Cuba's great struggle for freedom

Material Information

Cuba's great struggle for freedom
Quesada, Gonzalo de, 1868-1915
Northrop, Henry Davenport, 1836-1909
Place of Publication:
Place of publication not identified
publisher not identified
Publication Date:
Physical Description:
1 online resource3 (x, [2], 652 pages, [17] leaves of plates) : illustrations, map, portraits ;


Subjects / Keywords:
1810-1899 ( fast )
Travel ( fast )
Viaje ( qlsp )
History -- Cuba -- Revolution, 1895-1898 ( lcsh )
History -- Cuba -- 1810-1899 ( lcsh )
Description and travel -- Cuba ( lcsh )
Cuba ( fast )
History. ( fast )
Historia ( qlsp )


General Note:
Subtitle: Containing a complete record of Spanish tyranny and oppression, scenes of violence and blood shed, daring deeds of cuban heroes and patriots, thrilling incidents of the conflict, American aid for the cause of Cuba, secret expeditions, inside facts of the war, etc., etc., great resourses, products and scenery of the "Queen of the Antilles", manners and customs of the people, etc., etc. : to which is added a full account of the destruction of the battleship "Maine" and the report of the naval board, hurried preparations for war with Spain, etc., etc.
General Note:
Irregular paging.
General Note:
"Himno Bayamés", with music, p. [xi-xii].
Statement of Responsibility:
by Gonzalo de Quesada and Henry Davenport Northrop.

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University of Florida
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UF Latin American Collections
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Resource Identifier:
036230349 ( ALEPH )
1040034237 ( OCLC )
F1758 .Q58 ( lcc )

Full Text
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The Machete, to which constant references are made, is the implement used in cutting sugar cane. The weapon, however, is long and narrower than the ordinary machete, and is very deadly in the hands of the insurgents.
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The Machete, to which constant references are made. is the implement

Concealing themselves in the tops of palm trees, the insurgents make attacks as represented in the engraving. This mode of warfare is adopted for the purpose of concealment from the enemy, and with practiced riflemen is most destructive.

Daring Deeds of Cuban Heroes and Patriots
Charge' d'Affaires of the Republic of Cuba, at Washington, D. C.
HENRY DAVENPORT NORTHROP The well-known author
Embellished with many Beautiful Phototype Engravings

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the y, car 1898, by J. R, JONES, (n the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington, D. C.
All Rights Reserved.


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"fHE eyes of the whole world are turned toward Cuba, eagerly
Watching her Great Struggle for Freedom. The American
people recall the long and gory conflict that made this a free and independent nation. Their hearts beat high and their blood grows warm as they read of Cuba's gallant fight for Independence.
The Cuban people have the same reason for their Great Revolution that America had when she threw off the yoke of oppression. For long age's the beautiful Queen of teAntilles has suffered under the curse of Spanish tyranny and injustice. She has been robbed and impoverished. just rights have been denied to her people. Repeatedly and gallantly she has fought to be free and has poured out her blood.
The whole tragic story is contained in this very comprehensive volume. The reader follows the silver-starred flag of the Cuban Patriots which waves from one end of the Island to the other. He sees an army of heroes fighting as Spartans fought at Thermopyae, as sturdy Scots fought at Bannockburn, as the brave souls in our own Revolution fought at Bunker Hill and Yorktown.
PART I. treats of the Great Insurrection. Spanish brutality and injustice are pictured as they really ar-e, and the reader fully under-~ stands why Cuba demands Independence from the atrocious rule of the haughty Castilian.
In a speech on the Cuban question, Congressman Robert R. Hitt, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, used the following stirring words: "Americans, who are descendants of those who

struggled through a contest against tyranny like that now being waged in Cuba, cannot be false to the memory of their fathers nor to the traditions and spirit of their history."
In this volume the opening scenes in the beginning of the war are vividly depicted.' Then comes General Campos from Spain, with his Army Of 75,000 troops. All the stirring incidents of the conflict are pictured in glowing colors-the successes of the Patriot Army, the downfall of General Campos, the arrival of General Weyler, secret expeditions, and pathetic stories of the war.
PAR~T II. contains the complete History of Cuba from its discovery by Columbus to the present time. Striking portraits are given of the early Spanish rulers, and all the great events are vividly depicted. The story of Marti, the conspiracy of Lopez, the- slaughter of the crew of the Virginius,") are told in all their thrilling details.
PART III. gives a picturesque description of Cuba, one of the loveliest gardens of the Tropics. This, like every other part of the work, has a peculiar charm to all readers. They behold the natural scenery of the far-famed Island; they see the people in their native homes; they learn all the manners, customs, peculiarities and characteristics of the Cubans, and find at the close of this most instructive volume that they have made a journey through every part of the "Queen of the Antilles."
This work stirs anew the sympathy of the American people for the brave Cuban Patriots who have resolved to free their beautiful Island from the oppression under which it has long suffered and bled. The conflict has been waged before, but never with such grim resolu-. tion and heroic bravery. The day of victory is not far distant
Freedom's battle once begun,
Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son,
Though baiffled oft, is always won."

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PART I. The Great Insurrection in Cuba.
CHAPTER IV. BEGINNING OF THE WAR ......................... 57
CHAPTER VII. GENERAL WVYLER IN CUBA .................. ** 85

MEN AND ARMS FOR CUBA.............. . . . . 103
CHAPTER XI. FREEDOM FOR CUBA.. ............ .......... 127
CHAPTER XIII. HORRORS OF MORRO CASTLE . . ...................... .142
CHAPTER XV. PATHETIC STORIES OF THE WAR ....................... ]&
CHAPTER XVII. PEN-PICTURES OF THE WAR . . ..................... 134

History of Cuba and Spanish Misrule.
WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN ... ............ .... .. 7
A WILY OLD GENERAL . . .......................... 306
RECORD OF ATROCIOUS DEEDS . ................... 317
STORY OF MARTI, THE SMUGGLER .............. . . 34
THE CONSPIRACY OF LOPEZ . . . . . ... ...B4(
THE BITTER TEN YEARS' WAR . . .....................

Picturesque Cuba. Manners and Oustoms of the People.
CURIOUS SIGHTS IN HAVANA ...................... 889
SUGAR-MAKING IN CUBA. ....... ............... ...... 426
AQUAINTOLDTOWN ................ ....... 45
HERE AND THERE IN CUBA ................. . . 460
LIFE IN THE COFFEE MOUNTAINS .... .................. 479
RURALLIFEANDCUSTOMS ........... .... 47

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A large number of the Insurgents are cavalrymen. They are bold riders, accustomed to the pe cuiia
characteristics of the country, and make their attacks with great dash and courage.

Many spies captured by the Spanish troops have beeu executed without the formality of a trial. The usual mode of execution is to bind them to trees, as seen in the engraving, while a detail of soldier stands at a short distance fron them and fires at the word of command.

fihe Great Insurrection in Cuba
The Long Struggle for Independence.
r HE most glowing pages of history are those that record the
*r proud achievements of patriots and heroes to gain national liberty and independence. Sparta had her Thermopylx-. Scotland had her Bannockburn and immortal Bruce. America had her Revolution, her Bunker Hill and Yorktown. Cuba has her patriot army, resolved that her fertile plains shall no longer be trampled under the heel of Spanish tyranny, and the warm sea that laves her rocky shores shall sing the anthem of the free.
"Queen of the Antille-s" Beautiful Cuba! For ages she has writhed under the oppression of the haughty Castilian. Spain, now in hopeless decline, once the mightiest nation of the globe, has had many of the richest of her colonial possessions, one after another, wrenched from her cruel grasp, and with desperate resolve sends the flower of her army to beat back the insurgent hosts and strengthen her hold upon this fairest gem of the West Indies.
The American people are alive to the situation. They recall the gory conflict that made themselves a free and independent nation. Their hearts beat high and their blood grows warm as they read the thrilling story of struggling Cuba and the brave deeds of her patriotic souls. To give here a complete history and description of Cuba's grand uprising, is all the advocacy that her sacred cause requires. It will be of interest to the reader to have, in the first place, a com.
2 17

prehensive sketch of the Spanish oppressions under which the people of Cuba have struggled for ages, together with their heroic efforts to obtain their freedom and independence. The history will be given later in detail, but from this general outline, a correct idea can be obtained of the causes which have led to the latest and greatest revolu.N tion. Since the beginning of the present century Cuba has been the scene of revolutions or uprisings of one kind or another. The direct aim of most, if not all, of these has been to free the island from Spanish control. The armed natives of the cities, joined by bands of stragglers and aided by filibusters, have struggled without organization against drilled, uniformed and comparatively well-equipped reg, ular troops representing Spain.
Glowing Record of Brave Deeds.
For a long time insurrection was the term applied to these upris. ings. At first, and indeed, until recently, it may be doubted if these uprisings had the genuine sympathy of the Cubans as a body, and consequently, they were foredoomed to be failures.
But the history of these struggles is replete with brave deeds and exhibitions of personal courage and strategy that would do credit to a body of men familiar with the science of warfare and accustomed to facing danger on the battlefield.
The Spanish colonies, Cuba excepted, gained their independence in 1820-21. Bolivar was their successful leader, and when he had fired the other provinces of Spain he turned his attention particularly to Cuba. But for a time his project failed; some Cuban revolutionlists allege that it was the refusal of the United States to countenance such efforts which prevented their success. Be that as it may, the efforts of the islanders to throw off the Spanish yoke came to nothing material.
But Bolivar and his fellow-conspirators were determined, and sought by every means in their power to stir up rebellion in the Island. Commissioners were sent to Cuba to create sentiment favorable to revolution. They were soon seized by the Spanish authorities and executed. Bolivar's plan came to a dismal end.

Revolution was in the blood of many of the Cubans, however, and not many years later it had manifestation. From 1848 to 1854 small and ill-planned uprisings took place. Certain elements in the South ern States assisted in encouraging these insurrections.
There was for some time in Southern circles a project looking to the annexation of Cuba to the United States, and its division into four States, each of which, of course, would have been entitled to representation in Congress, giving the South, perhaps, eight Senators and sixteen Representatives, and so throwing the balance of power here into the hands of the slavery advocates.
Captured and Put to Death.
The most important of these movements was that headed by Narciso Lopez, who had served in the Spanish army as a general of division, but who, on going to Cuba, espoused the cause of the revolutionists. He, with Crittenden, the Kentuckian, with a force of 400 Americans and 200 Cubans, set out from New Orleans, landed at Cardenas, on the north coast of Cuba, and captured it by assault.
The victory was a hollow one, for the time had been ill-advised and the country did not rise. Finding themselves without support, and seeing that without aid from the Cubans, they must be captured or driven into the sea, the invaders returned to Key West. The Cubans on that occasion regarded the movement as one solely in the interests of slavery, and believed its projectors to be inspired by mercenary motives.
But Lopez was not to be cast down by one failure. He made a second attempt, and landed at Bahia Honda. There he encountered a force of Spanish troops, under General Henna, and put them to mlut. The Spanish commander was killed, and for the time the star of Lopez was in the ascendant. Still the country did not rise. Lopez, in the western end of the Island, where Spanish troops were strongest and the revolutionary spirit weakest, soon found himself surrounded and overpowered. Crittenden, who was to h i ce joDined him, remained on the coast, and finally attempted to escape by taking to the open sea in boats. He was captured, with fifty of his men,

and all were put to death in Havana. The execution was marked by atrocities, the news of which rang through the civilized world.
The forces of Lopez, overpowered by Spanish troops, were dispersed with ease. The commander himself was garroI; nted. The Island was quiet for a time then, but not for long. Other attempts to arouse the country up to 1854 were those of Pinto, a Spaniard of revolutionist tendencies; Estrampes and Aguero, the last-named of whom freed all his slaves before he raised the rebel standard. He was the first outspoken abolitionist in Cuba. He and the other leaders were captured after a < .brief struggle and executed.
- 4: There were some unimS .7,Vportant risings after that, but
GENERAL MAXIMO GOMEZ, none of note until after the
Commander-in-Chief, Cuban Army. American civil war. This conflict abolished slavery. Then the Southern States had no further object in meddling with Cuba. The filibustering movements died out. It remained for Cuba to attempt to work its own salvation.
In 1868 came the hour which thousands of patriots hailed as the dawn of deliverance, for on October IO of that year Cespedes raised the five-barred flag at Yara. He was a lawyer and logical above all things, so to begin with he freed his two hundred slaves, and they followed him to battle to a man. The entire eastern end of the Island rose against the Spaniards at the call of Cespedes, but the men were without arms or discipline. Their spirit was unquestioned, but they were of little utility against well-armed and disciplined forces.
Their leaders were Maximo Gomez, who is now commander-in. chief of the revolutionary forces; Marmol and Figueredo.

The above represents the tragic affair at Manzanillo, when the Spanish troops experienced one of the most serious reverses of the protracted campaign. Lured into a cleverly planned ambuscade$ the cavalry, smoking cigarettes and unconscious of danger, rode into a vertible death-trap.

The Cuban army, being compelled to subsist on the products of the country, is not always ble to ootain such a luxury as the one here represented. The view affords an excellent idea of tbh personal appearance of the oamtiot army and its uniform, if such t can be called.

rhe centre of the Island, called Camaguey, flocked to the standard f the Marques de Sta Lucia and the Agramontes in November, and as enthusiasm and confidence came with numbers the beginning of 1868 aw Las Villas in rebellion with 14,OOO men, among whom there were not more than ioo armed with effective firearms. To oppose these unarmed and undisciplined enthusiasts there were 15,000 regulars. "
The western end of the Island proved cold, but even there small uprisings were fomented. They were put down without difficulty. Aid from without was not wanting. In December, 1868, General Quesada land- i
ed with the first expedition from Nassau,
bringing the first consignment of arms and munitions of war. The revolution-ist cause prospered, and on April Io, 1869, a new government was constituted at J a House of Assembly established. Cespedes was President of the provi- sional government, and Quesada commander-in-chief of the forces.
The government, which had little be- CUBAN COAT OF ARMS.
yond its name, issued a proclamation giving freedom to all the ne. groes in the island-a matter which gave great offence to the Spaniards, even those of liberal tendencies.
Ten years of desultory warfare followed. The revolutionists held the centre of the Island and the mountains, but were unable to obtain any standir~g in the seaports, as their flag was not recognized there by the great powers, although it was duly saluted from time to time by the South American Republics. The United States did not recognize the revolutionists, despite the efforts of General Rawlings and Senator Sherman to that end.
Every effort was made to send arms to the insurgents. There were continual attempts at blockade-running. Some of these expeditions evaded capture, but others were taken by Spanish troops and the leaders were promptly executed. The most notable was that of

the "Virginius," under Captain Fry. The "Virginius" put out from Kingston, Jamaica. The capture of the "Virginius" and the summary execution of American citizens by the Spanish authorities so excited this nation at the time that war with Spain seemed certain. This was one of the most notable incidents in Cuban history, at least in point of American interest.
Had the popular voice been heeded at that time a peaceful solution of the difficulty would have been impossible. Feeling ran so high throughout the country that public meetings were held all over the country denouncing the execution as a butchery, and warlike preparations were begun in many cities. In some cases ships were prepared to go to sea in anticipation of an immediate declaration of war.
Tragic End of the Expedition.
The voyage of the "Virginius was begun in November of I873. The steamer was3 pursued by the Spanish warship "Tornado,'" and captured within sight of the Morant Point Lighthouse, at the east end of Jamaica. She was tow -d at once into Santiago de Cuba, despite the fact that she was flying the Stars and Stripes and was in British ivaters. Fifty-three of her men were shot in a public square in Santiago, in some instances after they had been given a trial lasting only ,en minutes.
Among them was Captain Joseph Fry, who commanded the ship; Bernade Varona, W. A. C. Ryan, Jesus del Sol and Pedro Cespedes. There was no United States cruiser within reach of Santiago, but the British man-of-war "Niobe" arrived in time to prevent further slaughter of American and English subjects. Her commander, Sir Lam bon Lorraine, acted with quickness and determination.
" Shoot another Englishman or American," he said, "and the Niobe will bombard the city."
Then the slaughter ceased. Both the United States and England protested through their representatives, and sent men-of-war to protect the other prisoners. The survivors were delivered up to the rescuing ships and brought to New York, and the "Virginius," with a hole in her bottom, sank off Frying Pan Shoals,

The return of the survivors and an accurate knowledge of the details of the shooting only served to fan into fierce blaze the fire of popular indignation. The general voice was for war with Spain, and General Sickles, then American Minister in Madrid, had already asked to be recalled, and was preparing to leave the capital. Finally, however, the matter was adjusted diplomatically. The Spanish Government paid an indemnity for the American subjects shot with General Ryan and Thomas Ryan, and the war cloud blew over.
But in Cuba the revolutionsts continued their fight for supremacy. For five years-until 1878-they strove against terrible odds in the centre of the Island and in the mountains. At last they saw that the lack of arms and supplies and of money to purchase either had made the struggle a hopeless one, and they decided to make peace.
Promises of Reform by Spain.
A treaty was signed, by which Spain granted the native Cubans certain liberties, promised to reform their administration in some measure, and recognized the freedom of all the slaves who had fought in the Cuban army. It had been a long and desperate fight. Quesada had been succeeded as General-in-chief by General Thomas Jordan, formerly General Beauregard's chief of staff and a West Pointer, He lent much strength to the cause, but abandoned it as hopeless after a year's campaigning in the face of overwhelming odds, and with a few arms and scant supplies. After him came Agramonte, but he died in a year, and then, when the rebel cause seemed to be prospering, General Gomez took command. He invaded the western part of the Island and almost reached Matanzas, but he, too, saw that he could not gain ground with unarmed men and withdrew his forces. That was in 1876, and from that time the revolution waned until the treaty of El Zanjon in February, 1878.
Still there was not entire quiet. In the east end of Cuba General Maceo refused to recognize the treaty, and continued to fight for eleven months, only to fail in the end and be driven from Cuban soil. The treaty concessions were by no means liberal enough to maintain order for any length of time. In i (o General Garcia tried again.

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He was captured in 1875, but before surrendering shot himself under the chin, the bullet passing out at the forehead. He was sent to a fortress in Spain, and when he recovered made his escape to the United States.
Here he and Jose Marti planned another expedition to Cuba. They landed and held their ground for six months, only to find that the country was not ripe for revolt. The Cubans, weary or F continual turmoil and bloodshed, longed for quiet. At last Garci,' was captured and sent once more to Spain. From this time dates -.
the autonomist party, started by a group of men who maintained that experience would not justify j further attempts to gain freedom / for Cuba by force of arms, and that the Island's hope lay in peaceful measures alone. The party JOSE MARTI,
gained a footing very rapidly; in- Late President of te Revolutionary Party. deed, its existence and doctrine had much to do with the failure of General Garcia and the Cuban party of freedom.
Despite the efforts of the peace party, however, there were revolutionist leaders who were ready to try again. In 1884 Generals Gomez and Maceo visited the United States and Central America with a view of preparing for another invasion. The movement was opposed bitterly by the home-rule party in Cuba, and was abandoned. Small and ill-advised attempts at revolution followed from time to time after that, notably those headed by Limbano Sanchez, Benitez and Aguero.
The home-rulers, in the meantime, were attempting to get what concessions they could from Spain by peacefid means. In 189o they became restless again. The peace policy did not prosper. Cuba was growing uneasy again. The concessions, small and unsatisfactory at all

times, began to be regarded as sops which Spain distributed to main, tram peace. They gave no promise of more liberal treatment in future. Men began to say that the native Cubans were cheated at the polls, and in time their representatives went to the Cortes no more.
For fourteen years the home-rulers, led by such men as Govin Montoro, Figueroa, Fernandez de Castro and Giberga, had made most vigorous fights at the polls, and, notwithstanding conservative frauds, had sent their best orators to the Spanish Parliament. It was to no purpose. The home-rulers spoke to empty benches in Spain, and no party there recognized them. They succeeded, nevertheless, in forcing the conservatives in Cuba to modify their policy and aided manfully to complete the emancipation of the negro, following the Cuban Constitution, which declared that all men are free." With the economic party they forced the government to ce'L<-brate the Spanish-American treaty, without which the fate of the Island wa--" sealed.
Divided on Important Questions.
The conservatives divided into two groups, one leaning toward union with the Cubans on economic questions and hoping secretly for the annexation of Cuba by the United States. They were demoralized by the refusal of the liberals to go to the polls, the autonomists having declared that unless the obnoxious suffrage laws which gave the Spaniards a sure majority at the polls and disfranchised the Cuban rural population were abolished, they would never go to the legislative assembly again.
The Spanish liberals really formed the economist party, to obtain commercial concessions and secure a treaty with the United States, and by joining hands with the Cubans they forced Spain's hand in the matter. But this, like the other efforts to restore quiet and content, proved a failure. The Cubans complained that in return for the treaty and its benefits to the Island Spain imposed new taxes, which more.-than counterbalanced all the good that had been done. Representatives were sent to the Spanish Parliament again, the home-rule contingent demanding, as of old, electoral reform sufficient to guarantee just representation.

It was then that the Cuban revolutionary party began to gain prominence-the party which has drawn the sword in the latest revo. lution-and asserted boldly that peaceful measures, looking to freedom and equality, had failed, and that Cuba must take up arms again and drive the Spanish soldiers into the sea. Such talk was dangerous on Cuban soil. Leaders of the party who were not already in exile left Cuba and began to plan from the outside, to raise money, to stir up the native population by secret agents-in a word to prepare the Island for one grand united effort to be free.
While this sentiment was being nursed at home and outside of Cuba the peace party was still at work on its own lines. In 1894 the reform wing of the Spaniards joined the Cubans in their fight against the Spanish conservatives. They secured some reforms, but these, the Cubans say, are a mere farce, as the proposition is the establishment of a council in Cuba in which the Spanish element will predominate. This council was to consist of thirty members, of which fifteen wer' to be appointed by the crown, and the remainder elected. The method of electing, the Cubans contend, would insure a majority for the Spaniards, and in any event the council might be dissolved at pleasure by the Captain-General, whoever he might be.
The Cubans want universal suffrage, and have been unable to secure it. aa the Spaniards have insisted upon certain property qualifications.

Spanish Tyranny and Injustice.
11B Y agreement that is practically unanimous outside of Spain, the
people of Cuba have just cause for complaint.* They have been the victims of extortion. They have been systematically robbed and hence impoverished. Time after time they- have sought redr-ess, and the answer has been a Spanish army, landed on their shores. They have asked for representation in the Spanish Cortes, and this has been granted so grudgingly that it has amounted to very little. They have plead long and earnestly for the correctior of abuses, only to find that the chains which bound them were riveted tighter.
Under such outrages it is no wonder that the people of Cuba have risen repeatedly to throw off the yoke of the tyrant, and in their gallant struggles have had the sympathy of nearly the whole civilized world.
War is a dire necessity. But when a people has exhausted all human means of persuasion to obtain from an unjust oppressor a remedy for its ills, if it appeals as a last resource to force in order to repel the persistent aggression which constitutes tyranny, this people is justified before its own conscience and before the tribunal of nations.
Such is the case of Cuba in its wars against Spain. No nation has ever been harsher or more obstinately harassing; none has ever despoiled a colony with more greediness and less foresight than Spain. No colony has ever been more prudent, more long-suffering, more cautious, more persevering than Cuba in its purpose of asking for its rights by appealing to the lessons of experience and political wisdom. Only driven by desperation have the people of Cuba taken up arms, and having done so, they display as much heroism in the hour of danger as they had shown good judgment in the hour of deliberation.

Many Ports are scattered throughout the Island. The engraving represents a spirited attack on one of these by a detachmncnt of the army of Gouecral Gomez.

The engraving shows the Elag of the Republic of Cuba, which has a Silver Star on a Red Triangle, with wide
ripes of White ain1 Blue. Hogsheads form a couvenieut defense against attacks fromi the enemy,

The history of Cuba during the present century is a long series of rebellions; but every one of these was preceded by a peaceful struggle for its rights-a fruitless struggle because of the obstinate blindness of Spain.
Cubans were deprived of the little show of political intervention they hd in public affairs. By a simple Royal Decree in 1837 the small representation of Cuba in the Spanish Cortes was suppressed, and all the powers of the government were concentrated in the hands of the Captain General, on whom authority was conferred to act as the governor of a city in a state of siege. This implied that the Captain General, residing in Havana, was master of the life and property of every inhabitant of the Island of Cuba. This meant that Spain declared a permanent state of war against a peaceful and defenceless people.
Wandering Exiles.
Cuba saw its most illustrious sons, such as Heredia and Saco, wander in exile throughout the free American Continent. Cuba saw as many of the Cubans as dared to love liberty and declare it by act or word, die on the scaffold, such as Joaquin de Aguero and Placido. Cuba saw the product of its people's labor confiscated by iniquitous laws imposed by its masters from afar. Cuba saw the administration of justice in the hands of foreign magistrates, who acted at the will or the whim of its rulers.
Cuba suffered all the outrages that can humiliate a conquered people, in the name and by the work of a government that sarcastically calls itself paternal. Is it to be wondered then that an uninterrupted era of conspiracies and uprisings should have been inaugurated ? Cuba in its despair took up arms in i85o and 1851, conspired again in 1855, waged war in 1868, in 1879, in 1885, and has been fighting since the 24th of February, 1895.
But at the same time Cuba has never ceased to ask for justice and redress. Its people, before shouldering the rifle, pleaded for their rights. Before the pronunciamento of Aguero and the invasions of Lopez, Saco, in exile, exposed the dangers of Cuba to the Spanish statesmen, and pointed to the remedy. Other far-,sighted men

co _ _ __ _ _ __ _ _ CITY AND HARBOR OF HAVANA.

xeconded him in the Colony. They denounced the cancer of slavery, the horrors of the traffic in slaves, the corruption of the office-holders, the abuses of the government, the discontent of the people with their forced state of political tutelage. No attention was given to them,
-, A this brought on the first armed conflicts.
Before the formidable insurrection of 1868, which lasted ten years, %!,e reform party, which included the most enlightened, wealthy and Jnfluential Cubans, exhausted all the resources within their reach to induce Spain to initiate a healthy change in the Cuban policy. The party started the publication of periodicals in Madrid and in the Island, addressed petitions, maintained a great agitation throughout the country, and having succeeded in leading the Spanish Govern, ment to make an inquiry into the economical, political and social condition of Cuba, they presented a complete plan of government which satisfied public requirements as well as the aspirations of the people. The Spanish Government disdainfully cast aside the proposition as useless, increased taxation, and proceeded to its exaction with extreme severity.
Outbreak of the Long War.
It was then that the ten-year war broke out. Cuba, almost a pigmy compared with Spain, fought like a giant. Blood ran in torrents. Public wealth disappeared in a bottomless abyss. Spain lost 200,0oo men. Whole districts of Cuba were left almost entirely without their male population. Seven hundred millions were spent to feed that conflagration--a conflagration that tested Cuban heroism, but which could not touch the hardened heart of Spain. The latter could not subdue the bleeding Colony, which had no longer strength to prolong the struggle with any prospect of success. Spain proposed a compact, which was a snare and a deceit. She granted to Cuba the liberties of Puerto Rico, which enjoyed none.
On this deceitful ground was laid the new situation, throughout which has run a current of falsehood and hypocrisy. Spain, whose mind had not changed, hastened to change the name of things. The Captain General was called Governor General. The royal decrees

took the name of authorizations. The commercial monopoly of Spain was named coasting trade. The right of banishment was transformed into the law of vagrancy. The abolition of constitutional guarantees became the law of public order, Taxation without the consent or knowledge of the Cuban people was changed into the law of estimates (budget) voted by the representatives of Spain, that is, of European Spain.
The painful lesson of the ten-year war had been entirely lost on, Spain. Instead of inaugurating a redeeming policy that would heal the, recent wounds, allay public anxiety, and quench the thirst for justice felt by the people, who were desirous to enjoy their natural rights, the Spanish Government, while lavish in promises of reform, persisted in carrying on unchanged its old and crafty system, the groundwork of which continues to be the same, namely: To exclude every native Cuban from every office that could give him any effective influence and intervention in public affairs; the ungovernable exploitation of the colonists' labor for the benefit of Spanish commerce and Spanish bureaucracy, both civil and military. To carry out the latter purpose it was necessary to maintain the former at any cost.
Systematic Robbery of Cuba.
What use the Spanish Government has made of its power is apparent in the threefold spoliation to which it has submitted the Island of Cuba. Spain has not, in fact, a colonial policy. In the distant lands she has subdued by force, Spain has sought nothing but immediate riches, and these it has wrung by might from the compulsory labor of the natives. For this reason Spain to-day in Cuba i~s only a parasite. Spain robs the Island of Cuba through its fiscal& regime, through its commercial regime and through bureaucratic regime. These are the three forms of official spoliation; but they are not the only forms of spoliation.
When the war of 1878 came to an end, two-thirds of the Island were completely ruined. The other third, the population of which had remained peaceful, was abundantly productive ; but it had to face the great economical change involved in the impending abolition

of slavery. Slavery had received its death-blow at the hands of the insurrection, and Cuban insurrectionists succeeded at the close of the war in securing its eventual abolition.
Evidently it would have been a wholesome and provident policy to lighten the fiscal burdens of a country in such a condition. Spaini was only bent on making Cuba pay the cost of the war. The Government overwhelmed the Colony with enormous budgets., reaching as high a figure as forty-six million dollars, and this only to cover the obligations of the State; or, rather, to fill up the unfathomable gulf left by the wastefulness and plunder of the civil and military administration during the years of war, and to meet the expenses of the military occupation of the country.
Oppressive Taxation.
The economical organization of Cuba is of the simplest kind. It produces to expoi t, and imports almost everything it consumes. In view of this, it is evident that all Cuba required from the State was that it should not hamper its work with excessive burdens, nor hinder its commercial relations ; so that it could buy cheap where it suited her, and sell her products with profit.
Spain has done all the contrary. She has treated the tobacco as an enemy; she has loaded the sugar with excessive imposts; she has shackled with excessive and abusive excise duties the cattleraising industry; and with her legislative doings and undoings she has thrown obstacles in the way of the mining industry. And, to cap the climax, she has tightly bound Cuba in the network of a monstrous tariff and a commereial legislation which subjects the Colony, at the end of the nineteenth century, to the ruinous monopoly of the producers and merchants of certain regions of Spain, as in the halcyon days of the colonial compact.
If Spain were a flourishing industrial country, and produced the principal articles required by Cuba for the consumption of its people, or for developing and fostering its industries, the evil, although always great, would be a lesser one. But everybody knows the backwardness of the Spanish industries, and the inability of Spain to

. ....

supply Cuba with the p roducts she requires for her consumption and industries. The Cubans have to consume or use Spanish articles of inferior quality, or pay exorbitant prices for foreign goods. The Spanish merchants have found, moreover, a -new source of fraud in the application of these antiquated and iniquitous laws; it consists in nationalizing foreign products for importation into Cuba.
As the mainspring of this senseless commercial policy is to support the monopoly of Spanish commerce, when Spain has been compelled to deviate from it, to a certain extent, by an international treaty, it has done so reluctantly, and in the anxious expectation of an opportunity to nullify its own promises. This explains the accidental history of the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States, which was received with joy by Cuba, obstructed by the Spanish administration, and prematurely abolished by the Spanish Government as soon as it saw an opportunity.
Seeds of Discontent and Dissension.
The injury done to Cuba, and the evil effects produced by this commercial legislation, are beyond calculation; its effects have been material losses which have engendered profound discontent. The Circulo de Hacendados y Agricultores," the wealthiest corporation of the Island, in 1894, passed judgment on these commercial laws in the following severe terms:
" It would be impossible to explain, should the attempt be made, what is the signification of the present commercial laws, as regards any economical or political plan. or system; because, economically, they aim at the destruction of public wealth, and, politically, they are the cause of inextinguishable discontent, and contain the g-erms o/ g-rave dissensions."
But Spain has not taken heed of this; her only care has been to keep the producers and merchants of such rebellious provinces as Catalonia contented, and to satisfy its military men and bureaucrats.
For the latter is reserved the best part of the booty taken from Cuba. High salaries and the power of extortion for the officeholders sent to the Colony; regular tributes for the politicians who

uphold them in the Metropolis. The Governor General is paid a salary of $50,000, in addition to a palace, a country house as a summer resort, servants, coaches and a fund for secret expenses at his disposal. The Director General of the Treasury receives a salary of $I8,5OO. The Archbishop of Santiago and the Bishop of Havana, $i8,ooo each. The Commander General of the "Apostadero" (naval station), $ 6,392.
Fat Salaries of Spanish Officials.
The General Segundo Cabo (second in command of the Island), and the President of the "Audiencia," $I5,ooo each; the Governor of Havana and the Secretary of the General Government, $8,ooo each; the Postmaster General, $5,000; the Collector of the Havana Custom House, $4,000; the Manager of Lotteries, the same salary. The Chief Clerks of Administration of the first class receive $5,000 each, those of the second class $4,000, and those of the third class $3,000 each The major generals are paid $7,500, the brigadier generals $4,500, and, when in command, $5,ooo; the colonels $3,450, and this salary is increased when they are in command of a regiment. The captains of" navfo" (the largest men-of-war) receive $6,300; the captains of frigates, $4,56o; the lieutenants of "navio" of the first class, $3,370. All these functionaries are entitled to free lodgings and domestic servants. Then follows the numberless crowd of minor officials, all well provided for, and with great facilities better to provide for themselves.
In August of 1887, General Marin entered the custom-house of Havana at the head of a military force, besieged and occupied it, investigated the operations carried on there, and discharged every employee. The act caused a great stir, but not a single one of the officials was indicted, or suffered a further punishment. There were, in 1891, three hundred and fifty officials indicted in Cuba for committing fraud; not one of them was punished.
But how could they be punished? Every official who comes to Cuba has an influential patron in the Court of Madrid, for whose protection he pays with regularity. This is a public secret. General

Used for transporting sugar cane from the fields to the grinding mills.

THE INDIAN STATUE ON THE PRADO-HAVANA. The Prado is a wide, capacious street, arranged as a boulevard, with rows of trees In the centre, a promenade for foot passengers, and, on each side of this, the drives for carriages. The fine statue chowu above is an obiect of interest and admiration to visitors.

Salamanca gave it out in plain words, and before and after General Salamanca all Spain knew and knows it. The political leaders are well known who draw the highest income from the office-holders of Cuba, who are, as a matter of course, the most fervent advocates of the necessity of Spanish rule in Cuba.
But Spanish bureaucracy is, moreover, so deep-rooted in Spain, that it has succeeded in shielding itself even against the action of thc courts of justice. There is a royal decree (that of 1882) in force ill, Cuba, which provides that the ordinary courts cannot take cognizance of such offences as defalcation, abstraction or malversation of public funds, forgery, etc., committed by officials of the administration, if their guilt is not first established by an administrative investigation. The administration is, therefore, its own judge. What further security does the corrupt office-holder need ?
Why Cuba is Ruined.
The cause of the ruin of Cuba, despite her sugar output of one million tons and her vast tobacco fields, can be easily explained. Cuba does not capitalize, and it does not capitalize -because the fiscal regime imposed upon the country does not permit it. The money derived from its large exportations does not return either in the form of importations of goods or of cash. It remains abroad to pay the interest of its huge debt, to cover the incessant remittances of funds by the Spaniards who hasten to send their earnings out of the coun-' try, to pay from Cuban money the pensioners who live in Spain, and to meet the drafts forwarded by every mail from Cuba by the Spaniards as a tribute to their political patrons in the Metropolis, and to help their families.
In exchange for all that Spaniards withhold from Cuba, they say that they have given her her liberties. This is a mockery. The liberties are written in the Constitution, but obliterated in its practical application. Before and after its promulgation the public press has been rigorously persecuted in Cuba. Many journalists, such as Sen'ores Cepeda and LO~pes Briiias, have been banished from the country without the formality of a trial. In November of i891

Don Manuel, A. Balmaceda was tried by eourt martial for having published an editorial paragraph relative to the shooting of medical students.
The newspapers have been allowed to discuss public affairs theoretically; but the moment they denounce any abuse or the conduct of any official they feel the hand of their rulers laid upon them. The official organ of the home-rule party, El Pais," has undergone more than one trial for having pointed in measured terms to some infractions of the law cn the part of officials, naming the transgressors. In 1887 that periodical was subjected to criminal proceedings simply because it had stated that a son of the president of the Havana "_Audiencia" was holding a certain office contrary to law.
Right of Public Meeting Denied.
They say that in Cuba the people are at liberty to hold public meetings, but every time the inhabitants assemble, previous notification must be given to the authorities, and a functionary is appointed to be present, with power to suspend the meeting whenever he deems such a measure advisable. The meetings of the Circulo de Frabajadores" (an association of workingmen) were forbidden by the authorities under the pretext that the building where they were to be held was not sufficiently safe. In 1895 the members of the Circulo de Hacendados" (association of planters) invited their fellowmembers throughout the country to get up a great demonstration to demand a remedy which the critical state of their affairs required. The government found means to prevent their meeting.
One of the most significant events that have occurred in Cuba, and one which throws a flood of light upon its political regime, was the failure of the "Junta Magna" (an extraordinary meeting) projected by the Circulo de Hacendados." This corporation solicited the co-operation of the Sociedad Econdmica'" and of the "Junta General de Comercio" to hold a meeting for the purpose of sending to Madrid the complaints which the precarious situation of the country inspired. The work of preparation was already far advanced, when a friend of the government, Seior Rodriguez Correa, stated that the

Governor-General looked wit/i displeasure upon and forbade the hold ing of the great meeting. This was sufficient to frighten the Circulo" and to secure the failure of the project. It is then evident that the inhabitants of Cuba can have meetings only when the government thinks it advisable to permit them.
Against this political regime, which is a sarcasm, and in which deception is added to the most absolute contempt for right, the Cubans have unceasingly protested since it was implanted in 1878. It would be difficult to enumerate the representations made in Spain, the protests voiced by the representatives of Cuba, the commissions that have crossed the ocean to try to impress upon the exploiters of Cuba what the fatal consequences of their obstinacy would be.
A Bold Manifesto.
The exasperation prevailing in the country was such that the "Junta Central" of the home-rule party issued in 1892 a manifesto in which it foreshadowed that the moment might shortly arrive when the country would resort to "extreme measures, the responsibility of which would fall on those who, led by arrogance and priding themselves on their power, hold prudence in contempt, worship force and shield themselves with their impunity."
This manifesto, which foreboded the mournful hours of the present war, was unheeded by Spain, and not until a division took place in the Spanish party, which threatened to turn into an armed struggle, did the statesmen of Spain think that the moment had arrived to try a new farce, and to make a false show of reform in the administrative regime of Cuba. Then was Minister Maura's pla broached, to be modified before its birth by Minister Abarzusa.
This project, to which the Spaniards have endeavored to give capital importance in order to condemn the revolution as the work of impatience and anarchism, leaves intact the political regime of Cuba. It does not alter the electoral law. It does not curtail the power of the- bureaucracy. It increases the power of the general government. it leaves the same burdens upon the Cuban tax-payer, and does not give him the right to participate in the formation of the budge.

The reform is confined to the changing of the Council of Admints tration (now in existence in the Island, and the members of which are appointed by the government) into a partially elective body. One-half of its members are to be appointed by the government, and the other half to be elected by the qualified electors, that is, who are assessed and pay a certain amount of taxes. The Governor General has the right to veto all its resolutions, and to suspend at will the elective members. This Council is to make up a kind of special budget embracing the items included now in the general budget of Cuba under the head of" Fomento." The State reserves for itself all the rest.
Treated as a Subjugated People.
Thus the Council can dispose of 2.75 per cent. of the revenues of Cuba, while the government distributes, as at present, 97.25 per cent. for its expenses, in the form we have explained. The general budget will as heretofore be made up in Spain; the tariff laws will be enacted by Spain. The debt, militarism and bureaucracy will continue to devour Cuba, and the Cubans will continue to be treated as a subjugated people. All power is to continue in the hands of the Spanish government and its delegates in Cuba, and all the influence with the Spanish residents. This is the self-government which Spain has promised to Cuba, and which it is announcing to the world, in exchange for its colonial system. A far better form of government is enjoyed by the Bahama or the Turks Islands.
The Cubans would have been wanting not only in self-respect, but even in the instincts of self-preservation, if they could have endured such a degrading and destructive regime. Their grievances are of such a nature that no people, no human community capable of valuing its honor and of aspiring to better its condition, could bear them without degrading and condemning itself to utter nullity and annihilation.
Spin denies to the Cubans all effective powers in their own country.
Spain condemns the Cubans to a political inferiority in the land where they are born.

Spain confiscates the product of the Cubans' labor, without giving them in return either safety, prosperity or education.
Spain has shown itself utterly incapable of governing Cuba.
Spain impoverishes and demoralizes Cuba.
To maintain by force of arms this monstrous regime, which brings ruin on a country rich by nature and degrades a vigorous and intelligent population, a population filled with noble aspirations, is what Spain calls to defend its honor and to preserve the prestige of its social functions as a civilizing power of America.
Rebellion against Oppression.
Tiie Cubans, not in anger, but in despair, have appealed to arms in order to defend their rights and to vindicate an eternal principle, a principle without which every community, however robust in appearance, is in danger-the principle of justice. Nobody has the right of oppression. Spain oppresses Cuba. In rebelling against oppression, Cuba defends a right. In serving her own cause she serves thc cause of mankind.
She has not counted the number of her enemies; she has not measured their strength. She has cast up the account of her griev. ances. She has weighed the mass of injustice that crushes her, and with uplifted heart she has risen to seek redress and to uphold her rights. She may find ruin and death a few steps ahead. So be it. If the world is so indifferent to her cause, so much the worse for all. A new iniquity shall have been consummated. The principle of human solidarity shall have suffered a defeat. The sum of good existing in the world, and which the world needs to purify its moral atmosphere. shall have been lessened.
The people of Cuba require only liberty and independence to become a factor of prosperity and progress in the community of civilized nations. At present Cuba is a factor of intranquillity, disturb-ance and ruin. The fault lies entirely with Spain. Cuba is not the offender; it is the defender of its rights. Let America, let the world decide where rest justice and right.

Why Cuba Demands Self- Government.
W E have already seen that there have been in Cuba repeated
uprisings and the most heroic and self-sacrificing efforts to obtain independence. Every intelligent reader will conclude that there must have been grave and serious causes for this chronic state of discontent and revolution.
We will here allow a prominent, distinguished Cuban, whose intelligence and discernment are not to be questioned, state the case in his own clear and convincing manner. This gentleman is Tomas Estrada Palma, Delegate and Minister Plenipotentiary Republica de Cuba." This gentleman says:
The cause of the present revolution in Cuba, briefly stated, may be said, to be taxation without representation, a phrase certainly familiar ti American ears and emphasized by the most important event in the history of the nation, the War for Independence. Is it not quite natural, especially in this progressive age, that an intelligent and spirited people like the Cubans should demand the right to govern themselves, especially in view of the fact that they have always suffered from misgovernment at the hands of their rulers ?
For three hundred years, in the early history of Cuba, Spain almost forgot the existence of the Pearl of the Antilles, her attention being turned to Peru and Mexico, the countries of gold and silver. It is said that some of the Spanish officials even forgot the name of the Island, directing their dispatches to the Isla de la Habana.
All the laws for Cuba are made in Spain. The annual budget o~f the Island, that is, the annual estimate of revenue and expenditure, is made in Spain; all the employee's in the governmental service on the Island come from Spain. The Spaniards decide just how much money shall be raised by taxes and all the Cubans have to do is, to

use an Americanism, step up to the captain's office and settle." The annual. taxation amounts to between $24,000,000 and $26,000,ooo. Among the items of expenditure are $ io,5oo,ooo for interest on the national debt of Spain, nearly $7,000,000 for the army and navy, about $4,000,000 salaries for civil employes, $2,000,000 for pensions to retired military, civil and judicial officials or their widows, nearly $ i ooooo0o for the judicial and $700,000 for the Treasury Department.
No money is appropriated to primary public education, and only an insignificant sum to works of public utility and higher education. The municipalities provide for primary education as best they can, though their means are very limited, all the available methods of raising revenue having been exhausted by the General Government, This taxation, for a country of i,6oo,ooo inhabitants, is an enormous burden, but does not represent the real amount of money taken from the people. For every dollar raised by taxation another dollar is stolen by the Spanish officials sent to the Island by the paternal Government.
Driven to take up Arms.
Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the Cubans should demand the right to self-government. It must be remembered that they have not resorted to physical force until peaceable methods to secure redress of their wrongs have failed. The people have vainly applied to the Spanish Cortes for the right of self-government, not only at a comparatively recent date, but for the past seventy years they have vainly endeavored to secure their rights by legislative means and have hoped to avoid a war.
The Spanish law-makers have invariably refused to gr ant them any real redress. I say real redress because the Cortes, about a year before the present revolution, offered a scheme of reform which would not have remedied any of the evils complained of, and was only intended as a sop to blind the eyes of the Cubans and keep them patient under the yoke of their masters. It did not, in any sense, provide for the self-government of Cuba. The Cubans would still be compelled to pay their enormous-taxes, all the officials on

the Island would still come from Spain as they have been coming from time immemorial. The budget would still be made in Spain to suit the ideas of the rulers there, and the Cubans would have just as little as ever to say about the management of affairs on their beautiful Island.
Criminals Protected.
The Spanish Government always protects its officials in Cuba when they have been discovered in any crime. It is very rarely that they are ever convicted of a crime, because the court officials are Spaniards and protect them in every possible way. Once in a great while, however, a Spanish official may be found guilty; but, when he is sent to Spain where he is to receive his punishment, he is invariably pardoned. He uses the money which he has stolen from the Cubans to secure his release trom serving any sentence.
Mr. Edward A. Gilmore, an American, who was employed on a sugar plantation in Cuba for several years, gave the following illustration of Spanish justice in Cuba in one of the New York dailies, Mr. Gilmore says that there was an estate for sale in a town not far from' Havana. One of the Superior judges wanted the estate and began negotiating for it. At the same time a young Cuban lawyer decided that the estate was a property that would suit him. He went to the owner, closed a contract with him, and the deed was made out. When the Spanish judge heard that he had lost the estate he determined to secure it, notwithstanding it had been sold to another party.
He made a charge of fraud or some kind ot'illegality- against the young lawyer, had the case tried before himself, promptly decided against the young lawyer, throwing him into prison for an alleged violation of the law, and confiscated the estate. Mr. Gilmore close) his recital of this incident by saying that this case is only one of a score of other cases of which he has personal knowledge. The arrogance and injustice of the Spanish rulers," he says, "and the long-suffering spirit, the humility of the Cubans under the outrageous oppression from which they suffer, are simply incredible, to one who does not know the facts."


TheAcultii is o o ip isien
e lhrcp th.rc. that follows
The cultivation of sugar cane is one of the principal industries of Cuba. The engraving represents a mill, with machinerv for grinding the cane and preparing it for the process that follows

The attempt on the part of the Spanish Cortes to deceive, to humbug the Cubans into the idea that they were going to give them home rule, when they had no intention of so doing, certainly hastened the present uprising. After suffering so many years from the injustice of their --ulers, showing their discontent by several uprisings, notably the war of 1868 which lasted for ten years, the Cubans thought that Spain might finally reform the terrible abuses under which they had suffered so long. But Spain gave them nothing. Now, Cuba is fighting for the reforms which she vainly tried to secure by peaceable means.
Hypocritical Promises.
Spain talked about giving Cuba home rule, but there was not the slightest intention of giving to Cuba even the kind of home rule that Canada enjoys. Canada has her own Legislature, makes her own laws, and has her own government employe's appointed from among her own people; and England, the mother country, only sends there a Governor-General. But that is not the case with Cuba, and Spain would never give that kind of government to the Cubans, if they wanted it, which they do not.
There is really occasion for but very little commercial intercourse between Spain and Cuba, because the United States sends to the Island about everything that its inhabitants need, while, on the other hand, the United States is Cuba's great market for sugar. Spain cannot buy her sugar. Spain cannot supply her with flour. The flour that reaches Cuba is first sent to Spain, and from there to Cuba, so that the Spaniards may collect a duty from the Islanders. In that way the Cuban pays very dear for his flour, whereas he #Could obtain it very cheap if complete commercial intercourse existed between the two countries.
The great advantage which Spain has in Cuba, and will hold on to until it is forcibly wrested from her, is that she has her own officer on the Island to make up the budget, so that it will be to the profit of Spain without regard to the benefit of the Cubans. She wants the Island to pay for her army and navy, consular expenses, and the

salaries of the Spanish officials sent to Cuba, who steal from the people as much again as they are paid for their services. Oh no; Spain will never grant home rule in any sense of the word to Cuba, from which she derives such a large revenue for her lazy and venal officials.
The present uprising is, in every sense of the word, a real revolu-tion, because it comes from the whole people. The previous struggles for Cuban independence have generally been inspired by a few men occupying high positions. At such times the mass of the people were not conscious of their rights, but, in the present / great struggle, which we firmly believe will result in giving self government to Cuba, the whok. 2 It is not the fault of the Cubans that they have appealed to arms. They would be only too glad to secure their liberty without the aid of war; but it has been plainly and repeatedly demonstrated to them that they cannot obtain their rights without a physical struggle. Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow." And so it is that in all orders of Cuban society, from the ignorant Negro to thQ

intelligent merchant and the educated man of letters, all are inspired with one thought, all are animated with one resolve-the independence of Cuba.
The revolutionists in Cuba fight according to two methods, one is the guerrilla method, and the other is by massing their troops and fighting the Spanish forces in the open field. Whenever they can secure an advantageous pc;sition to meet the enemy in the open field they mass two or three thousand or more men, and battle with the Spaniards; then they divide their forces into bands of two or three hundred each and engage in guerrilla warfare. They are glad to meet the enemy face to face, and do so when they can secure an opportunity. The revolution has extended from the eastern part very far into the western end of the land. I should say that the revolution extends over four-fifths of the Island.
Arms and Ammunition.
It is not possible for the insurgents to fight in the towns along the coast, because they are guarded by Spanish war ships, still we have troops on the coast, and we are able to protect the landing of newcomers who are going to join our army, and also to land the arms and ammunition, which ar%A continually being sent to the troops. Many of the firearms used by the insurgents have been captured by them from their enemies. Fourteen thousand rounds of ammunition, were captured in one engagement alone.
I think there are some Cubans who are anxious that their Island shall be annexed to the United States as soon as possible; but there are many more, in fact a vast majority, who believe that the question of annexation is a long way off, and is not to be considered until the Cubans themselves have tried an independent government. This last-named class see no necessity for annexing Cuba politically to the United States,, because she is already annexed to this country commercially. They see no reason why Cuba should form a part of the United States. When Cuba once secures her independence the Cuban people will then, through the exercise of the suffrage, decide the kind of government they w*11 have,

It may possibly be that a majority of the people will decide that they want the Island annexed to the United States, or the vote may show a desire on the part of the Cubans to be an independent nation. That question is only to be decided after independence has been %ecured. The first and foremost thing before us now is to get rid of the Spanish Government. When once that has been done and Cuban independence has been secured the question of annexation can be decided.
We are now printing a pamphlet which will recite the causes of the / war, the many grievances from which
/ Cuba has suffered so long at the
hands of Spain, and her determination to rid herself of the Spanish yoke. This history of Spanish rule in Cuba will be laid before our members of Congress. This will help them in their consideration of BARTOLOME MASSO, the Cuban question, and prove conVice-President of the Cuban Republic. clusively that our cause is as just as was the 'cause of the Americans in the Revolution.
There will be no argument about annexation. What we demand, what we must have first of all is independence. It is too late now to consider any scheme of honle-rule, however feasible such a suggestion may have been in the past. Independence" is the watchword of the Cuban, first, last and all the time.
On the twenty-fourth of February, 1895, the delegates of the revolution adopted their Constitution, solemnly declaring the separation of Cuba from the Spanish monarchy and the constitution of Cuba, as a free and independent State, under the name of the Republica de Cuba,
The officials of the New Republic were chosen as follows: Presim dent, Salvador Cisneros Betancourt, Marquis of Santa Lucia; Vice.

President, Bartolome Masso ; Secretary of War, Carlos Roloff; Delegate and Minister Plenipotentiary, Tomas Estrada Palma; Generalin-Chief of the Army, Maximo Gomez; Lieutenant-General, Antonio Maceo ; Major-Generals, Serafin Sanchez, Francisco M. Carrillo.
From the united voice of the American press, from resolutions offered in Congress, and every other possible source, there were expressions of sympathy for the Queen of the Antilles" in her gallant struggle for liberty. The following poem aptly voices the feeling of the American people:
For Cuba.
BY MAURICE THOMPSON. Have you heard the call from Cuba Coming northward on the breeze? Have you seen the dark cloud hanging To the southward o'er the seas?
It is a gasp for liberty, That shudders on the air; Spain has relit her torture-fires, And men are writhing there.
Oppression's tempest gathers force, Its tidal wave rolls high; Old Europe's shadow dims the stars We kindled in the sky. The time is come for action, Now let the right prevail; Shall all our boasted sympathy With slaves downtrodden fail? Shall we be mockers of the faith By which our course was set? Shall we deny what we received From men like Lafayette ? Help! help! the swarthy patriots cry, While Spaniards beat them down, Because they will not bend the knee To one who wears a crown.

The hoary, medieval lie,
That robes the power of kings,
And rivets chains on bleeding hands,
Once more its logic brings.
At subtle diplomatic pleas
Let free-born statesmen scoff;
Poor, drowning Cuba grips our skirt,
Shall Freedom shake her off?
Oh no fling out the fleet and flag,
To shield her from the storm,
And let that splendid Island feel
The clasp of Freedom's arm.
Early it became evident that there was a strong feeling throughout America, extending to our lawmakers at Washington, in favor of the Cuban cause. Senator Frye of Maine said:
" If Spain, by her actions at any time, justified us in so doing, I would seize and hold Cuba against the world. This Island has been nothing but a sponge to be squeezed by Spain, utterly regardless of the interests of the people living there. Annexed to our country it would soon become a paradise. As the residents are entirely fit for American citizenship, I regard the acquisition of Cuba, as imperatively demanded, commercially and politically."
The revolution in Cuba was tlke subject of a good deal of anxious conversation among public men in Washington. The fact that the previous rebellion lasted for ten years, and cost such a large sum of money to Spain, which, however, she has since shoulder-ed on Cuba, led many of the public men to believe that the present outbreak would be much more serious. It started out under much better con Jitions than the last rebellion, and the fact that Spain was sending such a large body of troops to Cuba conclusively demonstrated to the iind of the public that the revolution was a very serious affair.
While there was no disposition to act unfriendly to Spain, the sympathies of the public men in Washington were all with the Cubans. It was recognized that the Island had been outrageously treated by Spain and that the financial burdens imposed on it were more than

the Veople could bear. Every fresh trouble would add to the burdens5 of Cuba because Spain makes Cuba pay the cost of putting down the revolution, and bear every item of expense incurred by Spain in behalf of Cuba.
A prominent Senator remarked that sooner or later Cuba would be a part of the United States, and that while people might smile over the outspoken words of Senator Frye and Senator Call on the subject, yet nine out of every ten members agreed with Mr. Frye and Mr. Call on this subject.
Owned by the United States, Cuba would be tremendously prosperous and would save this country from importing from any other nation sugar, tobacco, oranges and other things now largely importe.,d. This feeling would lead to a good deal of aid being given indirectly to the revolutionists.
It was agreed that the Government would enforce the neutrality laws in every manner possible, but it would be absolutely impossible to prevent small expeditions from reaching Cuba from the coast of Florida. The Spanish Minister complained because -munitions of war were allowed to be shipped from the United States to Central Ameni-

can States, when the Minister maintained that they were intended for Cuban revolutionists. But there is no law whatever to stop the sale of munitions of war during a time of peace, even to Cubans, and according to Spain, Cuba was now in a state of peace. -Even customhouse officers were under a false impression in regard to this matter. If Spain should declare a state of war in Cuba then the circumstances would be different.
Minister Murauga notified this Government that a torpedo boat was being fitted out in the United States for West Indian waters, an6i asked that its departure be prevented. If this boat tried to leave the United States in a completed condition it might be seized, as a neutral government is bound to restrain the fitting out or sailing of armed cruisers of belligerents, as determined in the Alabama case. But in 18%79 Secretary Evarts ruled in reply to an inquiry from Secretary Sherman, that a torpedo launch, in five sections, ready to be set up, though contraband of war, may be exported from the United States, without breach of neutrality."
From an Eminent American.
Our Consul General, Ramon Williams, of Havana, sent to the State Department a remarkable argument against the continuance of Spanish rule in Cuba and in favor of tariff independence. Reporting under date of February 5, 1895, regarding the American flour market in the Island, he wrote:
" Spain is the only country beside the United States that now sends flour to 'the islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico. But its importation from Spain is done in violation of the natural economic law and at the expense of Cuba by lessening the purchasing power of her exports in their exchange for her imports; for there is scarcely a vestige of natural economic tie remaining between these Icolonies and their mother country, statistics proving, particularly in the case of C_ .uba, that they have to send nearly all their exports for outlet to the United States, the beet sugar of Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Holland, Russia and other countries having excluded the cane sugars of all the West India Islands as well as those of Brazil and the

This is the portrait of the renowned Commander-in-Chief of the cuban Army. He comes from a distinguished family, to which frequent reference is made in Spanish history. His great ability as a general is equalled only by his ardent devotion to the cause of Cuban freedom. General Gomez is over seventy years of age, and kz proud to devote his last days to the cause he has served so long

This late General was the second in command of the Cuban a rmy. He had long experience in the ranks of Cuban Patriots, was well educated, and was considered a very able commander. His achievements gae renown to the cause of the insurgents.
762, M,,
This late General was th e second in command of the Cuban

Hawaiian Islands from the markets of Europe, leaving them dependent on that of the United States. For the effects are tantamount to a second bounty wrought by Spanish legislation in favor of all other sugar-producing countries against Cuba and Puerto Rico."
Consul General Williams closed his report by instituting a comparison between the present economic policy of Great Britain toward her sugar-produicing West Indian possessions and that of Spain toward Cuba, greatly to the disparagement of Spain.
Mr. Williams enclosed translations of articles published in leading newspapers of Cuba, and said:
" These publications will likewise convey to the department samples of the public discontent prevailing here against the commercial sub, jection in which the island is still held by the mother country."
Thousands of Troops.
Patriotic Cuban circles were much excited over the coming of General Martinez Campos with .a couple of million dollars in cash, a lot of troops and a large personal prestige. It was the same old story of thousands of troops sent by the mother country to suppress Cuban insurrection. Without inquiring for the causes of the rebellious feeling, and seeking a lasting remedy, one in keeping with justice and humanity, the answer to Cuba's revolution was guns and General Campos. When he arrived he issued from Santiago de Cuba a proclamation offering pardon to all insurgents, with the exception of the leaders, who would lay down their arms and surrender. He made preparations to immediately pursue the members o! the bands who refused to come in under the proclamation, and the warfare against them was to be waged vigorously.
Governor- General Campos pledged himself to carry out all the promised political and economical reforms for the Island if he was supported. He thought the rebellion would soon be crushed, but that the entire pacification of the Island would require a long time Campos warned the planters in the interior against aiding the insurgents.
.A newspaper correspondent had an interview with the new Captain-

General of Cuba before he embarked for Manzanillo. He remained in Santiago de Cuba only two days, and,,nearly every moment of the time was occupied in making changes of military commanders, receiving deputations and holding consultations with subordinates. General Campos said he understood that the press of the United States had sent several representatives to Cuba to study the situation. He felt gratified that there was a desire to obtain facts, and he welcomed such investigation. Asked if he proposed to take the field.
he replied: "I expect to go everywhere. I intend to direct the movements of the army, and to conduct operations that will tend to secure law and order throughout the island."
"Shall you remain here or go to Havana ?"
The Marshal replied indirectly; said he expected to leave Santiago that evening, but would return.
"Are you taking any step in the "Allianca" affair?"
The Captain-General shook his head slightly in a deprecating manner, and said the subject was being considered by Seflor Dupuy de Lome, Spain's new Minister to Washington. "Sefior Lome i a

iplomat," the General remarked, "and the question is for the diplo. mats of Spain and the United States to consider. Spain desires to be at peace with the United States and with all other nations."
He was asked how many revolutionists are in the field. "There is no army," was the reply. Small guerrilla bands are scattered about the interior at the eastern end of the Island. The country is thinly settled, and very difficult for an army to operate in. A few men who know the paths can roam about in the chapparal, and their capture is difficult. The United States had much trouble with guerrilla bands during the Civii War."
He was asked what disposition would be made of the members of MAaceo's party, imprisoned at Guantanamo. The Marshal shook his head emphatically, and said rather quickly: "They are in the hands of the law." Then he added: "I do not propose to be severe without reason. When those in arms put them aside and submit, they will be well received."
" How about the leaders ?" The Marshal answered by referring to his proclamation, in which amnesty was made the reward for surrender, but the leaders were not included. The Captain-General, at the close of the interview, declined to issue to the correspondent a special permit to travel in the interior, but said: "The country is before you; go and see for yourself. Your passport as a citizen cthe United States will protect you in legitimate travel."

Beginning of the War.
B ETWEEN April i t and 12th, 1895, Marti and Gomez, the
Cuban exiles, with a handful of companions, landed at Baracoa, on the eastern coast of Cuba, and proclaimed the republic. The effect of this bold move was instantaneous. The news spread from end to end of the Island, and although the friends of Cuba thought the movement ill-timed, hundreds -of sympathizers flocked to the patriot standard. Like a prairie fire before a brisk breeze, the single spark of insurrection fired the dry tinder of the oppressed Cubans, and the rebellion grew in volume as it flew westward.
This is not Spain's first experience of the temper of her colony. For the past seventy years conspiracy, insurrection, rebellion and red war have followed one another in endless progression. A few words will suffice to explain the causes leading up to the latest revolution.
Cuba became a possession of Spain by the right of discovery on Columbus' second voyage. He named it Juana, after the son of Ferdinand and Isabella, and it has successively been known as Juana, Fernandina, Santiago, Ave Maria and Cuba, the latter being the native name of the Queen of the Antilles." It was colonized by Spain, and its early history is a series of sacks and ravages by Europeaa foes. Not until the rule of Captain-General Las Casas, beginning 179o, did prosperity begin.
Under his guidance agriculture and commerce flourishzl, and the condition of the native population was ameliorated. The effect of his -sagacious rule was felt for over thirty years, and when Napoleon deposed the royal family of Spain every member of the local grovernment took oath to preserve the Island for their monarchy, and, going even further, they declared war against the French conqueror. This much to show the instinctive feeling of the colony toward the moth-%r country.

Spanish coffers were empty with the restoration of the Bourbons in the person of Ferdinand VII., and Spain's mistress looked with hungry eyes upon the rich Island with her i8oo miles of sea coast, gemmed with prosperous ports, and her plantations of indigo, sugar, tobacco and fruit. It was Fortunata's purse wherein Spain might dip her fingers, and forever find it full to overflowing. With this discovery came oppressive taxation. With the gradual impoverishment of Spain came added demands. Then the deprivation of all civil, political and religious liberty, and the exclusion of Cubans from all public stations, and in order to enforce this the Cubans were taxed to support a standing army and navy-their jailors.
Conspiracy of the "Black Eagle."
With their oppression came their desire for liberty. In 1829 LC Black Eagle conspiracy arose, the purpose of which was to throw off the Spanish yoke. It was suppressed, but was followed in 184o by an insurrection of the colored population. After smouldering and blazing for a while the fires of insurrection were smothered only to break out eight years later in a genuine conspiracy of the Cubans under the leadership of Narcisso Lopez. This rebellion was quelled, and Lopez fled. In 1850 he landed in Cuba With 6oo men from the United States. He made a third attempt in I85 I, and together with most of his companions was captured and executed by the Spanish authorities.
The Reformist party-, which sprang up at this time, succeeded in getting an inquiry of the abuses at Madrid, with the result, however, of increased taxation. In 1868 the Advance party in Cuba rose in the district of Bayamo, and on October IO, i868, signed a declaration of independence at Manzanillo. Their first successes were so great that almost all the Spanish-American republics recognized the insurgents as belligerents. After a war of ten years, that was confined to "he mountainous regions east of the town of Puerto Principe, the rebellion was put down. To confine it to that locality the Spanish troops built a great fortified trench, known as La Trocha, across the entire width of the island, in the western portion of the State of

Puerto Principe. It was here that Captain-General Campos, thecommander of the Spanish army, drew up his forces in the summer of 1895, to prevent the eastward march of the insurgents, who were now heavily reinforced.
All during the summer of 1895 the insurgents leaders were organizing their forces and receiving supplies of arms and ammunition. The people were flocking to the standard of revolt, and during October, 1895, Gomez and Maceo with ease penetrated the lines of the Spanish captain-general, crossing La Trocha, and causing the regular troops to fall back to a line just east of Remedios. The insurgents still pushing on, this was followed by a retreat of Campos to Sant2 Clara, in the province of Santa Clara, still further west.
Two Cuban Generals.
Gomez and Maceo were now in supreme authority, for Marti, the great leader of the revolutionary party, died just as the command started west. This blow to the insurgent cause was more than offset by the character of the people among which they found themselves, Of all the provinces of Cuba, Santa Clara is the most outspoken and loyal to the cause of liberty. The ranks of Gomez and Maceo were ;ncreased by thousands of volunteers of an intelligence and physical strength superior even to those of Santiago. Horses were procured in abundance, and the bulk of the insurgent army was formed into a speedy and well-equipped cavalry. They were armed with rifles, and carried with them an abundance of ammunition. Each man also carried a machete, which is a long, heavily-weighted iron knife, used by the sugar-planters to cut the cane, and by all travelers to open up paths through the heavy tropical underbrush. They are terrible weapons in the hands of the Cubans, and the Spanish troops fear them more than the rifles. The insurgents took no supply train with them. A stray pig or fowl supplied them with supper, while an ox meant dinner for a company. Thus prepared, they turned their .aces toward the setting sun and Havana.
All this while Campos, the Spanish general, was corcentrating," according to the official dispatches. In other words, he was drawing

dead lines across the Island at points where he announced that he would bring the insurgents to a pitched battle. Each successive dead line was further west than the one preceding it. And each time the insurgents slipped by the troops, leaving a harried country behind them. Railroads, bridges and roads destroyed, plantations burned and store-houses empty. The troops, under the spur of necessity, followed as rapidly as possible, leaving the insurgents in possession of the country to the east.
Lauding of Expeditions.
In this way not only did the Cubans make this remarkable march westward, but they garrisoned it. In Santiago the insurgents kept the Spanish forces in the fortified cities, and in a short time two large expeditions successfully landed at that end of the island. One, armed with cannon, fired upon and crippled the Nueva Espana," of the Spanish navy, while such leaders as Rabi, Martinez and Aguirre were fighting as valiantly there as were Gomez and Ivfaceo in the province f Matanzas.
Similar reports came from Puerto Principe and Santa Clara, showing that the insurgents had complete control of the interior of these provinces. But Campos claimed that it was his plan to get the insurgents between his forces and Havana and crush them as a nut is crushed in a nut-cracker.
Then came decisive attacks by the insurgents. Campos was driven from pillar to post, changing his headquarters from Santa Clara to Cienfuegos, from Cienfuegos to Palmillas, from Palmillas to Colon, from Colon to Jovellanos, from Jovellanos to Limonare, from Limonare to Guanabana, and from Guanabana to Havana, where he was feted as a conqueror by the Spanish authorities, and where he received telegrams of congratulation from the Queen Regent of Spain and her Prime Minister.
Just prior to this noisy welcome, namely, on December 24, 1895, General Maximo Gomez, at the head of I 2,000 men, by a feint turned the flank of the Spanish commander at Colon, and, passing the sleepy old seaport of Matanzas, marched straight on to a point only

fifty miles from Havana, Campos, with all his 8o,ooo picked Spanish troops, to the contrary notwithstanding Christmas and New Year were passed, and the insurgents were still there, marching and coun-, termarching in three columns, holding Spain at bay, and waiting for additional supplies of ammunition and arms before pushing on. The grave question now was what the insurgents would do ? Havana was in an agony of suspense and preparing for a siege. The loyalty of the citizens was unquestionable, as well as that of the Grande Civil, or local militia. Campos and all his troops seemed unable to cope with the situation. It was believed that should the insurgents push on and take Havana, the defeat of Spain and the liberty of Cuba would arrive.
A Conc6ise History of the Struggle.
These, in outline, are the main facts of Cuba's war during the,- first year of its progress. The reader will be interested in another account from a war correspondent in Cuba, who had ample opportunity f-or observation, and the accuracy of whose statements are unquestioned. Writing late in January, 1896, he says,:
"'The question of the United States recognizing the belligerent rights of the new Cuban republic is now receiving so much attention that a dispassionate and unbiased account of the state of affairs in Cuba may help some to a better understanding of the situation. In view of the misleading information and exaggeration of facts given out, on one hand, by Cubans in America, and, on the other, of the misrepresentation and concealment of truth by the representatives of the Spanish side, facts gathered from the scenes of the war and the sea-c of its causes may throw light upon doubts which are entertained as to the wisdom of America's policy up to this time.
"The Cuban revolution is now within a few days of having turned' its first year. It has passed all the bounds of previous insurrection. It has passed from the stage of organized rioting into actual war. It is no longer limited to a conflict between classes, or confined to any section of the Island. It has become a war between two peoples who are distinct in all the characteristics which mark the -differences

This renowned Commander has long been a conspicuous figure in Cuban insurrections. In the latter part of 1895 he was imprisoned at Madrid. Being liberated, he returned at once to the United States, and was instrumental in organizing a formidable expedition to aid the Cuban Patriots. He is considered one of the ablest and most courageous Commanders among the Insurgents.

Mt ... .........

between nations. The recent successes have resulted in the best blood of Cuba's native-bQrn population joining or aiding Gomez's armies, and have brought the issue to a point which means that the price of Spanish victory would be almost inevitably the extermination of some great families and the utter devastation of the Island.
" Such a victory would carry with it the accumulation of a wai debt which would. impoverish Cuba for two generations, and leave her a burden rather than a precious possession for the so-called mother country. Without the benefits which would come to the Cubans as the result of such recognition as they ask from the United States it is impossible for the revolutionists to hasten the issue of the war, and as Spain cannot drive them unwillingly into battles, only some event now entirely unforeseen can prevent the prolonging of the war for possibly a year or more.
The Two Armies.
"Both sides are weak, so weak that the question of which can hold out the longer is as important as the result of battles, perhaps more important than the result of the insignificant engagements which now monopolize all the reports from the field. On the side of Spain is an army drawn from a native population of 16,ooo,ooo. On the side of Cuba is an army drawn from a native population of i ,6oo,ooo. Dealing with the mere numbers one reason is apparent why Gomez avoids battles into which he might throw his forces with a certainty of victory. It is hard for him to replace his losses. Unless the *killed were nearly sixteen to one the ease with which Spain could fill the gap in her ranks where they were nearer equal would be his weakness and practically turn his victories into disasters.
"Spain's army is made up of conscripts, unpaid, poverty-stricken, most of them too ignorant of military training to march in step at guard mount, and so youthful that regiment after regiment would not have an average age of above nineteen years; half-fed, with no commissary department or surgical service available after battles; so tender to the climate that ten die of disease to one in conflict, and so neglected in the hospitals that the wounded generally die of yellow fever contracted in the pest-houses to which they have been taken

from the field, numbering with the Spanish Cuban volunteers recruited in the Island about 200,000 men; 120,oo0 of these have come from Spain; the other 8o,ooo are from the Island. Of them all, less than 5oo are cavalry, and of this 5oo at least one-half are only mounted infantry. They are all well armed. In commanders, Spaniards and Cubans, in proportion to the numbers, are equally supplied with veterans.
Fifty Thousand Native Cubans.
"The Cuban army numbers 5o,ooo, half of whom are in small divisions, under captains or colonels, acting upon orders and in campaigns devised by Gomez and Maceo. At least 25,000 of them are mounted, but only 25,000 of them, according to the most trustworthy information, are supplied with modern arms. But the whole 5o,ooo are native Cubans, inured to the climate, safe in the fever season and unaffected by any hardship of march or exposure. Every farm estate and hut is their hospital. Every Cubarn woman is a nurse for the wounded. Every farm and plantation is a source of food supply. Every Cuban is their guide and informant, prepared the next moment to lie like a Turk to a Spanish column. These 50,000 men are flushed with a year of almost uninterrupted successes, which have resulted in the downfall of one of Europe's greatest generals.
" Now, at the end of only one year, they have the whole Island at their command, except its city strongholds, with the Spavnish armies cut off from communication with each other except by couriers on horses or protected steamers along the coast. Every railroad is paralyzed. The following year's revenues to Spain have been practically wiped out by the ruin of business and the destruction of the sugar cane. Havana itself has been declared by the captain-general to be in a state of siege. Gomez, with his army, has slept within sight of the city.
" The events which have led up to all this make a simple chapter of Spanish disaster and of Cuban successes, with occasional reverses, during which the more or less guerrilla warfare conducted in the early stages has developed into scientific campaigns, and also in the birth, on the i6th of September, 1895, of the Republic of Cuba. Tho

war was started through the failure of Spain to put into force reforms in the government of Cuba which had been granted by the Spanish Cortes, after a tremendous effort on the part of the Island to procure relief from intolerable evils. It is generally believed that the Corte& did not act in good faith, but from a pressure to prevent a revolt from what was simple tyranny, and that there was never any intention to permit the reforms to go into operation.
" Calleja was then the Captain-General of the Island. He made a faint resistance when the first evidences ot the preparation Cuba had been making for insurrection came to the surface in Santiago de Cuba, the extreme eastern province of the Island, and the stronghold of former revolutions. It is a rough country, where it was supposed the trouble would be confined. He declared the province and that of Puerto Principe, adjoining, to be under martial law.
Grand Uprising of Patriots.
"Between April i and April 12, Generals Gomez, Antonio Maceo, Jose Maceo, Cebreco, Crombet, Guerra, Marti and Borrero landed with men and arms, and they were joined by thousands of Cubans, who brought out from hiding-places arms and ammunition which they had been collecting and concealing for years. It was already apparent to Spain that the insurrection was to be serious, and by this time General Campos, then her greatest military chief, was already on his way to the Island with IOOO men. He landed on April I6, 1895, at Santiago de Cuba, and made the mistake which has cost Spain the war and may in the end cost her all Cuba.
" He did not at once put the reforms in force, but announced that after peace was restored' he would do all in his power to see that the reforms which had been granted by the Cortes were put in force.' It is true that already another and greater object was inspiring the Cubans-the liberty they now demand; but, if Campos had then, instead of waiting three months, till the insurrection had gone beyond his control, granted the relief to Cuba which the Cortes had authorized, it would have almost inevitably resulted, notwithstanding what may be said outside of Cuba to-day to fhe contrary, in the restoration

of peace, probably only temporary; but his course precipitated into the conflict all the elements which he might have used to prevent it.
"At the end of three months Gomez and Maceo had all Santiago and Puerto Principe in a state of insurrection. They started out with comparatively a handful of men. The most reliable sources agree that there were not more than 3oo. Thousands of Cubans joined them, furnishing their own horses anti arms. Campos had declared that Puerto Principe would never rise against Spain, and he proposed at once a plan to make it doubly sure. He procured special concessions from Madrid for the foreign railroads, permitting them to import iron bridges to replace their wooden structures, and pledged them $2o,ooo a month until they had extended their lines and made connections to complete a continuous road through the country, using the money to employ the natives. This was to insure the peace of Puerto Principe and Santa Clara, both considered conservative, and to prevent the people joining the revolutionary party.
War's Dire Destruction.
"After the plan was announced the revolutionists burned out the wooden bridges, tore up the tracks in many places, and the roads have been, for all practical purposes, in their hands ever since. Campos, meantime, to prevent Gomez moving eastward, placed 10,OOO troops on the border between the provinces of Santiago and Puerto Principe, but Gomez crossed the line on May I9, after a battle at Boca del Dos Rios, where a loss was suffered in the death of Gen. Marti, which was so great a blow to Cuba that Campos announced that the 'death blow to the bandits' had been struck.
"In Puerto Principe Gomez captured every town he attempted to take, among them Alta Gracia, San Jeronimo and Coscorro. He took Fort El Mulato, and in all the places secured large quantities of ammunition. So enthusiastic was his reception in the provinces of Puerto Principe and Santa Clara that in the latter 4oo Spanish volunteers joined him with their arms. Places in this province that fell in rapid succession were Las Veras, Cantabria, Fort Taguaso, Guenia de Miranda and Cayo Espino.

"The most important battle of the summer occurred at Bayamo in July, just as Gomez was near the Spanish line between Santa Clara and Puerto Principe. Campos decided to relieve the distress of the garrison at Bayamo and left Manzanillo, intending, after entering the town, to move quickly westward, driving Gomez into the Spanish line, while three other columns were to surround Maceo. Botb bands were to be exterminated at once. On his way to Bayamc Campos was met by Maceo and Rabi at Peralajos, and in a twelve hours' battle, in which about 3,000 men were engaged on either side, Campos was completely routed.
"From that time on through the summer and far into the autumn, every day was marked by skirmishes, the taking of important places and the threatening of the larger towns. It kept the Spanish columns moving constantly, and the exposure in the rainy season killed thousands. It was, doubtless, Gomez's purpose to conduct his summer campaign to produce that effect, suffering nothing by it himself He was then planning the great campaign of the winter, the execution of which resulted in the shutting up of Havana. He had accomplished the destruction of all methods of communication in the interior, to the east, and had issued his order against the grinding of sugar cane, for the purpose of cutting off Spain's revenues, and had announced that he would take his army clear through into the Matanzas province to insure obedience to his order.
"Amazing as this declaration was, it was fairly good evidence of Gomez's modesty. He had not only overrun Matanzas, but Havana province as well, burning plantations within sight of the city, where the owners disobeyed him, and finally subjugating the province of Pinar del Rio, in the extreme west."

Insurgent Campaign in Western Cuba.
R EFERENCE was made at the close of the preceding chapter
to the spirited warlike operations of the insurgents in Western Cuba. Carrying the war into this section was simply threatening Havana, and this was one object of the insurgent leadersGomez and Maceo.
Enough of the history of the insurrection has been given t show the manner in which it was carried on during th~e first few months subsequent to the arrival of the Spanish General Campos and his army. All his boasts of conquest failed of fulfillment. He was slow to bring the insurgents to the point of battle, or if hie did succeed in doing this, he failed utterly to accomplish his purpose of so vanquishing them as to stamp out what he was pleased to call the Rebellion," and bring the country into a state of peace and quietude. It is more than probable that some of the skirmishes _'n which the Spanish troops claimed success were conducted by the insurgents more for the purpose of harassing Campos and hiS_ scattered forces than with the idea of obtaining any great substantial victory.
General Gomez and his commanding officers had a fullI knowledge of the country, knew all the strategic points, also knew that they were greatly outnumbered by thc Spanish forces, and that they had only to hold their ground without being completely overthrown, and the proud army of Spain would be, partially at least, defeated by dis-ease and the disastrous effects of the climate, to which they were not accustomed. Certain it is that after the operations of General Campos had been carried on for months, the insurgents were as strong and well-disciplined as ever, while in the provinces which they occupied they constantly received recruits from those dissatisfied spirits who were ready to join the patriot army in its daring and determined effort to throw off the Spanish yoke.

In order to understand the progress of events, it is necessary tW describe the campaign of the insurgents in the province of Pinal del Rio.
When Gomez retired from this province he left Maceo there, and took up a position east of the Spanish line, where he remained near, but refused to give battle to the Spanish. He had been waiting for Maceo's work to be finished. All this time he has been within ten miles of Havana, and never more than twenty-five miles away. The highest officers in command of the field operations of the Spanish, commenting upon the strength of the new wall of men," said that "if only Gornez were in so tight a place as Maceo, both would soon be wiped out, as they were hopelessly separated, Maceo burdened with wounded men, and Gomez between lines rapidly converging."
A March of Repeated Vicfbries.
ihe truth is that they had not endeavored to meet, but Maceo had gone to the extreme end of Cuba, occupying its most western city, driving the garrison of that town down to the shore, where they fought on the sand-beach, under the fire of a Spanish cruiser out at sea. Maceo's march had been one of repeated victories. Towns surrendered without resistance; around others there were some slight encounters. Portions of several Spanish garrisons joined the revolute tionists with their arms.
More than 2,ooo recruits were made. The new government wa, established in the cities and towns of Mantua, San Cristobal, Remates, Palacios, Paso Real de San Diego, Guane, Consolacion del Sur, Pilotos, Alonso de Rojas, San Luis, San Juan y Martinez, and other less important places.
The capital of the province, Pinar del Rio City, was the one place of great importance that held out, but it was cut off from communi. cation with its port, Colon, and was short of provisions. One supply sent by the Spanish for its relief, ioo,ooo rations, fell into Maceo's hands.
Maceo's march began as soon as he had left Gomez, near the lowef border, between Havana and Pinar del Rio provinces. He had .,ow

mounted men, all armed, in divisions under Gens. Zayas, Varuna, Vivo and Gomez Rubio. Almost immediately the forces were divided, Maceo, with the main body, moving southwest, and a small division, under Varona, taking a western course through the northern country, to reunite with Maceo at the western extremity of the province. In this way it was designed to cover at once the sides of a great loop, embracing every important point in the province.
The Spanish Forces Scattered.
Gomez's retreat had been misunderstood by the Spanish, and when Maceo moved, the Spanish forces were scattered and unprepared to check him, being to the east, where they supposed the centre of operations was to remain, near Gomez. With trifling losses, and the wounding of but a handful of his men, Maceo entered Candelaria and San Cristobal on the same day, the third of his march.
In San Cristobal the Spanish flag on the government building was replaced by the emblem of the new republic, a may or and city officials were appointed, resolutions were adopted by the new authorities, and, after all the arms in the town had been collected, and forty or fifty mounted recruits had been made, Maceo remained a day to rest his men and horses, and moved on the following morning at daybreak toward Palacios, just north of which lies Banos de San Diego. He took both these places, and the same scenes were repeated, the people decorating their houses and flying white flags from every roof as a token of their allegiance to the cause.
By this time the Spanish saw the trend of Maceo's plans, and Generals Nevarro and Luque were ordered to pursue the insurgent army, reinforcements at the same time being ordered to Pinar del Rio City. The garrison at Guanajay was strengthened, and an additional force was dispatched from Havana to proceed on a steamer along the south coast to Columa, to reach Pinar del Rio, if possible, before Maceo had arrived.
Nevarro made all haste, but was not out of sight of Guanajay, where lie had left the terminus of the railroad, before he came upon burning cane fields, whose owners had disobeyed Gomez's prociama-


Formerly the Capital of Cuba, and now the chief town of the eastern department of the Island. Stands qpa a bay on the sonth goast, and has a harbor, deep, well protected and fortified, Populatlio, 74,30

tion against grinding. Navarro and Luque had together 5,ooo infantry, 200 cavalry and I I pieces of artillery. They found that the cattle had been gathered up by insurgents or hidden by their owners but, learning that Maceo was at least two days' march ahead, they were able to move with freedom, and by forced marches came to the San Juan del Rio sugar estate, where the next day General Navarro met General Arizon's command, which had encountered Maceo's rear guard the previous day. Arizon had lost, as nearly as can be learned, five men, and had several wounded, and was waiting there to join Navarro's division.
General Navarro had sent a detachment after the smaller body of insurgents moving on the north, but further than a few encounters with some small bands, which may have been either skirmish lines or independent companies of insurgents, their pursuit was fruitless, and they arrived at Cabanas, on the north coast, the day after the insurgents had taken the place, disarmed the volunteer garrison, secured I iooo rounds of ammunition, and retired with the loss of two men. This loss was confirmed by the Spanish official reports.
Fled in Disorder.
To come back to General Navarro, after being joined at the San Juan estate by Arizon's command, he moved on toward Quivera Hacha, and near there came up to Maceo, who had meantime established the insurgent government in Consolacion and Rio Hondo, and was preparing to move upon Pinar del Rio City. Near Quivera Hacha Navarro's skirmishers encountered a small band of mounted insurgents. There was rapid firing, and almost instantly 400 of the insurgents rode down upon Navarro's extreme vanguard, under Lieutenant La Torre, and came within fifty yards, shouting "Machete," firing but few shots and retiring without attacking.
The cry of "Machete," the name of the half-sword-like weapons which the Cubans use with such deadly effect in much of their fighting, terrified the Spanish, and considerable disorder followed. Fearing that all Maceo's army was at hand, lines of battle were quickly formed, the main body being well protected by a cactus

fence. Two divisions were deployed right and left in cane fields, part of which had been burned. About i ,ooO of Maceo's men were on higher ground, and although firing lasted twenty minutes, the losses on either side were not serious when the insurgents withdrew. None ,f Nevarro's cavalry or artillery took part in the action.
The Spanish followed them, prepared for an ambush at any moment, as the cane and underbrush were dense, but reached the Begona sugar estate safely, where, coming out into the open, they were within sight of iooo of Maceo's men, two miles southwest, moving away. The Spanish during the day lost, according to the best information from both sides, about twenty-five men killed and wounded. Regarding Maceo's losses the Spanish report said: The rebels must have lost several men."
Gen. Maceo at the Front.
The Cubans say they did not lose a man, and no dead were found on the field. At the Begona estate Gen. Navarro learned that he had been engaged with only a small part of Maceo's forces, and that the main command was at the Armendares estate.
The seat of operations at once changed to the vicinity of Pinar del Rio, Gen. Luque succeeding Gen. Navarro in command of the aggressive movements against Maceo, who, learning of the relief being sent to the city, tried to intercept it, probably in expectation of the valu, able capture which he subsequently made. His rapid progress with his cavalry, the Spanish following on foot, of course resulted in several days passing without an engagement. The first encounter took place on January i7, 1896, about five miles south of the city. It was nothing more than a skirmish, neither side suffering, and that night Gen. Luque left part of his forces at the village of St. Luis, through which Maceo had passed two hours ahead of him. He took his main body to Pinar del Rio.
During the night he learned that Maceo had taken a position at Tirado, commanding the road to Coloma, between Pinar del Rio and the coast. It was over this road that the wagon train from the coast was to bring up the supplies to Pinar del Rio, General Luque

hastened at daylight to drive the insurgents back, but found Maceo strongly entrenched within three miles of the city. This was the morning of the i8th.
Luque came upon Maceo's vanguard under Colonel Velasco, but the moment the attack was made he found himself under fire from the tops of two low hills on both sides of the road, where the insurgents were well protected. They were in such an advantageous position that Luque sustained severe losses without inflicting much injury upon the enemy. So hot was the encounter that Luque withdrew and prepared to charge upon two points where the enemy were making a stand. With the San Quintin battalion he held the road, sending Colonel Hernandez to the right, while another division advanced on the left. The attack was successful. The Spanish made a magnificent effort under the withering fire, but both divisions swept Maceo's forces before them, not, however, until they had left the field, scattered with their own dead and wounded.
The Spanish General Surprised.
For some reason the cavalry had not been used. The artillery was just coming up when the action had reached this point. The Spanish found that the enemy had, instead of being routed, simply fallen back and taken a position on another hill, and scattered firing went on for a considerable time, while Luque prepared to attack again. Then, against two thousand of Maceo's men, was directed all of Luque's command, over four thousand infantry, two hundred cavalry and eleven pieces of artillery.
At least half of Maceo's army, certainly not less than two thousand cavalry, had been moving to Luque's rear and came upon him, surprising him just as this second attack was being made.
For a time it was a question whether Luque's command would not be wiped out. They were practically surrounded by Maceo's men, and for fully an hour and a half the fighting was desperate. It is impossible to unravel the stories of both sides so as to arrive at a Clear idea of the encounter. Hernandez's right wing had been weakened by the withdrawal of part of the San Quintin battalion,

and when five companies of the insurgents fell upon him he suffered so quickly that Luque sent two battalions to his assistance. Hernandez then succeeded in gaining the hill, where one division of the insurgents was stationed, but not until a cavalry charge had been repelled and seven pieces of the artillery had been turned upon it.
When the cannonading ceased four companies of infantry charged up the hill and occupied it before the insurgents, who had been driven out by the artillery, could regain it. Shortly the hill on the left of the road was taken in the same way, and Luque, although at a great loss, had repelled Maceo's attack from the rear.
The insurgent forces then withdrew to a piece of woods and made another stand about a quarter of a mile from the field where the fight had taken place. General Luque, however, withdrew his shattered forces to Pinar del Rio.
The battle had lasted from 9.15 to 11.30. Maceo had about forty of his men wounded and left four dead on the field, taking away ten others. Twenty or more of his horses were killed. The Spanish reported that he had I,ooo killed; the next day reduced the number to 300, and finally to the statement that the enemy's losses must have been enormous "-the usual phrase when the true number is humiliating. Luque's loss has never been officially reported. It is variously estimated between fifty and one hundred men, but his defeat was severest in the failure to save the supply train. Seventeen loaded wagons and twenty pack mules carrying IOO,OOO ratiGns and perhaps Io,ooo rounds of ammunition were in Maceo's har,;'1 e the end of the fight.

Downfall of General Campos.
W HEN the Spanish government sent tens of thousands oi
troops to Cuba, it evidently imagined the revolution would soon be smothered. General Campos had shown his prowess and military skill on many occasions and was considered the ablest commander in the Spanish army. It was thought that he would soon be able to overtake the insurrection and quench its fires, We have arrived now at a point where his complete failure must be recorded.
It was made plain that he had a larger contract on hand than he was able with all his hosts to carry out. Repeated dispatches had been sent abroad telling of his military movements and successes, but after he had been nine months in Cuba, the stubborn fact still remained that he did not hold the.- Island, and the fires of the revoluti-)n were burning higher and brighter than ever. The insurgents roamed over many parts of the Island at their own sweet will. Their leaders had not been captured and the promised 2,-ra of peace had not come.
Secret expeditions from the United States had landed on the Cuban shores in spite of all the vigilance of Spanish ships on the sea and armed bodies of troops on land. Such aid was likely to be furnished to an unlimited extent. The sympathy of high officials in our government with the cause of Cuba was pronounced and emphatic. Arms and ammunition in some mysterious way were constantly shipped, and the spirit of revolution was fanned by the national sentiment of the United States. General Campos could not do impossb" bilities. The stars in their courses were fighting against him. The government at Madrid became dissatisfied, censorious, and was ready to recall its favorite general as unequal to the situation. The old

Spaiish -lement in Cuba, sympathizing with the mother country, became restless and turbulent. The war was costing immense sums of money and nothing apparently was being gained. Heavier taxes would have to be imposed upon the people of Cuba, and this, together with the destruction caused by the movements of both the Spanish and the Cuban armies, frightened the people in the large towns and caused them almost to rise in rebellion, not merely against the insurgents, but against the home government.
About the middle of January, 1896, there was, at Havana, a strong feeling of distrust. On the Exchange the anti-Spanish sentiment was shown in something like seditious utterances. Several colonels and officers of volunteers who were present made speeches against Captain-General Campos, and a general protest was expressed against his military inactivity and over-humane policy
Proposition to Lynch the Captain-General.
One major of volunteers proposed that Campos be either forced LO resign or be lynched, and the speech was met by cheers from various Spanish merchants. The majority of the representatives of Spanish business houses present signed a petition to close the Exchange, and many favored closing the stores as a protest against Campos' permanence in the Island.
A delegation from the volunteer corps' officers wa& named to wait on Campos and insist that Pando be called and given full military command and that Campos either radically change his political policy or else resign the governorship. The Spanish sentiment against him was increasing hourly, and trouble was feared. Several foreign vessels in the port, by the direction of their consignees, suspended the discharge of their cargoes, awaiting the outcome of the affair.
Lieutenant-General Marin was hurriedly called from Matlnzas, and had a consultation with the Captain-General. Campos depended upon the regular forces and upon the fleet to support him in the event of trouble, but there were few troops in Havana, most of the columns being out after Gomez and Maceo, and, unfortunately, all the warship' were away cruising up and down the coast