Aprons Made from Canvas: The Legacies of Marie-Jacob Godefroid, Restauratrice to the French Royal Art Collections, 1741-1775

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Aprons Made from Canvas: The Legacies of Marie-Jacob Godefroid, Restauratrice to the French Royal Art Collections, 1741-1775
Altun, Yasemin Diba
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Eighteenth-century Paris was a site for significant changes in the art world, whether stylistically in the movement from Rococo towards Neoclassicism or socially in the growing presence of female artists. One field that emerged in this milieu was art restoration, here referring to the treatment of easel paintings in order to prevent signs of aging, such as surface discoloration, warping, etc. This paper focuses on Marie-Jacob Godefroid, a female art restorer active in the mid-eighteenth century whose career was unique in several regards, whether in life as a widowed mother or in work as an art restorer-dealer who received royal recognition. Launched from this biographic approach, my paper seeks to identify broader conceptions of womanhood that allowed female artists paths to success in a field hard-set by patriarchal traditions. ( en )
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Awarded Bachelor of Arts in History of Art, summa cum laude, on May 8, 2018. Major: Art History
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College or School: College of the Arts
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Advisor: Melissa Hyde, Sheryl Kroen. Advisor Department or School: Art History, History

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Aprons Made from Canvas: The Legacies of Marie Jacob Godefroid, Restauratrice to the French Royal Art Collections, 1741 1775 E ighteenth century Paris was a site for significant changes in the art world, whether stylistically in the movement from Rococo towards Neoclassicism or socially in the growing presence of female artists. One field that emerged in this milieu was art restor ation, here referring to the treatment of easel paintings in order to prevent signs of aging, such as surface discoloration, warping etc. This paper focuses on Marie Jacob Godefroid, a female art restorer active in the mid eighteenth century whose career was unique in several regards, whether in life as a widowed mother or in work as an art restorer dealer who received royal recognition. Launched from this biographic approach, my paper seeks to identify broader conceptions of womanhood that allowed female artists paths to success in a field hard set by patriarchal traditions. Yasemin Altun 4015 1166 Art History Major Advi sors: Melissa Hyde, Sheryl Kroen


Altun 1 Marie Jacob, la veuve Godefroid On the night of April 16, 1741 a group of friends from the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc met for dinner in Paris at a restaurant on the R ue Saint Thomas du Louvre, just in sight of the palace's eastern c olonnade (Figure 1). It was a diverse cast of characters; among those present were a painter of battle scenes, a Belgian sculptor and a Prussian engraver Two other attendants JŽr™me Franois Chant e reau, a young painter to the King of Denmark and Joseph Ferdinand Godefroid, a paintings restorer to the French Crown had ar gued over dinner about the attribution of a work by the seventeenth century Italian painter Carlo Maratti 1 Godefroid also sold paintings from his restoration workshop on the neighboring R ue Saint Germain l Auxerroi s and had recently attempted to sell Maratti's The Flight into Egypt (Figure 2) to James Waldegrave, the British Ambassador to Paris T he work's authenticity however, remained suspicious to Chant e reau who as a dea ler himself likely rivaled Godefroid in serving a similar cliental of art collectors As the two men were leaving the restaurant that night in 1741 their disagreement somehow became a duel fought right in front of the Louvre's entrance gates Swords were drawn and Godefroid the older of the two, was fatally struck between the ribs and died in a nearby church. 2 Police recorded t he murder of Godefroid, whose rol e as a restorer and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 Pierre Marot, " propos d'un tableau du MusŽe historique lorrain: Recherches sur les origines de la transposition de la p einture en France," Annales de l'Est 5, no. 4 (1950): 257 ; Ann Massing, Painting Restoration b efore La Restauration : The Origins of the Profession in France (London; Cambridge: Harvey Miller; Hamilton Kerr Institute, University of Cambridge, 2012 ), 64 65 Although the original witness accounts and police report (NAAF, 1883 see footnote 2) describe Chantereau only as a "young painter," he is listed as a member of the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc, labeled as a painter and dealer (Jules Joseph Guiffrey, ed., Histoire de l'AcadŽmie de Saint Luc i n vol. 9 of Archive s de l'art franais: r ecueil de d ocumen ts inŽdits p ubliŽs par la SociŽtŽ d e l'histoire de l'art f ranais ( Paris: ƒdouard Champion 1915), 217). Michel also cites Chantereau as a notable "marchand de tableaux en chambre" who specialized in the sale of Italian paintings from his home on the Rue Saint HonorŽ and served many English clients (Patrick Michel, Le Commerce du tableau ˆ Paris dans la seconde moitiŽ du XVIIIe sicle (Villeneuve d'Ascq: Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2007), 44 5). Some scholars have even suggested he did amateur restoration work, a side job common for art dealers of the eighteenth century (Massing, Painting Restoration before La Restauration, 64). Godefroid and Chantereau may therefore have been professional rivals prior to the 1741 murder. 2 For a full description of the 1741 murder (including details of the dinner, witness accounts, etc.), see Jules Joseph Guiffrey, ed., "Joseph Ferdinand Godefroy, ma”tre peintre. Procs verbal et information sur sa mort violen te


Altun 2 dealer had made him an active figure in the Parisian art world in thorough detail down to the number of coins found in his pocket. As shown by the fateful dinner's list of attendants art circles in eighteenth century Paris encompassed figures working in diverse fields. One person who did not attend the dinner however, was the deceased's wife and business partner Marie Jacob Godefroid (1705 ? 1775) 3 Rather than witness t he happy hour gone wrong, she may have been managing the shop while her husband was out for the evening 4 S cholars have suggested Godefroid's connection to a long standing artistic family in Antwerp with members in the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc since at least the previous century but little record exists of her pre marital life. 5 More certain is that b y the late 1720s the Godefroid couple had married and moved to Paris, where they ran a successful restoration business that received commissions from the B‰ti ments du Roi and several private collector s 6 The restorer's trade which entailed the treatment of easel paintings for signs of aging !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! (1741)," in vol. 10 of Nouvelles archives de l'art franais: r ecuei l de documents inŽdits, publiŽs par la SociŽtŽ de l'histoire de l'art f ranais (Paris: Charavay Frres, Libraires de la SociŽtŽ, 1883), 394 417. Incidentally, as Scott mentions in her discussion of hierarchy within the artist's guild, privileged members of the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc did commonly bear arms (Katie Scott, "Hierarchy, Liberty and Order: Languages of Art and Institutiona l Conflict in Par is (1766 1776), The Oxford Art Journal 12, no. 2 (1989): 66) This could begin to explain the ease with which the disagreement between Godefroid and Chantereau escalated into murder. 3 Marie Jacob Godefroid's name and year of birth appear in various form s within contemporary literature and more recent scholarship. Variations on her first name: "Marie Jacob, Marie Jacobe, or Marie Jeane," on her husband's surname: "Godefroid, Godefroy, or Godefroi," as well as on her maiden name "Van Merle, Vane Merle, or Van Merlen," all exist. Sources dated 1743 1775 also refer to her as la veuve Godefroid "the Widow Godefroid." As for her date of birth, 1700, 1701, 1702, and 1705 all appear, with her death more securely placed in 1775. The name "Marie Jacob Godefroid" a nd 1705 birth year cited in the most recent scholarship by NoŽmie ƒtienne have been used here. 4 There is a witness who recounts Marie Jacob's distress upon hearing of her husband's fatal injury and the legal formalities that were quickly organized ther eafter. See Guiffrey, "Joseph Ferdinand Godefroy, ma”tre peintre," 397 398. 5 Massing ( Painting Restoration before L a Restauration 66) has linked Godefroid to a family of Belgian artists/dealers listed in the Biographie nationale de Belgique. See Alpho nse Goovaerts, "Van Merlen," in vol. 4 of Biographie nationale de Belgique publiŽe par l'AcadŽmie royale des sciences, des lettres et des beaux arts (Brussels: Bruylant, 1866), 507 522. 6 NoŽmie ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris, 1750 1815 : P ractice, Discourse, Materiality trans. Sharon Grevet ( Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2017 ), 19 20; Franois Marandet, "The Banker Charles Godefroy and His Dealings in Paintings, or the Secrets of an Account Book Revealed (1738 48), The Bu rlington Magazine 150, no. 1265 (Aug. 2008): 522; Marot, " propos d'un tableau du MusŽe historique l orrain ," 255.


Altun 3 such as surface discoloration or structural distortion, experienced unprecedented growth in the couple's lifetime. This specialization developed in the 1700s alongside the French art market as well as preparations to exhibit the royal collections in newly public venues By the time of the widow's own death in 1 775 restoration was no longer considered part of a painter's repertoire but defined by a unique expertise From 1743 until 1775, Marie Jacob Godefroid served as one of a few restorers pensioned by the French Crown treating masterpieces in diverse formats at the various royal residences in Paris and its vicinities. 7 She performed mostly invisible treatments, such as transferring paint layers from old wood en panels onto fresh canvas, relining delicate canvas, and cradling wood en panels. 8 Archival rec ords from the period include numerous mŽmoires d'intervention 9 which detail the kind of work she performed. As a widowed mother, Godefroid still ran her own household, which included the care of seven children, while maintaining the family business. 10 In a ddition to serving a pre existing cliental from her husband's time, Marie Jacob also built her own network that included figures of royal influence, such as the Marquis de Marigny (Directeur general des B‰timents du Roi, 1751 1773) and Charles Nicolas Coch in (Secretary to the royal AcadŽmie/advisor to Marigny, c. 1755 1770). 11 She also developed commercial relationships with many women such as the collector the Comtesse de Verrue, the widow of the banker !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 7 There is evidence that M. J. Godefroid treated paintings for public display at the Luxembourg Palace, as well as those in Paris churches ( see Andrew McClellan, "The Politics and Aesthetics of Disp lay: Museums in Paris 1750 1800, Art History 7, no.4 (Dec., 1984): 443 444) and at the Versailles Palace (see ƒtienne, "La pensŽe dans la p ratique ," 87 88). 8 SŽgolne Bergeon et al ., "The Restoration of Wooden Painting Supports: Two Hun dred Years of History in France," i n The Structural Conservation of Panel Paintings: Proceedings of a Symposium at the J. Paul Getty Museum, 24 28 April 1995 ed. Kathleen Dardes and Andrea Rothe ( Los A ngeles, CA: Get ty Conservation Institute, 1998), 268 70; Massing, Painting Restoration before L a Restauration 67. 9 MŽmoires d'intervention refer to a combination of work invoices and intervention reports, with costs itemized for each treatment performed o ver a given unit area of the picture plane. ƒtienne, "La pensŽe dans la pratique," 82 84; Massing (2012) also transcribes a selection of these archival receipts, see Appendix 3.1 (p. 258 266). 10 Massing, Painting Restoration before L a Restauration 66. 11 I bid., 66 72.


Altun 4 Charles Godefroy, and even the actress Mademoiselle C lairon. 12 As a dual head of household and head of business, Marie Jacob thus developed a highly specialized work identity as a marchande publique 13 outside the traditional family economy 14 and received recognition for her work as a restauratrice Framing Godefroid's post marital life (c. 1741 1775) as a career that reached new heights in the public sphere, this paper seeks to recast female widowhood as a status that could blossom rather than wilt. It will play with "restoration" as a historically s pecific term referring to the care of paintings that emerged in eighteenth century Paris and as an approach to experiencing widowhood and preserving family legacies. Expanding the scholar NoŽmie ƒtienne's argument 15 that Godefroid's business methods made re storation less an inventive secret and more an artisanal craft, this paper argue s that the widow Godefroid took advantage of Enlightenment con ceptions of women as caretakers to build her career in the third quarter of the eighteenth !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 12 NoŽmie ƒtienne and Paulette Robic, "Veuvage et dŽviance: Une approche c ompa rŽe des stratŽgies d'entreprise, JournŽes d' Histoire de la ComptabilitŽ et du Management (Paris, 2010 ): 7; Marandet The Banker Charles Godefroy and His Dealings in Paintings ," 522 524. 13 Marchande publique, "female merchant in the public domain was a legal denomination that gave women the right to conduct business independent of their husband, father, or male guardian. Women with guild membership automatically received this privilege, as did widows who inherited the mastership of their husbands t hrough legal terms of the marriage contract. According to Hafter (2007), the law authorizing marchandes publiques to run their own businesses was one of the primary instruments of power for working women in Ancien RŽgime France. As the widow of a ma”tre pe intre in the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc and a guild member in her own right, M. J. Godefroid exemplified the effects of this legal privilege on women's economic potential in eighteenth century Paris. On the marchande publique see Daryl M. Hafter, Women at Work in Preindustrial France (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007), 11 12, 79 87. On the legal and economic privileges of widowhood, see p. 74, 178, 239 242. 14 The "family economy model" organizes labor based on the contribution of each family member to a household's complete economic output. Dependent upon women and children to diffuse the workload of a male head of household, the family economy parallels the patriarchal model of social hierarchy. For this reason, scholars have r ecently critiqued the model as an inadequate representation of women's diverse contributions to family businesses and as independent agents. On the development of women's work identity outside the family economy model, see Lanza, From Wives to Widows in Ea rly Modern Paris 10, 121 122; Nancy Locklin, "Women and Work Identity," in Women and Work in Eighteenth Century France ed. Daryl M. Hafter and Nina Kushner ( Baton Rouge: Louisian a State University Press, 2015), 33 51. 15 ƒtienne, The Restoration of Painti ngs in Paris 29 48. ƒtienne has also examined the widow Godefroid's business strategies in her joint paper presented at the conference JournŽes d'Histoire de la ComptabilitŽ et du Management (Paris, 2010 see footnote 12)


Altun 5 century. It will utiliz e two already well established bodies of research, being those on art restorers and women artists as marginalized groups in the late eighteenth c entury 16 I intend to merge these two discourses and suggest that one can explain the actions of the French arts administration towards the restorer and the women artist as motivated by the same fear of intermixing in professional fields. These two groups, in other words, posed a similar threat to official instituti ons of artistic training and collections management in Ancien RŽgime France Embodying both, the restauratrice Marie Jacob Godefroid thereby presents the perfect case study a triple threat, if one considers she also worked as a widow. Indeed, this paper argue s that Godefroid became a successful paintings restorer not in spite of, but in sight of an art world that tried to keep women out with legal, philosophical, and medical justifications. 17 By caring for the unseen region of paintings, Godefroid fashione d aprons out of canvas, so to speak. Though she was not an artist, she developed an intimacy with masterpieces that became the canon of art history She disguised her career as a craft considered well suited to the realm of female tenderness. Still, considering the possibilities unlocked by her unique position Godefroid has not been fully recognized as a female restorer with all the tensions implied by that combination S cholars have yet to situate her within the woman question !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 16 The scholarship on art res toration originating from the eighteenth century French tradition, and on women working as artists in this period, are each truly rich bodies of research that cannot be adequately captured here. I will simply include a few of the works that have been most useful to the present study. These include works by McClellan (1994) and ƒmile M‰le (2008) that have tied restoration to the artistic patrimoine cultivated at the Louvre, paradigm of the modern survey museum. Others such as Chatelus (1990) have similarly linked this specialization to the public 's interest drawn out of Salon culture and as a marginal profession closely aligned with artisanal craft. Michel (2007) has looked at restoration within the commerce of paintings in late eighteenth century Paris, with a focus on the public auction house as a new site of sale and exhibition. All have conveyed its development through a few influential family bu sinesses, with each discussing the Godefroid in varying amounts of detail, the most in depth account s given in ƒtienne (2017) and Massing (2012). Work by Sheriff (1996) and Sofio (2007) have conveyed a similar atmosphere for women artists working in the pe riod immediately following Godefroid's and into the nineteenth century 17 For a look at the field of "philosophical medicine" formulated during the Enlightenment, see Anne C. Vila, "Sensibility and the Philosophical Medicine of the 1750s 1770s," in Enlight enment and Pathology: Sensibility in the Literature and Medicine of Eighteenth Century France (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 43 79.


Altun 6 that captured the min ds of Enlightenment philosophes during the widow's lifetime. In particular, I will illustrate h ow she navigated this era's id eal of female modesty in the domestic sphere to set her business apart in the public sphere In doing this, I hope to add eighteenth century discourse on paintings restoration to the fold of existent conversations about arenas of anti academic art practice on the eve of r evolution. My focus on the restauratrice will also incorporate knowledge on eighteenth century widowhood and women's work autonomy more broadly 18 After all, Marie Jacob had worked as a restorer alongside her husband from the start of their marriage but it was not until after his death that her career truly took off 19 Her professional freedom owed in large part to the Ancien RŽ gime legal system and specifically to its guild system which both granted rights to widows unavailable to married women 20 Herself a member of the artist's guild since 1736, Marie Jacob had inherited her husband's status as a master artisan and the property rights to their restoration business upon his unforeseen death 21 One can glean m any d etails on the widow's business, including the variety of paintings she sold and treated, as well as her equally diverse clientele, fro m her inventaire aprs dŽcs drafted in 1775 This probate record of the widow's estates was requested just days after her death by Joseph Ferdinand Franois Godefroid her eldest son and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 18 Research by Hafter (2007) and Lanza (2007) on the socioeconomic privileges granted to the guilds and particularly widows therein has provided a legal framework with which to understand Marie Jacob Godefroid's mobility as a woman in the public sphere. 19 Jean Chatelus, Peindre ˆ Paris au XVIII s icle (N”mes: ƒditions Jacqueline Chambon, 199 1), 200 1; Massing, Painting Restoration before L a Restauration 65. Certain sources suggest that M. J. Godefroid also painted early in her career, but this is not confirmed in the most recent scholarship. See Louis Courajod, "L'Administration des Beaux A rts au Milieu du XVIIIe. La R estauration des Tableaux du Roi, Gazette des Beaux Arts 11 no. 2 (1869): 372 376. 20 Janine M. Lanza, From Wives to Widows in Early Modern Paris ( Aldershot, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007), 8 12, 222 224. 21 NoŽmie ƒti enne, "La p ens Že dans la p ratique: Le cas de Marie Jacob Godefroid, r estauratri ce de tableaux au XVIIIe sicle," i n Plumes et Pinceau x: Discours de femmes sur l'a rt en Europe (1750 1850) ed Mechthild Fen d, Melissa Hyde and Anne Lafont ( Dijon; Pa ris: Presses du rŽel/INHA, 2012), 81; Janine M. Lanza, Women Minding the Store in Eighteenth Century France Early Modern Women: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 1 ( 2015): 13 7.


Altun 7 the main beneficiary to her estate. I will weigh this against the contemporary inventory of the royal draftsman RŽne Michel Slodtz (1705 1764), whose own record mentions the widow Godefroid as a creditor for unpaid restorations. 22 A variety of other texts from the period including catalogue s raisonnŽ s artist's manuals, and arts administrative correspondence will factor into my re construct ion of Godefroid's career alongside an equally d iverse selection of images, from EncyclopŽdie plates to portrait engravings. Puzzled together all these pieces speak to the teeming circulation of objects in the period and to the importance of their physical remains in shaping immaterial legacies. Regarding these sources, I should caution that much of France's art h istory has filtered through editions compiled in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These include Fernand Engerand's 1899 edition of Inventaire des tableaux du roy and Jules Joseph Guiffrey's work on the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc, among many other sources in the Archives de l' art f ranais (and later, the Nouvelle s a rchives de l' art f ranais ) As a whole, these later publications represent an early stage of historiography on the eighteenth century art world, attributable to the r ococo revi val in France that had begun in the mid 1800s. For my purposes, they reveal the gender politics that exist in "un biased" archives usually to flatter a history that ( unsurprisingly ) minimizes femal e influence. But equally, Godefroid's appearance in these later editions should serve as further proof of her longevity. In her own time, she left an invisible mark on the reverse side of countless paintings and a signature on just as many business transactions. I t sho uld not be surprising then that her name remains etched in to the records of art history long thereafter. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 22 Jules Joseph Guiffrey, ed., "RenŽ Michel, dit Michel Ange Slodtz," in vol. 2 of ScellŽs et inventaires d'artistes 1741 1770 (Paris: Charavay frres, 1885), 340 356. For the mention of M. J. Godefroid, see p. 354 355.


Altun 8 Marie Jacob, Jill of all trades In this first part I will present Marie Jacob Godefroid as a n agent whose work reached far corners of the art world but avoided the spotlight This was largely because o f the nature of her profession but also because of her biography. Moving from Antwerp to Paris early in the century she was a foreigner navigating an international art market under growing French authority As a widow who chose not to re marry, she was neither man nor woman in terms of legal rights. And lastly inseparable from the previous point, as her career matured, she was an old woman deemed useless to the conventions of French sociability. 23 Yet b ased on the records that mention her work from 1741 1775, it is clear that Godefroid was very useful. Considering that she had a contract with the B‰timents du Roi and her simultaneous participation in the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc, one can say that Godefroid pursued her profession in multiple spheres. And a lthough no painted portraits exist of her contemporary images of studio, shop, and exhibition spaces together giv e shape to Godefroid's work identity. It is even apt that such a figure, who se job largely entailed working on the flip side of the canvas, evades visual representation and instead exists as a signature on countless invoices In comp iling the se sectors of Godefroid's milieu, I intend to emphasize her professional range as a restorer This in turn will a llow me in the second part to suggest the disruptive possibilities she posed for the realm s of craft, commerce, and the C rown. Fittingly, s cenes specific to the restorer's atelier are quite rare A painting of a private Berlin studio dated circa 1830 shows the work space of a picture s restorer, with his table of various solvents, dyes, resins, etc. arranged inconspicuously in the left hand corner (Figure 3). !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 23 For some Enlightenment era opinions on female old age, see Joan Hinde Stewart, "Menopause and Morals," in The Enlightenment of Age: Women, Letters and Growing O ld in E ighteenth century France ( Oxf ord: Voltaire Foundation, 2010), 33 68.


Altun 9 The French artist Hubert Robert also painted romanticized scenes of such a space set in Rome (Figure 4) and in the Grand Gallery of the Louvre (Figure 5). Each of the three exists on a different scale the first a secluded space dedica ted to the trade and the last a make shift "grand" gallery turned studio. Taken together, they in dicate the adaptability of the profession in various settings and to various ends, whether to serve a single collector or the entire royal collections Indeed, a nother example by the same Robert, which shows the entrance to the artist's own Louvre studio, suggests a liminality of both space and practice where touch ups are quickly done beneath staircases (Figure 6) Any lack of visual evidence dedicated to the restorer's workspace in the eighteenth century is redeemed by a specialized literature that abound ed in the forms of artistic dictionaries, manuals, and even trade secrets. 24 M any writings from this period discuss art production, sales circulation, and restoration in the same breath. O ne only needs to read La Font de Saint Yenne's 1747 Salon critique or the EncyclopŽ di e entry Modern Painting to know that restoration was a concern among artists dealers, and theorists 25 Another notable text the two volume Secrets concernant les arts et mŽtiers ; ouvrage utile non seulement aux artistes, mais aussi ˆ ceux qui les emploient first published in 1716 and edited several times over the century includes entries on a wide array of media from precious metals to porcelain varnish The chapter "Qui contient les !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 24 Ann Massing, "From Books of Secrets to Encyclopedias: Painting Techniques in France between 1600 and 1800," i n Historical Painting Techniques, Materials, and Studio Practice: Preprints of a Symposium, University of Leiden, the Netherlands, 26 29 June, 1995 ed. Arie Wa llert, Erma Hermens, and Marja Peek ( Marina Del Rey, CA: Get ty Conservation Institute, 1995), 20 29; Ann Massing, "Painting Materials and Techniques: Towards a Bibliography of the French Literature Before 1800," Die Kunst und ihre Erhaltung. Rolf E. Straub zum 70. Geburtsta g gewidmet Wernersche Verlagsgesellschaft (Worms 1990), 57 96. 25 ƒtienne La Font de Saint Yenne, RŽflexions sur quelques causes de l'Žtat prŽsent de la peinture en France. Avec un examen des rincipaux o uvrages e xposŽs au Louvre l e m ois d a ot 1746 (Paris: La Haye 1747 ), 28 41, 64 67; Louis, le Chevalier de Jaucourt, "Modern Painting," The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project trans. Aida Audeh (Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Libra ry, 2006). Originally published as "Peinture Moderne," in vol. 12 of EncyclopŽdie ou Dictionnaire RaisonnŽ des Sciences, des Arts et des M Žtiers (Paris, 1765): 275 277.


Altun 10 Secrets pou r les Couleurs et la Peinture," provides glimpses of the restorer's expertise among other tips such as painting on glass and using individual pigments Take one suggestion titled Ano ther secret for rendering old paintings as beautiful as if they were new : Put about a handful of powdered gray soda into an earthenware pot, shred a bit of Gennes soap into it, and boil with water for a quarter of an hour ; then let it rest, and wash your painting with it, then wipe your painting coat it with olive oil and wipe it well again. The painting will be like new. 26 Whether because they were intended for amateurs, or be cause of the inventive nature of early restoration, these secrets often entail using household materials and just as ordinary techniques. Authors sprinkle this advice among more general instruction, thus implying a shared skillset for artists and restorers, albeit usually favoring the former as a more honorable, less financially lucrative, profession. 27 Distaste was indeed the tone of most artists towards restoration, seen to demean one's integrity by perform ing unskilled, yet more profitable, labor. The royal AcadŽmie had even put rules in place to separate art from the taint of commerce. 28 As McClellan and others ha ve shown i t is not until the R evolution and the opening of the Louvre as a public museum in 1793 that the hierarchy between the artist, connoisseur and restorer fully emerges, particularly in the careers of men with familial ties to the art world such as Jean !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 26 Original French: Autre secret pour rendre les tableaux vieux aussi beaux que s'ils Žtoient neufs: Mettez dans un pot de terre environ un quarteron de soude grise en poudre, rapez y un peu de savon de Gennes, & faites bouillir avec de l'eau un bon quart d'heure; puis laisse z la tiedir seulement, & en lavez v™tre tableau, puis l'essuyez, passez y de l'huile d'olive, & l'essuyez bien enco re. Le tableau sera comme neuf. In vol. 1 of Secrets concernant les arts et mŽtiers (Paris: Claude Jombert, 1716), 162. 27 Chatelus, Peindre ˆ Paris, 88 90; Scott, "Hierarchy, Liberty and Order," 65 66 An early twentieth century record of artists who served the French Crown refers to Marie Jacob Godefroid as an "artiste d'un genre secondaire," further recalling this idea of the restorer as a s econd rate artist. See "Contribution ˆ l'Žtat civil des artistes fixŽs ˆ Paris de 1746 ˆ 1778," in vol. 33 of MŽmoires de la sociŽtŽ de l'histoire de Paris et de l'le de France (Paris: Champion, 1906), 29. 28 For a discussion of d'Angiviller's efforts to s eparate the royal AcadŽmie from any association with the guilds or the art market, see Mary Sheriff, The Exceptional Woman: Elisabeth VigŽe Lebrun and the Cultural Politics of Art (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1996), 83 90.


Altun 11 Baptiste Pierre Lebrun, Jean Michel Picault and Franois Toussaint Hacquin. 29 However, restoration concerns do exist earlier in the century particularly surrounding the lifespan of oil painting and techniques for prolonging it, such as using wax rather than oil as a binder in encaustic painting or even painting underwater. 30 Artists here applied the restoration of the past to their own future s and began t o produce paintings with aging in mind. E xperiment s with new styles and media of painting also correspond well with Enlightenment pursuits of perfectibility and categorization P lates from Diderot and d'Alembert's EncyclopŽdi e (Figures 7 and 8) for example, pay homage to tools of the trade in the diagram below every scene the former taking up most of the space on the already oversized pages Figure 7 depicts a studio f or different kinds of painting, whereas Figure 8 shows a gilder's workshop where wooden slats (probably carved at a separate joinery) are c oated with a metallic sheen. While these two pages would not have appeared together in the multivolume EncyclopŽdie viewing them in succession evokes a compatibility between these two recognizable components of a displayed painting : the canvas and its frame. A similar selection of brushes, easels, and blade s appears beneath both images and further supports their connecti on. The EncyclopŽdie p lates also effectively capture the century's debate between the mechanical and the liberal arts, expressed institutionally in the royal AcadŽmie's rivalry with the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 29 Gilbe rte ƒmile M‰le, "Les Commissions des monuments et du MusŽum," in Pour une histoire de la restauration des peintures en France ed. SŽgolne Berg eon Langle and Gennaro Toscano ( Paris: Somogy Žditions d'art, 2008 ), 45 81; NoŽmie ƒtienne, "Un Ariste Connaiss eur'? L'Expertise du restaurateur dans l'institution m usŽa le ˆ la fin Du XVIIIe sicle, Revue De Synthese 132, no. 1 (2011): 75 91; Andrew McClellan, Inventing the Louvre: Art, Politics, and the Origins of the Modern Museum in Eighteenth Century Paris ( Cambridge, England; New York: Ca mbridge University Press, 1994), 91 108. 30 For a look at one unique method of oil painting, particularly for miniatures, in this period, see Ann Massing, "Arnaud Vincent de Montpetit and Eludoric Painting," Zeitschrift fŸr K unsttechnologie und Konservierung 7, no.2 (1993): 359 368. It should be noted as a disclaimer that the field's early emphasis on methodology suggests that restoration had existed in practice long before it had existed in theory. This allowed a restorer to experiment with more invasive techniques, many of which would contradict today's ethical standards.


Altun 12 AcadŽmie de Saint Luc. The AcadŽmie de Saint Luc was the most prominent artist's association in eighteenth century Paris outside of the A cadŽmie Royale de Peinture et de Sculpture. It was founded in the fourteenth century as a guild corporation and, contemporaneously with the royal AcadŽmie, developed a school of artistic practice in the mid seventeenth century. During the eighteenth centur y, at the height of tensions between art and commerce, the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc served as an outlet for ma ny artists to learn and exhibit. T his was particularly true for all the women and artisans barred from admittance to the royal AcadŽmie. In 1776 and more definitively in 1791, the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc was disbanded as part of Anne Robert Jacques Turgot's liberal economic reforms that suppressed the country's prominent guild system. Scholars have even deduced from 1760s legal proceedings that tensions between the two institutions actually originated as a problem between artists and artisans within the guild body 31 The threat posed by dissatisfied artists floating outside the royal AcadŽmie prompted the B‰timents du R oi to intervene in favor of the guild 's existent leadership 32 In any case, o fficial concern about marginal influence on the art world highlights the intermingling of artistic and artisanal trades as written into instructional texts or engraved into plates Moreover, c ons idering their shared iconography o ne can imagine that the art restorer's studio would have looked a lot like the artist's studio. This connection in turn bridges to a much great er body of visual evidence showing the painter's studio. Of particular interest here are those of female artists. Women working as artists often depicted the studio as subject, which could serve as a portrait of their professional identity and as a rebuttal to accusations of plagiarism Famous examples by VigŽe Lebrun and Labille Guiard come to mind, but a lesser known self portrait by Marie Suzanne !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 31 Charlotte Guichard, "Arts libŽraux et arts libres ˆ Paris au XVIII e sicle: peintres et sculpteurs entre corporation et AcadŽmie royale," Revue d'histoire modern e et contemporaine 49, no. 3 (Jul. Sep t ., 2002): 54 68; Scott, "Hierarchy, Liberty and Order," 59 70 32 Scott, "Hierarchy, Liberty and Order," 67.


Altun 13 Roslin (1734 1772) dated circa 176 0 (Figure 9) contains details particularly relevant to my understand ing of Godefroid Most telling is how Roslin 's self portrait ricochets off several surfaces of representation The artist situates herself here between another pastel self portrait by Quentin de La Tour done in 1742 (Figure 10) and her own copy. 33 She is shown sharpening a white pastel crayon over the open drawer of a table aux couleurs on which rests a hand towel The peeling motion she makes with her right hand her elbow leaning on the drawer for support, aligns with that of de La Tour, who points over his left shoulder in a comic gesture while resting his elbow on the frame to a trompe l'oeil effect. All figures look out to the viewer in conspiratorial unison, yet each has a distinct attire. Roslin wears a turquoise blue dress with half sleeves cascading in lace over the open drawer and a low bust line framed in ruffles. Her dress is complimented by details in her hair and at her chest but contrasted by the natural flush of her cheeks and the muddiness of her fingers (presumably covered in pastel residue). De La Tour wears clothing one would expect for an artist at work while Ros lin seems ready for her own proper portrait T he general color pairing Roslin 's dress and her drawing surface against the wooded tones of her cabinet and the de La Tour portrait, neatly divide the work in two. Moreover, b ecause of this similarity in color s, one can even imagine that the cabinet and portrait are a unit, a boudoir in which de La Tour's image is not a canvas but a mirror of the sitter Roslin An incomplete drawing halves the entire scene with a complete work at its other end forming a single plane mediated by the figure of Roslin. As her own sitter, she also locates the perpendicular line of viewership and intersects both planes with her gaze. This implies her command as an artist who re interprets existing !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 33 There are records of Godefroid making copies of irretrievably damaged paintings, a clue to her mor e artistic abilities. See Massing, Painting Restoration before La Restauration, 73, 87n122.


Altun 14 representations, both of herself and others T hree pairs of eyes thus look out imply ing many more in infinite reflection. Roslin's image of her studio emphasizes artistic pr oduction as a process that occurs in stages L ikewise, Godefroid's workspace would have included paintings in varied states of completion, for individual clients and royal commission. For over thirty years the widow juggled her private family business with a pension from the B‰ timents du Roi. T his dynamic is best illustr ated by her multiple studio spaces. Godefroid had lodgings in the Louvre's Galerie d'Apollon beginning in 1743 until 1763 4 when the r oyal AcadŽmie overtook it for additional exhibition space From then until 1775 Godefroid's studio was located in the Louvre's eastern colonnade on the second floor among the painters 34 Louis XIV had begun this tradition of granting palace quarters to academies and distinguished individuals but by Marie Jacob's time the privilege h ad strained to accommodate an entire bustling community of artists and their entourages Still, d espite accounts of their infamous overcrowding and misuse, rooms in the Louvre remained prime real estate for artists seeking to network among their peers and clients. Indeed, for Godefroid it would have provided an opportunity to advertise her services to the most distinguished circles in Paris. Throughout this time, however, she continued to work out of her hybrid shop atelier on the Rue Saint Germain l'Auxerrois just across the street from the palace 35 The shop was on the ground floor of the cloister opposite the street's namesake church, with the restoration studio located in one of the family bedrooms upstairs. 36 In contrast to the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 34 This is according to the description M. E. Godefroid gives of her father's two roomed apartment, presumably the same he "inherited" from his mother. See LŽon Arba ud, "Mademoiselle Godefroid," Gazette des Beaux Arts 11, no. 1 (1869): 41 42. 35 ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 17; Massing, Painting Restoration b efore La Restauration 79 83. M. J. Godefroid had a studio at the Galerie d'Apollon of the Louvre from 1743 until 1763 4, when she was moved to the Eastern Colonnade and remained until her death in 1775. Joseph Ferdinand Franois Godefroid (trained in restoration by his mother and served as her assistant for the last ten years of her career), st ayed here at the Louvre with his own family after 1775, but his wife and children were forced to move upon his death in 1788 36 ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 18.


Altun 15 Louv re studios, a social space connected through extended families, Marie Jacob's business location would have served as a kind of separate alcove a room of her own to which she could retreat at her own volition. Based on the inventory of her estates written in December 1775, Godefroid also had a home in Passy, a suburb of Paris then considered the countryside 37 An inventory of the rooms in this country house a three floor property complete with servant quarters and a garden include s the description of a bedroom serving as Godefroid's studio. In this studio there are over a hundr ed paintings of various formats and genres that were in repair at the time of the widow's death. As was the norm for these kinds of probate records 38 Godefroid's inventaire apr s dŽc s provides a complete appraisal of all objects found at the widow's properties (artistic and otherwise) as well as names of her beneficiaries, followed by those of her creditors. Several familiar names, Godefroid's clients and colleagues, surface in the text, including the dealer Pierre RŽmy, the painter Jean Jacques Bachelier, and the B‰timents dir ector, the Marquis de Marigny. Another contemporary figure who had apparently contra cted the widow for the restoration of three paintings was the sculptor and royal draftsman, RenŽ Michel Slodtz (1705 1764) We know this from Slodtz's own probate record, transcribed into the ScellŽs et inventaires d' artistes : 1741 1770 of the Nouvelles archives de l'art francais in 1885 Slodtz, who himself came from an artistic family, even had an older brother, Jean Baptiste Slodtz (1699 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 37 Archives Nationales (AN), Paris, France. Minutes et rŽpertoires du notaire Jean Antoine Dosfant, 5 juillet 1766 14 octobre 1791. MC/ET/XXIV/885: Minutes, 1775, octobre 1775, dŽcembre. "6 DŽcembre 1775. Inventaire de la d. Van Merlen Ve. Godefroid," 9 14. The date of M. J. Godefroid's death was in fact roughly the same time th at the new king Louis XVI had gifted Marie Antoinette a ch‰teau on the palaces grounds of Versailles. This infamous "Petit Trianon" was a space separate from Paris and from the main residence at Versailles where Marie Antoinette indulged the fantasies of R ousseauean living popular at the time. In light of this, Godefroid's home at Passy would have provided the widow yet another space of autonomy, and, especially significant for restoration, fresh air away from the stuffiness of Saint Germain l'Auxerrois. 38 For a look at the importance of probate records for judging the financial autonomy of artisanal widows, see Lanza, From Wives to Widows 131 134, 198 202.


Altun 16 1759) who restored paintings for the Duc d'Orleans. The point to take from these estate inventories is tha t agents in the art world loop ed together at various points of connection, whether working as business partners, clients, or referees, weaving a vibrant jacquard of commercial activity. While Godefroid's probate record was never transferred in to a later edited collection evidence of all the treatments she performed does remain in Engerand's reworking of the Inventaire des tableaux du roy 39 Engerand organized this inventory into schools (florentine, flamande, franaise, etc.) and the n alphabetically by ar tist 's name every art work having a brief formal analysis as well as a provenance and treatment history. Godefroid's role here is emphasized over and over by some statement along the lines of: "Restored and relined, (insert date here), by the widow Godefroid." Take the description of one work by Nicolas Poussin: 30. A painting attributed to Poussin, representing the Death of Adonis; figures 12 to 13 inches; having 19 inches in height and 4 feet in width; in its gild ed frame. Chaville Followed by its provenance and restoration: No. 402 in Le Brun's inventory (1683), with firm attribution to Poussin, and the dimensions of 1 foot 8 inches by 4 feet 1.5 inch [L.B.] At Versai lles in 1695 [P.]. At Chaville in 1696 [T.M.C.]. Restored, in June 1762, by the widow Godefroid, whose memo is as follows: "To a painting by Poussin representing the death of Adonis coming from Chaville, transferring onto canvas revived the colors that w ere eaten, cleaned, having repainted, retouching in all the necessary places 48 livres ( A.N. O1 1993). Reported in 1784, in the salon of the director of the B‰timents, at the hotel of the Surinten da nce, with this note (1788): "to wash and varnish" [D.R.]. Restored, in 1789, by Martin, whose memo is as follows: "by Poussin. Death of Adonis 48 inches by 21, was dirty and had repainting, restored, 70 livres" (A.N. O1 1931). 40 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 39 Nicholas Bailly, Inventaire des tableaux du roy: inventaires des collections de la Couronne / R Ždi gŽ en 1709 et 1710 ed. Fernand Engerand (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1899). 40 Original French: 30. Un tableau estimŽ du Poussin, reprŽsentant la Mort d'Adonis ; figures de 12 ˆ 13 pouces ; ayant de hauteur 19 pouces sur 4 pieds de large ; dans sa bordure dorŽe. Chaville No. 402 de l'inventaire Le Brun (1683), avec attribution ferme ˆ Poussin, et les dimensions d'un pied 8 pouces sur 4 pieds un pouce et demi de large [L.B.]. A Versailles en 1695 [P.]. A Chaville en 1696 [T.M.C.]. RestraurŽ, en juin 1762, par la veuve Godefroid, dont voici le mŽmoire : A un tableau du Poussin reprŽsentant la mort d'Adonis venant de Chaville, la voire remy sur toille fait revivres les couleurs qui Žtoit mangŽs, nŽtoyŽ, avoir fait repeindre, pointillŽe de peinture tous les end roits nŽcessaire, 48 livres (A.N. O1 1993). SignalŽ, en 1784, dans le salon de directeur des B‰timents, ˆ


Altun 17 Like the probate records drafted by royal notaries, these institutional art archives follow their own legalese. The history's latest editor, presumably Engerand, tucks together all the stages of each painting's life, following interventions through many hands. Moreover, the inclusion of Godefroid's name in this painting's biog raphy, alongside Poussin's, effectively fuses the restorer's name to the artist's, if only peripherally. Godefroid became part of the object's provenance, an agent in its history. Repeated at every instance of the widow's intervention, the complete invento ry stands as a kind of portfolio, a chron icle of Godefroid's studio practice and her business transactions. Another space in tegral to the Godefroid workplace was the dealer's shop. For example a comm ercial sign (Figure 11 ) for the eighteenth century dealer Jean Constantin reads: Constantin keeps a shop of paintings, drawings, gouaches, bronzes and other curiosities; he restores and cleans paintings, undertakes the estimation and sale of private collections; he also makes commission. Paris." 41 Here the dealer advertises restoration work as one of the many services he offers further supporting the notion that such agents often developed a diverse skillset to succeed in a competitive market T he atmosphere of the eighteenth century commercial art scen e is better exemplified however, by another shop sign : that one painted by the r ococo artist Antoine Watteau for the dealer Edme Franois Gersaint around 1720 (Figure 12 ) 42 Watteau's painting, although idealized, gives a sense of the types of actors on stage in the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! l'h™tel de la Surintendance, avec cette note (1788) : ˆ laver et vernir [D.R.]. RestaurŽ, en 1789, par Martin, dont voici le mŽmoire : du Poussin. Mort d'Adonis de 48 pouce sur 21, Žtoit sale et avoit des repeints, rŽtabli, 70 livres (A.N. O1 1931). Bailly, Inventaire des tableaux du roy 314 315. 41 See Figure 11 for original image and text. Also in ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 48 49; Michel, Le Commerce du tableau ˆ Paris 47. 42 Like M. J. Godefroid, the "image" of Gersaint is seen largely through the lens of advertisement and work identity. See Andrew McClellan, "Watteau's Dealer: Gersaint and the Marketing of Art in Eighteenth Century Paris," The Art Bulletin 78, no. 3 (Sept., 1996): 439 453.


Altun 18 art world of its time. 43 The work was split into two separate canvases early after the artist's completion of it as attested by the seam that appears in reproductions. 44 Multiple dualities exist across this lateral divide, such as those between old and new political regimes and the artistic styles they embody. But, there is also a clear allocation of labor between the manual work occurring to pack portraits ( s ee Figure s 13 and 14 showing a similar activity ) on the left side and the transactional work occurring at the counter on the right. This distinction between front and back type shop duties refracts through the open door in the painting's very center, which presumably goes into a work room that a restorer, such as Godefroid, wou ld have occupied. Gersaint's shop sign thus functions on two perpendicular planes : that showing the various activities of the shop front and that stretching between public and private shop space s In view of Watteau's painting, this would mean stepping in from the street and walking straight through to the shop's back room. P ut in to other terms, the painted canvas has two perspectives. A s a visual representation it exists as regions on the surface groups of figures each with their own role in the imagined workplace. A s a physical object, however, Gersaint's shop sign exists as layers with actual depth ; a nother front and back dynamic but played out within the material boundaries of the painting itself. Here t he canvas's pict orial surface forms a kind of shop front just as the structural support forms its back room Marie Jacob Godef roid was in fact a structural restorer. This meant that her role in collaborative projects was to prepare a painting for surface treatments by first performing the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 43 McClellan, "Watteau's Dealer," 439. 44 Once in the collection of Frederick II, the King of Prussia (1740 1786), Watteau's painting was cut into two pendants to fit an existing arrangement in the salons of Charlottenberg Palace. Adjusting the dimensions of easel paintings to fit a specific wall space was quite common practice in the mid eighteenth century, and as ƒtienne has argued, reflected the early function of art as "royal furniture" treated according to its architectural surroundings. By the opening of the Louvre, however, when art developed a more nationalistic purpose, this practice had become taboo. See ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 117 138. On the earl y provenance of Watteau's 1720 painting, see Paul Alfassa, L' enseigne de Gersaint (Paris: J. Schemit, 1910), 21 22.


Altun 19 necessary underside repairs. ƒtienne has insightfully noted that such a division of labor reflects a gendering of early restoration practice. 45 After Godefroid performed the manual tasks, it was always her male partner who did more painterly, iconographic treatment s. In Revolution ary era discourse restorers would cite a knowledge on schools of painting or Old Masters' stylistic signatures when distinguishing themselves from unskilled laborer s 46 This dynamic mirrors broader c onceptions of the female artist in the period whose work was often consi dered imitative of or subordinate to a male teacher S imilarly, painters outside the r oyal AcadŽmie were often downgraded to an artisanal status 47 O n the contrary, Marie Jacob Godefroid insert ed herself into some of the highest artistic circles of her time by embracing these traditional ideas of the female artist and artisan and even the domestic model of womanhood made p opular by Jean Jacques Rousseau By transfor ming her structural restoration work into a profession with a powerful backbone, Marie Jacob maintained a long and varied career that left a legacy within h er family and within the larger field of post Revolutionary museum bureaucracy. Like the pai ntings she treated, Godefroid as a widow restored the legacy of her husband while generating a new one all her own. Gers aint was o ne prominent figure from the early eighteenth century who praised the widow's diligence to her craft. In his introduction to the 1748 joint estate sales catalog of the banker Charles Godefroy and Marie Jacob Godefroid 's husband, Joseph Ferdinand, the dealer writes: The superior talents that the painter M. Godefroid had for transferring on to canvas and for restoring the most damaged paintings, also made him chosen to care for those of h is !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 45 ƒtienne, "La pensŽe dans la pratique," 80 81; McClellan, Inventing the Louvre 224 n51. 46 ƒtienne, Un Ariste Connaisseur'? 78 83; Tom Holbert, "La fantasie des custodes. De la prŽhistoire de la profession de conservateur en France et en Allemagne au XVIII sicle," in Les musŽes en Europe ˆ la veille de l'ouverture du Louvre: actes du colloque organisŽ par le Service culturel du musŽe du Louvre ˆ l' o ccasion de la commŽmoration du bicentaire de l'o uverture du Louvre les 3,4, et 5 Juin 1993 ed ƒdouard Pommier ( Paris: MusŽe du Louvre, 1995 ), 535 540 47 ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 35 36; Guichard "Arts libŽraux et arts l ibres ," 54 56.


Altun 20 Majesty, and for looking after their conservation. The same talents having been recognized after his d eath in Madame Godefroid, his widow, who had worked with him on the same works for over twenty years, have granted to this widow the continuation that she exercises jointly with M. Colins, both being charged with the same cares. Madame Godefroid is occupied daily with this work for a large number of collect ors, who are all extremely satisfied with what they entrust her, and who openly praise the intelligence, the skill, and the patience that she has for restoring the most ruined pieces, of which one would believe should have hope for no resource. 48 This exc erpt comes from the first few pages of Gersaint's 1748 catalogue raisonnŽ just after a list of catalogs he had previously published for other estate inventories. 49 Michel has analyzed these publications in the context of public art sales in the second half of the eighteenth century According to him the catalogue raisonnŽ an "l'outil promotionnel" developed by Gersaint earlier in the century, contributed considerably to the rise of connoisseurship and art historical canonization. 50 These ca talogs were not just lists of works for sale, but often included, as is the case with Gersaint's 1748 publication advertisements for the dealer's business, a biography of the deceased collector, and evaluations of art in the collection. And a s the title Avertissement of the above excerpt suggests, Gersaint's description of Godefroid announces her work in a manner analogous to h is own commercial promotion. This particular passage states that the widow had worked as a restorer since at least 1720 and continued faithfully with this "daily !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 48 Original French: Les talens supŽrieurs que M. Godefroy le Peintre avoir pour remettre sur toile, & pour rŽtablir les Tableaux les plus endommagŽs, le firent aussi choisir pour prendre soin de ceux de Sa MajestŽ, & pour veiller ˆ leur conse rvation. Les mmes talens ayant ŽtŽ reconnu, aprs sa mort, dans Madame Godefroy, sa veuve, qui avoit travaillŽe avec lui aux mmes Ouvrages pendant plus de vingt annŽes, ont fait avoir ˆ cette veuve l'agrŽment de la survivance, qu'elle exerce conjointemen t avec M. Colins, Žtant chargŽs tous deux du mmes soins. Madame Godefroy est journellement occupŽe ˆ ce travail pour la plus grande partie de Curieux, qui tous sont extrmement satisfaits de ce qu'ils lui confient, & qui se louent ouvertement de l'intelli gence, de l'adresse & de sa patience qu'elle a pour rŽtablir les morceaux les plus ruinŽs, desquels on croiroit ne de voir espŽrer aucune ressource. Edme Franois Gersaint, Catalogue raisonnŽ des tableaux provenant de la succession de feu M. Charles Godefr oy, banquier et joaillier (Paris : Pierre Prault, quay de G  vres; Jacques Barrois, quay des Augustins 1748), vi vii. Scholars disagree about the familial tie between the banker jeweler Charles Godefroy and the restorer Joseph Ferdinand Godefroid; it is c ertain, however, that the two were joined in the business of selling paintings in the early eighteenth century. Upon their deaths in the 1740s, their widows collaborated to sell the paintings accumulated from the business and enlisted Gersaint to compose t he sales catalog. See Marandet, "The Banker Charles Godefroy and His Dealings in Paintings," 524 526. 49 Gersaint, Catalogue raisonnŽ ii. 50 Michel, Le Commerce du tableau ˆ Paris 235 246


Altun 21 occupation" after 1741 alongside another renowned Belgian restorer dealer Franois Louis Colins, known for his proficiency with the pointillŽ 51 te chnique. Unlike Godefroid, Colins does leave a portrait, or at least an engraving after a painting by Louis Michel v an Loo. In this 1756 engraving reminiscent of de La Tour's 1742 self portrait, Colins gives a slight smile as he leans with his left arm ex tended over a ledge, as if gazing out a window (Figure 15 ). Its caption reads "Mr. Colins ChargŽ De L'entretien Des Tableaux du Roy." Something in his pose claims this title with pride and gives off the ease suitable for an art dealer restorer used to making bargains. 52 Once Colins died in Jan uary 1760 Marie Jacob appealed to the B‰timents administration for the position of sole restorer to the royal paintings collection. In a letter from December 1759, she defends her claim in writing: Anyone will te ll you, Sir, that I was charged with all the work. Mr. Colins, being occupied only with his business travels, had the title of association only to share the product, he held without vanity this place from meand barely filled our conventions." 53 Here Godefr oid critiques her long time partner for his lack of commitment while simultaneously asserting her own loyalty to the Crown. Both restorers were in fact active dealers in the French art market, but according to Godefroid, Colins' private business of selling paintings !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 51 PointillŽ refers to a method of retouching local areas of a painted surface (still used by modern conservators) that have chipped or discolored over time. Writers from the period cite pointillŽ as an artistic skill a very detailed job of re integrating visual gaps that also required art historical knowledge For a more in depth description of the technique, see ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 78 81. 52 An agent for prominent French collectors, Colins travelled to international art auctions in Norther n Europe and Italy and developed a reputation as both an influential dealer and talented restorer. A poem in the Mercure de France from April 1756 even pays homage to Colins' skills, on par with those of Correggio; see Massing, Painting Restoration before La Restauration, 68. Only evidence before 1741 makes mention of J. F. Godefroid's similar travels (see Marandet, "The Banker Charles Godefroy and His Dealings in Paintings" ), but nothing suggests that his widow ever left France to buy or treat paintings. 53 Original French: Tout vous instruira, Monsieur, que j'Žtais chargŽe de tout l'ouvrage. Le sieur Colins, n'Žtant occupŽ que de ses voyages pour son commerce, n'avait le titre d'associŽ que pour en partager le produit, il tenait sans vanitŽ cette place de moiet a peu rempli nos conventions. Archives Nationales, O1 1909 (22 dŽcembre 1759), quoted from Chatelus, Peindre ˆ Paris, 200 201. See also Massing, Painting Restoration before La Restauration, 267.


Altun 22 had diverted his attention from caring for those in the royal collection. After deliberat ing in a letter to Marigny, Cochin granted Godefroid the desired promotion, but she agreed to take on another restorer, Hugues Henri Guillemard, to replace Colins in performing any surface treatments. 54 Guillemard died only a few years later, at which point Godefroid's eldest son, Joseph Ferdinand Franois (1729 1788), began working alongside her until 1775. 55 These many partnerships could indicate Godefroid's reliance on other male restorers, a view catering to the stereotype that widows were in physical and moral danger without a husband's authority. But upon further reflection, the widow's commitment equally highlights her evolution towards an independent career. Moving from dependence in marriage through multiple collaborations eventually to independence, Godefroid climbed the restorer's ladder as it was built. A high point in Godefroid' s career came in 1752, when she exh ibited four paintings at the S alon of the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc held that May at the Paris Arsenal complex ( See Figure 16 for 1760 map of 4e arrondissement ) 56 These works belonged to Godefroid' s private clients and had each be en transferred from a wood en panel onto a fresh canvas T he widow's record in !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 54 Massing, Painting Restoration before La Restaurat ion 72, 86n96 (see also Appendix 3.2, p. 267). 55 J. F. F. studied painting with Charles Joseph Natoire in Italy before receiving restoration training by his mother. In fact, continuing the saga of the 1741 murder, J. F. F. had apparently killed Chantereau to avenge his father's death and upon hearing such news, the Marquis de Marigny sent him on a paid sojourn in Rome. Here he attended the AcadŽmie de France for seven years in the 1750s, but ultimately did not become a practicing artist (despite this, many records from the 1780s onwards refer to J. F. F. as le peintre Godefroid; M. J. Godefroid has never been identified as such, only as la veuve or la dame Godefroid ). By the early 1760s he had returned to Paris and began working alongside his mother at the Louvre in the late stages of her career. J. F. F. would keep his mother's Louvre lodgings, where he stayed with his wife and two children until his death in 1788. See Arbaud, "Mademoiselle Godefroid," 39 43; Anatole de Montaiglon and Jules Guiffrey, eds., Correspondance des directeurs de l'AcadŽ mie de France ˆ Rome avec les surintendants des B‰timents, 1666 1793 ( Charavay frres [etc.] : 1887 1908 ), vol. 10 (1742 175 3), 328, 420, 458; vol. 11 (1754 1763), 194 195. 56 The AcadŽmie de Saint Luc held seven exhibitions at different locations in Paris over the period 1751 1774. In 1752, 1753 and 1756, the AcadŽmie's primary benefactor and French war minister, Marc Pie rre d e Voyer de Paulmy, Comte d' Argenson arranged a venue in the Cour du Grand Ma”tre within the Arsenal complex of the 4e arrondissement. In 1775 6, after Turgot/d'Angiviller rooted out this anti academic, guild based activity, the Salon de la Correspondance emerged as a notable replacement to the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc's exhibitions. See Guiffrey, Histoire de l'AcadŽmie de Saint Luc 33, and Livrets des Expositions de l' AcadŽmie de Saint Luc ˆ Paris p. v x, 19, 41.


Altun 23 Guiffrey's membership directory of the AcadŽmie de Saint Luc describes each of these four treatments : Exhibition of 1752. No 237. Gouache painting representing a child, four feet high, in the taste of Titian, raised from its wooden base and put onto canvas. The figure remains printed on the wood as proof. One knows well that the genre of this painting mu st have rendered the operation extremely difficult. The painting belongs to M. the Count de Caylus. 238. Apollo struck by Cupid's arrows, painting by Bertin raised from an old canvas and put onto a new one. 239. Painting by Paul Brille that was mounted onto wood, raised and put onto a new canvas. It belongs to M. the Baron de Thier. 240. A painting by a student of Le Bourguignon, half raised and put onto a new canvas. These four paintings have been presented to the King who appeared very satisfied with the work. 57 As noted here Godefroid' s success with "extremely difficult operations" merited her widespread praise from Louis XV and anonymous viewers 58 It was her method for displaying the last painting by a n un named student of Le Bourguignon that sparked the most interest. Godefroid sawed this panel in two, completed the transfer to canvas for half of the work, and left the other half on its original wooden support. In doing this, Godefroid enacted several layers of disruption. Firstly she achieved recognition for her competence as a restorer using the newly popular transfer technique thus ending the secrecy originally associated with it (more below) 59 But s he also brought new dignity and visibility to a practice consisting of manual labor. The restorer's structural treatment here replaced the artist's rendering as the subject of display and brought new light to a back of the shop field of work This divided picture evoked a response from viewers !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 57 Original French: Salon de 1752. No 237. Tableau ˆ gouasse reprŽsentant un Enfant, de 4 pieds de haut, dans le got du Titien, levŽ de dessus son fond de bois et remis sur toile. La figure est restŽe imprimŽe sur le bois, ce qui en fait la preuve. On sait bien que le genre de cette peinture a d rendre l'opŽration extrmement difficile. Le tableau appartient ˆ M. le comte de Caylus. 238. Apollon piquŽ des flches de l'Amour, tableau de Bertin levŽ de dessus une vieille toile et remis sur une toile neuve. 239. Tableau de Paul Brille qui Žtoit m arouflŽ sur bois, levŽ et remis sur une toile neuve. Il appartient ˆ M. le baron de Thier. 240. Un tableau d'un Žlve du Bourguignon, levŽ ˆ moitiŽ et remis sur une toile neuve. Ces quatre tableaux ont ŽtŽ prŽsentŽs au Roi, qui a par u trs satisfait de l 'ouvrage. Guiffrey, Histoire de l'AcadŽmie de Saint Luc 322. 58 ƒtienne, "La pensŽe dans la p ratique ," 89. 59 ƒtienne The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 184 185.


Altun 24 because it showed a painting in the process of surgery. Just like Roslin, who in her 1775 self portrait sits between two versions of the same image, Godefroid made her own work in progress visible by literally placing her hands at its center B y referencing the wooden panel on which the pain t resides, Godefroid's treatment disru pted the entire illusion that an image claims to represent. N o longer a window in to another reality, the split panel became an object of physical cleavage Godefroid was perhaps only out s awed by the more famous widow Judith, who beheaded Holofernes. Shortly after the 1752 exhibition Franois Bernard LŽpiciŽ, secretary of the r oyal AcadŽmie, contacted Godefroid to inquire about her transfer technique. In the mid eighteenth century, the transfer of panel paintings sparked public interest and press coverage in Paris T he technique was initially associated in the 1740s with Robert Picault (1705 1781) who claimed to have invented a magical way of prolonging a painting's life by replacing its support structure. 60 Indeed Picault's secrecy over technique gave him clearance to charge prices comparable to those of artists executing new paintings 61 As a supposed inventor with intellectual merit, he was initially successful 62 In 1750 1751 Picault restored key works in the royal collection including Andrea del Sarto's Charity which opened the first exhibition of paintings from the royal collections held at the Luxembourg Palace. By 1752, however, Picault's non disclosure drove critique s against the ridiculous prices he charged for routine work. 63 A 1775 engraving (Figure 17) of Picault includes the telling caption: !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 60 The transfer of fresco and panel paintings actually originated earlier in the eighteenth century in Italy. See Alessandro Conti, A History of the Restoration and Conservation of Works of Art trans. Helen Glanville ( Oxford: Elsevier, 2007 ), 138 143; ƒtien ne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 30 33 61 Ibid. 62 ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 29 43; Ann Massing, The Art of Conservation IV: Public Controversies in Eighteenth Century Painting Restoration: The History of t he Transfer Techn ique in France," The Burlington Magazine 158, no. 1357 (2016): 283 285. 63 Conti, A History of the Restoration and Conservation of Works of Art 151 157.


Altun 25 ROBERT PICAULT, born in Paris on October 7, 1705 Only the name of Zeuxis passing from ages to ages, Centuries have destroyed his superb works: But time can do nothing to those of Raphael, Picault found the art of rendering them immortal 64 These poetic lines certainly flatter Picault better than the wrinkled profile above them, but more important is how the caption puts him on the same plane as artists whose works he restored Great art can only transcend time with the restorer's skills at retouching or relining. Picault, however, was not alone in these abilities Rivals such as Godefroid and Jean Louis Hacquin who advertised alternative methods and quoted lower costs soon eclipsed him. For example, in 1753 w hen LŽpiciŽ asked Godefroid about the details of her transfer method she confessed it was only a matter of "hot water and patience Her frankness dissolved the illusion surrounding Picault's monopoly over the practice A s LŽpiciŽ concluded: If Madame Godefroid succeeds, as there is reason to believe, one can still be reassured of the expected prices since she accounts for using only hot water and patience ." 65 A kind of competition was set up between the two restore r s over who would transfer a portrait then attributed to Hans Holbein (Figure 18 ) Godefroid, who quoted three hundred livres less for the same result was ultimately chosen for the task, and hencefo rth consulted over Picault. 66 In 1754 the Marquis de Marigny even allowed her to display the Holbein at the recently opened Luxembourg Gallery 67 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 64 Original French: ROBERT PICAULT, NŽ ˆ Paris le 7, Octobre 1705 Les Noms seuls des Zeuxis passant d'Ages en Ages, Les Sicles ont dŽtruit leurs Superbes ouvrages : Mais le tems ne peut rien ceux des Raphaels, Picault a trouve l'art de les render immortals. 65 Original French : Si Mme. Godefroid rŽussit, comme il y a lieu de le prŽsumer, on peut encore tre rassurŽ sur les prŽtendus frais, puisqu'elle compte ne faire usage qu e d'eau chaude et de patience. See: Bailly, introduction to Inventaire des tableaux du roy xxv ; ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 33 35. Quoted in Marot " propos d' un tableau du MusŽe historique lorrain," 252. 66 Ibid. 67 Jacques Bailly, Catalogue des Tableaux du Cabinet du Roy, au Luxembourg, Nouvelle ƒdition (Paris: l'I mprimerie de Pierre Alexandre Le Prieur 1762), 6 7; ƒtienne, "Veuvage et dŽviance," 11; Massing, Painting Restoration before L a Restauration 66.


Altun 26 Godefroid's own transfer method as implied by her confession, was no t magic just ordinary work executed with great care This specific method similar to that used by other restorers through the early nineteenth century was as follows: she first would have s ha ved down the panel's wooden base until only a paper thin layer remained. 68 This layer contained the surface paint as well as priming layers in the ground. As promised, Godefroid would then have used warm water to soften and remove these preparatory layers and isolate the desired picture plane which she could later glue on to a new canvas using a flour based paste Such use of ever y day materials and mechanical processes had a broader impact on the restorer's status in the art world. M id century the restorer as embodied by Picault, had maintained a sense of charm and mystery that captivated public atten tion. But by the last quarter of the 1700s after Godefroid's death the restorer became a more domesticated and less favorable figure to the royal arts administration. 69 As ƒtienne has proposed, there was a real "deviance" to the way that Godefroid negotiated the pricing and methodology of restoration among her competitors. 70 This approach gave the restorer a new identity, one less mysterious and more unassuming. Yet, Godefroid's diverse pr ivate and royal clientele prove that her approach was still a lucrative one. 71 Cutting across tiers in the artistic hierarchy h er career shows that a female artisan could become visible by performing invisible tasks. 72 A tangible legacy in the form of hundreds of repa irs existed !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 68 Massing, Painting Restoration before L a Restauration 42 44, 179 180. 69 ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 33 43. 70 ƒtienne, "Veuvage et dŽviance," 11. Scott's analysis of tension between th e royal AcadŽmie and St. Luc guild over economic privilege offers additional insight into the origins of Godefroid's practice of underselling her restoration treatments (see footnote 27). 71 ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 53; ƒtienne, "Veuv age et dŽviance," 6 7. 72 Even in other fields, such as in literary and scientific circles, women paradoxically achieved recognition by exploiting similar kinds of anonymity. Note, for example, the diverse corpus of Mari e Genevive Charlotte Thiroux d' Arcon ville as discussed in Julie Candler Hayes, "From Anonymity to Autobiography: Mme. d'Arconville's Self Fashionings," The Romantic Review 103, no. 3 4 (2012): 383.


Altun 27 alongside an intangible memory in the f ield of museum practice, as felt by Marie Jacob's son and later her grand daughter, Marie ƒlŽonore Godefroid. 73 D epictions of domestic routines by female workers in plates from the EncyclopŽdie or in g enre pai ntings by Jean Baptiste Chardin, thus offer new insight when imagined as the restorer's studio space Here a tablecloth smoothed over a wooden counter can become a canvas stretched over an invisible scaffold. A worker who glues book bindings can share her brush with a restorer who uses maroufl Ž 74 to adhere new canvas backings. And a knife used to peel a hundred turnips can bear the same motion to scrape away the old overpaint covering an even older masterpiece. In light of these possibilities, I would like to conclude this chapter by revisiting the Roslin pastel self portrait in light of Chardin's turnip peeler from 1740 (Figure 19). The dates attributed to these two images, 1740 and 176 0 roughly bookend Godefroid's career working in the third quarter of the eighteenth century. H ere I would specifically like to discuss the importance of the hands in both works (see Figure s 20 and 21 for close ups) Formally they are central to the two picture pla nes yet are arranged into different positions. Both women hold knives of equal shape and size, suggesting a similar motion performed with the tool, but with vastly different goals. While Roslin's hands are propped upright above her open drawer, the anonymous peeler's rest on the blanket of white forming her apron. One can reduce t he obvious !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 73 Marie ƒlŽonore, the Godefroid princess of restoration, became a portraitist who exhibit ed a t Salons i n the Post Revolutionary period while working in the studio of Franois Gerard until her death in 1849. See Jennifer Germann, "Tracing Marie ƒlŽonore Godefroid: Women's Artistic Networks in Early Nineteenth Century Paris, Studies in Eighteenth C entury Culture 41 (Jan., 2012): 55 84; Clotilde Schwab Pourbaix, "M arie ƒlŽonore Godefroid et ses portraits conservŽs au musŽe national des c h‰teaux de Versailles et de Trianon, La revue des musŽes de France: r evue du Louvre 5 (Dec., 2008): 63 71. 74 Maro u flŽ refers to the glue, usually made from a mixture of oil, pigments, and resin, used to bind a painted surface onto a new support. Marouflage then, refers to the restoration technique by which a painted canvas is glued onto a fresh rigid support, such as wood or metal, rather than to another fabric support. This transfer to another format can change the appearance of the artist's texturing on the original surface, as is the case when a painted surface on wood is transferred to canvas. This change in the su rface effects was one of the biggest critiques of the transfer method in its time, and still is today. See Massing, Painting Restoration before La Restauration, 314.


Altun 28 class difference captured in the two scenes to the appearance of each woman's skin: whereas Roslin's pale hands are only temporarily stained by her pastel s the turnip peeler's will linger red and raw after long physical labor. An assortment of roots to the left of the peeler and the finished pieces in the dish at her feet form a triangle in which her partially peeled turnip marks its apex. U nlike Roslin, who looks directly at the viewer, Chardin's peeler stares in profile more abstractly off to the right. One gets the sense that instead of posing, she has just paused from her work to contemplate a distant thought. Finally, unlike Roslin's hands th at have another pair to mirror the turnip peeler 's sit alone without any reference to transform their meni al task. Godefroid would fall somewhere in between these two fields of women engaged in work of distinctly artistic and non artistic natures. Her career lacked a single definition and therefore occupied its own ambiguous position. It is this ambiguity, caring for works of great artistic quality but herself only performing anonymous labor, that I would argue contributed to administrative fears about the marginal groups lingering outside the AcadŽmie. And t he greater poetics of restoration are just as ambiguous. On the one hand, treating key paintings by Poussin, Rubens, or Raphael could be an effective way of reinvigorating the royal AcadŽmie against the mid century challenges of Rococo. Yet, restoration could also confound time by making old paintings appear new. Like the problematic associations between make up and painting that circulated around the Marquis e de Pompadour 75 structural restoration went deeper than just routine transferring and relining i t was cosmetic surgery that tricked the eye. 76 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 75 While it is not possible to confirm that Godefroid ever met or knew Pompadour personal ly, Marandet (2003) does point out that the Marquise did attend the marriage of Godefroid's daughter Marguerite Joseph in 1763. See Franois Marandet, "Pierre R Ž my (1715 97): the Parisian art market in the mid eighteenth century, Apollo 157, no. 498 (Jul y 2003) : 38. 76 Melissa Hyde, "The Makeup' of the Marquise: Boucher's Portrait of Pompadour at Her Toilette ," The Art Bulletin 82, no. 3 (Sept., 2000): 453 475 For an account of the period's distaste for old women wearing make up, see also Morag Martin, Casanova and Mlle Clairon: Painting the Face in a World of Natural Fashion," Fashion Theory 7, no. 1 (2003): 57 78


Altun 29 Pre serving Modesty: T he Disruptive Ambiguities of the Restauratrice In the 1760s, t he Crown's financial hardships after the Seven Years' War (1756 1763) and old age did begin to lighten Godefroid's workload 77 By this point she had worked as restorer of the king's paintings for twenty years, adopting an air of expertise evident in a letter she wrote to the then premi er p eintre, Jean Baptiste Marie Pierre in June 1774 : Allow me to repeat to you my zeal and disinterested attach ment for the King's services and for your greatness I dare to instruct you of all the abuses that occur in the general restoration of paintings. I have the honor of telling you that for forty eight y ears with my husband and thirty three years in widowhood I have worked without reproach es I have seen such cabals the protected ones who obtain work boasting of know how and using above a ll lots of mystery and charlatanry to persuade; these talents are not acquired by protection. Today everything depends on your greatness that honors me with its confidence. I can certify to it that I was always opposed to raising Raphael's Holy Family pain ted on cedar wood not subject to worms, if this board is a bit mutilated, which is reparable, it is from having been above a fireplace where one had an ardent fire...It is more a question here of honor than of interest, and one cannot entrust without shudd ering a similar painting, than to practitioners of many years approved by an entire Academy 78 The subject of this letter was the transfer of a Raphael painting on cedar wood proposed by Picault for 10,000 francs. Not only does Godefroid advise Pierre against this commission, she offers her own services instead. To defend this claim over her competitor, Godefroid cites not only her long standing loyalty to the Crown, but also her more transparent, economical work ing conditions. She and her eldest son c ould perform the transfer in less time and for a lower cost; she would also agree to have the work supervised by Pierre and members of the royal AcadŽmie. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 77 Massing, Painting Restoration before L a Restauration 72 73. 78 Original French: PermettŽs moy de vous renouvŽller mon zele et mon attachement desinteressŽ pour le Service du Roy et de votre Grandeur, j'ose vous instruire de tous les abus qui se passent dans la restauration gŽnŽrale des tableaux, J'ay l'honneur de vous reprŽsenter que depuis quarante huit ans tant avec mon Mary que de puis trente trois ans de veuvage, j'ai travaillŽ sans reproches J'ai v tant de cabales, les uns protŽgŽs obtenir les ouvrages se vantant de scavoir faire, et mŽttant surtout beaucoup de misteres et de charlatanerie pour persuader; ces talents ne s'acquier ent pas par protection. Aujourd huy que tous depend de votre Grandeur qui m'honnore de sa confiance je peux luy certiffier que je me suis toujours opposŽe a lever la sainte famille de Rapha‘l peinte sur un bois de cŽdre non sujet aux vers, si cette planche est un peu mutilŽe ce qui est rŽparable, c'est d'avoir etŽe sur une cheminŽe ou l'on faisoit un feu ardentIl est plus question icy d'honneur que d'interest, et l'on ne peut confier sans frŽmir un pareil tableau, qu'ˆ des practiciens de longues annŽes app rouvŽs par toute une Accademie. AN O1 1912 1774: 69; excerpt of letter from Veuve Godefroid to J. B. M. Pierre, June 4, 1774. Taken from Massing, Painting Restoration before La Restauration, Appendix 3.3 (p. 267 8).


Altun 30 While feminists cite pay discrepancies as an example of modern sexism, in Godefroid's case, under se lling her competitors actually worked as an effective business strategy. But perhaps more important is how her letter conveys a willingness to work without any mark of recognition. E specially in old age, Godefroid accepted her humble place in the official hierarchy ostensibly apart from administrative or academic circles. But e ven if s he had gained her position through alternate channels, she was still respected for her years of experience. At this late stage in her career when she deferred most projects t o her son, as well as to other restorers commissioned by the B‰timents, Godefroid held her title in name more than in practice Her career nevertheless left a lasting impression on the restorer's role in larger bureaucratic systems at the end of the century Interpreting extracts of the B‰timents records from the mid 1770s I will suggest how Godefroid's presence as a royally commissioned restorer could disr upt plans to open an art museum at the Louvre In particular, I will use scholarship by Sheriff who argues that the Enlightenment's ideal modesty led the cause against admission of female artists to the French AcadŽmie 79 She focuses here on the controversy surrounding the portraitist ƒ lisabeth Louise Vig Že Lebru n's showing at the Salon of 1783 where her immodest female gaze th reatened this exhibition space Li ke Sheriff, I will interpret writings by the Comte d'Angiviller, successor to Marigny as the director of the royal arts administration beginning in 1775 until 1789 D 'Angiviller's career began roughly as Godefroid's ended and thus provides the key to interpreting her legacy Known for his dream of making the Louvre palace into a museum of the royal collections d'Angiviller figured himself as the purveyor of a national pride founded on !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 79 Sheriff, "The Im/modesty of Their Se x: The Woman's Gaze and the Female History Painter," in The Exceptional Woman 105 142.


Altun 31 France's artistic greatness 80 His portrait painted for the Salon of 1779 in fact shows the director seated with his precious bl ueprint of the Grand Gallery trailing around his legs (Figure 22) Considering this alongside the tensions brought out in the first chapter, I will argue that the "disinterested attachment" Godefroid cites in her letter to Pierre actually hid most of its weight behind the conventions of femininity popular in Enlightenment salons Shortly after Godefroid's death in 1775 the Comte d'Angiviller released a mŽmoire entitled Note on the legacy of the W idow Godefroid 81 In this memo, the director stated that he would not replace Godefroid's position as sole restorer to the royal collections He e ven denied bids made by her son, Joseph Ferdinand Franois, to fill the role 82 The B‰timent s written statement implied that the widow had amassed too much power perform ing treatments without regular consultation Her son's aspirations further proved the resilience of a Godefroid "dynasty that had overseen royal collections care since the early eighteenth century. 83 One should remember that Salic Law ruled the land no woman could ever reign in France, t he Crown alway s descended through male heirs. I n the Godefroid line however, a royal title had transferred from Joseph Fe rdinand Godefroid to his widow and at her death an eldest son prepared to inherit the position. This power of a single family, especially one headed by a strong matriarch, posed the bigg est sticking point for d'Angiviller 's Louvre project one that sought to build a canon that highlighted French ( all male ) artists As a Belgian female restorer, Marie Jacob Godefroid fulfilled no part of those criteria. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 80 McClellan, "The Politics and Aesthetics of Display," 438, 445 446. 81 Translated from: Notte sur le survivance de la Veuve Godefroy ." See the document transcribed in Massing (2012), Appendix 3.4 (p. 268). Originally Archives Nationles, O1 1913 (1775), f. 273. 82 Records do exist of J. F. F. Godefroid working for the Crown in the decade after his mother's death indeed, he lived in her studio lodgings at the Louvre until he died in 1788 but he was never officially employed by the B‰timents for restoration work. See Massing, Paintings Restoration before La Restauration, Appendix 3.5 and 3.6 (p. 268 269), for examples of letters written from J. F. F. Godefroid to d'Angivill er. 83 Chatelus, Peindre ˆ Paris 197.


Altun 32 I n response, d'Angiviller's memo outlines in eight points a new committee based system that would appraise the suggestions of several restorers before proceeding with interventions. These efforts to re configure the system of collection s care within the museum mirror the economic reforms that abolish ed France's guild system in favor of a more public, free market model. 84 The director's list also stressed the importance of documentation and transparency, refusing the previous associations between restoration and secrecy here critiquing Picault and guilds more generally : "Any restorer who makes a mystery of his pretend secret s must not be employed at all because it is laughable to believe that extraordinary means be necessary in an operation that only demands patience, address, and care 85 This statement applies Godefroid's approach as a restorer who uses "hot water and patience to curb Picault's high minded pride. To the director, a common laborer who se work depends only on a small set of ordinary skills does not deserve the large sums of money or the royal distinction demanded by Picault. But how then could he fault Godefroid, who did not demand such privilege s but stayed in the background for decades, performing hundreds of treatments in preparat ion for his public exhibition s ? In the same memo, d'Angiviller makes a positive example of Godefroid when degrading the profession's recent history, but makes a negative example of her when looking to the profession's future. Not t e sur la survivance de l a Veuve Godefroy is thus an abridged outline akin to the one in d'Angiviller's 1779 portrait. But i nstead of planning the layout of a gallery space, he plans the landscape of a new kind of restoration, one that does not occur in a shop's back room but in a !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 84 On the effect of Turgot's economic reforms on women in the guild system, see Hafter, Women at Work in Preindustrial France 145 149. 85 Original French: Tout restaurateur qui fera mistere de ses pretendus secrets ne doit point tre employŽ parsequ'il est risible de croire que les moyens extraordinaires soient necessaires dans un operation qui ne demande que de la patienc e, de l'adresse, et du soin... AN O1 1913 (1775) : 273 ; Notte sur la survivance de la Veuve Godefroy . Taken from Massing, Painting Restoration b efore La Restauration, Appendix 3.4 (p. 268). Also in McClellan, "The Politics and Aesthetics of Display," 463n70.


Altun 33 museum 's illuminated colonnade This same tone is evident in a letter from d'Angiviller to Pierre less than one month after Godefroid's death : The death of Madame Godefroid, Sir, emptying the position of restorer to hi s Majesty's paintings, I have weighed attentively the advantages and the inconveniences of filling it. It appears to me, after a mature examination, that the latter far outweigh the former and that this place could, as it happened, thereafter become a titl e in hands little or less capable, being charged to the exclusion of others more capableI have so resolved not to fill it at all and to remove it, my intention is to follow another plan for the restoration of the paintings of his Majesty that are in need of it, and to not make from a work so important a sort of enterprise that in the end turns into the detriment of the thing 86 L ike d'Angivil ler's museum building project, this system would not come to fruition until after the Revolution, when the Museum Commission was established to arbitrate collections management. 87 Many old actors would vie for places in this new administrative structure, building a hierarchy that buried the restorer beneath roles such as the connoisseur. Marie Jacob Godefroid's legacy thus contributed to a re evaluation of power within the royal arts administration that remained in its post Revolutionary form B efore I go further with my analysis of Godefroid I would like to provide a more general comparison between the position of the art restorer and that of the woman defined by French Enlightenment thinkers. This is not to suggest that the two cases are directly related, but that they represent two vers ions of the same social limitation establish ed in this period. It is particularly Rousseau's brand of domestic womanhood, popular in the 1760s when Godefroid would have !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 86 Original French: La mort de Mme. Godefroid, Monsieur, faisant vacquer la place de restaurateur des tableaux de Sa MajestŽ, j'ai pesŽ avec attention les avantages et les inconvŽniens de la remplir. Il m'a paru, aprs un mr examen, que les derniers l'emportoient beaucoup sur les premiers et que cette place pourroit, comme il est arrivŽ, devenir par la suite un titre entre des mains peu ou mŽdiocrement capables, pour tre chargŽ ˆ l'exclusion d'autres plus habilesJ'ai donc rŽsolu de ne la point remplir et de la supprimer, mon dessein est de suivre un autre plan pour la restoration des tab leaux de Sa MajestŽ qui en ont besoin, et de ne point faire d'un ouvrage aussi important une sorte d'entreprise qui tourne ˆ la fin au dŽtriment de la chose "D'Angiviller ˆ Pierre Du 27 dŽcembre 1775," in Nouvelles archives de l'art franais, revue de l'art franais ancien et moderne: correspondance administrative de M. d'Angiviller, Series III, V. XXI (Paris, Schemit: Libraire de la SociŽte de l'Histoire de l'Art Franais, 1906), 77. 87 ƒmile M‰le, "Les Commissions des monuments et du MusŽum," 39 87; Ho lbert, "La fantasie des custodes," 532 533; McClellan, Inventing the Louvre 93 95.


Altun 34 established her reputation, that interests me. ƒmile, a bestseller in its time and the bible of modern pedagogy, lays out Rousseau's vision of the ideal education in nature, away from all the poo fs and frills of Paris. 88 In Book V, Rousseau creates his pupil's perfect wife, Sophie whos e feminine charms rule over the home (and only the home) with a newfound authority Take th e following passag e for example, where he lists the woman's duties as accorded by her sex: The male is only a male now and again, the female is always a female, or at least all her youth; everything reminds her of her sex; the performance of her functions requires a special constitution. She needs care during pregnancy and freedom from work when her child is born; she must have a quiet, easy life while she nurses her children; their education calls for patience and gentleness, for a zeal and love which not hing can dismay; she forms a bond between father and child, she alone can win the father's love for his children and convince him that they are indeed his own. What loving care is required to preserve a united family! And there should be no question of vir tue in all this, it must be a labour of love, without which the human race would be doomed to extinction. 89 As described in this passage, it is motherhood that defines the female life cycle characterized by innate q ualities such as patience and gentleness. I t is a woman's responsibility to maintain a balance within her household and bear healthy children for a pro sperous, unified state. The essential or e ternal femininity that Rousseau describes then also had a very specific purpose: to nurture children so that they may become strong, productive members in a republic of men. It is noteworthy that a rt critics such as La Font de Saint Yenne had use d a similar language to describe the importance of maintaining royal art collecti ons against the weathering of time In 1747, he indeed points out the damaging effects of neglect on paintings displayed in palace galleries : !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 88 In another of his well known works, Discourse on the Arts and Sciences (1750), Rousseau makes his distaste for salon culture most clear, saying the Enlightenment's obsess ion with useless arts actually drove its progress into the ground. What then would he have thought about restoration, a field that valorizes ordinary labor in a way he would appreciate, but eventually succumbs to the same theorization? Rousseau, while so g ood at anticipating criticism, could not have anticipated that Sophie's skills could apply outside the home. And surely, the influence of working women such as Marie Jacob Godefroid would have ignited his disapproval. 89 Jean Jacques Rousseau, ƒmile trans Barbara Foxley ( London; New York: Everyman's Library, 1972 ), 324


Altun 35 They are however on the side of the Court in this much esteemed Gallery almost destroyed by the criminal negligence of the concierges who open all the shutters and stained glass of the windows on the most sunny days, and leave to devour by the strength of the Sun since midday until it is completely set, these precious paintings, these beauties that all the riches of sovereigns could not replace today. 90 Like the diligent, nurturing mother, the restorer need ed a sharp eye and gentle touch to care for such a rich assembly of art. And l ike Rousseau's enlightened housewife, t he restorer required a specific, yet limited knowledge that perfected manual, practical tasks. Was Sophie then, primed for a career in art restoration ? If not, then what prevented her, and indeed all women apparently born with the necessary tools, from reaching this potential? Access to an e ducation outside of the home perhaps c ould have open ed up a path for all Roussea u's women to become art restorers In the immediate decades surrounding the R evolution similar proposals for practical education existed across disciplines and social classes. Take in 1789 when the artist Jean Jacques Bach elier, who in saying "their talents wil l be their dowries proposed a schooling for underprivileged girls. 91 Bachelier's treatise given to the Estates General suggested many subjects, from geography to clock making that could provide girls a way out of poverty Godefroid in her adult life, exemplified the result of these inten t ions even though the circumstances of her childhood are unknown As a widowed mother with professional self sufficiency, she gained much of her knowledge from the daily experience s of !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 90 Original French: Ils sont cependant du c™tŽ de la Cour dans cette Gallerie si estimable presque dŽtruits par la nŽgligence criminelle des Concierges qui ouvrent tous les volets & les vitraux des croisŽes dans les jours les plus brlans, & laissent dŽvorer ˆ l'ardeur du Soleil depuis le midi jusqu'ˆ ce qu'il soit entirement couchŽ, ces Tableaux prŽcieux, ces beautŽs que toutes les richesses des Souverains ne pou rroient aujourd'hui remp lacer. La Font de Saint Yenne, RŽflexions sur quelques causes de l'Žtat prŽsent de la p einture en France 41 Contrary to La Font de Saint Yenne's accusation that the B‰timents neglected many of the paintings in its royal residences, the restoration work performed by M. J. Godefroid and Colins during the late 1740s and 1750s evidences the administration's ambition to refurbish its entire collection in preparation for display at public venues like the Luxembourg Palace. See McClellan, Inventing the Louvre 19 27. 91 Alden Cavanaugh, "Their Talents Will Be Their Dowries': Artist Jean Jacques Bachelier's MŽmoire sur l'ƒducation des Filles in 1789," in Performing the "Everyday": The Culture of Genre in the Eighteenth Century ed. Alden Cavanaugh (Newark: Univer sity of Delaware Press, 2007), 92 105.


Altun 36 owning a successful business. And while t here we re plans to open a restoration school afte r the Revolution split between structural (transferring, relining) and pictorial ( local retouching, surface cleaning) training programs museum officials mention this idea only sparingly in the period and eventually abandon it 92 Nonetheless, e ven its proposal is significant. The idea of publicizing such a niche, technical education indicates a growing interest paralleled in broader pedagogical efforts an interest that must have included female participation. Returning to another contentious suggestion in d'Angiviller's 1775 mŽmoire : "Firstly to put to work all those who would present themselves with a sort of reputation [my emphasis]." 93 Just w hat sort of reputation did he have in mind? Surely, he must mean that his administration would only contract restorers with the required skills and experience. More importantly though is that this reputation connotes some kind of profiling, determined by officia l recommendation or just hearsay. This would put Godefroid, and any woman with a career in the art world in a difficult position. After all, had not Rousseau written in ƒmile that a woman's honor does not depend on her condu ct alone, but on her reputatio n ? 94 Further, that "a man has no one but himself to consider, and so long as he does right he may defy public opinion; but when a woman does right her task is only half finished, and what people think of her matters as much as what she really is." 95 No matter if she cultivates modesty through her own actions, a woman's ultimate value depends on others' appraisal and therefore, is never fully in her control. D'Angiviller's statement thereby contains a double exclusivity the first being the straightfor ward, merit based judgment of any restorer who works for the Cro wn. The second calls out those like Picault, who !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 92 ƒtienne, The Restoration of Paintings in Paris 37, 45n62, 50, 66n7. 93 Original French: Primo de mettre a l'ouvrage tous ceux qui se presenteron t avec une sorte de reputation AN O1 1913 (1775) : 273 ; Notte sur la survivance de la Veuve Godefroy . Taken from Massing, Painting Restoration b efore La Restauration, Appendix 3.4 (p. 268). 94 Rousseau, ƒmile 328. 95 Ibid.


Altun 37 had developed a reputation of charlatanry that hurt his professional relationship with the B‰timents. But it also implies a gender bias that ex cludes women because of the inherent corruptness that their sex poses in proximity to men. This same issue posed by a woman' s reputation surfaces in the controversy of housing female students at the Louvre in the 1780s On this, Sheriff has cited another of d'Angiviller's letters from 1785 to the King, in response to the artist Adela•de Labille Guiard's request for studio space at the palace 96 In this letter, the Comte warns Louis XVI that the presence of fema le students at the palace espec ially those not under the authority of a male guardian, would pose a threat to the decency of the (male) workplace and disrupt the academy's lessons. Only a few years later, in fact, when Joseph Ferdinand Franois died in 1788, his wife and two children we re forced to vacate their Louvre quarters, a space that had originally belonged to Marie Jacob Godefroid Bearing in mind this later controversy, Godefroid 's studio at the Louvre from 1743 1775 becomes even more central to d'Angiviller's concerns. Her work space, among both the royal family and its AcadŽmie would have placed Godefroid at ground zero the place to develop one's reputation as a successful, officially recognized artist. But also, according to the B‰timents, the wrong kind of reputation if you were a young female artist. As an old widow, God e froid was considered well past the age of female attraction. Her presence, therefore, should have posed no threat to the AcadŽmie Godefroid had no sex and could therefore work !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 96 Sheriff, The Exceptional Woman, 108 113. See also Emmanuelle Philippe and SŽverine Sofio, "I Was Born in this Palace': Emotional Bonds in the Artistic Comm unity of the Louvre (1750 1800)," i n Emotions in the Household, 1200 1900 ed Susan Broomhall (Basingstoke, England ; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008 ), 246 247


Altun 38 inconspicuously S h e was in a category all her own; uniquely a restauratrice her every move became significant, yet impossible to judge by comparison. 97 I t is this constant, yet distant visibility that is most striking, especially when considering the nature of Godefroid's work. As a structural restorer, Godefroid would have had to flip over a painting every time she adjusted its base This ensured that the surface would remain protected, but also out of sight. Turned away to focus on its reverse side, a ny nudes or pagan imagery became irrelevant every panel subjected to the same routine treatment. Her modesty therefore has two meanings In one sense, it meant living comfortably as a widow, taking over the lowly profession of restorer dealer from her husba nd to provide for her family. One could put her commitment to the p osition of royal restorer in this same category. But, in the second sense, Godefroid embraced modesty as it was specifically tied to the period's consideration of the female sex, abstaining from remarriage, living out her adult life as a widow. Regarding this latter definition one must also consider Godefroid's approach to the easel painting as a formatted object. B y focusing on the painting's skeleton, she effectively avoided any controvers y that surrounded images of nude flesh in history painting What thi s then another instance of the widow's compliance her evasion of the subject matter deemed so improper for women artists? Or, was it a rejection of the B‰timent's pain staking curation to highlight the French tradition of painting? Equally, was it a rejection of the entire convention of propriety that faulted her sex and therefore confirmed her critics' fears? !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 97 In The G ender of History Smith has examined the nineteenth century genre of amateur history by female writers, using Germaine de Stael's Corinne as its origin, as the launching point into the later scientific approach to history dominated by middle class men. In this same vein, Godefroid stands as an earlier example of a woman using her family's history in restoration to shape the course of France's art historical canon. See Bonnie G. Smith, "The Birth of the Amateur," in The Gender of History: Men, Women, and Historical Practice (Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press, 1998), 37 69.


Altun 39 I n h er book on VigŽe L ebrun 98 Mary Sheriff introduces exceptionalism as a term t hat both frees and limits the case of female artists in eighteenth century France. 99 Here the exceptional woman is someone who defies gender conventions to achieve unparallel ed success. She is a figure who, thanks to unique c ircumstances, shines outside the boundaries of tradition But a s t he exception she can not change tradition. According to Sheriff, n o matter how positively one considers VigŽe Lebrun, her unique career only "stre ngthens the rule" against other female artists 100 The legacy of Marie Jacob Godefroid presents a similar dilemma for singularity. On the one hand, Godefroid indirectly blocked other female artisans from following in her footsteps after the arts administration minimized her influence Equally possible, her humbling approach to restoration shifted down its qualifications, opening the field to more women. Linda Nochlin rightfully said in "Why Have There Been No Great Women Artists?" that exclusion from institutions of training (not a lack of genius) preven ted women from becoming "great" artists. But w here would this leave art restorers, whose repertoire was built largely in the workshop and never structured into an official educational program? This group included those who, rejected from the royal AcadŽmie for a lack of artistic skill, sought other professions in the art world. "Genius" was not a possibility for the restorer, male or female. Faced with such prejudice, compounded by the limitations of her sex, Marie Jacob Godefroid should have had no chance of becoming great. And perhaps she was not great a !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 98 The artist ƒlisabeth Louise VigŽe Lebrun (1755 1842) poses an interesting comparison with Marie Jacob Godefroid, specifically where they both convey tensions between art and commerce, restoration, and implications of the marriage contract. VigŽe Lebrun was married to the dealer connoisseur Jean Baptiste Pierre Lebrun, who also dabbled in paintings restoration and whose presence in the art market was one of the biggest critiques of VigŽe Lebrun's admittance to the royal AcadŽmie. The couple eventually divorced in 1793, shortly after VigŽe Lebrun had fled France to escape the same fate as her patron, Marie Antoinette, during the Revoluti on. Treating VigŽe Lebrun's divorce as a kind of artificial widowhood that was followed by a fruitful career abroad strikes a similar cord with the widow Godefroid's own success later in life. 99 Sheriff, The Exceptional Woman 1 3. 100 Ibid.


Altun 40 great artist, that is. But navigating in uncharted territory in life as a widow and in wor k as a reviver of old paintings her name remains among the select few who introduced modern conservation theory. B oth the unique lives of ƒ lisabeth VigŽe Lebrun and Marie Jacob Godefroid thus test gender as a variable for success. Still as a widow art restorer who worked until her death and reached the highest level of an emergent field, Godefroid generates many exceptional variables. She was the exception to the exception. If little is known about female artists in history, even less is known about female art restorers. Whether this is due to record or reality remains undetermined; yet Godefroid's career shows t hat sometimes it is possible to break the rules by following them.


Altun 41 Marie Jacob Godefroid, t he R estorer as Artist ? To end my look at Godefroid I will borrow words from an author whose fiction turned philosophy 101 figure s in her debut "moral tale": There she stands, almost resolved to go ahead, weeping tears over the father she is abandoning and the home in which she was born, and which she is going to leave; but she thinks about her lover, and her tears dry up. "So I will be," she bu rst out, "so I will be his, forever!" Then she goes back to the window, and looking at it more carefully, she sees that at precisely the place where she'd have to climb down, there is a hole, filled with that day's fresh rainfall. She would need to fill th at hole in; what should she use? Julie looks around her, and seeing the portraits of her forefathers, says to them, "You will do me at least this favor," and, laughing, she immediately jumps onto a chair to take Jean Franois d'Arnonville down off the wall As she is holding him, still up on the chair, Mademoiselle du Tour comes in "What are you doing, mademoiselle?" "Dear ladydear ladyam I not right to send this portrait off to the painter for restoration? If I am to be married, as you believe, to a lo rd from an old chateau, I would like to be able to take the first baron of the family there 102 Such was the plea of Isabelle de Charrire's heroine in The Nobleman a French novella published abroad in 1762 The Dutch born femme de lettres made her introduction to Enlightenment circles with this version of the c lassic flight to forbidden love. Most memorably, Charrir e here set s the scene where her protagonist cracks the spines of painted ancestors, rattling their skeletons long in the grave. Just m oments before, the cunning Julie had decided to take paintings off the walls of her bedroom and use them as stepping stones to r each her lover who waits below just beyond crumbling castle walls. But before she can escape, she is caught like a thief by the housemaid. Her excuse? Sending the paint ing off for a routine cleaning, refreshing it for a place in her new home. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 101 The idea of women's fiction as Enlightenment philosophy is taken from Hesse's configuration, see Carla Hesse, Fiction as Philosophy," i n The Other Enlightenment: How French Women Became Modern ( Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press 2001 ), 130 153 102 Isabelle de Charrire, "The Nobleman: A Moral Tale," in The Nobleman and Other Romances trans. Caroline Warman (London: Penguin Books, 2012), 18.


Altun 42 C entral to my study is this role "restoration" plays in the excerpt implying a kind of practicality on par with polishing si lver or re upholstering chairs. An alibi to prevent the protagonist from revealing her true intentions. One can even imagine Julie's pose in the scene tippy toed on a chair, her hands outstretched to lift the portrait off its prized wall space as similar t o others described earlier in this essay. Whether figured as the packers in Gersaint's shop who make room for new inventory (Figure 12) or the putti who organize a gallery space under the direction of Art (Figure 13 14) all pass the time (out with the old in with the new) by exerting mindless work But of course, Julie was no unskilled laborer; she read TŽlŽmaque and painted still lifes. O nly in Charrire's fiction can the same ordinary motions transform into a scene of greater theatrics: t rampling old portraits beneath her eager heels, Julie flees the traditions rotting within her father's castle, a sight fit for its own capture in paint. One can therefore n ot ignore the biting critique disguised by Charrire's wit As Hesse has argued, for Charrire an d other women writing in the late eighteenth century fiction was a domain used to engage with the Enlightenment ideas exclusive to men In a similar way, the dealer's catalogue raisonnŽ or the amateur's book of trade secrets sought a higher place in the artistic order And t o be sure, w orks of fiction by female authors like Charrire do occupy a different spot on the literary spectrum compared to the artistic manuals and estate catalogs brought up earlier in this essay. My poi nt is rather that b oth bodies of writing negotiate d their genre s in a similar way and thus harmonize with my argument about Marie Jacob Godefroid That is, that just as female writers disguised their philosophy as fiction Godefroid formed a career within artistic circles by embracing seemingly inoffensive notions about paintings restoration and womanhood. If these novelists attained philosophy, it was largely by applying moral lessons to the ir plot's denouement In Godefroid's case, I have argued that modesty here


Altun 43 meaning her long service to the French state her business strategies, and the term's association with femininity was the conduit for her greater autonomy. A final note on the translation of The Nobleman by Caroline Warman is also worth consi dering Even i n Charrire's original French, Julie's last part of the dialogue reads as: "Ma bonne... ma bonne... ne ferais je pas bien d'envoyer ce portrait chez le peintre [my emphasis] ? The exchange of painter for restorer further serves my point about the fluidity of genres between artistic practice and restoration in the period. Moreover, b y interpreting the translator as a kind of restorer who reconstructs texts into a new language, my link with Hesse comes full circle: f iction as phil osophy, restoration as art, and translation as restoration T his harkens back to the point I made about the interplay between text and image in early restoration manuals and EncyclopŽdie plates. The Noble m a n is of course not about art restoration, but about patriarchy as an outdated, corrupt model of governance within families, royal and noble But then neither is my look at Marie Jacob Godefroid, at least not entirely. While Charrire's minor nod to restoration comes from a source of general knowledge about painting and their u pkeep in family collections, her one mention encapsulates an entire world one hiding behind the optics of eighteenth century French art It has been my intention to introduce an alternative viewpoint to the easel painting, one t hat question s its shape, left and right, front and back. In turn, I have used Marie Jacob Godefroid to capture the debates about art versus craft and public versus private womanhood as parallel developments. This has sought to add the restauratrice as another perspective to the already diverse scholarship that exists on female artists and art restoration in late eighteenth century Paris And b y examining Godefroid's career as a widow restorer I have picked up where The Nobleman leaves o ff. Marie Jacob and her grand daughter Marie ƒlŽonore Godef r o id


Altun 44 both rejected the trajectory common for women in their time W hile the grandmother peaked as a widow, the la t ter chose to remain single This is not to discredit Charrire who herself would go on to write several critiques and alternatives to the traditional marriage plot Rather, it is to emphasize the inventi veness of the widow in carving a place for herself with the tools she already had at hand. Like Julie, Godefroid was quick to re ach for the paintings on her walls and turn them over (or step right on them) in sight of another future.


Altun 45 Appendix Figure 1 Pierre Antoine Demachy, Vue de la colonnade du Louvre 1772. Oil on canvas. MusÂŽe du Louvre, Paris. Figure 2. Carlo Maratti, The Flight into Egypt c. seventeenth century. Oil on copper.


Altun 46 Figure 3. Berlin School, Interior of a Studio c. 1830, oil on canvas (22 x 33 cm). Private Collection, Thuringia. Taken from: Massing, Painting Restoration B efore La Restauration, Figure 4. Hubert Robert, Studio of an Antiquities Restorer in Rome 1783. Oil on canvas. Toledo Museum of Art, Toledo, Ohio.


Altun 47 Figure 5 Hubert Robert, Une Galerie du MusÂŽe 1789. Oil on canvas ( 65 x 81 cm ) MusÂŽe du Louvre, Paris. Figure 6. Hubert Robert, EntrÂŽe de l'atelier d Hubert Robert au Louvre c. 1790. MusÂŽe du Louvre, Paris.


Altun 48 Figure 7. Plate I: Painting Atelier, Pa let tes and Brushes From: "Oil, Miniature and E ncaustic P ainting ." The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d' Alembert Collaborative Translation Project ( Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library, 2010 ), Originally published as Peintures en huile, en m iniature et encaustique," EncyclopÂŽdie ou Dictionnaire RaisonnÂŽ des Sciences, des Arts et des M ÂŽtiers, vol. 8 (plates) (Paris, 1771).


Altun 49 Figure 8. "Gilding." The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d' Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library, 2010. Ori ginally published as "Doreur," Ency clopÂŽdie ou Dictionnaire RaisonnÂŽ des Sciences, des Arts et des M ÂŽtiers, vol. 3 (plates) (Paris, 1763).


Altun 50 Figure 9. Marie Suzanne Roslin, Self portrait with an image of Maurice Quentin de La Tour c. 176 0 Pastel. Figure 10 Maurice Quentin Delatour, Self Portrait at an il de Buf Window 1742 Pastels on blue paper, mounted on canvas on a stretcher (59 cm x 49 c m ). MusÂŽe du Louvre, Paris


Altun 51 F igure 11 Commercial la bel of Jean Constantin. Taken f rom Michel, Le Commerce du tableau ˆ Paris 47. Figure 12 Jean Antoine Watteau The Shop Sign of Gersaint (L' e nseigne de Gersaint) 1720 1 Oil on canvas ( 163 x 308 cm ) Schloss Charlottenburg, Berlin


Altun 52 Figu re 13 Taken from : Tom Holbert, La fantasie des custodes. De la prŽhistoire de la profession de conservateur en France et en Allemagne au XVIII sicle," in Les musŽes en Europe ˆ la veille de l'ouverture du Louvre: actes du colloque organisŽ par le Service culturel du musŽe du Louvre ˆ l 'occasion de la commŽmoration du bicentaire de l'ouverture du Louvre les 3,4, et 5 Juin 1993 edited by ƒdouard Pommier, ( Paris: MusŽe du Louvre, 1995 ), 545 Figure 14 Jean Jacques LagrenŽe le Jeune, AllŽgorie relative ˆ l' Žtablissement du MusŽum dans la Grande Galerie du Louvre 1783. Oil on canvas (52 x 68 cm). MusŽe du Louvre, Paris.


Altun 53 Figure 15. "Mr. Colins ChargÂŽ De L'entretien Des Tableaux du Roy." Engraving by A. Schouman after Louis Michel Van Loo, 1756. Rijksmuseum, Kupferstichkabinett Amsterdam Taken from: Massing (2012), p. 67. Figure 16 1760 m a p of the 4e arrondissement of Paris by the cartographer Didier Robert de Vaugondy Courts of the Arsenal complex ( site of AcadÂŽmie de Saint Luc exhibitions in the 1750s) highlighted.


Altun 54 Figure 17. Jean Alexandre Chevalier, Robert Picault 1775. Engraving (13 by 18 cm). Bibliothque nationale de France, Cabinet des Estampes, Paris France Figure 1 8 Joos van Cleve, L'Homme au Gant 1532, oil on wood panel transferred to canvas, 1753 (67 x 56 cm). MusŽe d'Arts de Nantes Nantes, France


Altun 55 Figure 19 Jean Baptiste Chardin, Woman Peeling Turnips c. 1740. Oil on canvas ( 46 x 37 cm ). Alte Pinakothek, Munich


Altun 56 Figure 20. Cropped close up of hands from Figure 9. Figure 21. Cropped close up of hands from Figure 19.


Altun 57 Figure 22. Joseph Dupless is, Portrait of the Comte d'Angiviller 1779. Oil on canvas (144 x 106 cm). Palace of Versailles France.


Altun 58 Bibliography Archival Sources Archives Nationales (AN), Paris, France. Minutes et rŽpertoires du notaire Jean Antoine Dosfant, 5 juillet 1766 14 octobre 1791. MC/ET/XXIV/885: Minutes, 1775, octobre 1775, dŽcembre. "6 DŽcembre 1775. Inventaire de la d. Van Merlen Ve. Godefroid." Archives Nationales (AN), Paris, Fr ance. "Not t e sur la survivance de la veuve Godefroid." O1 1913 1775, f. 273. Published Primary Sources Alfassa, Paul. L' enseigne de Gersaint Paris: J. Schemit, 1910. Accessed: Arbaud, LŽon. "Mademoiselle Godefroid." Gazette des Beaux Arts 11, no. 1 (1869): 38 52, 512 522 Accessed: /hvd.32044108130196 Bailly, Jacques Catalogue des t ableaux d u cabinet du r oy, au Luxembourg. Nouvelle Ž ditio n. Paris: L' Imprimerie de Pierre Alexandre Le Prieur, 1762 Accessed: Bailly, Nicholas. Inventaire des tableaux du r oy : i nventaires des c ollections de la Couronne / R ŽdigŽ en 1709 et 1710 Edited by Fernand Engerand Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1899. Accessed: "Contribution ˆ l'Žtat civil des artistes fixŽs ˆ Paris de 1746 ˆ 1778 I n vol. 33 of MŽmoires de la sociŽtŽ de l'histoire de Paris et de l'le de France, 1 64. Paris: Champion, 1906 Accessed: Courajod, Louis. "L'a d ministration des Beaux Arts au m ilieu du XVIIIe. La restauration des tableaux du r oi." Gazette des Beaux Arts 11, no. 2 (1869): 372 376. Accessed: Gersaint, Edme Franois. Catalogu e raisonn Ž des tableaux, diamans, bagues de toute esp Ž ce, bijoux & autres effets provenant de la succession de feu Monsieur Charles Godefroy, banquier & jo Ÿ aillier. Paris : Pierre Prault, quay de G  vres; Jacques Barrois, quay des Augustins 1748. Accessed: Guiffrey, Jules Joseph, ed "La communautŽ des peintres et s culp teurs parisiens, dite a cadŽmie d e Saint Luc (1391 1776) ." Journal Des Savants 13, no. 4 (1915): 145 156. Accessed:


Altun 59 ogin?url= dsper&AN=edsper.jds002181031915num1344362&site=eds live Histoire de l' AcadŽmie de Saint Luc In vol. 9 of Archives de l'a rt franais: recueil de documents i nŽd its publiŽs par la SociŽtŽ de l'histoire de l'art f ranais Paris: ƒdouard Champion, 1915. Accessed: Livrets des expositions de l AcadŽmie de Saint Luc ˆ Paris: pendant les annŽes 1751, 1752, 1753, 1756, 1762, 1764 et 1774 Paris: Baur et DŽtaille, 1872 Accessed: _ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false "Joseph Ferdinand Godefroy, ma”tre peintre procs v er bal et information sur sa mort v iolente (1741)." In v ol. 10 of Nouvelles archives de l'art f ranais : recueil de documents inŽdits, publiŽs par la SociŽtŽ de l'histoire de l'art f ranais 394 417 Paris: Charavay Frres, Libraires de la SociŽtŽ, 1883. Accessed: "RenŽ Michel, dit Michel Ange Slodtz." In v ol 2 of ScellŽs et inventaires d'artistes 1741 1770 ( Nouvelles archives de l' art fra nais, pub. par la SociŽtŽ de l' histoire de l'art franais ), 340 356. Paris: Charavay frres, 1885. Accessed: urce=g bs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false Jaucourt, Louis, chevalier de. Modern painting." The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d' Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Translated by Aida Audeh. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library, 2006. Accessed: Originally published as "Peinture Mo derne," EncyclopŽdie ou Dictionnaire RaisonnŽ des Sciences, des Arts et des M Žtiers, 12 (Paris, 1765) : 275 277 La Font de Saint Yenne, ƒtienne RŽflexions sur q u elques causes de l' Žtat prŽsent de la p einture en France. Avec un examen des p rincipaux Ouvrag es exposŽs au Louvre le m ois d' Aot 1746 Paris: La Haye 1747 Accessed: Montaiglon, de Anatole and Jules Guiffrey, eds. Correspondance des d irecteurs de l'AcadŽmie de France ˆ Rome avec les surintendants des b ‰timents, 1666 1793 17 vols Paris, Charavay frres [etc.] : 1887 1908. Accessed: 499300


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