence upon the native
American groups or their culture.1 It was not until later when the
Spanish came in larger numbers and stayed in the area for an ex
tended time that we get any indication of cultural change.
3Appendix A, page 115, presents archaeological data pertaining to the aborigi
nal areas and periods in Florida before, and immediately following, discovery.

In 1513 Juan Ponce de Leon, who had been with Columbus on
his second voyage and later had been Governor of Puerto Rico,
obtained a royal grant authorizing him to discover and settle
Bimini, a fabulous island believed to contain a fountain of youth.
The original journals of Ponce de Leon were lost; however, Her
rera (1720) gives an account of the journey. From the existent
narratives of his expedition, there is some question as to which
ethnic groups he contacted. Lowery (op. cit., pp. 142, 446) believes
that he dealt mainly with the Calusa.
Davis (1935, pp. 18, 20), in his study of the Ponce de Leon
voyages to Florida, mentions that among the Indians encountered
by this expedition, there was one who understood Spanish. The
hostile nature of the Indians and the presence of a Spanish speaker
indicate to Swan ton (1946, p. 35) that Ponce de Leon was not the
first Spaniard to reach Florida.
It is known that his first voyage was along the eastern coast of
Florida, and Lawson (1946) believes he reached and landed at the
present site of St. Augustine.2 Rouse (1951, p. 49) believes that in
all probability the Florida Indians met by Ponce de Leon were the
Ais, who occupied the Indian River archaeological area (See Map
V, p. 117).
After the 1513 Ponce de Leon voyage until 1526, there was a
period of exploration, trading, and attempted settlement of the
Florida area. In 1516 Diego Miruelo made a trading expedition for
gold along the gulf, and in 1519 Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda sailed
along the west Florida coast as far as Mobile Bay, if not to the Missis
sippis mouth. Francisco Hernandez de Cordova in 1517 attempted
to make a landing upon the southeast coast of Florida but was re
pulsed (Diaz del Castillo, 1927, p. 35). Ponce de Leon in 1521
again attempted to establish a settlement in Florida among the
Calusa according to Lowery (op. cit., p. 158), Davis (op. cit., pp. 63-
64)j and Swanton (1946, p. 36). On this trip Ponce de Leon, after
having touched the Island of Tortugas, was fatally wounded during
an Indian attack upon the group as they were getting settled in
their new location.
By 1520 slave raids were being made upon the Florida Indians.
Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon made a voyage during that year and pos-
2 See also Scisco, 1913, and Davis, op. cit.

sibly discovered the St. Johns River. This was another voyage of
settlement. It has been suggested that the region of attempted set
tlement was in the area of South Carolina (Lowery, op. cit., pp.
153-57). Here the natives were friendly and easy prey for his
expedition. Their friendliness may indicate their lack of knowledge
of the Spaniards in contrast to the unfriendly Calusa at a compar
able time. The Calusa being closer to the Greater Antilles un
doubtedly felt the slave-raiding parties first, and their unfriend
liness was a reaction to the Spanish hostile advances occurring
probably before the 1513 voyage of Ponce de Leon.
The Panfilo de Narvaez expedition reached Florida in 1528;
and according to Swan ton (1946, p. 37), probably landed near
Johns Pass, just north of Tampa Bay in Timucua territory. From
here the group moved inland and proceeded to Apalachee country
while the three ships continued up the coast. During all of their
time in Apalachee territory they were subjected to Indian attacks.
After leaving this area, the group went to the Pensacola area by
boat and here too fell among hostile natives. The survivors of
this expedition eventually reached Mexico after traveling overland
on foot (Cabeza de Vaca, 1905, pp. 9-54).
The expedition of Narvaez was the first to penetrate into the
interior of Florida. During their northward march they apparently
encountered only one or two Indian villages until they came into
the Apalachee area (Swanton, 1922, p. 334). During the trek
through the central part of the Florida Peninsula, they went to a
village where:
... we found many boxes for merchandise from Castilla.
In every one of them was a corpse covered with painted deer
hides. We also found pieces of linen and cloth, and feather
head dresses that seemed to be from New Spain, and samples
of gold (Bandelier, 1905, pp. 12-13).
The Indians told Narvaez that this material had come from the
Apalachee area. When Narvaez reached his first Apalachee town,
he was received in a hostile manner, and this hostility lasted until
they had left this area.
The next major exploration conducted in Florida was that of
Hernando De Soto in 1539/40. This expedition has received great

attention due to the various narratives produced after its close
(Garcilaso de la Vega, Gentlemen of Elvas, Ranjel, and Biedma).
As the others before it, this enterprise also ended in disaster. From
the time of the failure of De Sotos expedition to the settlement of
the French at the mouth of the St. Johns, no very active measures
were taken by the Spanish government in regard to Florida.
The De Soto march through Florida met the same general
hostile resistance as the Narvaez expedition. However, the group
spent the winter of 1539/40 in the Apalachee territory at the town
of Iniahica. Many of the supplies that had been brought to Florida
for this expedition were either given away or buried along the
route (Garcilaso, 1723).
The expedition landed at either Tampa Bay (Swanton, 1939)
or Charlotte Harbor (Wilkinson, personal communication). This
group was the second large expedition to travel the interior of
Florida. It was composed of 600 men, camp followers, livestock,
and provisions. Their first contacts were probably through Timu-
cuan territory until they crossed the Aucilla River into Apalachee
country. After spending a winter among these people, they moved
on into Georgia.
During this time, however, various wrecks occurred along the
Florida coast, particularly the southern portions. Most of these
wrecks apparently occurred in the Straits of Florida; and so, in
rescuing shipwrecked sailors, probably the Ais were contacted from
time to time by the Spanish.
Initially the main factor behind the Spanish explorations of
Florida was economic: the search for gold, slaves, land, skins, and
any other commodity that might prove of value. A secondary factor,
which mainly was a moral means of obtaining wealth, was the desire
of some to convert the aborigines to Christianity. The attitude
of the Spanish during this period is well illustrated by Narvaez in his
proclamation to the Indians (Brinton, 1859, pp. 15-16). This
proclamation was issued in case the peoples preferred their own
religion to that of their invaders and the rule of their chief instead
of the King of Spain. Narvaez said:
. With the aid of God and my own sword I shall march
upon you; with all means and from all sides I shall war
against you; I shall compel you to obey the Holy Church and

his Majesty; I shall seize you. ; your property shall I take
and destroy, and every possible harm shall I work you as re
fractory subjects.
Colonization was held at a minimum during the 1500-1600
period because gold in quantities was not found by the various
expeditions. Evidently during the first half of the sixteenth cen
tury, there was little gold to be had in Florida; however, relatively
more came into circulation after the Plate Fleet began meeting
with disaster on various Florida reefs.
The Spanish did not have extended direct contact with the
Indians of the interior according to the evidence from the Indian
sites of the Everglades region where most of the gold has been found
by contemporary professional goldhunters, amateur archaeologists,
and archaeologists.
Moreover, during this period, there was no preoccupation with
a concentrated program of conversion of the Indians such as oc
curred later, especially throughout northern Florida.
The latter half of the sixteenth century began a period of de
velopment caused by economic forces brought about by political
and religious developments in France and England. In order to
protect her shipping lanes, Spain was forced to extend her control
along the Florida coast.
The Spanish viceroy of Mexico, Luis de Velasco, planned for
the occupation of Florida to be not one of conquest, but to have
all intercourse with the Indians on a friendly basis. In September,
1558, Guido de Labazares was sent to explore the Florida coast
and select the best port he found for a projected settlement. Upon
his return he reported in favor of Pensacola Bay (Winsor, 1886,
Vol. II, pp. 256-57).
Upon receiving this information, Tristan de Luna y Arellano
began to make preparations for an expedition. The colonists sailed
from Vera Cruz on June 11, 1559. The group included 500 soldiers,
1,000 servants and settlers, four Dominicans, and a large group of
Mexican Indians (Swanton, 1922, p. 159; Lowery, 1901, pp. 351-77;
Priestly, 1928, 1936; Winsor, op. cit.). The exact landing of this
group is questionable. It probably was Pensacola Bay, Mobile
Bay, Perdido Bay, or Choctowhatchee Bay. In general it seems
the concensus of opinion is that Mobile Bay was where they landed

initially and that later there was a movement to Pensacola Bay.
Before the stores could be landed, a hurricane destroyed five
ships, a galleon, a bark, and carried one caravel and its cargo inland.
Scouting parties were sent out, and the main group proceeded in
land in 1560 to the Indian village of Nanipacna where they slowly
starved to death.
De Luna left a group of fifty men and negro slaves at the port.
The Spanish evidently made no attempt to cultivate the Indian
fields or to raise anything for their own support (Winsor, 1886,
p. 258).
A petition was made to, and ignored by, De Luna to move back
to Mobile. The move was made however in June, 1560. Upon their
return to Mobile Bay, two ships arrived that took the women, chil
dren, and sick to Havana and New Spain.
A scouting party that had stopped in the Coosa area were
getting along well, but the majority of the group refused to follow
De Luna from Mobile to Coosa when he wished to set up a base
there in 1560.
From September, 1560, to April, 1561, the expedition stayed
along Pensacola Bay. Angel de Villafanes fleet, on its way to Santa
Elena, stopped at Pensacola Bay and most of De Lunas men left
with him. When De Luna embarked for Havana, only fifty or
sixty men were left under the command of Biedma with orders to
remain for five or six months.
This expedition, as a whole, probably had little effect upon the
aboriginal material culture.
In 1561, after so many disastrous expeditions to Florida and such
slight material gain, the area was closed to exploration by Royal
Proclamation (Lowery, 1901, p. 376). This proclamation was vetoed
in 1562 when news of the Huguenot settlement reached Spain.
In 1562 Jean Ribaut and his Huguenot expedition touched
Florida but traveled northward. Ribaut left twenty-eight men on
the South Carolina coast to remain while the ships went back to
France. What was left of this settlement was destroyed in 1564 by
Hernando de Manrique de Rojas from Cuba (Swanton, 1946, p. 61).
He came up the east coast and captured one Frenchman and re
moved one of the stone columns erected by Ribaut (Lowery, 1905,
pp. 45-48). A second French Huguenot group led by Rene de Lau-
donniere arrived in Florida in 1564 and settled a few miles from

the mouth of the St. Johns River. The Spanish, led by Pedro
Menendez de Aviles, destroyed most of this group in 1565. Because
the French were unable to secure enough food for their sustenance,
some had gone to live with the Indians. The alleged reason for
the Spanish destruction of the French in this area was the religious
beliefs of the Huguenots. As has been stated above, the actual rea
son for clearing the area of Frenchmen was to protect Spanish
holdings in the Caribbean.3
After the execution of the Huguenots, Menendez founded St.
Augustine (1565) and established forts at San Mateo (Fort Caro
line), Avista, Guale, and St. Helena.
Except for this incident, Spains control of the Florida peninsula
and the coast northward as far as South Carolina remained secure
until much later when English settlements in Georgia and South
Carolina forced Spain to move southward.
Menendez had been appointed by Phillip of Spain as adelan-
tado of Florida. In establishing St. Augustine, he initially fortified
a pre-existing aboriginal town of Cacique Seloy. Aside from the
establishment of the above forts, other smaller posts were built
in Ais, Tekesta, and Calusa territory; but these were shortly
The territory of the Ais had not been visited by explorers from
1513 when Ponce de Leon probably contacted them (Rouse, 1951,
p. 49) until 1565 when Jean Ribaut passed by their area. Ribaut
stopped and rescued two shipwrecked sailors, one of whom had been
there for fourteen years. During this brief stopover, some silver
was obtained from the Ais (Hakluyt, 1941, p. 48). The treasure
ships had begun to travel with a certain amount of regular traffic
by 1551. Many were wrecked because of storms and reefs.
After the Spanish massacre of most of the French, some who es
caped went to the Ais area, built a fort, and attempted to build a
ship in order to return to their homeland. Menendez heard from
the Indians about this and destroyed the fort and the boat. Some
of the Frenchmen were captured, while others escaped to the
wilderness (Rouse, 1951, p. 50; Solis de Meras, 1893, pp. 124-26).
3 See also Fairbanks, 1871; Parkman, 1880; Shea, 1884-89, 1886; Ribaut, 1927;
Lorant, 1946; Solis de Meras, 1923; Conner, 1925, 1930; Zubillaga, 1946; Camin,
1944; Vargas Ugarte, 1935, 1940; Chatelain, 1941.

The destruction of Fort Caroline and the killing of the Hugue
nots by the Spanish was received with indifference at the French
court. However, Dominique de Gourgues, a friend of Ribauts,
came to America and captured and killed the Spanish at Fort San
Mateo in 1568. This Frenchmans reprisal for the death of the
Huguenots also extended to the destruction of the fort itself.
Menendez, after contacting the French in the Cape Canaveral
area, headed for Havana in order to obtain supplies for St. Augus
tine. On his trip via the Banana and Indian Rivers, he passed
many abandoned Indian villages, at which he left mirrors, knives,
scissors, and bells as a gesture of friendship (Rouse, 1951, p. 50).
When Menendez reached the chief town of the Ais, he was
received most hospitably and traded the Ais knives, mirrors, and
scissors (Barrientos, 1902, pp. 77-78). Before leaving, he made
arrangements for 200 men to stay near the Ais town. However,
when he continued his trip to Havana, the Ais attacked the men
left behind; so they moved to the south where the Guacata Indians
were more friendly. At this settlement a fort was built and called
Santa Lucia. When a supply ship arrived, the soldiers wished to
leave, but were ordered to stay. A mutiny arose; the supply ship
was seized, and the mutineers set sail for Havana. This ship was
intercepted by Menendez who was returning to St. Augustine
(Barrientos, 1902, pp. 96-97; Menendez, 1893, p. 111).
Mathew W. Stirling (1935, p. 385) says that Menendez had a
meeting with about 1500 Indians in the Cape Canaveral area.
Rouse (1951, p. 51) believes this is an error committed by Fair
banks (1871, p. 139) and that the council actually was held on
Tampa Bay among the Tocobaga, a Timucua group (see Swan ton,
1922, p. 329; 1946, p. 196).
The series of blockhouses established by Menendez was designed
to assist various shipwrecked sailors and to keep the Indians pacified.
However, most of the blockhouses constructed south of St. Augus
tine in the Ais, Jeaga (Menendez et al., 1925, p. 67), and Tekesta
regions were only maintained from 1566 to the spring of 1568. At
that time the Indians forced them to be abandoned. This included
the relatively secure Santa Lucia blockhouse.
Menendez attempted to re-establish these blockhouses in the
same year (1568), but it is believed that only the Tekesta post was
again manned. This was again given up in 1569 (Zubillaga, 1941,

pp. 348-50). Jesuit priests brought over by Menendez, were also
using the blockhouses as missions. When these were abandoned, the
Jesuits became discouraged and finally withdrew from Florida in
The first mission activity took place among the Ais, Tekesta,
Carlos, and Guale. Lowery (1905, p. 347) states there were no
missions in the St. Johns area as the natives at St. Augustine and
San Mateo were too upset by the Spanish. At St. Augustine, ar
rangements had been made to give religious instruction to the
children of Saturiba and Tacatacuru, but these plans too had to be
abandoned (Lowery, 1905, p. 353; Vargas Ugarte, 1935, p. 65).
Several chiefs and leading Indians from the coastal blockhouse
settlements of southern Florida were taken to Havana. Three were
taken to Spain by Menendez so that they might learn about Chris
tian ways of life.
In an attempt to determine whether a mission was present in
the Ais area at this time, Rouse (1951, p. 52) refers to Zubillagas
publications (1941, pp. 292-302; 1946, pp. 49-51) where it is stated
that the only missions in south Florida were at the Calusa and
Tekesta blockhouses. Rouse sees that this implies the Calusa and
Tekesta were the only Indians with whom Menendez had friendly
contacts. Therefore, if Zubillaga is right, the Ais were not affected
by these missionary activities. The publications of Swanton (1922,
p. 333) and Chatelain (1941, p. 122, Map 21) indicate missions at
Santa Lucia and in the Ais territory. Higgs (1942, pp. 27-28) and
Andrews (1945, p. 154), however, indicate only a single mission and
that at Santa Lucia. These authorities contradict Zubillagas ma
Although the Jesuits withdrew in 1572, the Franciscans came
to Florida during the next year but did not begin concentrated
activity until 1583 (Geiger, 1937, p. 46). Their first efforts were
to the north of St. Augustine in the Guale missions. There was a
Guale revolt in 1597 which stopped the missionary activities there
for a short time (Ore, 1936).
Other incidents worthy of note during the 1500-1600 period are
found in the affidavits, drawn up by Menendez in 1573/74, concern
ing the cruelties of the Ais Indians (Menendez et al., 1925). In
1570 the Chief of the Rea in Ais territory was given eighty reales
in a treaty of peace with the Spanish (Swanton, 1922, p. 342).

However, shortly thereafter a captain and six of his crew were
killed while the rest escaped to St. Augustine. The captives were
later exchanged for cloth, linen, and hatchets (Menendez et al.,
1925, pp. 39-41, 61, 67-69, 71, 75).
In another case twenty ducats were offered, and refused, for
the ransom of a Spanish mother and her three children. These
people were on a Spanish hide-vessel captured by the English who
put the occupants of the ship ashore in the Jeaga district; all were
killed except the mother and three children and one sailor who was
thought to be dead (ibid., pp. 47, 51, 55, 59, 64, 71, 75).
Two other hide ships were wrecked; all the survivors were killed
except some who escaped to St. Augustine and six or seven who
were made slaves. Some of this group were ransomed (ibid., pp.
33, 49, 71).
In December, 1571, two boats under Menendez were sailing in
the Cape Canaveral region. Menendez boat wrecked, but he was
able to return to St. Augustine safely (ibid., pp. 33-35, 41, 47-49).
The other boat put in at Indian River Inlet and was seized and
burned by the Indians. All but two of the crew were killed. These
two were presented as gifts to the Chief of the Tekesta who then
murdered them (ibid., pp. 39, 41, 47, 51, 57, 61, 69, 71, 75).
In a gesture of friendship, Menendez sent Anton Martinez to
visit the Ais Cacique with gifts of cassina leaves; but this emissary
was shot at before he was able to land and so returned with arrows
in his back as proof of the hostility of the Indians (ibid., p. 55).
In 1597 Gonzalo Mendez de Canzo, on his way to St. Augustine
from Havana to take over the post of governor, stopped among the
Ais and was well received. His boat was met by fifteen canoes.
The Indians supplied the group with fish, wood, and water for
which they received gifts including a piece of Canzos clothing.
When he was leaving, the Cacique asked Canzo to visit him again,
and he was promised an emissary (Serrano y Sanz, 1912, pp. 139-40).
This emissary was killed in his travel from St. Augustine to the
Ais area by the Surruque. The Governor avenged this death by
killing sixty, and by enslaving fifty-four, of the Indians including a
Surruque chief (Geiger, 1937, pp. 137-39; Swanton, 1922, p. 337).
During the Early Historic period 1500-1600, trade goods, al
though present, were not coming into Florida in any great quantity.
The bulk of European materials received by the Indians probably

came to them from the wrecks of various vessels. French influence
upon the aboriginal cultures was practically negligible for several
reasons: (1) They were in Florida only a short period. (2) They
were there mainly for purposes other than trade. (3) While they
were there, their efforts were directed, for the most part, to obtaining
subsistence from what they called a barren land.
The Spanish contacts during the 1500-1600 period were also
relatively light because of the Indians reluctance, for the most
part, to associate with this group due to the manner in which they
were treated by the Spanish. Also, the Spanish were having dif
ficulty in finding enough food to support themselves, and the
Indians withdrew rather than be forced to supply them with food.
The 1500-1600 period has been called simply the Early period
without any attempt to break it down into subperiods. Rouse (1951,
p. 257) in his work in the Indian River area has designated two
distinctive periods as occurring during the 1500-1600 period: the
Period of Exploration, 1512-63, and the Period of Hostility, 1564-
The Indian River area appears to have Spanish influences early.
This influence continued until a late date because of the critical
geographical location. The Ais were therefore probably a good
indicator as to the effects of Spanish culture upon an aboriginal
Florida group peripheral to St. Augustine, away from the mission
chain, and in contact, for the most part, with military personnel.
Archaeological Sites of the 1500-1600 Period
The following sites are those known to include European ma
terials in their total trait assemblage. Many of the sites yielded
historical materials under such conditions it is apparent they have
no correlation with the aboriginal artifacts. When European ma
terials were intrusive into earlier prehistoric mounds, the earlier
aboriginal material has been omitted from the description. How
ever, if there was fairly clear contemporaneity between the Euro
pean and aboriginal materials, the latter is taken into consideration.
To date, we have knowledge of twelve aboriginal sites on the
east coast and ten on the west coast of Florida fulfilling these con
ditions. The east coast sites include two middens and ten mounds,
while those of the west coast consist of three cemeteries and seven

1. Dunns Creek Mound
2. North Mound, Murphy Island
3. Spruce Creek Mound
4. Thursby Mound
5. Mound near Fort Mason
6. Ginns Grove
7. Cooks Ferry Mound
8. Raulersons Mound
9. Arrowhead Ranch
10. Bear Lake
11. Burns Site
12. Gleason Mound
13. South Indian Fields
14. Safety Harbor
15. Thomas Mound
16. Mound on Marsh Island
17. Work Place
18. St. Marks Wildlife Refuge Cemetery
19. Chipola Cutoff
20. Bunker Cutoff
21. Cemetery near Point Washington
22. Cemetery on Hogtown Bayou
23. Mound at Bear Point, Alabama

Dunns Creek Mound (Pu-14)
At Dunns Creek occurred a truncated sand mound, 10 feet high
and 210 feet in circumference (Moore, 1894a, p. 8). This mound
contained areas where the sand had been mixed with iron oxide.
The top 4 feet of the Dunns Creek Mound was of a reddish color.
Burials occurred only in this area. The European trade materials
also occurred in this stratum.
The construction of the mound was in the following manner.
Initially a prepared base of white sand was laid down, over which
yellow sand was heaped to a height of 6 feet. A red mantle was
then prepared and added.
In the red mantle an isolated skull was found in a hematite
pocket (Moore, 1894a, p. 8) in association with shell beads, pot
tery, and two spherical copper buttons with metal loops soldered
on. Other European materials found in this red mantle included
two iron axes (ibid., Fig. 36), two iron cold-chisels, a silver pen
dant, a circular chipped-glass fragment which may have been a
bottle bottom, one blue glass bead, and a copper hawk-bell. Abo
riginal materials in association with historic materials included
pottery, six stone celts, disc and tubular shell beads, various-sized
projectile points, a leaf-shaped chert implement, killed Busycon
cups, two steatite beads, and a tool made from the axis of a Fascio-
laria shell. A killed Busycon cup was also in association with a
flexed burial.
In the red mantle the pottery associated with burials and his
torical materials included six thick St. Johns-paste sherds, three
St. Johns Check Stamped, one plain pebble-rubbed sherd, and one
sherd with tooling peculiar to the St. Johns area. One of the St.
Johns Check Stamped sherds has a marked incurved rim, a rounded
lip, and small check (PMHU, 93-13-N, 49579).4
The brass hawk-bell measures 2.1 cm. in vertical diameter and
2.4 cm. horizontal diameter. The stem is a thin brass band, 5 mm.
wide and 9 mm. high, with an opening, 7 mm. wide. A raised brass
band encircles the center of the hemisphere. The aperture at the
* The following abbreviations are used: PMHU, Peabody Museum, Harvard
University; MAI-HF, Museum of American Indian, Heye Foundation; UMMA,
University of Michigan, Museum of Anthropology; ROM, Royal Ontario Mu
seum; USNM, United States National Museum.

base of the bell is dumbbell shaped (PMHU, 93-13-N, 49600).
In the yellow-sand zone of the mound, Moore found a shell pin
with a cylindrical head (PMHU, 93-13-N, 49595), projectile points
of various sizes, a banded slate hone, two tobacco pipes, and
The pottery from this zone includes St. Johns Plain (MAI-HF,
17/4980), Dunns Creek Red (UMMA-254), Weeden Island-like
plain (Moore, 1894a, PI. Ill, 1), Weeden Island-like punctate upon
St. Johns paste (UMMA-257), Weeden Island-like incised (Moore,
1894a, PL II, 1, 2, 3), and an unclassified dowel-marked type (ibid..,
The Dunns Creek Red sherd has an incurved rim with hori
zontally protruding exterior flange which might have been intended
to represent a duck tail.
Moore (ibid., p. 13) mentions that the check-stamped ware
was most abundant near the surface. From what information is
available, it appears that the pottery of the St. Johns tradition oc
curred in the upper stratum.
Construction of the Dunns Creek Mound was begun, we believe,
either in a protohistoric or early-historic time period. If the mound
as a whole was constructed at one period, it is an historic mound.
However, if the yellow-sand mound was constructed and there was
a time lapse between the completion of this section and the placing
of the red-stained cap, the initial stage was earlier.
The presence of the knobbed shell pin suggests a rather late dat
ing of the yellow-sand stratum. The presence of Weeden Island-like
sherds and vessels indicates connections at this time with this cul
ture. The aboriginal material in the red cap area appears to be
contemporary with the historic materials.
Due to the lack of Weeden Island-like sherds in the top stratum,
we believe it can be assumed that prior to the historic period,
Weeden Island influences were being felt in this area; but they
were discontinued, for some reason, by historic times. The two clay
tobacco pipes found in the yellow-sand layer were of St. Johns
paste (PMHU, 93-13-N). However, one of these pipes (Moore,
1894a, Fig. 3) has a stylistic bird-effigy bowl reminiscent of Weeden
Island effigy forms. With this evidence one would conclude that
there was an interruption in the building of this mound, with the
later people adding the topmost red-stained stratum.

The historic materials are those which fall into the late sixteenth-
and early seventeenth-century period. The construction of a cap
upon a pre-existing mound seems to place this site earlier than
Raulersons or the North Mound at Murphy Island where
later burials were only intrusive into pre-existing structures. Goggin
(1952, p. 58) has assigned this mound to St. Johns Ha and lie
North Mound, Murphy Island (Pu-20)
The northernmost mound (basal diameter of 80 feet, summit
plateau of 21 feet with a height of 11 feet 9 inches) on Murphy
Island excavated by Moore (1896, pp. 503-15) yielded a variety
of aboriginal and European materials. Wyman (1875, p. 42) also
describes this mound in his St. Johns paper. This mound was con
structed of white sand with the marginal portions and other areas
having a large amount of iron oxide present. Moore (op. cit., p.
503) also mentions that a small percentage of clay was mixed with
the sand.
The European trade material occurred in what Moore (ibid., p.
513) called intrusive deposits. The deepest burial of this group was
3 feet below the surface. In association with the deepest burial was
an iron axe (ROM-HH73), an unidentified iron tool (ROM-HH74),
and glass beads. There were two cylindrical glass beads (MAI-HF,
17/58-59) with red, blue, green, and white stripes. The dimensions
of these beads were 3.15 by 6.5 mm. There were thirty-one chevron
beads (MAI-HF, 17/57). Also present were eleven long blue cylin
drical beads with twisted grooves on the surface. These beads varied
from 4.8 mm. to 1.4 mm. by 6 mm. A bone comb (described by
Moore, ibid., as being of leather) and chisel of stone were present
with a burial 2.5 feet below the surface. The third burial, 1.5 feet
below the surface, had in association an iron knife, two iron chisels,
an iron hatchet, and an unidentified iron tool. The fourth burial
area contained an iron hoe, a narrow-bladed iron axe (ROM-HH72),
and a stone celt.
At a depth of 13 feet in association with human remains,
Moore (ibid., p. 514) reports the finding of a small piece of iron
with the appearance of the lower section of a small nail. This piece
might have significance; however, due to the excavation techniques

used by Moore, it is best to list it as he did, an object of undeter
mined derivation.
The burials in the mound proper and those with European trade
materials were all of the bundle type. Single bundle burials as
well as mass scattered burials were present. This condition is
similar, on a larger scale, to that present at Raulersons.
The majority of the ceramic, shell, copper, and stone artifacts
were found in the center of the mound between 10 and 15 feet deep.
These materials resemble early Weeden Island artifacts of the north
west coast. Unfortunately all of the vessels discovered by Moore
were plain. However, one of the earthenware tobacco pipes (ibid..,
p. 506, Fig. 55) has a projecting animal head that recalls Weeden
Island motifs of the northwest coast. The stone pendants also have
complementary pieces (ibid., Figs. 66, 67, 69) in Weeden Island.
The presence of sheet copper Panpipe holders (ibid., pp. 507
-09, Fig. 59) and a sheet copper crescent (10 inches long) have
parallels in other sites of the southeast. The Panpipe holder
occurs at Crystal River (Moore, 1903, p. 411, Fig. 61) and at Apa
lachicola. The crescent piece is very similar to the one illustrated
by Moorehead (1932, p. 44, Fig. 19) as coming from Moundville.
Five shell hairpins were found at the same level as the historic
materials and not at a lower depth with the bulk of the aboriginal
From all the evidence present, it appears rather conclusive that
the European trade material and artifacts in association were in
trusive into the mound, as Moore suggested.
The historic materials are similar to those found in the Rauler-
son site. It is believed that the two occurred at relatively the same
time period (1500-1600).
Mound Near Fort Mason (La-43)
The mound near Fort Mason (Moore, 1896, pp. 534-35) was
2 feet high and 50 feet in diameter. The fifteen burials were in a
primary flexed position and occurred from 12 to 18 inches below the
The pottery from this mound includes plain and check stamped
types undoubtedly of the St. Johns tradition. One punctated sherd
is also present. The trait of killing the vessels was practiced.

The aboriginal material included four projectile points, a
chipped celt, polished celts, a bead made from the lip of a Strombus,
smaller shell beads, a curved cylindrical ornament of shell with
tapering ends, and a carbonized ball of bark (?) 1 inch in diameter.
Moore suggested that the cylindrical shell object might have been
an ear ornament.
The European materials included an iron spike, a knife blade
9 inches long (hunting-knife shaped), a tubular silver bead, and a
piece of copper- or brass-coated convex bit of wood, circular with
double perforations.
A tubular copper bead of questionable origin was also found.
From Moores description of the site, it appears that this mound
was constructed during one short period and that the burials with
historic materials in association were interred during the construc
tion period. From the materials present, it is suggested this is a
site which would occupy the middle (about 1550) of the 1500-1600
span allowed for the Early Historic period.
Thursby Mound (Vo-36)
The Thursby Mound (Moore, 1894a, pp. 64-82; 1894b, pp. 158-
67) was a truncated cone 11 feet high and 300 feet in circumference.
A causeway of shell connected it with a shell ridge bordering the
St. Johns River.
The historic materials, found from 6 to 12 inches below the
surface, include a gold ornament, a silver ornament, an iron axe,
and several iron celts. The gold ornament was with an extended
burial as was the silver object. The axe and the celts were not re
corded as being associated with burials; however, this was probably
an oversight on Moores part.
The historic materials were so superficial in this mound that
it appeared definitely that they were intrusions into the mound
after its construction. Aboriginal materials in direct association
with the historic materials were shell beads, a bone implement,
and a stone celt.
One confusing element at the Thursby Mound was the finding
of a large group of clay effigies at from 4 inches to 1 foot below
the surface. This cache is peculiar to this mound.
The fact that these objects occurred so near the surface might

indicate that they were contemporaneous with the historic burials
and materials, although it is possible that they were put in the
mound as it neared its completion. All of the vessels were made of
St. Johns paste. We will not attempt to draw any conclusions from
what evidence is at hand.
Artifacts found at greater depths in this mound are not, for the
most part, diagnostic enough to give us much information. How
ever, a shell-tempered effigy duck-head of Moundville Black Filmed
(MAI-HF, 17/2220) shows that the people who constructed this
mound had contact with the Mississippi people of the Alabama
and northwest Florida area.
A rim sherd of St. Johns paste occurred. It has a raised rim with
small punctates in a large area beneath a plain band. This sherd
reflects Weeden Island influence (PMHU, 94-12-10/49541).
The quantity and type of historic material and its relationship
to the mound indicate an early historic date. The historic remains
at the Thursby Mound probably are middle to late sixteenth cen
tury. Goggin (1952, p. 58) sees that the prehistoric materials fall
into possibly St. Johns I period and St. Johns II, a, b, and c.
Ginns Grove (Se-4)
The only European trade materials from this site were found
by Brinton (1859, p. 170) upon the surface of the mound. Moore
(1894a, pp. 84-88), after considerable excavation, arrived at the
conclusion that neither the mound nor the burials in the mound
were historic since he failed to find any European trade materials.
C. C. Jones (1873, p. 236) in his works reiterated Brintons con
clusions which Moore repudiated. Brinton found blue seed beads
and a large white bead on the surface.
Moore in a more thorough investigation found that the mound
was definitely stratified. The mound, 300 feet in circumference
and 10 feet high, was built upon a shell heap with a white-sand
stratum overlaid with a brown sand-and-shell stratum. Burials were
of three types: articulated in anatomical order, bundle, and groups
of trophy skulls. The placement of several crania together with
miscellaneous bones was found in three areas. A bird effigy from
the lip of a shallow bowl was found in association with three trophy
skulls. A duck effigy head, red painted, with Weeden Island-like

decoration was found 3 feet 10 inches below the surface and 7
feet in from the margin.
A superficial burial in the mound had two shell scrapers in
association; other burials yielded triangular projectile points.
Whether these points were Middle Mississippian is unknown. No
ground stone implements were found by Moore in his work.
The date of construction of this mound probably was during
St. Johns II times. The glass beads found by Brinton were prob
ably lost by later people. Goggin (1952, p. 58) states that this
mound falls into the St. Johns lb period and that the St. Johns lie
materials are intrusive.
Cooks Ferry Mound (Se-13)
This site (Moore, 1894a, pp. 89-90) is a sand mound adjacent
to a midden (Se-12). The mound was 11 feet 8 inches high and was
described by Moore as being 245 feet in circumference. European
trade materials present in the mound include glass beads, one gold-
leaf-covered pressed glass, a silver ornament (ibid., Fig. 104), and
a gold disc (ibid., Fig. 105) with a central perforation and an encir
cling row of embossed dots around the outer edge.
Burials occurred both at the base of the mound and super
ficially near the surface. The only aboriginal artifacts recorded by
Moore from this mound were projectile points and a scraper from
the burials at the base and a scraper (ibid., Fig. 106) found in as
sociation with the superficial burials.
From Moores description, again, we see that the trade ma
terials present in this mound belong to the Early Historic period
1500-1600. The utilization of a pre-existing mound for burial pur
poses and the presence of only ornamental materials are indicative
of the early period.
Goggin (1952, p. 58) in an analysis of this site in its entirety
places it in the following periods: Orange (?), St. Johns I with St.
Johns lie probably intrusive.
Spruce Creek Mound (Vo-99)
This mound was located on the southwest bank of Spruce Creek,
6 miles above its mouth (Douglas, 1885, pp. 78, 141-43; Goggin,

1952, p. 94). The mound is believed by Goggin to fall into the St.
Johns lie period. It was constructed of sand and was 32 feet high
with a ramped approach. Five crania were found at a depth of 4
feet in association with three copper and silver discs with central
perforations and a slight concavo-convex shape. These discs mea
sure 2, 3, and 4 inches in diameter. Also present were: a silver coin
(pistareen) of Charles and Joana minted about 1516; a solid silver
bar, 12 inches long and 0.75 inch in diameter, with a flare at the end;
five silver Spanish coins stamped 4; and an iron horseshoe
(USNM, 10988-11003).
The aboriginal ceramics are St. Johns Check Stamped and St.
Johns Plain plus a small unclassified punctated bowl. Due to the
fact that no San Marcos ceramic types are present nor any of the
later Spanish materials, this site probably falls into the 1500-1600
period. The European material is of the sort that was being obtained
from various shipwrecks. If the coins were buried close to their
minted date, they would put this site definitely into the sixteenth-
century period.
Raulersons Mound (Vo-136)
The Raulerson site, located on the southeastern end of Lake
Harney, was excavated by C. B. Moore (1892b, p. 918, PL XXIV;
1894a, pp. 7, 91-94; 1894b, p. 206). The mound, located at the
end of a shell ridge was 6 feet in height above the level of a marsh
to the south but only 1 foot 3 inches above the ridge itself. The
circumference of the mound was 180 feet. Upon excavation, Moore
discovered the artificial mound was only 4 feet in height at its high
est point, and had been built upon a natural sand ridge.
Moore appears to have been more careful than usual in his
excavation of this site and gives us some indication of the relative
association of cultural materials, skeletal remains, and their rela
tionship in the mound.
The aboriginal material listed as coming from this site includes
two shell gorgets, a shell bead, an implement of shell, plain sherds,
and a plain ceramic vessel. A St. Johns Check Stamped sherd
(PMHU, Moore, No. 20) was omitted in Moores publication on
this site.
The aboriginal material gives us very little insight into the

culture complex of the people who constructed this mound. Be
sides the two shell gorgets, there is nothing distinctive enough to
indicate any close definition of a time period.
The most elaborate shell gorgets found in Florida are these
two from the Raulerson site (Moore, 1894a, pp. 92-93, Figs. 109, 110).
One has a scalloped outer edge with the next inner area a cut out
eight-pointed star; the inner area has a cut out equal-armed cross
with a central perforation. Two holes are drilled at the top for
suspension. The second gorget has a scalloped edge with three
engraved concentric circles upon one side and a central perforation.
It also has two closely spaced suspension holes.
The historic trade materials came from three burials in the
mound. The first consisted of a group of nineteen glass beads
found near a cervical vertebra from an unknown type of burial.
The second was with a primary extended burial where two iron
fish spears, an iron chisel with a curved cutting edge, and a large
number of glass beads were found. These items plus a shell bead
and an aboriginal vessel occurred near the cranium of the burial.
The third burial was a skeleton (probably extended?) which had
associated with it an iron knife-blade, a portion of an iron imple
ment resembling an adze, two iron chisels with curved edges, two
fragmentary iron chisels, an iron fish spear, and an iron spike.
In the Museum of the American Indian (Catalogue Nos. 17/
1167, 17/1166) are two lots of beads obtained by Moore from the
Raulerson site. One lot contains mixed blue, white, and green
beads which are small and globular to spherical in shape. The other
lot contains one bright blue bead with the rest pale blue and ir
regular in shape.
The problem arises as to the relationship of the historic burials
to the mound and to the other burials. Moore fails to note whether
the historic burials were intrusive or were interred during the con
struction of the mound. The trade materials, aside from one de
posit of glass beads, were associated with primary extended burials
on the outer slopes of the mound. Moore records that the southern,
eastern and western slopes of the mound showed a large number of
bones entirely unassociated, and in addition burials in anatomical
order with certainly one of the bunched variety (1894a, p. 94).
From this description it appears that the extended burials were
intrusive. Initial bundle burials may have been disturbed in

digging these graves which would account for the unassociated
The presence of randomly scattered bones in an historic mound
has a parallel with the Goodnow Mound (Griffin and Smith, 1948).
The parallel goes further in that similar types of burials were found
and that Goodnow, like Raulerson, was a mound in which a
natural ridge was utilized in the construction. The contemporaneity
of the historic burials and the construction of the mound would
seem more certain if the historic materials came from the body of
the mound rather than the slope.
Since nothing datable is known from the village and since
nothing came from the top of the mound which could be utilized
as a dating medium, the relationship between the historic burials
and the other features is unknown. The historic materials probably
date during the latter part of the sixteenth century or the early part
of the seventeenth. It is entirely plausible that the village area,
mound, and historic burials are contemporaneous. During this
period trade materials were not present in abundance and what
trade materials were present in the village were in the hands of a
few fortunate or distinguished individuals. This site was more or
less out of the areas where Spanish materials were readily obtain
Burns Site (Br-85)
This site is on the edge of Banana River, just to the west of the
town of Canaveral (see Adams, 1869, p. 107; Le Baron, 1884, p.
783; Stirling, 1935, pp. 387-88).
The burial mound yielded a silver pendant and according to
Rouse (1951, p. 194) belongs to the Period of Hostility 1564-1602.
Stirling believes that this site is Surruque, but Rouse believes it is
Ulumay, a branch of the Ais. Rouse (ibid.) also mentions the pos
sibility that this is the village Dickinson came to at the close of
the second days journey northward from Jece (Andrews, 1945,
p. 67).
Arrowhead Ranch (Br-2)
The Arrowhead Ranch midden site is located just below the

mouth of Salt Creek in Brevard County. The cultural sequence
at this site is comparable, according to Rouse (1951, p. 144), to
Raulersons. The sequence is Orange, Malabar II, and probably
a Malabar I occupation suggested by the presence of St. Johns In
cised sherds. A Spanish tinaja sherd also came from this site,
showing contemporaneity between Malabar II and European ma
terials for a portion of the life of this site. It probably falls into
the 1500-1600 period.
Bear Lake (Br-11)
In the Museum of the American Indian are materials marked
Bear Lake, Brevard County (MAI, 4/7340-3, 7362-5; 9/6058-68:
Rouse, 1951, p. 145). However, Rouse (ibid., pp. 145-46) states that
there is no Bear Lake in this county, but there is a Bear Bluff and
Bear Island on the St. Johns River (see Rawlings, 1933, p. 169).
This collection includes a Cassis lip, two columella pendants, seven
small and six large shell beads, two small and three large silver
beads (probably of the coin type), a rosin bead, and thirteen glass
beads of various sizes and shapes.
In the Florida State Museum collection (Catalogue Nos. 76482-
76501) are materials from this site that include: flint projectile
points, an iron tomahawk, a hand mirror, twelve lots of glass beads,
an engraved head of a bone pin, a Busycon gouge, a discoidal shell
bead, a small tubular shell bead, three embossed sheet silver pen
dants, and sealing wax.
Since utilitarian objects are lacking, Rouse believes this site
falls into his Period of Hostility 1564-1602 rather than the Period
of Friendship.
Gleason Mound (Br-99)
The Gleason Mound was 10 feet high and 150 feet in diameter
(Moore, 1922, pp. 43-47).5 It is on the shore of the Banana River
at the juncture with the main Indian River Lagoon. The mound
was unstratified; and all of the thirty burials were superficial, not
5 Also see Beverly and Ober, 1874, p. 193; Le Baron, 1884, p. 784; Thomas,
1891, p. 30; Barbour, 1944a, p. 85; Small, 1923a, p. 205, and 1927, p. 9.

over 2 feet from the surface, and in anatomical order. Three large
glass beads and a silver bead were associated with one burial.
With another, 2 feet from the surface, occurred a silver ceremonial
tablet of the Glades culture (ibid., Fig. 4). A brass ceremonial
tablet of the same pattern occurred with another burial (ibid., Fig.
On the eastern slope with human remains were two silver beads
of European workmanship and three shell cups. In the Museum of
the American Indian are two silver beads and pendants from this
site (MAI, 17/97-9: Rouse, 1951, p. 202).
In other than historic burials, little was found. Portions of
worn shell and flat bits of coquina rock appeared occasionally.
Sherds and numerous univalves were found scattered throughout
the mound. A shell hoe (?) and a large plain vessel complete the
The historic burials in this mound were probably intrusive.
The historic materials fall into the time period of Glades Cult
times and should cross-date fairly closely with the cemetery at St.
Marks Wildlife Refuge (see p. 31), as there is similarity in types
of materials present. Both of the sites, we believe, fall into the
1500-1600 period, although both are probably prior 1550. Rouse
(ibid.) suggests that the Gleason site may be Mexias town of
Pentoya and has placed the occupation in his Period of Friendship
South Indian Fields (Br-23)
In addition to the prehistoric materials from this well-known
site west of Melbourne (J. B. Griffin, 1945; Rouse, 1951, p. 94),
a typically-Seminole silver disc has been found in association with
an iron celt and a pointed piece of iron. Also, a concavo-convex
gold disc and a Spanish olive-jar sherd were found by Anderson
(Goggin, personal communication). Rouse has suggested the site
belongs to the 1564-1602 period. Both the Period of Hostility and
the Seminole period were evidently light occupations since so few
European materials were found in such an extensive excavation.
Mound at Bear Point, Alabama (Ba-1)
The sand burial-mound at Bear Point was built upon a natural

slope. The height of the mound varied from 6 to 15 feet; it was
circular and had a diameter of about 80 feet. The summit plateau
was 63 feet across (Moore, 1901, pp. 423-32; Willey, 1949, pp.
This mound presumably had two major construction periods.
An original domiciliary mound was built and at a later time was
utilized as a base for the construction of a burial mound. All of
the burials were within the top stratum except where intrusive
pits had been cut into the lower stratum. All were described as
secondary, and often several individuals shared the same grave.
Single isolated skulls and groups of isolated skulls occurred. The
custom of inverting a bowl over the skull was practiced.
Willey (ibid,., p. 199) has classified the pottery Moore obtained
from this site into the following categories: Pensacola Plain, Pen
sacola Incised, and Pensacola Three-line Incised. Anthropomorphic
and zoomorphic adornos were present as well as loop handles. He
does not attempt to classify the check-stamped and complicated-
stamped pottery.
A collection now in the U. S. National Museum, believed by
Willey to be from this site, includes Fort Walton Incised, Lake
Jackson Plain, and Moundville Engraved. The named types fall
into the Fort Walton period, and it is possible that the check-
stamped and complicated-stamped wares have affinities to the Leon-
Jefferson horizon or are late Georgia types. The practice of killing
the vessels was present.
The aboriginal materials include small and large shell beads,
shell earplugs, projectile points, hammerstones, pebble hammers,
hones, sedimentary stone celts, stone chisels, and discoidals. Bitu
men, iron oxide, and limonite were also found sporadically through
out the mound. Sternberg (1876, pp. 282-92) also reports finding
a shell earplug.
A deposit was discovered by Moore consisting of the remains
of a wooden box. Its contents included two skulls, four femurs,
four tibiae, two scapula, one clavicle, a few ribs and vertebrae, and
glass beads. The boxs hardware, iron nails and clamps, were also
Other historical materials included silver buttons, a silver
coin dating from the 1521-50 period, additional iron nails and
glass beads, an iron spike, sheet brass with a stamped decoration,

and a "cutlass handle.
Both the aboriginal and European trade material from this
mound fit into the 1500-1600 Early Historic period. The coin with
its approximate or actual dating gives added support to these
conclusions. If we accept 1550 as the last year of the minting of
this particular coin, it still allows fifty years for its burial in the
Indian mound.
Cemetery on Hogtown Bayou (Wl-9)
The cemetery on Hogtown Bayou was marked by low rises of
sand and by cultural material scattered about the surface (Moore,
1918, pp. 535-41; Willey, 1949, p. 220).
Willey (ibid.) believes the vessels from this site belong in the
Fort Walton complex. The inverted vessel over the skull is a
common trait at this site.
Burials included massed secondary, single skull, and bunched
interments. Among the associated aboriginal materials were shell
beads, undescribed shell implements, shell ear-ornament pins, stone
celts, discoidal stones, projectile points, knives, hones, tubular
beads, sheet copper lance-head-like objects, Fort Walton vessels
with and without kill holes, and a ceramic stopper or anvil (Moore,
op. cit., Fig. 18).
The historic material includes glass seed beads, a tubular glass
bead, various undescribed iron objects, iron scissors, a brass bell
larger than a hawk-bell, and a tin disc 2 inches in diameter and 4
inches thick.
Three clay-stopper or anvil-like objects similar to those oc
curring here have also been found at the mound near Chipola
Cutoff (Moore, 1903, p. 462). This type of object has also been
found at Moundville (Moore, 1905).
Among the ceramic vessels at the Hogtown Bayou cemetery
is the six-pointed platter (Moore, 1918, p. 539). This platter is
also present at Waltons Camp (Moore, 1901, p. 439) and at the
cemetery near Point Washington (ibid., p. 487).
The Hogtown Bayou site has many cross-correlations with the
cemetery near Point Washington in both aboriginal and historic
materials; therefore it is placed in the 1500-1600 period, probably
dating close to the mid-century mark.

Cemetery near Point Washington (Wl-16)
The cemetery near Point Washington occurred in a hammock
area in Washington County, Florida. It was excavated initially
by Moore (1901, pp. 472-96). Willey (1949, pp. 225-26) was
unable to locate this site during his survey of 1940, but he did
classify the various pottery types found by Moore (Willey, ibid.,
p. 225).
Mass burials were present that may have been one interment.
Seventeen adult skulls were found in one deposit. Moore states
that long bones sometimes accompanied the skulls and other times
isolated skulls occurred (op. cit., p. 473). A number of the skulls
were artificially deformed.
Pottery was the most common item found in association with
the burials. Also found were shell beads, plain shell-gorgets, a
hoe-shaped limestone implement, a hone, two projectile points and
eleven chert chips occurring together, two shell pendants arrow
head in shape, and a shell awl.
Concentrations of sherds and small vessels occurred sporadically
throughout the area. Willey (loc. cit.) presents the following pot
tery types: Fort Walton Incised, Lake Jackson Plain, Point Wash
ington Incised, Pensacola Incised, Pensacola Three-line Incised,
and Pensacola Plain.
The historical material from this site includes an iron chisel in
association with a skull which had an inverted vessel placed on top
of the head. A number of glass beads, undescribed by Moore, were
found with a number of burials; and glass finger-rings were loose
in the sand.
Among the historical materials found at the Point Washington
cemetery, there is nothing which can be used as a time marker.
However, because of the nature of the materials found and the
quantity, we believe this site dates from 1500-1550.
Bunker Cutoff (Wl-21)
The Bunker Cutoff Mound (Moore, 1918, pp. 519-20; Willey,
1949, p. 227) was circular, measuring 3 feet 8 inches high by 43 feet
in diameter. The culture materials not associated with the burials
include flint fragments, a hammerstone, a projectile point or knife,

an iron spike, a limestone object, and a Fort Walton Incised sherd,
a small check-stamped sherd, and plain sherds.
Culture materials were in association with only two burials. A
discoidal stone was near one bundle burial, and a biconical clay
pipe with a red painted bowl was in association with an isolated
Willey (ibid.) has placed this mound in the Fort Walton period.
The presence of the iron spike indicates the mound was historic.
Since this is the only European object present in the mound and
since no Leon-Jefferson traits are present, the dating of this site
is probably middle sixteenth century if not earlier.
Chipola Cutoff (Gu-5)
The Chipola Cutoff Mound (Moore, 1903, pp. 445-66; Willey,
1949, pp. 254-56) may hold the answer to the relative relationship
between Fort Walton and Weeden Island in the northwest-coast
Before Moore excavated this mound, it was 5 feet 3 inches high
and 45 feet in diameter. Moore found forty-two burials throughout
the mound. Flexed, bundle, and trophy-skull types were noted.
One burial had a cache of vessels in association, with one vessel in
verted over the skull.
Burial 19 was in a pit beneath the base of the mound and below
the water table in 1903. With this burial were associated two sheet-
brass discs, one 4.5 inches in diameter with two holes for suspension,
the other 8 inches in diameter with a small central suspension hole.
Three glass beads were also found. Burial 25, also under the water
table, had in association shell beads and a celt.
Two other burials had brass discs. One was circular, 4.5 inches
in diameter, with a concavo-convex shape; and the other, found
with a skull of a child, was undecorated.
Shell artifacts in the mound included gouges, columella chisels,
columella knobbed earpins, spoons, columella perforators, and a
single grooved columella pendant. Both large and small shell beads
some made by perforating Marginella shellswere present in
moderate amounts. Celts, hones, and small rounded hematite peb
bles were the only stone materials present. Bone artifacts in
cluded deer ulna awls (?) and deer tibia handles for knives (?),

fishhooks, and fragments of bone implements.
Moore found twenty-four celts that were located usually in the
margins of the mound; therefore he stated it was his belief they
were placed there ceremonially.
Pottery was found in caches throughout the mound. The vessels
were killed, for the most part, by breaking, although prefired
holes were recorded in one example. The specimen that carried
the prefired kill hole is a Weeden Island Plain type (Willey, 1949,
p. 255). Three clay objects resembling pottery anvils (Moore, 1903,
Fig. 129) were found also.
Willey (op. cit.) has classified the pottery from this site as
follows: Fort Walton Incised, Point Washington Incised, Lake
Jackson Plain, Pensacola Incised, St. Petersburg Incised, Weeden
Island Incised, Weeden Island Plain, and Swift Creek Complicated
Stamped (Late Variety).
Since Willeys publication Sears (personal communication),
through additional work at Kolomoki and other Georgia sites,
has classified the vessel illustrated in Moore, 1903, Fig. 120, as'
Kolomoki Complicated Stamped or very late Weeden Island in
date. This vessel Willey (ibid.) called Swift Creek Complicated
Stamped (Late Variety). By using the Kolomoki data, we see that
the Weeden Island series may be raised from the Weeden Island I
level of Willeys to the Weeden Island II level or late Weeden
In Willeys interpretation of what might have been the relation
ship between the Weeden Island complex and the Fort Walton
complex, he gives two alternatives:
. One is that of intrusion, the assumption being that Fort
Walton Period peoples utilized a Weeden Island Period
burial mound for a cemetery. If this is so, the intrusive
burials must have been made at considerable depths, as
some of the skeletons accompanied by brass ornaments of
European origin were found in sub-mound pits. Further
more, the intrusive diggings must have been very extensive
in order to have placed a large cache of Fort Walton Period
pottery in the mound in addition to the many graves. The
second possibility is that a Fort Walton community had re
tained a number of Weeden Island pottery vessels in a mound

of their construction. One objection to a continuity of this
sort is that Wakulla Check Stamped, the marker type of the
Weeden Island II Period, is absent from the mound, implying
that the Weeden Island component belongs to the earlier
or Weeden Island I Period. It would be more reasonable to
expect continuity between Weeden Island II and Fort Wal
ton than from Weeden Island I to Fort Walton (1949, p.
Another cross-correlation that can be made with Mound C of
Kolomoki, besides the presence of Kolomoki Complicated Stamped
at Chipola Cutoff, is the perforated funerary vessel (Moore, op. cit.,
Fig. 104) that has its counterpart at the Georgia site. Therefore,
with the placing of the Weeden Island materials in the Kolomoki
period, we see that the things that puzzled Willey are overcome.
The historic materials from this mound were in association with
Fort Walton materials and are therefore of the 1500-1600 or Early
period, probably from the first half of this period. No Leon-Jef
ferson or other Middle period (1600-1700) sherds or vessels were
Mound on Marsh Island (Wa-1)
The Marsh Island Mound (Moore, 1902, pp. 274-81; Willey,
1949, pp. 286-88) was an oblong mound with diameters of 96 by 68
feet and a height of 7 feet. Of the 106 burials discovered by Moore,
the majority were bundle and the rest were single skull and primary
flexed burials. The burials fall into two separate archaeological
horizons: historic Fort Walton and Weeden Island. The Weeden
Island materials, for the most part, came from sub-base burials;
the historic Fort Walton materials were intrusive.
Intrusive burial 70 was a multiple burial made up of four skulls
and many long bones. Associated with this group burial were
iron scissors and other iron articles, glass seed beads, a brass sleigh
bell, eleven tubular sheet-brass beads, and a large shell bead.
Burial 85 was made up of seven skulls with eighteen femurs and
other bones, and seed beads. With burial 92, seven skulls and other
bones were in association with iron artifacts unspecified by Moore.
Eleven skulls and other bones made up burial 104. This burial

included three sleigh bells, other unspecified iron articles, and
three knobbed shell pins. Two sheet-brass bracelets were with an
urn burial (91) of an infant. The urn vessel and the cover were
of the Marsh Island Incised pottery type (Willey, ibid., p. 287). It
was noted by Moore that the intrusive burials, for the most part,
had fronto-occipital deformation that was lacking in any of the
other burials in the mound.
The only other material probably associated with the in
trusive burials in this mound was a biconcave discoidal found
unassociated with burials.
Since there is such a discontinuity between the intrusive burials
and the sub-mound burials, the earlier group will be omitted in
this discussion. However, it should be pointed out that the earlier
group may fall into the late Weeden Island instead of Weeden
Island I as designated by Willey (ibid., p. 288). Sears (personal
communication) has indicated that vessel No. 39922 in the R. S.
Peabody Foundation is Kolomoki Complicated Stamped and that
the vessel illustrated by Moore (1902, Fig. 243) is also a late type
that has affiliations to the late period of the Kolomoki site. There
fore, there might not have been as great a time lapse between the
original builders of the Marsh Island Mound and the intrusive
burials as Willey indicated since, as he has shown (1949, p. 287),
Marsh Island Incised must equate with some phase of Fort Walton.
The presence of shell knobbed earpins and urn burials which, to
date, are unknown in the Leon-Jefferson period seem to establish
this fact. However, this complex seems to occur during late Fort
Walton times, about 1575. This is established by the number and
type of European trade materials and the aboriginal artifacts.
St. Marks Wildlife Refuge Cemetery (Wa-15)
This cemetery from which European trade materials were taken
occurs upon a natural sand ridge which is one of the highest points
in the area. During the construction of the burial pits by the
historic Indians, a shallow Deptford occupation was penetrated.
This Deptford occupation at one time covered many acres in the
area; a heavy Deptford level was found just fifty yards to the east
of the cemetery. Deptford materials also occurred to the west as
did Swift Creek. Lake Jackson materials were present in one area

about thirty yards to the west of the cemetery.
When the cemetery itself was systematically excavated by the
Florida State University during the summer of 1950, it was found
that the ground in this area had been disturbed completely. Be
cause of the work of the local amateurs, CCC personnel, Boy Scouts,
and others in an effort to obtain gold and silver, the results of the
Florida State University excavations in the cemetery area failed
to yield any positive information concerning the associations of the
historic and aboriginal materials.
Prior to 1950, publications by Goggin (1947a, pp. 273-76), J.
W. Griffin (1947, pp. 182-83), and Willey (1949, pp. 298-99)
dealt with materials obtained at this site by amateurs. Historic
materials from this site include a copper crested-bird ornament, an
embossed and a plain copper gorget, a circular gold gorget, silver
beads (Smith MSb), a copper bead, a European mourdant, glass
beads, trade bells, a copper tablet, a gold disc with an embossed
rosette design, and an incised copper plate. This copper plate
originally depicted a man dressed in European pantaloons op
posing a stag. In the later reworking of this plaque to form a
gorget, some of it was cut off and embossed dots and suspension
holes added. This find was lost in a fire, but fortunately a cast
had been made of it (frontispiece).
The metal beads of silver and copper are probably Indian
made (Goggin 1947a, p. 274). This type of bead was often made
from various coins. The glass beads included the star or chevron
from 5 to 10 mm. in diameter, round and square beads, blue seed
beads, and black oval beads with a spiral white inlay. The brass
hawk-bells were globular 3.2 cm. in diameter with an eyelet for
attachment and had two holes connected by a slot on the base.
It was recorded by William Kary that:
... A Fort Walton Incised vessel, check stamped sherds, celts,
polished-stone discoidals, stone pendants, an incised elbow
pipe, shell objects, and finely made projectile points all came
from the same graves (Willey, 1949, p. 299).
One partially undisturbed burial was found in the summers
work of 1950 (Smith, op. cit.). This included the flexed leg-bones
of an individual and indicated that the individual had been

buried on his left side.
Goggin has said (op. cit., p. 275) that the assemblage of metal
objects from this site represents the most northern and isolated
occurrence of some of the more spectacular artifacts typical of the
Glades Area, the culturally distinct region occupying the southern
most portion of the state.
Goggins analysis and suppositions concerning this material
still contain the best explanation for the origin of it. It certainly
has Glades affinities and probably reached this area via trade
through the Calusa territory. It is fully historic and because of
its Fort Walton associations falls into the Early Historic period;
however, it is believed that it is definitely in the first half of this
period, and therefore bears a date prior to 1550.
Safety Harbor (Pi-2)
The Safety Harbor site is made up of a flat-topped rectangular
shell-mound, 70>feet square and about 20 feet high; two circular and
dome-shaped tumuli of shell; and a burial mound, 80 feet in
diameter and about 12 feet high (Willey, 1949, pp. 135-42;
Griffin and Bullen, 1950).
The European materials mentioned by Willey (ibid.) from the
village site include Spanish olive-jar sherds, a brass plummet, a
clay-pipe fragment, and two clay pipes. One of these pipes has a
simple bowl and stem with ridges for ornamentation; the other
is green glazed with the bowl a human-effigy head facing away from
the smoker. From the burial mound came two iron axes, a sheet-
silver ornament, and a sheet-silver tubular bead. One of these
axes is similar to those from Scott-Miller and Pine Tuft.
Griffin and Bullen (1950) found olive-jar sherds at Safety
Harbor from the surface to a depth of 18 inches in the large mound
and in the upper part of the village area. There are thirty-eight
Spanish olive-jar sherds from the village area to date (these are
now deposited with the Florida Park Service, U. S. National
Museum, and the Florida State Museum).
The European artifacts from the burial area were with burials
from the top of the mound; this correlates with the finding of
European materials in the upper portion of the village and of
the large mound.

Leon-Jefferson pottery types were also present in the upper
levels; however, the prehistoric pottery tradition continued with
little change into historic times.
Griffin and Bullen make the following observations in their
conclusions (pp. 33-35): There is a suggestion of a projectile point
change with small triangular Mississippi-like points overlying
the earlier stemmed forms. The finding of Spanish sherds in the
same level as Leon-Jefferson types suggests that trade in this area
was intensive enough to make itself visible in the village debris.
Willey, Griffin, and Bullen believe that Safety Harbor has
partial contemporaneity with both Fort Walton and Leon-Jeffer
son periods of the Florida northwest coast (Willey, 1948, p. 217).
Griffin and Bullen state (1950, p. 35) that this site existed from
late prehistoric times, or perhaps early historic times, and con
tinued until, perhaps, 1700.
Since Spanish influence was not felt as strongly in this area
as in the east coast and north Florida areas and since the strong
influence of the Georgia-Alabama Indians was almost absent, Grif
fin and Bullen believe that this site may have a relatively late date.
However, their hypothesis is based mainly upon pottery types
which at this site are quite complex.
It is obvious that this site was a center of "trade or contact
among many aboriginal groups. This is shown by the presence
of pottery types from several culture areas: St. Johns, Glades, and
Northwest Coast. If aboriginal contact or trade was present to the
extent indicated by these pottery types, it seems logical that there
would also be a similar trade of historic materials. Therefore,
we believe it would be a mistake to date this site as late as such
sites as Goodnow, Seven Oaks, Bayview, and others. Safety Harbor
with its relative paucity of European materials indicates a site of
the 1500-1600 period: it is probably closer to a 1575-1625 date.
Thomas Mound (Hi-1)
The Thomas site is located on the north bank of the Little
Manatee River near the mouth of this stream (Moore, 1900, pp.
358-59; Willey, 1949, pp. 113-25). This site consists of both a
sand mound and an extensive shell midden.
The European material from this mound includes a square silver

pendant, measuring 10 cm. on each side, with a circular hemi
spherical boss occurring at the center and two small perforations
at the center of one side; a rolled sheet-silver tubular bead; about
200 blue and white seed beads; and two south Florida cult tablets,
one of copper and the other of silver (material in the Florida
Geological Survey, Tallahassee).
Moore (ibid., p. 359) mentions two crania under which was
hematite-colored sand. In close association occurred a shell drink
ing-cup, a shell bead, a number of glass beads, two bits of looking
glass, a spearhead of chert, a flake knife (?), a pebble hammer, a
smoothing stone, a fossil sharks tooth worked at the base, two
broken polished-stone pendants, and a bird-effigy stone pendant.
Willey (op. cit., p. 125) in his summary states that most of the
pottery is of Weeden Island II times. The Safety Harbor materials
represent a later intrusion. The European materials probably
were part of the same intrusion as that of the Safety Harbor period.
The type of European material and its limited quantity would
probably place it in the 1500-1600 period probably occurring nearer
the mid-century mark.
Summary 1500-1600
The European artifacts appearing to be of the Early period
on the east coast of Florida are, to date, limited to the ones dis
cussed in the following four paragraphs.
The presence of glass seed beads of blue, white, green, poly
chrome striped, and iridescent blue are noted. Probably other
colors were present, but because of the scattering of Moore's col
lection this information has been unattainable. Further field work
should give us more data on the specific colors present. Cylindrical
and chevron beads occurred at North Mound, Murphy Island.
Glass objects, other than beads, were relatively scarce and, to date,
have only been found at one site (Dunns Creek).
The silver artifacts include silver pendants, tubular rolled
beads, silver discs, and in the Spruce Creek Mound a silver bar and
five silver coins (one bearing the date 1516).
The greatest variety of tools present during this period were
made of iron. These include the celtiform axe, hunting-knife blade,
hafted axe, chisel, spike, fish spear, adze, box, pointed rod, hoe, and

horseshoe. The celtiform axe, hafted axe, hunting-knife blade,
and iron chisel were each found in three separate sites; iron spikes
and fish spears occurred twice; the other iron objects were found
only once.
Undescribed gold ornaments and tinaja sherds have two oc
currences. A listing of the remainder of the historic materials
found, to date, include a single occurrence of a brass button, hawk-
bells, a bone comb, a bead covered with gold leaf, and a concave
gold-covered disc.
In looking at the various types of artifacts found in west coast
sites during the Early period, we note that they differ in many
respects from the east coast materials at a comparable period. Iron
artifacts are less numerous. This may indicate that these sites
are somewhat older than the east coast sites or that they were re
ceiving trade items from a separate source. The only iron axes
noted are from the Safety Harbor site. This site appears to have
been later due to the presence of Leon-Jefferson sherd types.6
Iron scissors and spikes have two occurrences while nails, a
chisel, and box hardware of nails and clamps have single occur
rences. All of these iron objects, aside from the probably later
Safety Harbor axe, are at present confined to sites along the north
west coast.
Glass beads were found in seven of the west coast sites of this
period. The only types mentioned by Moore and Willey are
chevron, seed, and tubular. The colors mentioned are black, blue,
and white. Other glass materials include glass finger rings, limited
to the Hogtown Bayou site, and looking-glass fragments from the
Thomas Mound.
Brass materials include brass sleigh bells at one site, hawk-bells
at one site, and bells of an unknown type at another. Other brass
materials, each found at only one site, are discs, a cutlass handle,
a plummet, tubular beads, and bracelets. Sheet-brass fragments
were found at two sites.
Tubular silver beads were found at two sites. Single finds of
silver objects include a silver pendant, a cult tablet, a button, a
coin (1521-50), and beads (types unknown).
6 For the sites of Marsh Island and Hogtown Bayou, Moore (op. cit.) merely
lists iron articles as coming from these respective areas. To date, this material
has not been located, so the type of artifacts present are unknown.

European ceramics are represented by tinaja sherds at Safety
Harbor and an unknown type of vessel found at the Work Place.
Fragments of clay pipes, which probably are Spanish rather than
English, were also found at the Safety Harbor site.
The remaining types of European-derived materials found in
1500-1600 period sites of the west coast are all from the St. Marks
Wildlife Refuge cemetery which represents a deposit of south
Florida cult materials. These are a copper crested woodpecker (sea
horse) with a golden eye, an embossed copper gorget, a plain copper
gorget, a copper cult tablet, an incised copper plaque with European
and stag depicted (frontispiece), a mourdant, copper beads, and two
circular gold gorgets.
The aboriginal materials, during this period, from both the
east and west coast sites followed the prehistoric traditions es
tablished in their respective areas. The capping of pre-existing
mounds for burial purposes was still in operation on the east coast
at the Dunns Creek Mound. This practice seemed to have been
discontinued after the first half of the sixteenth century, since at
Raulersons, the Northern Murphy Island Mound, and others,
burials of this period were intrusive into existing structures.
The mound near Fort Mason appears to have been constructed
during early contact times. At this site the aboriginal traits are
definitely of St. Johns II times and seem to be associated directly
with the historic materials which would make them St. Johns lie.
In the east coast sites assigned to the Early period, no San
Marcos sherds were present. Trade sherds in the area were mainly
from the Weeden Island culture of the west and northwest coast.
At the Thursby Mound (Moore, op. cit.) a duck-effigy head of
Moundville Engraved was found by Moore (op. cit.). This indicates
trade with Mississippi peoples had continued from an earlier
period into the sixteenth century. The Spruce Creek ramped
mound also reflects Mississippi influence.
On the west and northwest coast we see that stronger Georgia
and Alabama Mississippian influences were being felt. As on the
east coast, burial mounds were being constructed during the early
sixteenth century; and during the latter part, intrusive burials into
existing mounds and into separate cemeteries were the custom.
The custom of inverting a bowl over the skull of a burial is
found in two mounds and two cemeteries. Urn burials were present

at one site, and Moundville Engraved sherds also occurred showing
relationship to the Montgomery area.
At the mound at Bear Point, a wooden box containing two
skulls and assorted long bones plus glass beads was excavated by
Moore. Also at this site were sherds having Leon-Jefferson af
At Chipola Cutoff it was noted by Moore that historic mater
ials were found beneath the water table indicating that a shifting
of the table had occurred since the Early (historic) period.
The Safety Harbor site with Leon-Jefferson pottery dates from
a time after this latter period was established in the Tallahassee
The relatively few European materials present during this
period did not have a very great effect upon the aboriginal culture.
The historic trade materials were, for the most part, of an orna
mental nature. Tools did occur but were only represented by
iron artifacts. Since all of our historical references of the Early
period concern themselves with the Spanish and French, and since
the latter played a very minor role in Florida history, we can as
sume that a very high percentage of the European trade material
was of Spanish derivation. However, the brass sleigh bells from
the Marsh Island site probably are of English derivation. If they
are from the 1500-1600 period, they must have come into this area
by trade with some vessel of British affinity rather than being traded
overland from some English contacts along the east coast. The
British did not become well established upon the southeastern
coast until the founding of Jamestown. We see that it can be said
that occasional vessels of English registry stopped for water, trade,
or raids among the Indians.
Silver is more prevalent in the sites of this period than gold.
On the east coast the Spanish periodically sent patrols among the
coastal Indians to collect all types of metal. The paucity of gold
in these sites may be due to this factor. On the northwest and
west coasts, the relative scarcity of gold is probably because this
area was too far away from the Florida Indians major sourcePlate
Fleet wrecks. The gold ornaments that came from the St. Marks
Wildlife Refuge cemetery were probably brought into the north
west coast area by Glades Indians, as Goggin (op. cit.) has sug

The Spanish, up until the last decade of the seventeenth cen
tury, concentrated their activities upon the east coast region and
the mission chain across northern Florida. The center of focus was
at St. Augustine. Then, jealous and afraid of the French explora
tions along the Gulf of Mexico, they turned their attention to the
west coast and in 1696 founded Pensacola.
Spanish expansion and exploitation in the interior of Florida
reached its peak during the Mission period. The mission work of
the western Timucua was begun at Potano in 1606 (Geiger, 1937).
By 1633 all the Timucua Indians had been brought under control,
and it was during this year that the mission chain was extended
into Apalachee territory. The Apalachee were a Muskhogean group
who occupied the territory from the Aucilla River on the east to
the Apalachicola River on the west. Their northern boundary
probably extended into the present state of Georgia with the south
ern boundary the Gulf of Mexico.
These people were primarily agricultural, growing maize, squash,
and beans; however, they supplemented their diet by hunting and
collecting. They put up a very strong resistance to the first two
Spanish expeditions into their territory: those of Narvaez and De
Soto. But by 1607 they had changed their attitude toward the
Spanish and were asking for missionaries to come to their area and
baptise them.
The missionization was not totally altruistic, as the Spaniards
found that the fertile soil of west Florida could supply a surplus

of corn sorely needed for the inhabitants of St. Augustine. Food
stuffs from the province of Apalachee were shipped by sea via St.
Marks to St. Augustine or were carried overland.
Rouse (1951, pp. 257-58) has called the 1603-1703 period in the
Indian River area the Period of Friendship. From 1603 to 1605,
when Pedro de Ybarra was Governor of Florida, many attempts were
made to try to get the native chiefs to the south of St. Augustine
to come to St. Augustine for peace talks. In December, 1603, the
Indians gave refuge to some negro slaves who had fled from St
Augustine. The negroes were permitted to marry Indian women and
were able to stay in the Ais area before being turned back to the
Spanish in January, 1605. The Spanish, during these negotiations,
were giving presents to the Indians.
In May, 1605, a subchief, Captain Chico of the Ais appeared at
St. Augustine with thirty Indians to offer their services to the gov
ernor. The major Ais chief, Captain Grande, had heard that the
Spanish were fighting with the English and wished to offer his
assistance. The Governor sent liberal gifts, through Captain Chico,
to Captain Grande and again invited him to come to St. Augustine.
When Chico returned, he had with him the chiefs Surruque and
Urubia, but not Grande (Geiger, 1937, pp. 178-79).
The Indians, at this time, asked that soldiers and priests be sent
to their territory. Alvaro Mexfa was appointed to go in reply to
the Indians request, and he took with him two Indian interpreters.
He remained at the Ais capitol for nine days and Captain Grande
promised to remain at peace with the Spaniards and do all he could
to help shipwrecked sailors. Mexia returned to St. Augustine and
made his report to Ybarra on July 11, 1605 (Geiger, 1937, pp.
On September 2, 1605, Captain Grande finally arrived at St.
Augustine with the Surruque and Urubia chiefs accompanying him,
plus twenty Indians. The Franciscan priests gave this group instruc
tions in Christianity, and Grande promised to send Chico and two
Indian youths to St. Augustine to learn more about Christianity.
On September 3, 1605, Chico and other Indians came; both groups
remained until September 7 (Geiger, 1937, pp. 180-83).
When the rest of the Indians returned home, Chico remained
for a forty-day period of religious instruction. Governor Ybarra was

encouraged by these occurrences and wrote the King for more friars
to do service among the Ais. There is no evidence that the friars
ever were forthcoming (Swanton, 1946, p. 84; Higgs, 1942, p. 28).
Friendly relationships existed for some time, and the caciques
and soldiers went about, by land or sea, without fear. In 1607, Chico
and the Chief of Santa Lucia came to St. Augustine for Holy Week.
A fight that broke out between the Santa Lucia and the Jeaga was
settled by the Spanish Governor. When, in 1609 Grande came to St.
Augustine to deliver a letter from Sebastian Calbo de la Puerta, he
was returned in a government boat (Geiger, 1937, p. 231). During
the year 1609, several minor chiefs of the southeast coast were bap
tized in St. Augustine (Swanton, 1922, pp. 342-43).
In Higgs (Rouse, 1951, p. 265) it is mentioned that Mexia in
1605 led an expedition to Ais territory. Also, Higgs states that
during this period the Indians of the Indian River area treated with
hostility the Dutch, French, and English who occasionally appeared
off the Indian River to attack the Spanish ships.
A minor rebellion took place in 1618 among the Santa Lucia and
Jeaga (Swanton, 1922, p. 343), but in 1622 Governor Salinas visited
the Santa Lucia and the Ais and was well received, as Bishop Cal
deron was in 1675. The Apalachee staged a rebellion in 1647 when
they killed three missionaries and destroyed seven churches or sacred
objects. This rebellion was put down by the Spanish with help of
friendly Apalachee. Some of the leaders of this revolt were executed
while others were sentenced to do forced labor at St. Augustine.
The tribe, after this, was compelled to furnish workers annually for
this labor (Swanton, 1946, p. 90).
The Apalachee were later involved in the Timucua rebellion of
1656 which lasted eight months (Swanton, 1922, p. 338; ibid.). This
outbreak was again directed against the friars, although the Gov
ernor was not blameless. However, it was quickly put down by
Adrian de Canicares.
The Apalachee, on the whole, became ideal mission Indians,
and after 1647 the conversion of the tribe was completed. By 1655
Diaz de la Calle (Serrano y Sanz, 1912, p. 135) mentions nine mis
sions as occurring in Apalachee. The Calderon Letter, written
during his visit to the Florida missions in 1674-75, lists thirteen
missions in Apalachee (Wenhold, 1936).

An analysis of the above two lists has been made by Boyd (1939).
He also took into account the lists found in the Lowery Florida
Manuscripts (Library of Congress), where fourteen missions are
given as occurring in Apalachee, and noted a Spanish map (Anony
mous) that shows fifteen missions present. It is impossible to know
just how accurate these lists are, but it does give indication that
the number of missions had been growing since the inception of
mission work in the Apalachee area.
In 1704 James Moore, of South Carolina, with fifty British
soldiers and about 1300 Creek Indians raided the Apalachee pro
vince, burning the missions and taking as slaves many of the Apala
chee. Some who were not killed or taken as slaves moved west to the
Mobile region and later resettled in the Pensacola area (Swanton,
1922, pp. 121-22). Others moved to south Florida.
The Spanish-Apalachee relationships had not, by the close of
the century, reached a peak in growth (acculturation) equal to
that reached by the Timucua almost one hundred years earlier.
The friars and the Spanish Governor were discussing the con
version of several thousand Timucua at an early time. By 1597 it
is mentioned that there were fifteen hundred Christian Indians in
eastern Timucua and by 1617, after a severe four year epidemic,
eight thousand Christian Indians were still living (Swanton, 1922,
pp. 336-38 and Stirling, 1935, p. 385). As in the case of the Apa
lachee Indians, the mission lists show an increasing number present
during the seventeenth century.
The position of the Ais among the Christian Indians is a little
obscure, but it appears what influence the church brought to bear
upon this group was not lasting. The Santa Lucia were not per
manently affected by Christianity (Swanton, 1922, p. 343).
The Ais are included in 1628-29 as among the provinces of faith
(Vazquez de Espinosa, 1948, p. 102), while Bishop Calderon lists
the Surruque and the Ais as heathen (Wenhold, 1936, pp. 11-12).
Rouse (1951, p. 56) believes that Calderon would be more apt to be
in a position to know the true situation since he personally visited
this area. In 1693-95 the king recommended that the Franciscans
send priests to gain new converts at Ais; however, there is no record
that this was ever accomplished (Higgs, op. cit.).
At the close of the seventeenth century, Dickinson (Andrews,

1945) was wrecked in the Ais area. From his descriptions of the
Indians and their culture, it is very plain that there was little
Christian activity in this area. There appeared to be a complete
lack of Spanish political or military control of these peoples. The
aboriginal culture was therefore fully functioning with little, if
any, evidence of European acculturation.
The Timucuan population had begun to decline by the latter
quarter of the seventeenth century, and undoubtedly their culture
was also strongly feeling the effects of Spanish culture. These
peoples were the most missionized Indians of Florida, and probably
of the Florida, Georgia, and Alabama area. The Timucua to the
north and west of St. Augustine, at the end of the century, were a
buffer group who absorbed the shock and got killed when the
Georgia tribes, with or without English support, raided this area.
It is seen that by 1728 the tribe was reduced to thirty-five in
dividuals and that soon after 1736 they had disappeared (Swanton,
1946, p. 194).
The Spanish in 1679 and 1681 attempted to convert the Apala-
chicolas who lived on the Chattahoochee River. However, for
the most part these were unsuccessful ventures, although a mission
was established near the confluence of the Flint and the Chattahoo
chee (Boyd, 1949, p. 2).
The Spanish hoped that in converting this group it would
make them resist English advances and thereby be an excellent
buffer to the Apalachee area on the west.
The English came into the Flint-Chattahoochee area in 1685,
but two Spanish expeditions from San Luis failed to contact them.
However, the Spanish received the submission of eight towns and
burned Coweta, Kasita, Tuskegee, and Kolomi (Boyd, ibid.). The
Spanish in 1686, 1687, and 1688, sent out other expeditions to try
to stop the Indians from trading with the English. In 1689 the
Spanish built a blockhouse near Coweta which failed in its purpose.
The presence of the garrison and the former cruelties of the Spanish
to the Indians of this area caused them to move closer to the English.
During this period the Spanish mission complex became mani
fest among the Florida Indians. It was a time when the strongest
Spanish influence reached these people. A more systematic and in
tensive program of acculturation was attempted that reached its

climax in 1704. From that time on, a recession in Spanish influence
and aboriginal material culture occurred. Therefore, this period
can be considered the peak of Spanish-Indian relationships in
Archaeological Sites of the 1600-1700 Period
Shell Bluff Landing (Sj-32)
The Shell Bluff Landing site occurs just north of Wrights
Landing on the east bank of North River (Goggin, personal com
munication). The nature of this site is similar to Wrights Landing
in that it has aboriginal, Spanish, English, and American materials.
The aboriginal materials include the following pottery types:
Orange Plain, St. Johns Plain, St. Johns Check Stamped, unclassi
fied plain gritty, and San Marcos Stamped. The decorative motifs
of the San Marcos Stamped include simple stamped, cross-simple
stamped, barred-block, check stamped, and some undetermined
types. A Busycon dipper, sandstone grinding stone, large stemmed
projectile point, and a worked flake were found.
European material other than ceramic and glass includes square
hand-wrought nails, iron vessel fragments, and miscellaneous pieces
of iron.
Two majolica sherds were found, a Fig Springs Polychrome and
blue on gray ware. The presence of these sherds may indicate it
might also have been a mission site. Spanish olive-jar sherds
(thirty-two to date) were also found.
Other European wares include blue feather-edge, green feather-
edge, cream ware, white ware, blue-painted cream ware, blue-transfer
cream ware, spatter blue ware, ironware of various types, slip ware,
red ware with a thick glossy dark glaze, and other miscellaneous
Glass fragments include thick pieces of round and square green
bottles, thin round green bottles, fluted brown round and square
bottles of thin glass, and clear bottles. Sherds of pressed glass from
a compote base of the Darsy and Button type were also found.
This site had a long occupation, probably starting about 1625
and extending up to, if not after, 1850. Initially this may have
been the site of a Spanish mission.

1. Shell Bluff Landing
2. Rollestown
3. Nocoroco
4. Zetrouer
5. Orange Lake
6. Fig Springs
7. Mulberry Mound
8. Mound west of Lake Butler
9. Fort Taylor Mound
10. Turkey Creek
11. Grant Mound
12. Fuller Mound A
13. Goodnow Mound
14. Bayview
15. Seven Oaks
16. Pine Tuft
17. Scott Miller
18. Fort San Luis

Rollestown (Pu-64)
The site of Rollestown is located just outside of East Palatka
where a new power plant is being constructed. It lies on the east
bank of the St. Johns River where it was visited by the Bartrams
(1942-43, pp. 37, 46, 69, 146, 182, 219, 226; Florida Guide, 1939,
p. 355). It is generally described as being midway between East
Palatka and San Mateo. John Bartram (1942, p. 37) in 1765 men
tions a small Spanish entrenchment 20 paces square and 5 feet high.
Aboriginal sherds were also lying on the surface. Bartram mentions
that the midden was about 5 feet thick. Today (personal visit to
site with Goggin) this midden does not appear to be more than 3
feet thick judging from the profde on the river escarpment.
The Spanish material includes olive-jar sherds and majolica.
The majolica types are San Luis Blue on White and an unclassified
blue on white. A blue on white majolica (?) or Delft piece also
occurs. A sherd disc made of an olive-jar piece was also found. Very
little English material has been found to date by Goggin. An Eng
lish pipe stem, probably trade goods, was present; a gun flint and
a bottle fragment may have been either English or Spanish.
The aboriginal pottery includes a predominance of San Marcos
types such as plain, cross-simple stamped, simple stamped, bar and
block stamped, check stamped, and complicated stamped. St. Johns
Plain and St. Johns Check Stamped are the next most numerous.
Ichetucknee Plain is represented by four sherds and Jefferson
Plain (?) by one sherd. A few sherds of Orange Plain and Orange
Incised occur, as do Deptford Check Stamped and several unclassi
fied types.
The aboriginal stone artifacts include a small triangular pro
jectile point, a stemmed point, and a portion of a point or blade.
The site of Rollestown, therefore, seems to have had an early
occupation, indicated by the presence of Orange and Deptford
sherds. Apparently, it was not until Spanish times that the occupa
tion became heavy. The presence of San Marcos ware in association
with majolica and olive-jar sherds seems to indicate that this site
was occupied by the Spanish during the 1600-1750 period. Since
John Bartram (op. cit.) mentions an earthworks clearly discernible
two years after the English came into the Florida area, it appears

that the Spanish had only recently abandoned this particular site.
It is logical to assume that this initially might have been a mission
site and perhaps later a military outpost, or it might have been
both at the same time.
Nocoroco (Vo-82)
The Nocoroco Site on the Tomoka Basin of Volusia County,
Florida, is probably the Timucua Village of Nocoroco recorded by
Alvaro Mexia in 1605 (Griffin and Smith, 1949).
The pottery types present at this site include St. Johns Scored,
St. Johns Simple Stamped, Halifax Simple Stamped, Halifax Scored,
and Tomoka Plain. The St. Johns and Halifax ware are contempo
raneous at this site, the latter being close to, if not of, the St. Augus
tine tradition.
At this site only three artifacts were found in the excavations:
Busycon spoon (?), a split deer-bone awl, and a pair of iron scissors.
Material from the beach, presumably washed from the site, in
cludes a broken stemmed projectile point, a Busycon perversum
hammer, a Venus mercenaria net weight (?), a native chert gun
flint, and a Spanish olive-jar sherd.
The site of Nocoroco (Mexia, 1605; 1940a, b) was known to
have been occupied at the time of Mexias visit in 1605, but the
time range to either side of this date is unknown. The pottery from
this site indicates it was occupied before the beginning of the St.
Augustine period.
Zetrouer (A-67)
The Zetrouer site, of the Spanish Mission period, was occupied
from 1690-1706. It is located on the first American road that ran
100 feet to the west of this site. This site was excavated by Goggin,
and he believes that it is possible that this road may have been a
Spanish trail. Seminole burials were intrusive at this site. Glass
mirrors were found in association with these later interments.
Aside from aboriginal pottery, the only other Indian artifacts
are flint drills, a polishing stone, and a flint scraper. A gun flint of
native chert is present and is like those that came from the Scott

Miller mission site in Jefferson County (Smith, 1948a; Boyd, Smith,
and Griffin, 1951). A large quantity of charred corn cobs were also
The aboriginal ware is predominantly San Marcos. Pottery
types having their center in the Leon-Jefferson area are also present,
including Miller Plain and Mission Red Filmed. The St. Johns
series is represented by St. Johns Plain and St. Johns Check Stamped.
Other types found are Ocmulgee Incised, Alachua Cob Marked,
fabric impressed, Belle Glade Plain, and Prairie Cord Marked.
Three types present that are probably Seminole are Stokes Brushed,
a brushed type similar to Chattahoochee Brushed, and a smooth
yellow polished type Goggin believes may be nineteenth century
Spanish ceramics include olive-jar sherds, one worked into a
gaming disc, lead glazed sherds, and one majolica piece that had
been badly burned. A Mexican sherd is present as are two Chinese
blue porcelain sherds.
A slip ware sherd that is basically an English peasant type was
found. Since this is an English or Early American piece, the ques
tion arises if it is to be associated with the Spanish occupation.
This sherd was worked into a gaming disc. It is quite possible that
it dates from the Seminole occupation. Goggin (personal communi
cation) says that this same type of ware is found at Spauldings
Lower Store, and we noted its presence in the material taken from
the moat at St. Augustine.
Glass is not abundant at this site. A small blue glass bead, a
piece of dark green glass, and a glass disc that had been chipped
from the base of a concave-bottomed bottle are all the objects found,
except for the rectangular mirrors associated with the Seminole
Metal objects include a lead bead, a piece of sheet silver, square
iron nails, an iron buckle from a belt or harness, scrap iron, and
an iron object 3 inches long.
Orange Lake Village Site (A-100)
A village site on Orange Lake was recently discovered by Goggin;
he has surface collected and obtained sixty-seven Spanish tinaja

sherds, three Ichetucknee Blue on Blue majolica sherds, and two
Columbia White. The Alachua Plain and Alachua Cob Marked
types make up 72.6% of the sherds found in a sample of 3762.
Other aboriginal types include Prairie Cord Marked, Lochloosa
Punctated, St. Johns Plain, St. Johns Check Stamped, and unclassi
fied types.
Blue glass seed beads of robins egg blue, opaque and showing
stress lines, occur. These are similar to beads from Fig Springs.
Three projectile points have been found to date; all are tri
angular and relatively small.
Fig Springs (Co-1)
Fig Springs is a source of a tributary of the Ichetucknee River.
Vast quantities of European and aboriginal materials have been
taken from this spring by Goggin (personal communication).
The European cultural materials include Spanish tinaja sherds,
a Venetian glass vial, Tallahassee Blue on White, Fig Springs Poly
chrome, Ichetucknee Blue on Blue, Columbia Common White, and
Manganese Paint majolica sherds, square hand-wrought small-to-
large nails, an iron hoe, a brass sheet, iron rings, a rectangular iron
piece, and embossed circular iron disc identical in design to aborigi
nal embossed copper discs, an iron screw, a brass finger ring with
empty mounting, miscellaneous brass sheets, a lead cross, glass beads, T*
lead shot, pear-shaped molded lead, a circular majolica cut-sherd
gaming-piece, green glass bottle fragments, brown lead-glazed sherds, .
and green glazed Islamic-like sherds.
Aboriginal pottery types include the San Marcos types, Alachua
Cob Marked, St. Johns Check Stamped (small checks predominate),
Jefferson Complicated Stamped types, Aucilla Incised, some brushed
sherds (Seminole?), and a few thin and incised shell-tempered sherds.
One-third of the aboriginal sherds found are decorated pieces.
Aboriginal artifacts are a Busy con dipper, a Cassis vessel (?),
and small triangular projectile points. Fragments of gourds and
almost a bushel of peach pits were also found.
Twined cane matting came from one bank of the spring; turkey
and deer bones were on the bed. Burned daub with wattle im
pressions also occurred.

In extensive testing around the surrounding area, no evidences
of a village, mission, and so forth were found by Goggin, and at
the present time the true nature of this site is unknown. It could
have been a mission or a colonial plantation of Spanish affinity.
Priests in the 1820-30 period mention the fact that wild fig trees were
growing in this area; these could have been planted by either
priests or plantation owners.
It is of interest to note that no gun flints nor Chinese porcelains
have been found at this site. Goggin believes that this site occurred
earlier than Zetrouer and the Scott Miller site and that it was prob
ably destroyed during the Timucua Rebellion in 1657. His basis
for this dating is the type of majolica sherds occurring here. By a
seriation of majolica from various sites in Florida, it appears that
Fig Springs fits into the early seventeenth century period.
Mulberry Mound (Or-9)
The Mulberry Mound was a shell heap 285 feet long with a
maximum breadth of 120 feet and 15.5 feet high (Le Baron, 1884,
p. 776; Thomas, 1891, p. 30; Moore, 1892d, pp. 573-74, 577; 1893d,
pp. 709-10; 1894a, pp. 7, 9, 50, 96-103; 1894b, pp. 135, 211, 213;
1894d, p. 622). As fiber-tempered sherds were found near the base,
the construction of this midden was begun during the latter part of
the Orange period. A burial mound occurred 45 feet northwest of
the shell midden. The circumference of the mound was 300 feet
and height, 8 feet.
The burial mound was stratified with five zones clearly deline
ated. The historical materials were found at a depth of not more
than 18 inches. It is not clear from Moores reports whether the
burials with historic materials were intrusive into the burial mound.
No historic materials are recorded, by Moore, as occurring in the
shell midden.
Four burials in the burial mound had historic materials in as
sociation. Six inches from the surface a female skeleton had a
number of small white seed beads near the cervical vertebrae.
At the depth of 1 foot from the surface, two burials had a variety
of materials in association. One, sex unknown, contained iron

. 51
shears, a sheet of glass, 3.5 by 5.1 inches, an ornament loosely woven
out of copper or brass wire, glass beads, a glass button that had been
placed in a Cardium, and a large glass bead of pressed clear glass.
The other burial, which occurred at a depth of 1 foot, was a
female. The following historic artifacts were interred with her: an
iron implement with an 8-inch-long blade; an iron ferrule; a flat
implement of iron, 2 inches by 5 inches; and two iron fish spears, 7
inches and 9.75 inches long. At 18 inches from the surface, a male
skeleton had in association an iron knife with the bone handle still
intact. No aboriginal artifacts were in association with these his
toric burials. No sherds or vessels were found, by Moore, in any
section of the burial mound.
The glass beads from this mound in the Museum of the Ameri
can Indian, Heye Foundation, include the following: five globular
white beads, .5 by .45 mm.; one orange-red bead covered with patina,
.65 by 95 mm.; one dark-blue cylindrical bead, 2.2 by .45 mm.; one
translucent cylindrical bead, 1.6 by .45 mm.; many white seed-
beads, 2 by 3 mm.; four iridescent amber globular beads, .7 by
.95 mm., and two blue beads with three inlays on the side. The
inlays are white with red patterns, .8 by .95 mm. (It is assumed that
these beads came from the burial of unknown sex, 1 foot from the
surface; only two burials had beads in association, and only white
ones were with the female who was 6 inches from the surface. Heye
Foundation numbers for the beads noted above were 17/2997, 17/
2998, 17/3000-17/3004.)
In viewing the type of materials and their location in the burial
mound, it appears that these burials were intrusive into an already
constructed burial mound. These materials, we believe, fall into
the 1600-1700 period and probably occurred during the latter part
of the seventeenth century.
Rouse (1951, p. 134) believes the metal objects are consistent
with the 1564-1602 or the 1603-1703 period. At the present time we
do not think there is sufficient knowledge of trade beads to delimit
their particular range in Florida to a specific fifty-year period. How
ever, these beads do fall into a range similar to those found at Good-
now (Griffin and Smith, 1948). We believe therefore the latter dates
prescribed by Rouse are closer to being correct.

Mound West of Lake Butler (Or-11)
From the Mound West of Lake Butler came both aboriginal and
European materials. The aboriginal materials include sharks teeth,
projectile points, a perforated rectangular steatite object, a dis-
coidal, a hammerstone, a bird pendant, and various types of plum
mets. The European materials include glass beads, iron awls, chisels,
hatchets or wedges, scissors, a sword blade, a hatchet, and a metal
bead (Goggin, personal communication).
The European material is similar in nature to the complex of
iron materials from the Goodnow mound. However, this mound
lacks the silver material of Goodnow and therefore probably dates
from a later, although related, period. The historic material prob
ably falls into the 1650-1700 period. The aboriginal artifacts, aside
from the discoidal stone which is undoubtedly late, probably are
from an earlier occupation of the site (Malabar I ?).
Fort Taylor Mound (Os-4)
In 1838 Samuel Forry (1928) found burials, iron harpoons and
tomahawks, an iron box with trinkets, beads, and silver orna
ments in the Fort Taylor Mound. One trinket appeared to look
very like a pearl.
Moore (1894a, p. 103) describes this site as being 14 feet high
with a circumference of 475 feet. Moore made extensive excavations
in this mound but found only occasional sherds and sherds that had
been shaped into projectile point-like objects. It is of interest to
note that the midden area (Os-3), 200 yards north of the mound,
did not yield any historic materials (Moore, 1892b, PL XXIV, p.
918; 1894a, p. 9; 1894b, p. 135; Rouse, 1951, p. 138).
Dr. Moragne of Palatka (Lente, 1877, pp. 11-12) found glass
beads, silver beads, perforated silver discs, and a perforated piece of
carnelian. Le Baron (1884, p. 776) mentions that at one time a
store was erected on this mound. Rouse (1951, p. 140) has placed
this site in his Period of Friendship (1603-1703) with which we
agree for the following reasons.
Samuel Forry in his superficial digging discovered historic
aboriginal interments near the surface and intrusive into a pre-

historic or protohistoric mound. The presence of tomahawks
which are probably celtiform axes, silver ornaments, and beads (one
pearl-like) suggests the type of material found at the Goodnow site.
Therefore, we believe this material fits into the 1600-1700 period
and is probably close to the mid-century in time.
Turkey Creek (Br-50)
There are mounds and shell deposits on the north shore of
Turkey Creek on Palm Bay (Rouse, 1951, p. 165-67; Perry, 1859,
p. 27; Le Baron, 1884, p. 784; Thomas, 1891, p. 30). The archaeo
logical periods represented are Malabar I and Malabar II. Malabar
II at this site extends into the historic period since three Spanish
tinaja sherds were found by F. M. OByrne and were given to the
Florida State Museum. Copper beads were found near the surface;
it is not clear whether they have Hopewellian affinities, were made
from copper salvaged from wrecks, or were traded from the Spanish.
Rouse (op. cit.) mentions that on Mexias map of 1605 there
is a village in this area. The historic occupation of this site, ac
cording to Rouse, was during his Period of Friendship (1603-1703).
Grant Mound (Br-56)
The Grant Mound is not to be confused with a Grant Mound
excavated by Moore. The site referred to here (Br-56) is one mile
south of the town of Grant, Florida (Rouse, 1951, p. 168-70). A
brass bell came from this mound (Rouse, ibid.). Rouse (ibid.) has
placed the portion of the site related to, or contemporary with, the
brass bell as being in his Period of Friendship (1603-1703). Mexfa
indicates a village site as occurring in this area.
Fuller Mound A (Br-90)
One mile south of Artesia occurred four or six mounds of which
Br-90 was the largest and richest. This was an historic mound of
the Malabar II period. Woodbury (MS, from Rouse, ibid. p. 196)
believes that this mound had Surruque affinities while Rouse sug
gests the Ulumay Indians were its builders.

The historic cultural material includes an iron celt, three crystal
beads, sixty-four seed beads, and a gold pendant. A copper bead,
copper discs, an incised fragment of copper, and copper pendants
with embossed designs also may have European sources. Goggin
(personal communication) believes that the iron celt, crystal beads,
and seed beads belong to the late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-
century period, and Rouse (ibid., p. 197) places this material in the
Period of Friendship (1603-1703).
Aboriginal material includes a grooved net-sinker, two stone
plummets, a perforated quartz-crystal pendant, a butt of a bone
harpoon, fragments of three bone pins (one peg-topped, the other
two engraved), a bone plummet, a bone whistle, a cylindrical shell-
bead, and two columella pendants (one with a single groove and
the other with a double groove). The associated aboriginal material
includes the following pottery types: St. Johns Plain, St. Johns
Check Stamped, St. Johns Simple Stamped, Glades Plain, and Belle
Glade Plain.
The dates mentioned by Rouse seem more appropriate for the
historic materials present at this site. However, this type of material
apparently was utilized as trade items even later, as Goggin has sug
Goodnow (Hg-4)
The Goodnow Mound (Griffin and Smith, 1948) is located on
the north shore of Lake Josephine in Highlands County, Florida.
The burial area occurs upon a natural ridge; the bodies apparently
were laid upon its surface and then covered over by carrying in dirt
from an area adjacent to the mound on the south.
The burials are of two main types, primary extended and sec
ondary bundle. Mass secondary burials were also present. The
extended burials were initially laid on a palmetto leaf or bark sur
face and then covered over. The sand of the general area of the
burials contained red ochre-stained concentrations.
European trade material is quite abundant in this site while
purely aboriginal materials are restricted to Belle Glade Plain
sherds, Biscayne Plain sherds, and Busycon dippers or cups.

Small aboriginal sherds were found throughout the excavation.
There is no direct evidence to indicate the aboriginal sherds are con
temporaneous with the historic burials. However, it is believed they
are of the same period as the burials since there is not a village site
in the immediate area and since all the burials found apparently
represent one time period.
The glass beads found include monochrome seed beads of dark
and light blue, clear glass, white, yellow, green, amber, and black.
Polychrome seed beads are also found of longitudinally-striped and
pseudo Cornaline dAleppo types. Elongate-spheroid monochrome
blue, iridescent light blue, blue-green, green, amber, and purple
ones occur as do polychrome longitudinally-striped and chevron or
star types. The oblate-spheroid shape is represented by monochrome
blue (2 shades), clear-glass and iridescent light-blue types, and by
polychrome longitudinally-striped, striped-at-ends, and Goose
berry types. The tubular beads are a dark blue. Faceted crystal
beads are also present.
Metal beads include tubular rolled silver, small silver beads cut
from rods, silver coin beads, lead (?) coin beads, brass, and copper
beads. An amber bead is also present.
The beads were strung in mixed-color strands, monochrome
strands, or sewed onto a garment in net-like fashion. The strands
were worn around the neck or concentrated around the wrists and/
or ankles. They also were found in the graves wrapped around
scissors and concentrated in balled areas with pendants.
Other glass artifacts include mirrors and unworked bottle frag
Copper and silver hawk-bells show iron strikers. Silver pendants
include the following shapes: a South Florida cult tablet, a fish
effigy with incised features, a rectanguloid pendant with incised and
punctated areas, a plain shield-shaped one, and a plain triangular
Iron materials include scissors, celtiform axes, a hunting-knife
blade, and a pointed rod. A brass button, a short length of silver
chain, a copper disc with a central hole, a copper plume, and
miscellaneous unidentified copper-and-iron fragments account for
the balance of European material from this site.
Although there is a relatively large amount of European material

at this site, it is still rather hard to place the site in its proper
chronological position. The amount of material would tend to
place the Goodnow Mound in the seventeenth- rather than the
sixteenth-century period. The cult tablets of the Glades area may
be either sixteenth or seventeenth century, although Goggin (per
sonal communication) in his study of these tablets tends to favor
the sixteenth-century dating. However, such an item may well be
found in a seventeenth-century site if it had become an heirloom.
Also, it is possible that the Florida Glades cult had its florescence
in the sixteenth century, but remnants of the cult lasted into the
seventeenth century before becoming extinct.
Our knowledge of trade beads is at the present time too limited
to draw any positive conclusions as to the time of manufacture and
dispersal to the Indians.
The materials from the Goodnow Mound are of the type men
tioned by Bishop Calderon in his letter of 1675 (Wenhold, op. cit.,
p. 13) when he visited the north Florida missions. He states: The
most common articles of trade are knives, scissors, axes, hoes, hat
chets, large bronze rattles, glass beads, blankets .... rough cloth,
garments and other trifles.
The artifacts from this mound suggest, as a whole, trade rather
than salvage from a shipwreck. The silver may be shipwreck salvage
that did not get back into Spanish hands since it was traded inland
soon after being procured by coastal Indians.
Scott Miller Site (Je-2)
The Scott Miller site was a Spanish mission that may have been
San Francisco de Oconi (Smith, 1948b; Boyd, Smith, and Griffin,
1951). It is a site of the Leon-Jefferson period located 20 miles south
east of Tallahassee. The site is on a hilltop with an elevation of
about 300 feetone of the highest areas in this locality. This section
falls in former Apalachee country near their eastern boundary which
was the Aucilla River.
Two buildings constructed by the wattle and daub technique
made up the mission complex. A borrow pit, from which the clay
for the buildings was obtained, lay to the southeast of the larger
of the two buildings.

The floor of the buildings rested on a light sandy soil and was
either packed red clay or red clay mixed with sand and then packed.
Materials obtained from this site before our excavations were
an iron lance head, hoe, spring lock, key, chisel, ring and pin, slide-
bolt, nails, a marble slab fragment, chain mail,7 and five tinaja
The cultural materials coming from our excavations of the
smaller building include a flintlock striker, a spur rowel, nails,
small flat green-glass fragments, a glass bead, inscribed tinaja sherds,
and a brass crucifix.
A tooth of a domestic pig came from the floor.
Stone materials include a small triangular projectile point, a
small scraper, a pistol-size gun-flint of native chert, a limestone dis-
coidal, and a fragment of a granite maul.
The Spanish ceramics include majolica ware and tinaja sherds.
The Indian ceramics (Smith, op. cit.) are Mission Red Filmed, Mil
ler Plain, Aucilla Incised, Leon Check Stamped, and Jefferson ware
(Type A and B Complicated Stamped and Plain).
Cultural material from the larger of the two mission buildings
includes a limestone smoothing stone or grinder, a granite pounder-
fragment, pistol flintlocks, a large triangular projectile point, a large
notched projectile point, and smoothed slate fragments. The iron
artifacts include a hinge, a keyhole plate, a chisel, an L-shaped brace
let, nails, a chest handle, an axe head, and double and single pins.
Lead and brass fragments were found in a molten state. Many gla:ss
fragments of green, blue, and black were present.
A charred corncob and peach pits were on the floor of the build
ing. Spanish ceramics include majolica, tinaja, and luster-ware
sherds. Also five sherds of Chinese porcelain were present. The
aboriginal sherds include the types found in the smaller building
plus Ocmulgee Fields Incised, Lamar-like Bold Incised, Alachua
Cob Marked, and Jefferson ware (Type D Complicated Stamped).
The borrow pit yielded granite stone pounders, limestone dis-
coidal stones, limestone grinders, awl-sharpeners, a triangular chert
projectile point, and a native chert gunflint. Iron artifacts include
tUdden (1900, pp. 66-67, frontispiece) illustrates chain mail found in an
Indian village site on Point Creek, McPherson County, Kansas. An aboriginal
base sherd from this same site is of the annular ring type (ibid., Fig. 9, p. 29).

nails, rings, spring locks, chest handles, a hinge, an anvil, a musket
barrel, a pistol barrel, and a hoe. A lead finger ring plus copper
and brass fragments were also found. Green bottle glass and circu
lar sherd gaming-discs were also present. The bones of domestic
pig, of cow or oxen, and of deer were found. The same types of
Spanish and aboriginal ceramics were present as occurred in the
buildings except for Fort Walton Incised and Jefferson ware (Type
C Complicated Stamped).
The majolica pottery from this site includes Puebla Polychrome,
San Luis Polychrome and San Luis Blue on Blue (type names by
Goggin, 1950b).
Spanish tinaja sherds are from water vessels, and from olive oil
and wine jars. A vast majority of the sherds are from unglazed pink
ware with a grit temper. All of these vessels are probably wheel
made. The glaze, when present, appears on the interior of the
vessel or on both the interior and exterior sides; it never occurs
solely on the exterior. Green glazes occur most frequently, but
red and blue glazes are present.
The necks and rims found indicate that the vessels had a very
short neck, if any, and a comparatively small, thickened rim opening.
The bases were rounded and were supported by frames or by basin
shaped holes dug in the ground. One vessel found in the borrow
pit was complete but for the rim.
There were 2,293 tinaja sherds found at the site. The majority,
72.6%, were found in the area of the larger mission building.
A tinaja type of ware, but one with a white or gray glaze and
sometimes decorated with blue lines, was also found in this area.
Glaze of this type appears on comparatively small vessels such as
flat-bottomed pitchers and jars.
Some Chinese porcelain fragments from a rectilinear vessel were
found on the floor of the larger room of Section D. These porcelain
fragments either came to Florida via Spain or Mexico. Porcelain
was not manufactured in Europe until 1700 but was imported from
the Orient at, and before, this time. There is no doubt that these
pieces are contemporaneous with the mission as they were found on
the floor of the building below undisturbed rubble.
It is obvious that there was a great diversity of types of aborigi
nal pottery at this site. The types at this mission fall chronologically

between 1633 and 1732. This ninety-nine-year period is the maxi
mum time that the mission could have been in existence. A closer
dating would probably place the mission between 1650 and 1704
when it was destroyed by Colonel Moore.
Fort San Luis (Le-4)
Fort San Luis occupies a hilltop about one mile west of Talla
hassee, Florida, one of the highest points in west Florida. This site
has been only recently excavated in a scientific manner by John W.
Griffin (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin, 1951) and by the Department of
Anthropology and Archaeology, Florida State University. The
latter excavations were not of the magnitude of Griffins work.
In 1763 (Brevard, 1924, p. 263) and 1823 (Williams, 1908, p.
22) the moat, parapet, and bastions were still strongly marked.
R. K. Call (Boyd, 1939, p. 265) found a breech of a six-pound field
piece near the spring which at one time flowed about 50 feet down
the ravine to the northeast of the fort. In 1827 Williams (p. 33)
describes the fort as
... an irregular parallelogram; the eastern and longest side
was 52 paces (sic). Within the moat, 2 brick edifices had
been erected, one 60 by 40 and the other 30 by 20 feet. There
were bastions at each corner. The outward defenses were ex
tensive. A covered way led to a spring, in a deep ravine, un
der the northeast wing of the fort.
Boyd (op. cit., p. 266) has pointed out that discrepancies are to
be noted between Williams different accounts. Boyd also quotes an
anonymous writer (Florida Intelligencer, Pensacola Gazette, April
2, 1825) who says that remnants of iron cannon, spikes, hinges, locks,
etc., were found. Further this anonymous writer says:
Within the principal fort are ruins of two brick edifices.
. these are in total ruins, and nothing but a mound appears
where the walls stood, composed wholely of broken bricks,
which have been composed of a coarse sandy clay and burned
in the modern fashion. Yet on the very walls of these build
ings are oaks 18 inches in diameter. On the same hill, and in
fact within the outworks of this fort, are to be seen grape

arbors in parallel lines, which still maintain their pristine
John W. Griffin, in his excavations at Fort San Luis, made a
test in the east-central moat section. The bones of the domestic pig,
domestic horse, and deer were found there. Oyster shells were
present. Probably the oyster itself was eaten while the shells were
burned for use as mortar. Iron objects found in the test include a
pistol barrel, a cannon fragment, eleven grenade (?) fragments, nails,
a keyhole plate, two ornate wrought-iron hinges, a ring on a pin,
and miscellaneous iron fragments. Other metal artifacts include
brass fragments, an embossed brass ornament, a strand of copper
bead links and chain, three copper tubular beads, a copper ring, a
copper ornament, copper fragments, three lead musket or pistol
.balls, and .lead fragments.
Glass objects were relatively abundant. Thirty-nine rosary beads,
a jet bead, three white beads with blue spirals, two blue beads with
white lines, an aboriginal chipped-glass scraper and ninety-two glass
fragments make up the glass inventory.
Stone artifacts include five gun flints, a broken projectile point,
and three grinding stones.
Spanish olive-jar sherds and majolica were present, but not in
the amounts found at the Scott Miller site. Two Mexican painted
sherds similar to those from the Higgs site also were found.
The aboriginal ceramic complex was represented by Mission
Red Filmed, Miller Plain, Aucilla Incised, Ocmulgee Fields In
cised, Pinellas Incised, Leon Check Stamped, San Marcos Stamped,
Jefferson Complicated Stamped A, B, C, and D, Fort Walton In
cised, St. Johns Plain, unclassified complicated stamped, and plain
This site along with the missions in the vicinity was destroyed
in 1704 by Colonel James Moore of Carolina. This gives us a good
terminal date for the site. In many respects we see that San Luis
was influencing or receiving peoples from a wider area than such
sites as Scott Miller and also probably was in existence a longer
period of time. The presence of Mexican painted pottery, a rela
tively large number of Ocmulgee Fields Incised, Pinellas Incised,
and St. Johns Plain probably indicates occasional visitors from, or
trade with, the areas where these types were characteristic.

Both Scott Miller and San Luis occupy similar geographical
locations in that they are on high ground, some distance from lakes
or rivers, and with good agricultural land surrounding them. The
water supply was from springs and wells. At both sites wattle and
daub construction was utilized. Griffin, in his excavations, found
no evidence to assume that brick, stone, or other permanent
structural remains were present at San Luis. It is possible that the
brick structures mentioned by the anonymous writer in the Florida
Intelligencer, Pensacola Gazette (op. cit.), were of the English period.
However, if this is true, it is difficult to explain why English material
did not occur in quantity in the excavations.
The occupation of San Luis was from about 1640 to 1704.
Bayview (Pi-1)
The Bayview Mound (Willey, 1949, pp. 333-34; Walker, 1880,
pp. 410-13) was composed of three distinct strata. In the two top
strata, Walker found glass beads, brass and copper ornaments, scis
sors, looking-glass ornaments, crockery, and other materials of Euro
pean provenience. The sherds from this site are, according to
Willey (ibid., p. 334), all of the Safety Harbor complex.
The material from Bayview is similar to that from Goodnow.
It is believed that they both fall into the 1600-1700 period. Since
aboriginal artifacts are not mentioned by Walker, it indicates a
different situation than that which was present during the 1500-1600
period where more aboriginal artifacts were being included with the
Seven Oaks (Pi-8)
The site of Seven Oaks is located about one-half mile west of
the town of the same name. The material from the sand burial-
mound is now in the Florida State Museum (Willey, 1949, pp.
334-35; Griffin and Smith, 1948, p. 28).
The aboriginal ceramic complexes include Safety Harbor, Weed-
en Island, and one sherd of Belle Glade Plain of the Glades com
plex. The Safety Harbor complex includes the following types:
Safety Harbor Incised, Pinellas Incised, Pinellas Plain, Leon Check

Stamped, and Lamar-like Complicated Stamped (Willey notes this
may be Jefferson ware).
The European materials include olive-jar sherds, sheet- and
coin-silver beads, a gold-plated clay bead, and an amber bead. Also,
quite a few of the bead types found at Goodnow are present: seed,
bugle, gooseberry, chevrons, longitudinally-striped polychrome, cut
glass, tubular sheet silver, and coin beads. A copper disc with a
central perforation occurs, as at Goodnow, and two brass objects of
unusual design. Two triangular silver pendants with repousse line
designs are present as is a triangular silver concave pendant without
any design. A circular silver concave pendant with an encircling
series of repousse dots was also found.
This site, like Bayview, has many similarities to the Goodnow
material although it lacks some of the iron artifacts. It probably
falls into the 1600-1700 period although there is the possibility that
it may be of the 1550-1600 period.
Pine Tuft (Je-1)
The Pine Tuft site is situated upon a hilltop 16 miles east of
Tallahassee in Jefferson County, Florida (Willey, 1949, pp. 300-1).
This site is 3 miles from the Scott Miller site. Pine Tuft was un
doubtedly a mission site. From a surface survey by Willey and from
subsequent surface collecting by us, the following materials have
been found: baked daub with wattle impressions, Spanish olive-jar
fragments, Puebla Polychrome majolica, a gunflint, a Spanish iron
axe (FSU-DAA), and wrought-iron nails. Aboroginal ceramics in
clude all named types of Jefferson ware, Miller Plain, Leon Check
Stamped, and Aucilla Incised.
In a one-foot-square test made in order to see the condition of
the floor of the mission, carbonized beans, peas, corn, and garlic
cloves (?) were found in numbers on, and just above, the floor.
(This material is now being identified by Volney Jones, Ethnobo-
tanical Laboratory of the Museum of Anthropology, University of
This mission was destroyed by fire as is evidenced by the car
bonized vegetable matter and the running of the glaze upon some
of the olive-jar sherds.
Mr. J. Clarence Simpson (personal communication) stated that

about ten years ago a low wall was in evidence that enclosed about
10,000 square feet, a part of which was occupied by the mission build
ing. This mission probably was occupied between about 1650-1704.
Summary 1600-1700
During the seventeenth century, we find that the mission com
plex is the predominant element in east, as well as west Florida.
Missions did not occur on the west coast south of the Apalachee area.
Although only a fraction of the mission sites have been relocated
in Florida, to date, we do have a fairly good picture of the Spanish-
Indian mission culture complex. Sites of this period where the
Spanish themselves lived for a time have a relative abundance of
European ceramics present. Although European ceramics are also
found on purely aboriginal sites, they are never in great quantities.
The cultural materials from the mission sites have been collected
from the building-village area, except for the peculiar situation
that exists at Fig Springs, while material from the purely aboriginal
sites has been from the burial grounds.
The Middle period sites of east and west Florida differ in some
respects. The east Florida sites assigned to this period include St.
Augustine (see Chap. Ill for summary of the city of St. Augustine
and Castillo de San Marcos), four probable missions, two aboriginal
villages, and eight mounds.
The Fig Springs site probably represents a mission site although
there is also the possibility that it might have been a Spanish plan
tation. The culture complex, however, parallels that of the known
missions. Since no plantation sites of this period have been exca
vated, it is not known just how the plantation and mission complexes
might coincide in their cultural assemblage. The abundance of
peach pits found and the historical references to figs in this area
(Goggin, personal communication) might have been the result of
either of these two types of habitation.
The sites of Shell Bluff Landing and Rollestown again may or
may not have been missions. Both were occupied by the Spanish,
British, and Americans. Since no excavations have been conducted
at these sites, it is rather difficult to ascertain their true nature.
Both are in areas where Timucua missions were located, and there-

fore may well be mission sites; however, during Spanish times, they
might have been military outposts or Indian-Spanish sites. The
site of Zetrouer is the only east Florida site that we can definitely
call a mission.8
At the Mulberry and Grant mounds of this period, the historic
materials were intrusive. In the Butler Mound and at the Bear Lake
site, there is not enough information present to determine whether
the material was intrusive or in a contemporary mound. Fullers
Mound A appears to be the only mound, among those from which
we have adequate information, that was built during this period
in the east Florida area. The Goodnow site in the central section
of the peninsula included a low mound built upon a low natural
The west Florida sites include two missions, one Spanish fort,
and two mounds. The historic material was intrusive into the Seven
Oaks Mound; in the Bayview Mound, however, it was in the top
layer. It is not clear whether this latter material was intrusive or
was laid down when the upper layer was added to the mound. The
associations of historical materials with mounds during this period
have only been in the southern part of the area under consideration
(Pinellas County). This is also true of east Florida where the eight
mound sites with historic materials in them, dating from the Middle
period, are in Orange and Brevard counties on the southern edge
of north Florida. It appears evident that these southern mound
occurrences and their peripheral position to the north Florida area
of strong Spanish influence were following the same pattern as
was present during the preceding period (1500-1600), although they
were benefiting from trade to a greater extent. The north Florida
sites with military and religious influences evidenced change in the
prehistoric culture traditions to a much greater extent.
The iron artifacts from the mission and fort sites of north
Florida are of numerous varieties. In fact, the bulk of the iron
materials occurred in these sites. The types of iron materials that
occurred in other sites of this period include scissors (Mulberry,
Nocoroco, Lake Butler, Goodnow, and Bayview), knife blades and
fishspears (Mulberry), awl, hatchets, and a sword blade (Lake But-
8Since this was written, Spanish mission sites have been located on Amelia
and Ft. George Islands in northeast Florida.Editor.

ler), and a pointed rod (Goodnow). A tomahawk came from Bear
Lake. At Goodnow a celtiform axe and a hunting-knife blade were
also found.
Nails are the most numerous iron artifacts found. These have
been found at five sites, all of which were areas of intense Spanish
occupation (Pine Tuft, Zetrouer, Fig Springs, Scott Miller, and
Fort San Luis). Hoes have been obtained from Fig Springs and
Scott Miller; a chisel, from Lake Butler and Scott Miller.
At Zetrouer a buckle was found by Goggin. Large axes are found
at Scott Miller and Pine Tuft. All the rest of the iron materials came
from either Scott Miller, Fort San Luis, or Fig Springs.
Unique iron pieces from Fort San Luis were fragments of cannon
and grenades. As one would expect, these were not found at the
Scott Miller mission site. The iron materials that had their sole
occurrence at Scott Miller are a lance head, spring locks, a key, a
slide bolt, a flintlock striker, a spur rowel, L-shaped brackets, chest
handles, double and single pins, an anvil, and a musket barrel.
Silver artifacts during this period were most numerous on the
eastern side of the peninsula. Many types were found also at the
Goodnow site which is centrally located. This picture may not be
a true one since more work in the western area might produce more
silver materials. The most common silver trait is the occurrence of
silver coin beads. They were found at four sites: Bear Lake, Gleason,
Goodnow, and the Seven Oaks Mound. Silver pendants were found
at Gleason, Goodnow and Seven Oaks Mound. An embossed silver
pendant came from Bear Lake, a fish effigy pendant from Goodnow,
and a Glades cult tablet from Gleason and Goodnow. Sheet silver
was found by Goggin at Zetrouer, and sheet-silver beads occurred
at Goodnow and Seven Oaks. Silver bells and a silver chain also
came from Goodnow.
Brass artifacts were not numerous; however, many forms are
represented in those found and recorded. Here we see that there
appears to be a fairly even distribution of materials made of brass
over the entire area discussed in this paper. Sheet brass and a brass
finger ring with an empty mounting came from Fig Springs, while
a brass button and beads were found at Goodnow. A Glades cult
tablet was the sole brass object found at Gleason. From west Florida,
the Scott Miller site yielded a brass crucifix and various small brass

fragments. Brass fragments from San Luis make up the balance of
the northwest coast brass materials. In the Seven Oaks Mound and
Bayview, brass ornaments were found. The Mulberry Mound of
east Florida had a brass-wire woven object.
Copper artifacts which may have been of European trade copper
include copper bead links, tubular beads, an ornament, and a ring-
all of which are from Fort San Luis.
Copper beads were found at Goodnow and Turkey Creek; copper
bells, at Goodnow and Grant Mound; a copper plume and copper
disc at Goodnow. The Seven Oaks Mound also produced a copper
Miscellaneous metal artifacts include those made of lead and
gold. The lead materials include a lead cross (Fig Springs), musket
l^gHs (Fig Springs and Fort San Luis), lead beads (Zetrouer ana
Goodnow), arid a finger ring (Scott Miller). Gold objects are repre
sented, at this time, by only two objects: a pendant from Fuller
Mound and a gold-plated clay bead from the Sevel Oaks Mound.
Chain mail came from Scott Miller and a metal bead from Lake
Butler. The type of metal used in their manufacture is unknown to
the author.
Tinaja sherds are of such frequent occurrence during this
period they might be considered as its hallmark. These sherds have
been found at the following sites: Shell Bluff Landing, Rollestown,
Zetrouer, Orange Lake, Fig Springs, Turkey Creek, Scott Miller,
Pine Tuft, Fort San Luis, Bayview (?), and Seven Oaks.
Majolica sherds are also important during this period and oc
curred at Shell Bluff Landing, Rollestown, Orange Lake, Fig
Springs, Scott Miller, Fort San Luis, and Pine Tuft.
Mexican sherds appeared at Zetrouer and Fort San Luis. Chinese
porcelain also was present at Zetrouer and Scott Miller. Both Chi
nese porcelain and Mexican sherds occur in numbers at the later
Higgs site.
The aboriginal custom of cutting or grinding gaming discs from
aboriginal sherds was extended to utilization of European types of
earthenware and glass. Sherd discs were made from tinaja sherds at
Rollestown and from English (?) earthenware at Zetrouer. This may
have been Seminole work (Goggin, personal communication). A
majolica disc came from Fig Springs. A glass chipped disc was also

present at Zetrouer.
Glass fragments were present at Zetrouer, Fig Springs, Goodnow,
Scott Miller, and Fort San Luis. Mirrors came from Bear Lake,
Goodnow, and Bayview; but none have been found in the north
west coast area. A glass button was found at Mulberry, and a
chipped glass scraper came from Fort San Luis. A Venetian vial
came from Fig Springs. It appears from this evidence that glass
bottles did not become popular in the Florida area until after the
Middle period.
Glass beads had a wide distribution during this period. Seed
beads of various colors came from Zetrouer, Orange Lake, Fig
Springs, Mulberry, Butler, Bear Lake, Fuller Mound A, Goodnow,
Scott Miller, Fort San Luis, Bayview, and Seven Oaks. At Zetrouer
and Scott Miller, only one bead has been found. Other bead types
include globular beads from Mulberry and Gleason; rosary beads
from Fort San Luis; crystal beads from Fuller Mound A and Seven
Oaks; psuedo Cornaline dAleppo beads from Goodnow; chevron,
gooseberry, and amber beads from Goodnow and Seven Oaks
Mound; and tubular beads from Goodnow.
Gunflints are of two types: those that were made of European
flint and those made of native Floridian flints. The English type
are from Fort San Luis. Native stone flints occurred at Scott Miller,
Fort San Luis, Pine Tuft, and Zetrouer.
A marble slab came from Scott Miller and sealing wax from Bear
At both the Scott Miller site and Fort San Luis, the remains of
domestic animals such as pig, ox, cow, and horse occurred. Domestic
plants are represented by remains of corn cobs (Scott Miller), peach
pits, gourds (Fig Springs), beans, peas, and garlic (Pine Tuft).
For Fig Springs, there are historical references to the presence
of fig groves in the area during the seventeenth century (Goggin,
personal communication).
The aboriginal ceramics during this period showed quite strong
ly developed San Marcos and Leon-Jefferson traditions. At the sites
of Rollestown and Zetrouer, the San Marcos ware predominated as
at St. Augustine. At Fig Springs, both San Marcos and Leon-Jeffer-
son types occurred. In west Florida, the Leon-Jefferson types were
well established at Pine Tuft, Scott Miller, and Fort San Luis.

This period shows a decrease of silver and gold objects and an
increase in the number of artifacts made with various types of ma
terials. European ceramics become important markers. Although
this was the important period for the missions in west Florida, it is
rather surprising to find that very few items of religious significance
have been found at mission sites. The only evidence to date is the
finding of rosary beads, a lead cross, a crucifix, and a piece of a
marble slab which might have been a section of an altar.

The sites of St. Augustine, Wrights Landing, Fort St. Marks,
and San Francisco de Pupa have been placed in a separate section,
as they were occupied continuously by EuropeansSpanish or Bri
tish. These four sites represent three diverse types of habitations:
St. Augustine was the capital and main defense of the area; Wrights
Landing probably was a Spanish mission and then a colonial plan
tation; Fort St. Marks was a fort, and San Francisco de Pupa was
a military outpost.
Archaeological Sites
St. Augustine (Sj-10)
From the time of its founding in 1565, St. Augustine was the
hub of all Spanish activity in Florida. By holding this settlement,
the Spanish not only controlled the Florida peninsula but also the
coast northward as far as South Carolina. This control lasted until
the English settled Georgia. In 1763 Florida was taken over by the
Floridas position became important to Spain only when pirates
of all nationalities began capturing the treasure ships that were
being dispatched from Mexico to Spain. When the French estab
lished Fort Caroline, this was an added threat to Spain since Fort


Caroline was situated upon the northern end of the Bahama chan
nel. A stronghold was necessary; St. Augustine was settled and the
fort of San Juan de Pinos built. The fort was only a pine timber
stockade with wooden buildings on the interior. This type of fort
in Florida could be built cheaply and quickly but was often de
stroyed by Indian fire-arrows, seasonal hurricanes, or damp rot, and
failed to last a decade (Manucy, 1945, p. 4). When Francis Drake
razed St. Augustine in 1586, this fort was burned after having been
There were nine wooden forts built at St. Augustine before the
present Castillo de San Marcos was started. When it was begun in
1671, the beginning of the end was already at hand for the Spanish
in Florida.
In order to get laborers for cutting and transporting the stone,
the Indians of the tribes of Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee were
enlisted. The Indians were often forced into this labor but did
have the choice of bringing their families to St. Augustine or
leaving them at home. All of them received a wage, including the
Apalachee; because of rebelling in 1647, they were forced, by
sentence, to supply laborers yearly for this work. The time of labor
service was supposed to be one year; however, the term was often
extended. Chiefs were not exempt from this work and one cacique
was forced to remain for three years without returning to his
people (Manucy, ibid.., p. 11). The average wage for the Indians
was one real per day (12%c) plus rations of maize. Some of the
Indians became good carpenters and received nine reales per day.
Negro slaves, Spanish peons, and convicts also helped in the con
struction of the stone fort.
The documents tell us that the people of St. Augustine were
in a starving condition most of the time. This is hard to under
stand because of the many native foodssuch as shellfish, fish, birds,
alligators, berries, and so forththat abounded in the area. The
sandy soil around St. Augustine evidently did not respond to in
tensive year-after-year cultivation. The staple was maize with plant
ing, cultivation, and harvesting done by the imported Indians. The
corn ration given to the Indians was twenty-five pounds (an arroba)
which lasted about ten days. Fresh meat was also rationed.
Governor James Moore of Carolina attacked St. Augustine in

1702, but the Spanish were able to hold him at a distance until the
arrival of two Spanish warships; after this, Moore withdrew. In
1728, Colonel Palmer of South Carolina marched to the gates of
St. Augustine; however, the town and fort were so well defended
by this time, he did not attempt to force an entrance, although he
did destroy Indian settlements in the area.
James Oglethorpe set siege to St. Augustine for thirty-eight days
in 1740 and then withdrew.
In 1748 a Treaty of Peace was drawn up between England and
Spain. In 1762 Spain lost Havana to the English, but only for one
year; for in 1763 Spain ceded Florida to the English and in turn
received back Havana.
The only archaeological work within the town of St. Augustine
and at Castillo de San Marcos was done by W. J. Winter (Smith,
1948a, p. 313). The culture materials from excavations in the moat
of the fort, the glacis slope, the Dragoon Lot, the city moat, 56
Marine Street, Cubo Redoubt, and the City Gates included aborigi
nal, Spanish, English, and American materials. The artifact stratum
ran from the surface to a depth of 22 inches. The heaviest concen
tration of Spanish and Indian materials occurred between 18 and
22 inches below the surface. The aboriginal materials were con
centrated, for the most part, 20 to 22 inches below the surface. This
stratum may have been an Indian site immediately before, and/or
during, early Spanish occupation. The location of the excavated
sites seems to indicate that they were historic; they were away from
the river where most of the prehistoric sites occur in this region.
Test excavations immediately outside the old town wall failed to
yield any aboriginal materials. The aboriginal cultural material
was composed mainly of sherds (Smith, ibidpp. 314-16).
In the collection of materials at San Marcos, five aboriginal elbow
pipes are present. Two have Lamar-like paste, one is of St. Johns
Paste, one of San Marcos Paste, and one is carved out of a very soft
limestone. The limestone pipe is made of the same material and is
of the same general shape as a pipe-blank from the Higgs site.
A scapula of a large animal, probably a buffalo, is also present
in the San Marcos collection. It may have been used as a hoe. The
buffalo arrived in Florida at a late date (about 1725) and did not
play any important part in the economy of the aboriginal groups.

The Spanish, English, American, and Chinese ceramics from
Winters excavations have not been studied in detail.* However,
they are, on the whole, like or similar to those found at Wrights
Landing, Fort St. Marks, Spaldings Lower Store, and the mission
Interesting pieces in the San Marcos collection include gun-
flints made of native stone but with the same size and shape as
those of English derivation. The use of native stone gunflints is
also noted at the Scott Miller site, Fort San Luis, and sites exca
vated by Goggin along the St. Johns. Buttons were made by cutting
them out of deer (?) scapulae or sharks vertebrae. The scapulae
buttons had either one central hole, four holes, or five holes. Brass
buttons were present; however, it is believed these were later than
the Spanish occupation.
Due to the shallowness of the deposit and due to the continuous
occupation of the site from 1565 to the present, it is very difficult
to get any clearly defined stratigraphic sequence. Archaeological
work in outlying relatively pure sites of short duration will do
much to straighten out the problems that exist in St. Augustine.
Wrights Landing (Sj-3)
The site of Wrights Landing is on the east shore of North River,
a few miles north of St. Augustine, Florida. It is a midden area
that occurs in a hammock. One edge is being eroded away by the
river. Goggin (personal communication) surface-collected this site.
The midden deposit runs from 1 to 2 feet in thickness, and several
cultural horizons are represented in the collected artifactual ma
terial. According to Goggin (ibid.) the bulk of material is of the
St. Augustine period. There is also much material of the American
and English periods. The aboriginal ceramic types include St.
Johns II material, such as chalky wares and Sarasota Incised. Fiber-
tempered sherds are evidence of the Orange period.
European ceramics are represented by a number of types. Span
ish olive-jar sherds are present in considerable numbers. One
olive-jar sherd had been made into a disc gaming-piece by some
Editors Note: For recent publication on the Chinese ceramics, see The
Florida Anthropologist, Vol. VIII (1955), No. 4.

Unglazed and glazed olive-jar sherds have been found by Gog-
gin. The glazed sherds are all green, except one. The green glaze
occurred either on the interior or on both the interior and the
exterior of the vessel. The sherd with a glaze other than green
contained a strap handle, and the handle had a thin tin enamel
covering with a blue design.
The majolica sherds, Spanish-period markers, include Fig Springs
Polychrome, San Luis Blue on White, San Luis Polychrome, Tal
lahassee Blue on White, an unclassified polychrome (yellow on
blue), and an unclassified blue on exterior (Goggin, 1950b). Goggin
believes that there is probably some correlation between the un
classified majolica types at this site and those of the Scott Miller
The bulk of the English ware came into the Florida area during
the 1763-83 British period, or after 1821, the end of the second
Spanish occupation. The English and Early American wares are
represented at this site by blue and green featheredge, cream ware
with or without transfer patterns, blue-painted cream ware, lead-
glazed ware, red and yellow slip ware, and various types of iron
ware including a salt-glazed iron ware. English white-clay trade
pipes are present in small amounts.
Kang Hsi Chinese porcelain sherds, probably brought in by
the Spanish, occur. These include pure whites, underglazed blue,
and overglazed enamels. Goggin found the base of a Chinese blue
on white porcelain bowl that had been chipped, probably by the
Indians, and used as a scraper.
Fragments of various types of bottles were present. However,
it is difficult to separate bottles into English or Spanish, especially
if neck and mouth sherds are absent. The listing here includes the
two major types of bottles found: round, dark green, with thick-to-
medium walls, and with concave bases; square, light-green, of med
ium thickness, and with only a slightly concave base. A pale-amber
bottle with a threaded square base was found. This bottle may have
been Spanish.
In the fine-glass category were found a crystal goblet stem with
twisted interior streaks, a stem from a crystal baluster glass with a
tear drop on the interior (comparable to the tear-drop pattern of

modern Steuben), a crystal foot from a goblet or compote, and a
clear threaded goblet with a round base.
Metal artifacts include the bowl of a copper spoon, a copper
buckle, and a bronze bell. The English bronze bell has the initials
W. K. and is similar to those found at Ocmulgee Fields and to
those in Alabama archaeological collections. The spoon and the
buckle might have been either Spanish or English, although they
are most probably English. Other metal found on the site included
miscellaneous iron fragments, nails (?), and an iron-kettle (?) frag
ment. Other specimensall of which probably are moderninclude
an iron-wire ring, chisel, and unglazed and glazed wire.
The most abundant aboriginal ware is San Marcos. The fol
lowing types are present: San Marcos Plain, San Marcos Red, San
Marcos Incised, and San Marcos Stamped. The decorative motifs
of the San Marcos Stamped include simple stamped, cross-simple
stamped, check stamped, barred blocks, and complicated stamped.
One check-stamped sherd upon San Marcos-like paste was tempered
with shell. Loop handles occurred on four of the San Marcos Plain
The St. Johns series includes St. Johns Check Stamped and St.
Johns Plain. Other pottery types represented by one or two sherds
are Orange Plain, Little Manatee Zone Stamped, Sarasota Incised,
Savannah Fine Cord Marked, Ichetucknee Plain (?), Weeden Island
Plain (?), and several unclassified types.
Other aboriginal materials include six Busy con picks (Type X,
Goggin, personal communication), a grooved coquina weight, and
a barbless projectile point.
This site, in close proximity to St. Augustine, appears to have
had its major occupation during the height of the first Spanish
control, 1600-1700. The presence of numbers of San Marcos, ma
jolica, and olive-jar sherds lends weight to this theory. By the time
of the English occupation of Florida (1763), the aboriginal culture
in this area had almost, if not completely, disappeared.
With the coming of the English, the whole picture changed; the
Indians still in the area were more dependent upon European trade
materials. The English occupation of this site must have been a
domicilliary one. The only other possibility is that it might have
been an Indian village with the cultural remains representing trade

materials. However, the fineness of some of the materials, especially
glass, negates this hypothesis.
During Spanish times this site could very well have been a
mission location. Majolica seems to have been in association, for
the most part, with missions in Florida, and at Wrights Landing
several types are present. The majolica was evidently sent out by the
Church as regular mission supplies. According to the present inter
pretation of the majolica types (Goggin, personal communication),
the Spanish occupation of this site began before the founding of
the Scott Miller site which was about 1650.
Two missions, occupied by Indians of the Iguaja Nation, were
near St. Augustine in 1726. Due to pressure by hostile groups,
these missions later moved into closer proximity to Castillo de San
Marcos and became fused with the Yamassee (Swanton, 1946, p. 136).
The Wrights Landing site, therefore, may have been one of these
mission sites that had its ending about 1728when it was moved into
closer proximity to, and the protection of, the fort.
Fort St. Marks (Wa-26)
Fort St. Marks is at the confluence of the St. Marks and the
Wakulla rivers in Wakulla County, Florida. The fort was in
itially constructed by the Spanish in 1648 and had a continuous oc
cupation until relatively recently. The original fort was built of
wood, and its guns commanded the approach from the Gulf of
Mexico. It was easily defended due to the narrowness of the river
channels at this point and due to the swamps that cut off an easy
approach from the north.
This site is mentioned by Willey (1949, p. 299); however, he
was mistaken about the mounds being aboriginal. According to
Mark F. Boyd (personal communication), this mound was a powder
magazine. To date this site has not been tested, but material has
been obtained from the St. Marks River bank where it is being
washed out by the tides. Indian, Spanish, British, and American
materials have been found.
The Spanish materials include tile sections, olive-oil jar frag
ments of both the glazed and unglazed types, a peasant table-ware,
majolica sherds, and bottle fragments.

The aboriginal ware, which is undoubtedly contemporary with
the Spanish occupation, includes Leon-Jefferson and Fort Walton
types, as well as Chattahoochee Brushed.
The English period is represented by the following types of
ceramics: transfer ware, featheredge ware, willow ware, and several
blue and blue-and-white types as yet undescribed. English clay
pipes are also present.
An intensive archaeological program at this site will resolve,
we are sure, many acculturation problems now unanswered in
Spanish-Indian and English-Indian relationships.
San Francisco de Pupa (Cl-10)
The blockhouse of San Francisco de Pupa is located on the west
bank of the St. Johns River just below the present town of Green
Cove Springs. This fort may have been built in 1673 and rebuilt
in 1738 from plans made by the royal engineer, Antonio de Ar
redondo. The blockhouse was surrounded by palisade walls. In
January, 1740, Oglethorpe captured both Pupa and Picolata, an
other site on the St. Johns. However, in May of the same year, the
Spanish were able to recapture the fort, although it had been
burned by the English. Bartram visited this fort site February 2,
1766 (1943, p. 182).
This site was excavated by Goggin (personal communication).
He kept the material separated according to 6 inch levels. English
materials appeared in levels 1 (top) and 2, while the Spanish ma
terial was found in levels 3, 4, and 5.
The St. Johns series (all types) of ceramics occurred in di
minishing amounts from the lower levels to the top, while the
San Marcos series (all types) became numerically more numerous
from the bottom of the Spanish level up to its top and then faded
during English occupation. The St. Johns series includes: St. Johns
Plain, St. Johns Simple Stamped, and St. Johns Check Stamped.
The San Marcos series includes San Marcos Plain, San Marcos Simple
Stamped, San Marcos Cross Simple Stamped, and San Marcos Com
plicated Stamped. Other aboriginal sherd types include Orange
Plain (one sherd), Dunns Creek Red, unclassified gritty, smooth
plain (one), and polished yellow (one). Goggin believes (personal

communication) that the polished yellow type may be Seminole.
No majolica was found in the excavations, and thus it may be
assumed that majolica went with missions rather than military
posts. Spanish tinaja sherds were found, but not in large quantities.
One tinaja sherd was marked with an X.
The ceramics in the English levels included a basalt ware
Wedgwood-like in that it has a similar bas-relief to Wedgwooda
cream ware numerically most numerous, and a lead-glazed ware.
The lead-glazed slip ware is Staffordshire and is the same as was
found by Goggin at Spaldings Lower Store. Plain white-clay English
pipes were found.
The only aboriginal artifacts found, aside from the pottery, are
three flint chips, a projectile point, and a carved bit of steatite.
Other European materials include light and dark glass frag
ments, brass and iron nails, a brass button, and European gun-
flints. One peach pit, a number of corn cobs, and animal bones are
also present. The corn cobs and animal bones were most numerous
in the Spanish levels of the site.
To date this site presents the clearest picture of consecutive
occupation by the Spanish and the English.

LATE PERIOD 17001800
During the period immediately before 1704, the Georgia Indians,
pressed by the English in Carolina, were increasing the number and
intensity of their attacks upon the north Florida Indians from
Apalachee to St. Augustine. Swanton (1922, p. 120) notes that
Governor Zuniga wrote on March 20, 1702, that infidel Indians
had attacked the town of Santa Fe in Apalachee, but were driven
off after they had burned the church.
Also, in 1702 the Spaniards with nine hundred Apalachee In
dians started a march to make war upon the English and their
Creek allies. The Creeks found out about this expedition and in
formed the traders who encouraged the Creeks to get an army of
five hundred men together. After this was done, the traders headed
the Creeks and went to meet the Spanish group. The two armies
met upon the banks of the Flint River; and the Creeks, by a ruse,
won the battle (Carroll, 1836, Vol. II).
In the winter of 1703-4 Colonel James Moorewith fifty English
soldiers and a thousand Creek allies evidently under orders to kill
or take prisoner all the peoples of Apalacheedestroyed nearly all
of the towns of that province. The group left Ocmulgee in Decem
ber, 1703. According to a letter written by Moore (Carroll, ibid.)
to the Governor of Carolina, the mission of Ayubali was evidently
the first Apalachee settlement encountered. The building was
burned, and the only European (the Friar) told the English that
twenty-five of the Apalachee had been killed. The eighty-four

men, women, and children who were spared were taken prisoner.
The next morning the troops from Fort San Luis came to engage
Moores soldiers, but the members of this group were either killed
or taken prisoner. After this skirmish the chief of Ibitachka, who
had a strong and well-made fort, was asked to surrender without
a battle. This was done, and the chief also sent the church plate
and ten horses laden with provisions.
After leaving Ibitachka, Moore marched through five towns,
all of which had forts. However, these towns too surrendered un
conditionally. By this time his prisoner ranks had swelled to all
the people of three towns and the greatest part of four more. The
people of four towns were totally destroyed. The people of one
town ran away before the English arrived. However, their town,
church, and fort were burned. The English proceeded to San Luis
and took the fort. From here the group moved back north again.
The Spanish account of this expedition into Apalachee was
written by Governor Zuniga to the King of Spain.
After Moores raid a small number of the Apalachee moved
into the Mobile area and came under French protection. Some
of this group eventually moved back into the Pensacola area and,
when the British took over Florida, were moved by the Spanish to
the Vera Cruz region of Mexico (Goggin, personal communication).
The culture vacuum left in the Apalachee area was gradually
filled by a new group of Indians. This new group, later to be called
Seminole, was a mixed group of Hitchiti, Oconee, and other Musk-
hogean-speaking peoples. The Yamassee rebellion of 1715 and
the resulting movement of Georgia Indians increased the numbers
of the peoples who migrated into the Florida area and who became
included in the Seminole group.
The Yamassee, in 1716 after the defeat of their emissaries, fled
to St. Augustine. The Apalachicolas returned to their former home
area along the Chattahoochee. These peoples, having been among
the English traders for a number of years, brought with them their
European materials. Although they still maintained their ceramic
art, it was, to a certain extent, degenerate and close to extinction.
Diego Pena (Boyd, 1949) traveled through the Apalachee and
Timucua territory in 1716, after the English raids of 1702 and
1708. Pena was escorted on this trip by an Apalachicola cacique

from the lower Chattahoochee River who wished to get into the
good favor of the Spanish and come under their protection.
Upon Penas return to St. Augustine, he brought with him several
Indians who were well received and entertained by the Governor.
When they returned to Apalachicola, they were given presents of
a length of red cloth, a blanket, and an arroba of powder and one of
ball. The Spanish at this time were doing a certain amount of trad
ing of guns and powder to the Indians. Pena was commissioned to
take with him three arrobas of powder and a dozen guns to present
to chiefs or principal men who wished to come under Spanish
In his journal he mentions seeing a bull with the brand of
Lachua (Alachua) and two buffalo. Cows are mentioned; however,
there is no indication whether they were domesticated cattle or
buffalo cows. The Alachua area was, by this time, settled by Spanish
ranchers, and peach and fig groves were also flourishing (Goggin,
personal communication). Cattle were also encountered in numbers
on Lake Jackson prairie in the present Leon County (Boyd, op. cit.).
It appears that the cattle in this latter area were wild ones, probably
left behind after the Apalachee exodus. Pena does not mention
meeting any Indians until he approached the Ochlocknee, Chatta
hoochee, and Flint rivers. He proceeded northward into Georgia
and mentions the villages in the great bend of the Chattahoochee
River and the number of warriors in each village.
During and after the raids upon the western and eastern Timu-
cua, the Spanish urged the various displaced groups to raid the
Carolina colonies. These plans, however, did not materialize.
After 1727, the time of Colonel Palmers raid upon St. Augustine
itself and the surrounding Indian towns, there was not much land
fighting between the Spanish and the British.
In 1763 Florida was ceded to the English, who returned it to
Spain in 1783 after a twenty-year occupation. By 1763 the Timucua
as a group had disappeared, and the Seminole had taken their place.
By about 1750 they were in central Florida, and later had expanded
to the St. Johns River. William Bartram (1940) notes that by 1773
English trading posts were established upon the St. Johns and that
Seminoles were present.
In tfiie Ais area, Rouse (1951, p. 258) has called the 1704-63 era

a period of decline and the 1764-1835 time-span the Seminole period.
In 1715 a Spanish treasure fleet was wrecked off the Sebastian
River. Romans (1775, p. 273) notes that traces of it were still there
in 1760.
A report to the King of Spain in 1737 by Arredondo upon the
defense problems of Florida suggested that a colony of two hundred
be established at Ais (Higgs, 1942, p. 28). This suggestion evidently
was not acted upon as no further mention of this project occurs in
subsequent manuscripts.
In 1743 two Jesuit priests gave provisions, knives, and hatchets
to the Indians at Santa Lucia in exchange for the life of a proposed
""''-Vsacrificial child. The Indians complained that they did not also
receive liquor. The priests had come from Cuba at the request of
The Tekesta Indians, who at this time were at Santa Lucia. The
priests and their companions built a fort at this place. The Governor
at Havana ordered the fort to be torn down as it would be too expen
sive to maintain. It was razed so that it would not be utilized by
the English or their allies the Yuchi (Alegre, 1841-42, pp. 277-80).
Rouse (1951, p. 59) notes that the above report confirms that
the Ais were subject to the northern Indian attacks and indicates
a breakdown in their culture. The Ais by this time were more
familiar with Spanish culture, decimated by disease, and drinking
heavily. This breakdown of the Ais has been compared by Rouse
(op. cit.) to that of the Timucua culture around St. Augustine. In
both areas the breakdown of the native culture contributed to the
extermination of the Ais and Timucua groups as much as did the
attacks made by the northern Indians.
Romans (1775, p. 186) mentions that the only residents along
the Indian River in 1760 were Spanish fishermen from Havana.
These Cuban fishermen evidently spent the fall and winter in this
area, and Perez (1907, p. 79) mentions that in 1758 the Yuchi killed
one and wounded five in an attack.
When Florida was given to Britain in 1763, it is probable those
of the Ais that remained moved to Havana with the Calusa with
whom they had taken refuge (Swanton, 1922, pp. 343-44; 1946,
pp. 84-85).

Archaeological Sites of the 1700-1800 Period
This period not only bridges a political shift from Spanish to
British control, but it also witnesses an almost complete breakdown
of aboriginal material culture after the coming of the Seminole to
the state of Florida.
Spanish contacts were lessened after the raids of Colonel Moore
in the St. Augustine and Apalachee areas. To date, a complete
analysis of the Spanish and British influences cannot be made be
cause not enough work has been done upon sites of this period,
especially in central, west, and northwest Florida.
Mound near Bayard Point (Cl-8)
The mound near Bayard Point, close to the St. Johns River,
was 4.75 feet high with a basal diameter of 45 feet (Moore, 1849b,
pp. 188-89).
Three burials were found in three separate areas of this mound.
On the southern margin was an extended male skeleton. Parallel to
the body lay a flintlock musket with the muzzle toward the feet.
Fourteen spherical bullets were in association.
In the northern area was a female extended burial with a layer
of bark covering her. Silver earrings of European pattern were near
the skull, and a great number of white glass beads and five brass
finger-rings were near the cervical vertebrae. Many white glass
beads occurred on the chest and around the waist. The left hand
had in association four bits of glass, the largest bejng oblong and
measuring 1 inch by 2 inches. A mass of commercial cinnabar was
in the right hand.
The third burial was a male who had been interred nearer the
center of the mound. A musket lay at his side with muzzle toward
the feet. Also associated with this burial was a bone-handled awl,
probably the remnant of a powder hornthe base partially studded
with brass-headed tacks (ibid., p. 189), and an object of iron with
a gunflint in contact with it.

1. Mound near Bayard Point
2. Spauldings Lower Store
3. Cooks Ferry Midden
Indian Fields
5. North Indian Fields
6. Middle Indian Fields
Higgs Site

Moore mentions that four or five sherds lay in different portions
of the mound with none in direct association with the burials.
The three burials in this mound are probably Seminole since
the burial pattern follows rather closely those outlined for this
group by Goggin et al (1949) and Romans (1775). Since the Spanish
did not supply the Indians with guns and the English did, it is
obvious that these people were in this area after strong Spanish
control was lessened and English influence was being felt. The
minimum date for this type of burial in this particular area would
be 1750.
It appears therefore that the mound was constructed by a former
group and was utilized as a burial place by a later people. The
constructors of the mound may not have completed this structure
as it is relatively low and as previous burials seem to be lacking.
Spaldings Lower Store (Pu-23)
The site of Spaldings Lower Store is located at the present
Stokes Landing, on the west side of the St. Johns River, 6 miles
southwest of Palatka, Florida (Bartram, 1943, pp. 124, 182, 183, 187,
188, 191, 192). Goggin (personal communication) has excavated a
considerable part of the Lower Store area.
Spalding was an English merchant who traded with the Semi-
noles and had his headquarters on St. Simons Island, Georgia. This
site was occupied from 1763-84, being abandoned the year after
Florida came into Spanish hands. Spalding also maintained an
Upper Store which, according to Harper (1943, p. 186), was located
at the present site of Astor, Florida.
The aboriginal material from this site includes Stokes Brushed
a Semin.ole ware (Goggin, 1949b), Ocmulgee Fields Incised, and a
plain mica-tempered ware. A small side-notched projectile point
and triangular projectile points were also found in association with
historic materials.
Numbers of oriental porcelain sherds were found. The majority
appear to have been Chinese, while some may be Japanese. Blue on
white porcelain sherds from plates, shallow bowls, and rice cups
are present. Chinese (?) polychrome or blue on white sherds have
rice cup, shallow bowl, and ginger jar forms; while other poly-

chrome on white sherds, probably of Japanese derivation, also
occur. Unfortunately, the latter sherds are such that the form is
indistinguishable. A tea-cup handle and lid were also found. A
Chinese sherd from a shallow bowl with a blue on white interior
and a brown exterior and lip is present. The Chinese porcelains
probably were not traded actively to the Indians but were probably
utilized only by the personnel of the store.
The English ceramics include various kinds of lead- and salt-
glazed types. Lead-glazed slip ware includes feather-decorated brown
on yellow, white on yellow, and brown dots on yellow. All of the
lead-glazed slip ware has a disc foot. The typical exterior is un
glazed. This is a peasant type of ware used in England and Germany
for a long period of time. It was also manufactured in America
at an early date. This type came from the top level of Fort Pupa
and Wrights Landing, as well as St. Augustine.
A salt-glazed ware with a stippled surface occurs. This type of
ware is often called Tiger ware. An unglazed red stoneware teapot,
also called Elers ware (Wedgwood), was found. Elers ware is en
gine-turned and dates about 1765. This ware has a red interior,
exterior, and core, and was decorated on a lathe. On the base
occurs an imitation Chinese mark.
A Delft-like ware that may be of English manufacture is present.
This is the only English site to date, except for the Castillo de San
Marcos, where this particular type has been found (Goggin, per
sonal communication).
Staffordshire incised blue, blue on white creamware, early Eng
lish blue on white porcelain with a willow ware-like pattern, white
molded stoneware, blue featheredge, marble ware, and/or tortoise
shell ware make up the other English types present.
The presence of four Spanish olive-jar sherds as yet remains un
A heart-shaped silver brooch was found. This type of brooch
was introduced by the English traders and is a good time indicator.
Other miscellaneous materials from this site include a copper
cone, a slate fragment, a piece of sulphur, a short tubular opaque
white bead, and charred com.

Cooks Ferry Midden (Se-12)
The culture material collected from the Cooks Ferry midden is
predominantly St. Johns lie (Goggin, 1952, p. 92), although there is
the possibility that St. Johns I material is also present. The European
materials from the midden area include two body sherds of a
Spanish tinaja.
This site is thought to have been the important Seminole town
where King Phillip lived. Since the midden area is still unexcavated,
it is impossible to determine what other European materials are
present and whether, if they do appear, they are of a type that would
fit into the Seminole occupation period.
Indian Fields (Br-5)
The Indian Fields Mound on the south shore of Lake Ruth
(Moore, 1892a, p. 131; 1892b, p. 18, PI. XXIV; 1894a, pp. 7, 9, 96;
1894b, p. 135) was a burial mound 5 feet high and about 375 feet
in circumference. When Moore visited the site, glass beads left
there by previous excavators were on the surface. This site was so
torn up, Moore did not bother excavating here.
Glass beads were among the first trade items of the Europeans
and remained a popular item until American times. Certain spe
cific types of beads are datable, but the mere mention of their
presence or absence does not aid in limiting the dates of the occupa
tion of a specific site. Rouse (1951, p. 144) mentions that there
are two pieces of copper from near the base of the mound in the
Peabody Museum at Harvard. Whether this is European or abori
ginal is unknown. In the U. S. National Museum two iron axes
(174, 100) are recorded as being ploughed up in the Indian Fields
Mound, Brevard County. Rouse believes that the beads and axes
may be Seminole and therefore intrusive into this mound. He
dates his Seminole period in this area as occurring from 1764-1835.
North Indian Fields (Br-20)
North Indian Fields is a village site in a hammock on the south-

east shore of Sawgrass Lake (Rouse, 1951, pp. 146-48; Small,
1923b, pp. 32-33). Several iron axes came from this area, probably
dating from the Seminole occupation as Rouse has suggested (1764-
1835). The name of the site itself suggests that it probably was an
agricultural field named from Seminole activities.
Middle Indian Fields (Br-21)
Middle Indian Fields is on Lake Helen Blazes, 3 miles southeast
of North Indian Fields (Br-20). It is a village site with Malabar II
refuse. Rouse found nails, porcelain, and cartridge cases on the
surface. He (1951, p. 149) sees the possibility that the European
material may be modern.
The Higgs Site (Br-139)
The historic European-Indian site named the Higgs site (Smith,
1949) is located on the offshore bar, or island, lying between the In
dian River and the Atlantic Ocean, 2.4 miles south of Sebastian Inlet,
Brevard County, Florida. At the site the Atlantic beach escarpment
ranges from 12 to 14 feet in height, and from it the land slopes
gradually to the Indian River, some 800 feet to the west. The ocean
has been cutting away the eastern escarpment yearly.
The entire area of the offshore bar is covered with a heavy
growth of palmetto, sea grape, yucca, and cabbage palm; and due
to the cutting action of the waves, the primary dune vegetation
that would be expected, such as sea oats, is lacking. Because of the
inaccessibility of the surface, the exact area covered by the site is
unknown, but test trenches have shown that it extends a minimum
of 343 feet along the escarpment and across the whole width of
the island.
The aboriginal culture is mainly represented by pottery frag
ments which fall into three classes of wares: San Marcos, Glades, and
St. Johns. The San Marcos was relatively abundant throughout the
excavated area while the Glades and St. Johns wares are represented
by only a few sherds.
Stone artifacts are represented by a roughed-out limestone pipe-
blank, a pestle, pumice, and limestone smoothing-stones. The bone
complex includes two gouge-shaped implements, a triangular bone