Report of the Lords of the Committee of Council Appointed for the Consideration of All Matters Relating to Trade And For...

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Report of the Lords of the Committee of Council Appointed for the Consideration of All Matters Relating to Trade And Foreign Plantations: Submitting to His Majesty's Consideration the Evidence And Information They Have Collected In Consequence of His Majesty's Order In Council, Dated the 11th of February 1788, Concerning the Present State of the Trade to Africa, And Particularly the Trade In Slaves; And Concerning the Effects And Consequences of This Trade, As Well In Africa And the West Indies, As to the General Commerce of This Kingdom
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6 pt. in 1 vol. 1 map, tables (partly fold.) 38cm.
Great Britain. Board of Trade.
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Great Britain. Board of Trade. Report of the Lords of the Committee of Council Appointed for the Consideration of All Matters Relating to Trade And Foreign Plantations: Submitting to His Majesty's Consideration the Evidence And Information They Have Collected In Consequence of His Majesty's Order In Council, Dated the 11th of February 1788, Concerning the Present State of the Trade to Africa, And Particularly the Trade In Slaves; And Concerning the Effects And Consequences of This Trade, As Well In Africa And the West Indies, As to the General Commerce of This Kingdom. London, 1789.

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1Ql\ R E p 0 R T OF The Lords of the Committee of Council appointed for the Confideration of all Matters relating to Trade and Foreign Plantations; SUBMITTING TO HIS MAJESTY'S CON5IDERATION The EVIDENCE and INFORMATION they have colleCl:ed in confequence of his MAJESTY's Order in Council, dated the 11th of February 1788, concerning the pre fent State of the Trade to AFRICA, and particularly the Trade in SLAVES; and concerning the EffeCl:s and Confequences of this Trade, as well in AFRICA and the \VEsT INDIES, as to the general Commerce of this Kingdom. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


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AT THE C 0 U N C I L C H A lVI B E R, Whitehall, the 28th of March 1789. By the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Council appointed for the Confideration of all Matters relating to Trade and Foreign Plantations. Y 0 UR Majefl:y having been pleated by your Order in Council, bearing Date the 11th February 1788, to direCl: that this Committee lhould forthwith take into their Confideration the prefent State of the African Trade, particularly as far as relates to the PraCl:ice and Manner of purchafing or obtaining Slaves on the Coaft of Africa, and the Importation and Sale thereof, either in the Britilh Colonies and Settlements, or in the Foreign Colonies and Settlements in America or the Weft Indies; and alfo, as far as relates to the EffeCl:s and Confequences of this Trade both in Africa and in the faid Colonies and Settlements, and to the general Commerce of this Kingdom; and lhould :report to your Majefty in Council the Refult of their Inquiries, with fuch Obfervations as they might have to offer thereupon : The Committee, in obedience to your Majefl:y's faid Order of Reference, proceeded immediately to inveftigate the SubjeCl: fo referred, and examined fuch Perfons as either offered themfelves, or fuch as they thought proper to fummon, being in the Judgment of the Committee likely Lu convey ufeful Information thereupon ; and they applied to the Committee of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa; to the Agents for the feveral Britifh Hlands in the Well: Indies; and to your Majefl:y' s Governors and the Councils and Affcmblies of the H1ands; and alfo to the Society for the Propagation of the Gofpel in Foreign Parts, for Anfwers to fuch as appeared to the Committee to be calculated to produce Information on the feveral Parts of this extenfive SubjeCl:. The Committee thought proper likewife to apply to your MajeO:y's Minifl:ers at Foreign Courts for fuch Information as they might be able to procure concerning the State of the African Trade as carried on by Foreign Countries, and concerning the Manner of tranfporting Slaves to their refpeCl:ive Colonies, and the Treatment of them there. 2 And .... _ ... Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


( 4 And the Committee alfo caufed the Books of the late Board of Trade to be fearched for all the Information to be found therein refpecring this Subject. They alfo called for, and obtained from the Public Offices and other Sources, fuch Accounts as appeared to them to be likely to throw light upon any of the Heads of this Inquiry, and particularly upon the Extent and Value of this Trade in all its Branches, and the Effecrs and Confequences of it upon the general Commerce of this Kingdom. And the Committee having been employed for upwards of Twelve Months in collecring Information upon the feveral Points before mentioned, and conceiving it may be your Majefiy's Intention to order this Report to be laid as foon as poffible before Parliament, have thought it right, without any further Delay, or waiting for any addit ional Information, to direcr that the Information already collecred be arranged as nearly as may be found pracricable, according to the following Plan: FIRST. The Evidence that the Committee has obtained of the pre fent State of thofc Parts of Africa from whence Slaves have been exported, taking each Country that lies upon the Coall: feparately, beginning from the River Senegal, and defcending fouthward to the lafl: of the European Settlements on the faid Coall:, with fuch Information as has been ob tained of the interior Countries, fituated behind each of the faid Coun tries on the Coall: refpecrively; comprehending under this Head, 1ft, The Government of each Country. 2d, The Religion. 3d, The Cull:oms, Manners, &c. 4th, The Manner in which Slaves are made, or become fo. For example: Whether they are born Slaves, or made Captives in War, or kidnapped. Whether condemned to be Slaves for Crimes, and for what Crimes. 5th, Whether they are brought from other Countries in the in terior Parts of Africa, and from what Countries, &c. 6th, The Treatment of Slaves in the Country from whence they are brought. 7th, The Manner in which Europeans purchafe Slaves, whether with Money or by Merchandifc, and at what Prices; or whether they ever obtain them by Fraud, or in any improper Way what foever? 8th, The Behaviour of Slaves at the Time and Place of Sale, or in confequence of being fold. 9th, The Numbers carried annually from each Country on the Coaft by the different European Nations; and the Proportion of Males, Females, and Children. I oth, How the Slaves offered for Sale, when not purchafed, are dif pofed of. I Digitized by Go gle J 1th, Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


( 5 11th, The Produce of each Country of Africa in which any other Commerce is at prefent carried on : The Extent of fuch Commerce, and the Information that has been obtained of any Prof pea: there may be of increaling the Trade with Africa in any fuch Articles of Produce, or of creating new Branches of Com merce in other Articles of Produce, by giving Encouragement for that Purpofe. To this Head is annexed an Account of the Charters and Statutes, under the Authority and Proted:ion of which the African Trade firft began, and has continued to the prefent Time; and of the moft ma terial Proceedings that have been had in the Houfe of Commons re lative thereto SECOND. The Evidence that has been obtained concerning the Manner of carrying Slaves to the Weft Indies, under the following Heads: The Size or Tonnage of the Ships. The Manner of fitting up the Ships. The Provilions taken on board. The Medicines The Officers of the Ship, fuch as Mafters, Surgeons, &c. The Number of Slaves ufually carried per Ton from the different Countries on the Coaft of Africa. The general Treatment of Slaves while on board, either in Health or in Sicknefs. The Mortality of Slaves, and the Caufes of it. The Mortality of Seamen, and the Caufes of it. The Manner in which the Slaves are fold when landed m the Weft Indies. THIRD. The Treatment of Slaves in the Weft Indies, and all Cir cumfiances relating thereto, arranged in the Manner ftated in Paper A. in the Appendix, as will appear in that Part of the Report where the Evi dence on this Subjett: is given. To this Head is annexed a general View of the Laws refped:ing Negro Slaves in moft of the Illands, followed by a Statement at large of fuch of the faid Laws as now fublift in each Hland, arranged under different Tides, as prepared by Mr Reeves, Law Clerk to this Committee; and there is alfo Information on this SubjeCl: in the Anf wers of fame of the Governors and Legiflatures of the Hlands to the tranfm itted to them by Order of this Committee. FOUR TH. The Accounts that have been called for to lhew the Extent of the Trade in all its Branches, and the Number of the Free Inhabitants and Slaves in each of the Hlands in the Weft Indies, according to a Plan ftated in Paper B. in the Appendix, fo far as the Accounts could be procured, as will appear in that Part of the Report where thefe Accounts are given. B Digitized by Go gle FIFTH. Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


6 FIFTH. All the Information that has been obtained relating to the Advantages, which the French Weft India Hlands are fuppofed at prefent to enjoy over the Britiili Iflands, and the Reafons and Circumll:ances on which thefe fuperior Advantages appear to be founded, according to a Plan fiated in Paper C. in the Appendix. SIXTH. All the Information that has been obtained concerning the Extent of the Trade of other European Nations to Africa, and the Manner in which the fame is carried on; and concerning the Treatment of Slaves in the Foreign Hlands or Colonies in America and the Wefl: Indies; and concerning the Trade in Slaves carried on from the Northern, Eafiern, and Southern Coafis of Africa, or in the interior Parts of that Country as conneCl:ed therewith, either by Europeans, -0r by the different People of Afia and Africa. All the Information and Matter collell:ed by the Committee, has, in purfuance of their Orders, been arranged under the foregoing Heads by the Gentlemen belonging to the Office for Trade; and the vivd voce Evidence upon each Head is Hated as nearly as poffible in the very Words in which the fame was given. If it iliould be wiilied to fee the whole Evidence exall:ly as it was taken before the Committee, a Copy thereof verbatim is ready to be produced ; but the Committee think it their Duty to fubmit to your Majefiy's Confideration, how far it may be proper to make public all the Information received refpell:ing the prefent State of the Forts on the Coafl of Africa; and alfo fome Circumftances refpell:ing the Share which your Majefl:y's SubjeCl:s have in the Foreign Trade carried on upon the Coafl of Africa for the Supply of Slaves to the Foreign Hlands and Settlements in America and the Weft Indies. Thcfe, for Reafons refpell:ing the Public as well as Individuals, it may not perhaps be fo prudent wholly to divulge. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


I. VIEW of the EVIDENCE that the Committee has obtained of the prefent State of thofe Parts of AFRICA from whence SLAVES have been ex ported, taking each Country that lies upon the Coaft feparately, beginning from the River Senegal, and defcending Southward to the laft of the European Settlements on the faid Coafi: ; with fuch Information as has been obtained of the interior Countries fituated behind each of the faid Countries on the Coaft refpect:ively. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


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Government, Religion, Manners, a11d Cuftoms. JOHN BARNES, Efquire, was refident at Senegal near Eight Years, the !aft Three PART I. .. Years as Governor, the firll: Five Years as a Merchant; has been at other Places on the Coall: of Africa, but was never in the Service of the African Company upon any other Part of the Coaft. The Nature of his Commerce upon the River Senegal was chiefly the Gum of Walo aod Trade. Cayor, or Demel. The Countries immediately round Senegal are the Country of W alo, and the Country of h B Cayor or Demel; the Nature of the Government in thefe Countries (which are of confiderable E1mnt) is Monarchy, abfolute in fome Refpects, but limited in others, and here

PART I. Government, Religion, Manners, and Cufloms. Goree,Gam. bia, and Countries adjoining. Force, and freaks the Village; that is, he takes a great Number of the Inhabitants Prifoners, whom he detains for fome Time as Pledges: If the Duties are paid, he reftores the Prifoners; if not, they are fold for Slaves. The Kings 11e'ller break a Village without fome fuch Pretence; they are underftood co be Ma!lers of the Lives of their Subjects; but they ufe this Power with very great Lenity; only when any of their Subjects are reprefented by the Alcaide, or Chief of the Village, to be incorrigible, the King makes no Scruple of cutting off their Heads without any Form of Trial. Mr. Poplm. Goree, and the Rivtr Gambia. Captain Hill1 Rier Gam bia, and S i er ra Leone. Mr. Hury Gandy River G3m bia. Captain Heatley The People upon the Coaft are wholly Mahometans; next to them, internally, there is a Country containing a People called the Sierrieurs, who believe in a Supreme Being, and teftify fuch Belief by lhewing great Marks of Joy and Gratitude on occafion of any Benefits received: They have no Idols, nor any Form of Worlhip; their principal Tenet is, that they an: to be happy in this World, and they endeavour to make chemfelves fo, by every Species of licentious Enjoyment, which they even purfue under any Affliction. The Countries beyond thefe are chiefly Pagan. The Country of the Sierrieurs is more populous, in proportion to its Extent, than the Mahometan Countries; the Sierrieurs are governed by a Number of independent Chiefs, but they have no Kings. Thtfe People are Wanderers, like the Moors, but they wander only within the Limits of their own Country. The Language of thefe Countries (except the Sierrieurs) is what is called Wollolf; and it is written in the Arabic Character. The Black Mahometans upon the Coaft are firong and robuft, very handfome and remarkably tall ; they have woolly Heads, aquiline Nofes, and thin Lips. "rhe Barras are lhort and thick, with thick Lips, flat Nofes, and wooliy Heads: They fpeak the Mundingo Language. The Sierrieurs have Nofes quite flat, they think it a Beauty, and prefs down the Nofes of their Children accordingly; they arc woolly-headed, thong, fuort and thick, and their Faces are tattood; they are fond of War, and arc a very artful People. The Wollolfs are a fenfible, hofpitable, and civil People, but jealous and vindid:ive. The People of Tin are ferious in their Difpofitien, much oppreffed by their King, and natu rally jealous and vindictive. The Barbeffins and the Barras are an artful People, much accuftomed to Chicanery in Tr. ade, and perfidious in their Dealings; they are lively, jealous, and vindictive. The People in general are very indolent ; the Men do nothing but fmoke, lhoot, and fifu ; the: Women do all the Work of the Field, as well as of the Houfe. Every Man is allowed to take as many Wives as he pleafes, if he can fatisfy the Marabou or Prieft that he is able to maintain them. The Wives are in general Slaves to the Hufbands, and work very hard. JOHN HILLS, Efquire, Captain in the Navy, commanded his Majefty's Sloop Zephyr at Goree; and in the River Gambia, in the latter End of the Year 1781 and the Beginning of 1782; was upon thefe Stations about Five Months in the whole. The Nature of the Government, as far as Captain Hills could judge, is moll defpotic, as the King of Demel feemed to have a Power of making his Subjects Slaves and felling them. The Religion of this Part of the Coaft is in general Mahometan. Mr. HARRY GANDY, one of the People calling chemfelves lived near Thirty Years in the Weft Indies, in the Danilh Hlands, and made Two Voyages to the Coaft of Africa in the Years 17 58 and 1762, as Malter of a Veffel; went to the River Gambia and to Sierra Leone; has been more than 200 Miles up the River Gambia; but not above 30 Miles up the Rivcr Sierra Leone. Mr. Gandy can give no Account of the Government of thefe Countries; the Religion is Mahometanifin. CAPTAIN HEATLEY has bc:en concerned in the African Trade from the Year 1763 t<> the Jail Year, was employed as Captain in that Trade on his own Account and for other Peo ple; remained Five Years at one Time, and Three Years at another, on the River Gambia, and was 230 Leagues up the River. He fpoke; the Mundingo Language, which is the ge.neral Language of the Country. The Motive that induced him to go fo far up the River was to fur Slaves, and for Ivory and V\'ax occafionally. The Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


I. G11'Vtrn111ent, Religion, Manners, and Cujloms. 18' D e Los, es ro 'Bonny, Four to Congo and Angola, and the rel!: to the Windward Coaft: Mr. Penny relided in the Inn de Los and the Rinr Kiffey on the Windward Coail: about Two Years, 1 '7 from 1768 to 1770, as Factor, and quitted the Trade in 178+. In the Parts oppolite to the Jaes de Los, and the Neighbourhood to the Northward of Sierra Leone, where Mr. Penny has been, the Country is divided into a Number of petty States, ruled by Kings or head Men, whofe Diftritls are very fmall. The Power of thefe Kings or head Men is not abfolute and arbitrary ; they generally call a Council confi!ting of head Men, who are Relations of the Princes, in which all Matters, civil or military, are decided. The religious lnftitutions of thefe perry States are principally Pagan; there are fome Mahometans, and on the Northern Rivers a few black Chriftians, made fuch by the Portuguefc when they were eftablifhed among chem. Mr. Penny being alked, Whether the Black Chriftians, or the Mahometans, make any Con verts? replied, The Mahometans make a great many by force: There is a large warlike Mahometan Country to the North-call of Sierra Leone, called Fula, whofe Inhabitants are dcfcended from Arabs; though of a darker Colour, they have the Arab Features. The Power of this Country is employed in making Converts to Mahomctanifm; they have made a great Progrefs in converting the People of the Sufa Country, which is a Part of the Coaft. The Princes on the Rivers Kilfey and Malachurry, which arc alfo a Part of this Coaft, are Tribu taries to the Fula King; and in thefe Two Jail: Countries great Progrefs has been made in Mahometanifm, and is ftill making. The Black Chriftians do not attempt to make any Converts; they are an obfcure Sort of People, and mix Paganifm with the Chriftian Religion, The King of Sierra Leone fent One of his Sons in 1769 to the Fula Country to learn Maho metanifm, and another to Lancaficr co learn rhc Chrillian Religion ; the latter turned out very profligate Mr. Penny has fecn in that Country feveral Arabian Teachers come down with Tranfcripts from the Khoran, to whom they pay great Refpect. Thefe Men are fometimea employed in inftrutling the Youth of the Country in the Arabic Language and in the Maha. metan Religion, and with great Succefs, and they arc in devout; but notwi1hftaod ing their Devotion, the Europeans do not find either their Lives or Properties fo fafe in the Mahometan Towns as in thofe where Paganifm prevails. The are humble and !ub miffivc; the Mahometans proud and infolent. Sierra.Leone. Mr. JOHN MATHEWS (who was added afterwards to the Delegates from the Town of Mr. John Maubews. Sherbro River. Liverpool) is a Lieutenant in the Navy, and has been concerned in the Trade co Africa, at Sierra Leone, which is Part of the Windward Coaft; and was refident there, as Agent for a Merchant in the City of London, Two Years and upwards: He carried on the Trade for him, and not upon his own Account The Country upon the Windward Coaft is formed into a Number of little independent States: The Governors are chofen by the People, and there is one head Governor to each of thefe States; their Power is not abfolute, but on the contrary extremely limited. The Natives are Pagans, but there are alfo a great Number of Mahomctans. They hue no fixed Objed: of Worfhip, but a great Number of Amulets, which they call Gregories : They btlievc in a God; and Mr. Mathews concludes, from the Manner of burying their Dead, they have fomc Notion of a future State, foe they bury in the Ground, and hang round the Grave thofe Things of whidl the dc..:cafcd in his Lifetime was moll fond. The Reverend JOHN NEWTON, Red:or of St. Mary Wolnoth, lived in Africa, fome Years ago, during Eighteen Months, and kft it in the Year 1748; has fincc commanded a Ship in the African Trade, for Three Voyages; but has fcen nothing of Africa fince the Year Reverend 1754 Mr,Ncwcon. Windward Coaft. Mr. Norris. Mr. Newton has been about Fifty Mites up the Country, through the Woods on the Sherbro River. Being alked if the Natives have any Civil Government ?-faid-" The Government of ttit l>urrah is an ncclknt Govunmcnt 1 by their Civil I.nllitution& they may fell their Slaves, but muft not draw Blood from them. They have fomt Religious Inftitutions that anfwer to our old Druids. The Purr ah is a Sort of High Prieft. They have Laws rcfpecting Property, and the Convicts for Theft lofe their Liberty. ROBERT NORRIS, Efq. Carolina Merchant, another of the Delegates from Liverpool. Mr. N<1rris was employed as Captain of a Veffel in the Slave Trade. in Five Voyages, and is particulllrly acquainted with the Windward and Gold Coall ;-and being alkcd, what is the 22 Nature Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Government, Religion, Manners, and Cu}ioms. Na tu re of the Government on thefe Parts of the Coall, replied-There are various Governments in that comp r ehenlive Tract, from the moil abfolme Monarchy, to others lefs oppreffive to the SubjeCts: Some are Monarchies, fome Republics He fpeaks of a Trac1: of Countq extending about 1500 Miles upon the Coafr, and upon the Gold Coaft 130 Miles inland from Whydah. Mr. Norris is not c e rtain as to the Number of Miles; but the Extent he is able to fpeak of is, from Sierra Leone River to Benin. The Country on the Windward Coall, from Cape Mount to Cape Palmas, is divided into Petty States and Governments, and governed by the old Men in each Village. The People are Pagans; thry wear Tygers Teeth, and different Amulets, fufpended on their Necks, for which they have a religious Veneration. PART i, Windward Coatl. Mr. Norris Mr. ALEXANDER FALCONBRIDGE made Five Voyages to the Coaft of Africa, as Windward Surgeon to a Britifb Slave Ship The firfr Voyage was to the Windward or Grain Coall, and Coall. Angola : In this Voyage he was taken by a French Man of War. The fecond Voyage was to Mr. Falcon the \Vind ward Coafr, when he was driven off the Coall: by a French Man of Wari and went to bridge. Angola. The two la!l: Voyages were to Bonny The Government on the Windward Coall: is a Sort of Ari!l:ocracy. TJie Gold Coa!l: is div i ded into fmali States in general.--Mr. Norris being afked, Whether Gold Coal!. the People this Country enjoy. any Protection from any Civil they have ?-RepliedNorris. We mull: d1ftingu1fb the Countries: In the Fantyn Natton (by which he meant, from Cape Mr. Three Points to Accra), which includes various States, of which the Fantyn is the chief, and whofe Manners and Governmehts are nearly limilar, about five Days Journey inland, where the Europeans have been longeft fettled, and puffofs the greatefl: Number of Forts, Civilization has improved beyond any thing he has difcuvered in any other Country of Africa, and the People havC' Civil Rights arifing from traditionary Laws and Cu!loms; but, even in this Countrv, much remains to be done towards Civilization. The Bulfou anci Craba, the confidential Man and favourite Woman, of every Perfon of Di!l:inB:ion are ulually put to Death and interred with him.: The imputed Crime of \Vitchcraft is llill believed therei and is pu-nilhed with Tranfportation.-By Tranfportation, Mr. Norris means, felling them to the White Traders, which is reprefented in this Nation as the greate!l: Evil that can befal them, in order to deter them from Crimes. The fuperior State of Civilization in this Country, Mr. Norris imputes to their lntercourfe with Europeans; and added-Report fays, that formerly a much gri:ater Number were put to Death, and interred with their deceafed Lords. Pao-anifm is univerfal.-By Paganilin, Mr. Norris means, the Worfliip of thofe Objects which ftrikc0the Senfes.--At Whydah, a Snake is the principal Object of their Worlhip; and, befides this, Trees, Caverns, and Amulets round their Necks which are furnilhed by their Priell:s. At Cape Coall, the Rock on which the Fore is built is their Tutelar Ddty. A Tyger is the immediate Objetl: of the King of Dahomey's Worfhip. WILLIAM DEV AYNES Efcj. one of the Directors of the Eaft India Company, relided Gold Co.fl. Twelve Years on the Coafl: of Africa; was Governor at Whydah Eleven Years, and the other at Annamaboc: he left the Coafl: of Africa in 1763. Mr. Dovaynca. The States upon the Coafl: are fmall, but larger in the interior Country. As to the Religious Inllirutions, the People worlhip the Sun, the Sea, Thunder and Lightning, Lakes, &c. The Snake was the peculiar Worlhip of the ancient People of Whydah, and when this Province was conquered by the King of Dahomey, the Worlhip of the Snake was continued upon Motives of Policy. Formerly, a Perfon who killed a Snake was put to Death; but now a Goat is facri ficed as an Atonement. Mr. Devaynes doubts whether a Tyger is the ObjeCl: of the Worf11i p of the King of Dahomey, but fays it is an Animal cfl:eemed royal, and it is not to be killed. Refpecring the Civil Rights of the People, Mr. Devaynes fays-They enjoy Civil Rights and Privileges that are of more ancient Dare than our Settlement among them.-He does not believe that the Natives are much improved in their Morals by their lntercourfe with Eu rope3nS; on the contrary, he thinks that the worll Blacks are thofe who have been moll: concerned with the Whites i Their Manners and Drefs are in forne Degree improved thereby. RICHARD MILES Efq late Governor of Cape Coaft Caftle, was in the Company's SerGold Coaft. vice Eighteen Years and a Half, from 1765 to 1784, reliding upon the Coaft of Africa the M l'tJilc whole Time, except Twenty-eight Months, when he was called home by the ompany. 1 ' PARr I. D He Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN r I


PA RT I, Gold Coaft. Mr. Miles. Goiernment, Religion, Manners, and Cujloms. He commanded in Succeffion at all the Company's Forts upon the Coan, and, during the ld!l: Seven Years, had the chief Command of the whole, and rdided at Cape Coa!l: Callie. Mr. Miles traded the whole Time on his own Account, and !l:ill carries on the Trade as an African Merchant. Mr. Miles being alked, What is in general the Nature of the Government on the Coal1 of Africa ?-Said-He wilhed to confine the Information he had to offer entirely to the Gold Coaft, which extends from Cape Le Hou to the River Volta, with which Part of the Coaft he is belt acquaintep; not including Whydah, of which he could only fpeak from Hearfay. On the Gold Coal1, he knows but of one defpotic Government, which is at Cape Appollonia, the moll: Wel1ern European Settlement: There the King is abfolute; the Monarchy is here ditary in the male I fi'ue of the female Line; the Country is large and populous. Every other Part of the Gold Coaft is divided into various petty States, governed by very limited Monarchs: The Government confill:s, firft, of the King; then of rhe Elders, who are rarely chofen till they have arrived at the Age of Sixty: Upon the Death of any one of them, the Body of thefe Elders recommends a Succelfor to the King, who ufually confirms the Choice they have made. The third Elhte is compofed of Captains of the Troops or Town Soldiers, chofen by the People at large, and removable at their Plcafure. Thefe Countries, fo governed, are for the moil: Part populous. Mr. Miles cannot give any Information refpecting the States bordering inland on the Gold Coall:, or concerning the interior Countries of Africa. The Inhabitants are Pagans, and have different material Objects ofWorlhip, fuch as Rivers, Rocks, and various Idols; to which, on parcicular Occafions, they facrifice Sheep and Goats; and fometimes they make human Sacrifices, of which (though very much difcouraged by Europeans, and therefore praetifed in fecret) Mr. Miles has had ocular Demonllracion. They religioully obforve One Day in Seven, and that Day is Tuefday. They have Priefts among them called Sophas, whofe Perfons are on all Occafions facred. Being afked, Whether the People arc a moral People, and appear to have a due Senfe of Right and Wrong ?-He replied-In their lntercourfe and Dealings with each other, they are very exaet and ftritl; they arc punilhed with the Lofs of Liberty for the ftnalleft Thefr, and all other Crimes ; they have a faint Idea of a future State. Gold CoaR. JEROME BERNARD WEUVES Efq. refided in Africa Fourteen Years, and always w upon the Gold Coalt. Mr. Weuves was Governor of Annamaboe from 177a to 1780. In Mr. D the Month of December 1780, he became Governor of Cape Coaft Caftle, and continued fo till April 1782, returned to Annamaboc in May 1782, and continued there as Governor till his Return to England in January 1784. The Gold Coaft is divided into a Number of ftnall Governments, principally confill:ing of limited Monarchies. The People arc all Pagans ; they worlhip the Moon, which is one of their greate!l: Deities, and Rocks and other vifiblc Objects. They appear to have a Senfe of a fupernatural Being, and of a future State, and this they lhew by the Sacrifices they make at the Death of their principal Peopk, when they facdfice fome of the Slaves belonging to the deceafrd, or others whom they purchafe for that Purpofe. The Number facrificed is in Proportion to the Rank of the deceafed. Mr. \Veuves never faw any of thefe Sacrifices, but has fren the poor Victims parading about, Two or Three Days before they were to be facrificed ; they did not appear to be dejected, but quite the contrary ; they were drefi'ed out. It was not cul1omary for Europeans to go to thefe Ceremonies, and Mr. Weuves rather thinks the Natives would have made Objections. The Europeans have always endeavoured to prevent this, but the People have a fuperftitious Idea, that the Manes of the deceafed would not be fatisfied unlefs theft: Sacrifices were made. Mr. Weuves was not near enough to obferve whether the ViClims appeared to be intoxicated as a Fact, but conceives they given them Spirits. Gold Coan. ARCHIBALD DALZELL Efq. went out to Africa as a Surgeon in the Year 1763, and refided Three Years on the Gold Coall:, fome litcle Part of the Time as Governor, Mr. Dlzell. and Four Years as Governor at Whydah, returning to England in the Year 1 no ; of the Nature of the Government and Religion on the Gold Coall:, he gives the following Account: The Gold CoaO: is divided into a Number of petty States, governed by Chiefs or Caboceers. They fuppofe that an ideal Being, called Braffoe, fuperinrends all thele States; and this Being they confult by means of their Pritll:s or Frti


l'A ft.1' I . ----Whydah,and Kingdom of Dahomey. Mr. Norris. Wbydah,and Dahomey. Mr. De. waynes. Govermnent; Religion, Manners, and Cuj}oms. fupply a f'ufficient Number: Notwirhftanding this, the People of Dahomey never quit che Country ; with an extraordinary Submi!Iion they revere the Name of their Sovereign, and never mention it in their moft private Apartments without kneeling; fuch is the Force of Education and Habit. At Abomey, One Royal Refidences, there are Twenty-five thou fand Inhabitants, and at Calmina, the other Royal Refidence, about Sixteen Thoufan. the King's Aparcment when he has been there. Mr. Norris being afkc:d, Whether he knew any Thing of the Countries bordering on Dahomey, particularly inland? He did, and from Accounts he had heard from Hundreds of People, the Government of Eyo is the fame. He cannot fay from his own Knowledge what becomes of Prifoncrs and Delinquents in the Eyo Country, but believes they are treated as they arc at Dahomey. The Eyo Slave Merchant fells his Slaves to the Slave Dealers of Dahomey. The latter has fubmitted to pay Tribute to Eyo, and there has not been any War between them for a Period of Thirty or Forty Years paft. Mabee, on the other Side of Dahomey, is a Union of confederate States, and a Species of Republic. It is a Sore of feudal Government; the leading Men have Vaffals or Slaves, but they clo noc treat them in the fame favagc Way in which they are treated at Dahomey. The Governors or Leading Men at Mahcc fell their Slaves in great Numbers, as well as the Traders of Eyo, to the Dahomey Factors. Mr. Norris's Aceount of the Govei'nment, Manners, and Culloms, of Dahomey and Whydah having been read to Mr. Devaynes, and the OEeftion put to him, Huw far that Account agreed with what might have fallen within his own Obfervation? Mr. Devaynes differed with Mr. Norris in Opinion in fame as follows: Refpeccing the Executions; and the making Human Sacrifices on certain Days of Cere mony, Mr. Devaynes in general confirms the Account given by Mr. Norris, but obferve s that the Performance of the Ceremony of Human Sacrifices dots not' rake pla c e on Occafion of the Payment of the Poll Tax (which does not exift:), but when the King buries his Father and Mother again (as che Ceremony is called), which is generally abouc Chrifrmas. On this Occafion, about Sixty Men and Women, be!ides all Kinds of Animals, are put to death, and fent co the deceafed, in order chat he or lhe may remain quiet, and not trouble the King; l'ro rnifc: is made by a Cryer, in the Name of the King, that thefe Sacrifices thall be continued: The Riches of the King are carried, covered, in Proce!Iion, in which the King's Women (fomctimcs to the Amount of Three Thoufand) appear: Goods ar e difi:ribmed co the Populace, which arc thrown from a high Platform to be fcrambled for. Mr. Dev a yne s attenued Ten of 1 1 thcl e Digitized by Go gle Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


PAKT 1. Whrd>h and Dahomey. Mr. Dalzell. Jlo,wy, New (;, and adjoining. ;Jr. Pnny. GO'Vernment, Religion, Manners, and Cujlums. The Meat and Drink is put into clean Bafkets, covered with a Cloth, and carried about on t!;e Market Day in Proceffion by the Women, drdfed in their bell: Cloaths; it is then

P.'1.RT I. Government, Religion, Manners; and Cu.ftoms. River Del Rey, Captain Hall conceives the Slave Trade to be founded in Blood, and perfeC\ly ilkgal; and and Calb.r. added, he might have obtained the Command of a Ship in that Trade, which is the molt lucrative Cap:ain Hall. of any except the India Trade, and in refpeet of Gain to himfelf might have obtained the Summit of his Wilhc:s, but declined it from Convittion of the Trade being unjuft. Of the Government of this Country, Captain 1:-lall gives the following Account. The Bulinefs of the Town at the River Dd Rey appeared to be managed by the old Men. They had a King, who was abfolute, but he dways availed himfdf of the Advice of theli: o!

Slaves. PART I. grown People. injured. The Profit ariling from the Slaves fold for Crimes goes in general to the Perfon and Countriei The Number of Slaves exported from Senegal is but fmall, about 1400 or 1500 annually. Mr. adjuinin.;. Barnes cannot tdl what becomes of thofe Slaves condemned to be fold for Crimes, who are not purchafed by the Europeans. Mr. Barnes being afked, whether our Traders obtained at prefont Slaves from Port Anderic? replied, No; they track for nothing there but Gum Senega Being afked, if any Trade is car ried on in European ManufaCl:ures up the River Senegal and down the Niger, or in African Pro duce up the Niger and clown the Senegal ? faid, There is no commercial Communication between the Two Rivers; the Slaves who are brought from the interior Country, are brought over the Mountains, or through rh<' Paffes of them. It is underfl:ood that theit! interior Countries have a great deal of commercial Communication both with Egypt and the Srares of Barbary. Mr. Barnes !peaks to his own Knowledge of a very great Communicarion between the Banks of the River Senegal and the Kingdom of Morocco. The King of Morocco claims a Sovereignty over this Country as far as the River Senegal, and levies a Tribute upon the different Tribes of Moors inhabiting the fame There is likewife a very great Communication between Morocco and the Inhabitants of the River Senegal, who fell great Numbers of Slaves, which are carried into the Kingdom of Morocco. A likt: Communicacion is carrit:d on, by Means of Caravans, with the more inland Countries in the fame Parallel of Latitude, from Tunis and Tripoly; and fl:ill farther co che Eafl:warcl, through Nubia, with the Upper Egypt. The Commod i ties furr.i1l1cd to the Negroes of cheti: Countries conlifl: chieAy in Tobacco, Arms and Ammuniciun, Horfes, fome of the Clochs of Barbary, and the Eaft Indies; and the Returns are made, for the greatefl: Parr, in Negro Slaves, and fome l i ttle Gold. \'idc Plptrs cid i v1rcd in by Captain Blan ket, Mr. CHARLES \VA OSTROM, a Native of Sweden, has been from Senegal almoft to Garn-nd bia. He went from France in the Month of July t787, arrived upon the Coafl: about the lafl: G u n!,, almoft Day of A1.1gull:, and remained there till the Middle or End of January. He went out with 1 ... wo 10 Gaml>ia. of his Countrymen, with the Intention of pmetrati ng into the interior Part of Africa, and to proceed to the Red Sea; but they were prevented by the Wars berween the Negroe s and the Moors, and alto between the Negroes and the French fettled at Senegal ; the lactt:r arofo on Account of exclulive Privileges granted to the Senegal Company. The Gum Tradt: was always carried on by an exclulive Company, but the French have now extended the exclulive Privilege to every Sort of Trade carried on at the River Senegal, which has given great Offence to all che Jn. habitants of that Country. Mr. Wadftrom was much on Shore, and has been told by the Black and the Mulatto lnha-N. B No Part bitants upon the Coaft, as well as by the travelling Blacks and Mulattoes, that many of the Slaves exported from that Country, are Prifoners made in War; that thefe Wars are fr e quently the Govern exciced by the Mundingos, a People who live in the interior Part of the Country, and are for or Reth<: moll: Part Tha t the Mundit:1gos buy the Slaves and bring them to certain the Places, where they are met by the Traders, who bring chem down to the Coaft. Being afked if he: had ever converfed with any of the Mundingos ? he faid, No; They never came to Goree or Senegal; but he has been told they fometimes come to Sierra Leone and Gambia. Mr. Wadftrom being afked, whether he knew of any other Means by which Slaves were made? replied, When there is no War, and they cannot therefore obtain Slaves that Way, the King of the Country, who is abfolute, feizes upon his own People and exchanges them for European Merchandize. There are however fome Families in the Country who are not liable to be feized upon and made Slaves and fold The Princes of the Country, of whom there are a great Number, are the Ferfons who fell the Slaves, and who chiefly carry on this Trade. It is neceffary always to apply to them upon arriving on the Coaft, and all the European Merchandize is fold through their Means. They are alfo principally concerned in the bringing down the Slaves who come from the interior Country; and whatever other Merchants there may be, they are in fact Dependants on thefe Princes. Mr. Wadftrom excepts from this Defcription the SubjeCl:s of fome of the Countries, particularly of the Kingdom of Demel, who carry on a Trade in Slaves themfelves, frequently leizing the Blacks who are SubjeCl:s of other Kingdoms, and are travelling through the Country, or who live upon the Frontiers of the neighbouring States, and fending them away i:11mediately on board fuch Ships as lie at hand; but this may be confidered as a Sore of contraband Trade, and is againfl: the Laws of the Country. The greateft Number of the Slaves fold in the Time of Peace arc: Childrtn and Women, thefe being more ealily feized on, as not being able to defend themfclves. There are fome Slaves fold in confequcnce of their Crimes, but Mr. Wadftrom is fu re: thefc make the fmalkfl: Part. Mr. \Vaclfhom being afl(ed, What was the Number of Slaves which, to his Knowledge, were fold on this P art of the Coafl during the Time he was there, and the Proportion of Men, Women, and Children? faid, He could not fpeak with Certainty, without Recourti: to his Papers; but to t.ake the Number rather below than above, he eftimated them at from 600 to 700. That more than Digitized by Go gle Half Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


PART J. Gorte, Gam bia, anJ Coun1ries adjoining. Mr. Dalrymple. Slaves. Being afkc

PART I. Slaves. RiverGambia than themfelves. He fuppofes them to be the People of Egypt, or of the Barbary Coa!l:. He Captain Heat-knew a Jew who came down from Mogadore on the Coaft of liarbary to Goree, and who travelled ley. by Land through che Country for the Purpofes of Trade. Captain Heacley being afked if he had ever heard of White People who live in the interior Parts of Africa ? replied, He had never heard of Whice People, but had feen People on the River Gambia who had Complexions much lighcer than the Natives, and who had the Features of Europeans and Jong Hair. He could not cell from whence thefe People came, but fuppofed chey probabl; were Moors. Theli: People fomecimes trade for Slaves. Being afked if he apprehended that thefe People are generally Slave Merchants ? faid, He believed they generally came for the Pur chafe of Gold; but fomttimes they inveft their Propercy in Slaves, which they fell co the Euro peans for Merchandize, and chen wich that Merchdndize purchafe Gold and youna Slaves which they carry back to their own Country. He cannot exactly fay what ocher the; bring from their own Country to with, but be_lieves Salt is One of the Articles. Being afked 1f thele Traders ever gave him any Account ot their Journey, or defcribed the Countries they paired through, or mentioned any great Mouncains or Rivers? he replied, He never could get any Thing fatisfaCl:ory from them on chat Head. Being afked whether the Slaves generally appeared co be in good Condition, or whether emaciated and weak ? he faid, They were very different, fometimes in good Order, fometimes in bad. The Articles with which che Europeans purchafe Slaves, are European Manufa:Cures and Eaft India Goods and Spirits. He believes the ManufaCl:ures and India Goods are carried far up the Country. The Slaves that are brought from the interior Country appear happy at being btouoht, and when once on Board exprefa great Relutl:ance on being puc on Shore again. Thole who 0are pur chafed on the Banks of th e River, and Natives Country, would be glad, he fuppofc:s, ro get away again ; fomenmes they are dejected, and lomeumes not fo. The Manner in which the Trade in Slaves is carried on in the River Gambia was fl:ated by Captain Heatley co be as follows: When a Ship arrives in the River Gambia !he: comes to an Anchor at Gillofree Port, in the Kingdom of Barra, oppofite James Fort on James's !Oand, Nine or Ten Leagues from the Entrance. You fend your Boar on Shore to acquaint the _Alkaide or Mayor of the Town of your Arrival; he in common recurns with the Boat, and receives from you Anchorage-money. Ten Gallons of Liquor for the King, Value 30 s. and Two Iron Bars for hii_nfelf, V 7 s. and perhaps Prefents, a few Bottles of Wine, Beer, Cyder, &c. He 1mmethately d1fpatches Merengers with the Liquor as above co the K i ng, informing that fuch Verel is arrived, and only waits to pay his Cu!loms, intending co proceed up the River. The King confults his Councillors for a proper Day to receive the fame, and fends Word to the Alcaide accordingly. After a Detention of Four, Five, Six, and Seven Days, he fends his People to receive his Cuftom, 1+0 Bars in Merchanc.lize, Amount Sterling on an Average 16 l. An Engli!h Ship feldom or ever meets with Trade here; the French (who have their King's Refident at Albreda, a Town in the Kingdom of Barra about 17 Miles Weft of Gillofree ) engrofs moll: or all of the Trade of the lower Parts of this River. At Gillofree the Ship is fupplied with Firft and Second Linguift, .Two Meff'engers, Six Butlers or more. r Firft Linguift 10 Bars per Month, Value 20 s. 1 Bar per Slave, Comrniffion. Wages. l Secnnd Linguift 8 Ditto ditto dino 16 s. no Commiilion. Meff'engers 4 Diuo ditto ditto 8 s. Butlers 3 Oiuo ditto ditto 6 s. and all are found in Provifion. The Firft Linguift's Employment is in the Ship; he interprets between the Broker (who in gene ral Jells the Slaves for the Owner) and the Factor, Trader, or Malter of the Ship. The Se-cond Linguift is employed as the Firlt, with an Officer of the Ship, eirher in the Tender, Lono Boat, or Fatlory on Shore. Meff'engers are employed looking for Trade on Shore, Slaves,0Ivory, Gold, Wax, Provi!ion, &c. ; alfo for carrying Letters to and from Verels, FaCl:ories, &c. Bue-, lers are employed co row in Boats, cm Wood, water the Ship, &c. and are hired purpofely ro1 preferve the Health of your Ship's Crew ;-with fuch People on Board, you have no Occafion t< 1 expofe your White People to the Sun on Board, nor co the Damps on Shore, by cutting Wood an. I fetching Water. Thus provided at Gillofree, we proceed up the River, and after a Parage of Six, Seven, c Eight Days arrive at Yanamaroo, in the Kingdom of Yancy, 90 or 100 Leagues from the Er,_ trance of the River, paying Anch o rage Five Gallons of Liquor and One Iron B a r. We fen d Merengers to the principal People Twenty or Thirty Miles round, acquainting of the .11.rr: j. val of the Ship, and folicicing their Affiftance for Dili1atch. Our Tender or Long-boat is dil patc hed up the River to th e different l'orts of Trade, with a regular AfTortment of Mcrchandilt It is at this .Pore that Ships from Europe in general begin and fini!h their 4 w i Digitized by Go gle Original from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Slaves. PART I. We in common btgin with lingle Trade, that is, One, Two, or Three Slaves, bought from RivorG,m1.i,. One Broker, called by the Natives a Slattee; Coffil Trade (but from what Language the Word Copr:i;n Cotlil is derived Cape Heatley is at a Lots), is calleJ by the Natives Seton, and may be bmcr Hcatl ,y. nnderllood 111 Europe as a Car.;van, or large Bodies of Slaves, from 200 to 300, marched down from the interior Parts of the Country. The Broker or Slattee is the Perfon who colleCls the Slaves together in the interior Parts of the Coumry ; he perl : aps gives a fmall Premium to the Slave Ownas, and engJges to convey chem and their Slaves down co che Banks of the River, clear of all lncumhrance; that is, he dit: charges all Dmies, Fees, &c. he is fubje4 to in paffing through the Kingdoms. He finds them Provilion on their Journey down ; on ch : ir Heturn, they are to find tht'rnfdvec. Pro vilion ; but he is bound by l'.ngagements to retllrn with them, and keep thrm free from every Demand as above : For the Performance of his Engagements, he receive' a Cuftom or Brokerage on each Slave from the Europe:rn Trader, which is (or more properly w1s originally) dtdueted out of the Price of the Slave. The Price varies according to the Scarcity and Demand for them. From the Year 1783 to 1787, though it often varies; the fame in the Courfc: of Six or Twelve Months; To the Owner of a Slave Cuftom and Brokerage To the Owner of a Slave Cullom or Brokerage B:ars. Bo 20 100 Value 10 !. Sterling. 160 70 230 Value 23 / Sterling. The Slave Trade of Gambia has declined much thefe 15 or 20 Years pall. in the Year 1771, 2,5co Slaves may have been exported ; in 177 5, 2,000; but from the Year 1778 to 1788, he knows of no lnllance where more than 900 or 1,200 have been exported in Twelve Months. The Gambia may produce abom 30 Tons of Bees Wax, and 8 to 10 Tons of Ivory. Gold is of fuch Value about the Sea Coall, we cannot purchafe it to bring to Europe with any ProfpcCt of Advantage, tht: very fmall thanomes to European Traders Hands. Ivory is purchafed from 5 l. to 7 l. 10 s. Sterling per 112 lb. according to Bees Wax is purchafed from 30s. per 112 lb. to So. We are now entering on Trade. The Linguill brings the Broker on Board, or to your FaClory, who gives Notice that he has a Slave to fell, enquires the Price you mean to give the Mailer of the Slave, and the Cullom he is to have; this is very lddom fettled until he has vilited all the Ships and FaClories at the Port. When he finds he hJs no better Offer, he brings the Slave Owner on Board, who examines the of your Merchandize, fixes upon the principal Articles of the Alfortmenc, and fends for the Slave; the Surgeon examines the Slave; if approved of, we immediately pay the Owner from 1 o I. to 20 I. Value in Merchandize, flopping One Bar Duty for the King, Prince, &c. The Man that colkets the Duty is called by the Natives Tabob Manfon, in Englilh, the White Man's King, and to whom the European Traders pay Half a Bar, or One Shilling, for every Slave they purchafe. The Slave Owner having received his Goods as agreed on, he calls for Courit a Curt, (which fignifies, in the Englilh Language, loafing the Slaves from their Rope), and is done by prelenting him Trading Knives, Half a Bar of Tobacco, Paper, &c.; without this, his Deed of Delivery is not perfect; with it, he finally concludes his Part of the Bargain, and carries his Merchandize on Shore. The Slave, if a Man, is put in Irons on the Main Deck; if a Boy, he is put on the Main Deck loofe; if a Woman or Girl, they are placed (without Irons) on the Deck. The Broker or Sbttee now receives his Cullom or Brokerage for the One Slave bought, which nifi1es the Purchafe of a lingle Slave. The Coffil Trade differs very little from the fingle, having the fame Ceremony, thcwing the Goods, fixing the Pri ce co the Owner, and the Cullom to the Broker or Slattee. Price and principal Articles once fixed upon, it feldom varies, purchafing 30, 40, or 50 Slaves of a Day. When the Coffil is linilhed, we pay the Slattee all his Brokerage Dues, the King his Dtlty Bars, and Tabob Manfon his Dues; and it is in the foregoing Mode, an

!'ART I. Slaves. GJmbla, anci other Parts of the Cvait: to l'rampram. Term for or feizing by Force or Treachery. fourthly, foch as are feized by the Kings, and fold when they are in want of European Commodities. This Information chiefly applies to Sierra Leone; but the fame Account ws given to Sir George Yonge all along the Coafi:. He does not fpeak from own Knowledge, b1.a lrom Information given him by the Kings of the Country, and by Englifh rdident thrre, and particularly from an American Trader of the Name of P i ntard, who had rdided Fourteen Years in tbe Country, and was a frnfible Man. Sir George River s Sufa, S:tng:i: ca, Dcmbia, Rio YongeoJ:, and Sitrr a Leone. M,. Eldriht their Children, from the Age of Ten co Twelve or Fourteen, to the Ships, as Pawn s for c Digitized by Go gle Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Slave!. PART T, Goods, with a Promife to redeem them, which they have never done, and the Children have been Rivm Sur., carried away. There are born Slaves in this Part of the Country. He not know that they ever fdl thefe, but thinks It probable they do, for the Man who will pawn his Child will naturally Jell his Mr. Eldiid, Slave. The Slaves are purchafed of the Natives who live on the Water-Side, moll: of whom ate Blacks; but there are fome few Whites, perhaps One in a Thoufand, who are Englifhmen. On the Gold Coall: the Slaves are moftly purchafed at the Fores of the Englilh refident there, who mull: have purchafec.i them of the Black Traders. Mr. Eldrid fuppofes that fome of the Slaves are the People of that Part of the Country, but much the greater Number are the People of the interior Country, becaufe they do not fpeak the fame Language. He has no good Information how the Slaves are made that come from the interior Country; they arc brought down by the Black Traders; he hJs no Knowledge how thefe Traders come by them, nor how the Paffage of the Slaves is fecured in coming through the different Countries. Being afked what becomes of thofe Slaves who are brought down ro the Coaft, and are rejeeted by the Europeans? he replied, They are generally fold in Lots, and we are obliged to take the bad with the good. Being afked with what Goods he carried on the Trade, and where he procured thefe Mr. Eldrid replied, They carried from Rhode Illand Rum and Tobacco, and exchanged .Part of thefe Goods, either at the Englilh Factories, or with Englilh Ships en the Coal1, and with the remaining Tob3cco, and the Goods fo taken in Exchange, they purchafed their Slaves. On the Gold Coaft purchafed them chiefly with Rum and Tobacco. There are frequent Wars in this Country, particularly between the Mahomerans and the mes De Lo,,. Pagans, and the Prifoners made in the(e Wars are fold as Slaves; if they have been Freemen _!'.rl River originally, they are frequently redeemed from us by their Friends, who give us ocher Slaves in Kiff,y. return. The general Mode of carrying on War in this Country, and other Pares of Africa, is Mr. P

P_ART J,. JOes Vn. anrl I< ivcr Koff,y. Mr. Penny. Sierra Leone. Mr.Mathews. Slaves. order to make. the People Slaves; but there may be profligate wicked Men of Power, who, te gratify their Avarice, may cake that Method. The Europeans purchafe the Slaves of the Black Traders, who arc the Princes an I f!eacl !\!en of-thole Countries. Thde Blac_k travel into che interior Country to purch;ife chem They obtain PafTports from rhc mtermed1ate Stares for that Purpofe. They go co Marrs in the interior of the:: Country where the Slaves are fold; and are gone fometimes for a Moon or more. Mr. Penny can give no .Account of thdi:: interior Countries from whence the Slaves are brought. The Number of S)a,es annually exported from this Pare of the Coa!l is ab1ut 2 500. Two Thirds by the Engli!h, the Remainder by Of thefe 2,500 Slaves, Mr. 'appre hends about Three Fourths come from the m.tenor Country. The Age a: which Slaves are gene rally purchafed is from Nine Years old to Thirty. Mr. Penny cannot fay with Certainty what becomes of thoft: Slaves who arc by the Eu ropeans, but has been that they are de!lroyed (particularly at Angola) by the Traders who refide far m the mtenor Country. They pu!h them down from die Top of a deep Cliff near to the Place where the European FaCl:ories are e!tablifhed at Mdimba. Mr. Penny does not know that there are any Countries, either upon the Coa!l, or in the in terior Part of Africa, where Slaves are bred for Sale; but obferved, that if we cake a View of the Whole of the Slave Colft, which runs from Sixteen Degrees North to Sixteen South, making an Extent of Coa!l of about 1,600 Leagues, and compare it with this Country, which is (o fmall in proportion, and confider the Number of Delinquents here, which amount to about :,ooo annually. it is not to be wondered at, that in a Country of that Extent, and where there is fo lictle Civilization and fuch Numbers of Peoplt>, the Slavt's made in confequcnce of Delinquency lhould form a large Proportion of the Number annually exported from Africa, which is computed at So,coo. Mr. Penny being alked, what he fuppofed in general to be the Population of the Countries her had fpoken of, anJ on what Grounds he formed his Conjecture? replied, It was impoffible to anfwer the Q!!e!lion with any tolerable ExaCl:nefs, but gave the following E!timate of the Popula tion of Africa, obfc::rving that he gave it with great Diffidence. Thofe who vifit Africa and America will difcover, and perhaps be ftruck with the Appearance of pretty nearlr an equal Population in the State of Virginia, and thofe Countries of Africa which lie upon the Sea Coalt, Virginia comprehends about 30,000 fquare Miles, and inclmling the Negroes, is faid to contain about 800,000 Inhabitants; taking this for the Balis of the Calculation, it may realunably be pre fumed that Negro Land, which extends from the River Senegal in 16 North to Cape Negro in 16 South Latitude, and from the Atlantic Eatlward to the Indian Ocean, and contaim, exclulive of Nubia and Abiffinia, at lea!l Four Millions of Square Miles, if it be equally populous through out as it is on the Sea Coa!l, may have One hundred and fix millions of Inhabitants. Notw1th fianding the annual Drain of Slaves from this Country, we do not perceive any viliblc Decreafe of Population. A confiderable Number of Slaves are procured on this Part of the Coa!l; and Mr. Mathews made it his ObjeCl: during his Refidence there, to inform himfclf how thc::fe Slaves were made:: fo. Of the Numbers which are taken from this Country, only a fmall PJrt are Natives of the Sea Coatl, fome of which are Prifoners made in the Wars which chc peter States h:;vc with each od1er. Ochers are fold for various Crimes, fuch as Witchcraft, Adultery, &c. &c.; but the greatdl !'art are Prifoners made in the Wars in the interior Country, which the Foolahs, a l'eoiJIC who profrfs the Mahometan Religion, are perpetually waging againft the furrounuing Nacions, (the Names of which he does not immediately recolleCl:), who refute to embrace their Dudrii:e. Mr. Mathews does not apprehend that alhhe Slaves who arc brought from :!ie interior Coun try are Prifoners made in the \Vars carried on by the Foolahs. Thne are likcwilt: IOme who arc:: fold for their Crimes, and in Times of Scarcity nuny Pal(uis fcil dJcr Slave> tor Mr. Mathews fpoke the Language of the Se.1 Coatl, but not th : c of the>le who cam: frnm a Diftance; and being alked, From whom he learnt the Accounts he l1ad giv cn <'f tli<: Ma;;ner of making Slaves? faid, From the Natives of the Sea who tr.1vd into che irtrrior Cuunu y. He docs not believe chat thefe Wars, either on the SeJ Coail: or in cl:c interior Cou,,try, are m.-,:e for the Purpofe of acquiring Slaves; becaufc, when he firtl arril'd at Sierra Lco;;e i 1' 1 1il !785, he found the Nations to the North and South of chat River!ed in The \'.',1r to the Northward was occafioncd by a Man of One Tribe kiliing a Man of Tribe; h: fled from their Refentment for Shelter among his own Countrymen, who ref11hl to deli"er l c irn up to the Friends of the Deceaft:d, according to the Laws of the Country, :ll:d thi,_brot,ght on a p-eneral War between the Two Nations, and involved orhers in their Diljiute. The \V;:r to die outhward of Sierra Leon-:, wh/cli was 111 Sherbro, originJted from a Two 6 _1-:n."cccr., Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


PART J. Slavu. Sierra Leone. formerly their Practice to put to Death the Prifoners made in War ; but they do not do to now, Mr. Mathews. lince they have had an Opporcunity of felling them to the Europeans ; they alfo fell them among themfelves. The Perfons relident upon the Coafl:, go up into the Country to purchafe Slaves at all Times of the Year indifcriminately; but the chief Time of fc:lling them upon the Coaft is about Augull: and September, which is the Rainy Seafon, when they have no Employment for them. Mr. Mathews being alked, if he knew of Perfons being put to Death by the Kings, as a Dif play of Power, or by Way of Sacrifice? replied; From the former Caufe he never knew an Inftance upon the Sea Coal!:; he is not acquainted with the Power of the Kings in the interior Country. He knew an lnll:ance of a Man whom they wanted to fend out of the Country without felling him, upon Sufpicion of Witchcraft : He was offered co Mr. Mathews, and upon his Refufal to take the M

Slave!. Mr. NORRIS being alked how the Slaves are procured on the Windward Coaft? replied, On the Windward Coafl: the Country from Cape Mount to Cape Palmas is divided into fmall Difl:ricts. The old Men generally govern the Villages. As there is no Union or regular Government, they are frequently m a Scace of Holtility with each ocher; and as they live in d1ft:nt1: Communities, the Traveller is fometimes waylaid and frizcd and fold for a Slave; this is what is underll:ood by the Term Kidnapping. Being alked whether thefe littte States make \Var on each other for the Purpofe of making Slaves? he replied, They make War on m any Occalions, and the Confequence of \Var is m)king Slaves; but he believes in general the Number of Slaves arifes, as in other Parts of the Coafl:, from Debts and Crimes, and fame are brought from difl:ant Pam. Being afked whether many People are kidnapped in the Manner he had mentioned, and whether this Practice would prevail in the fame Degr e e if they had not the Hopes of purchaling European Commodities with Slaves? Mr. Norris rt'pk,l, It does not exill: in any conliderable Degree, but there are Inftances of it. If they had not tl:e Temptation of European Goods, a bad Man would be tempted !n fome other Way. Before they ever faw European Commodities, as the Value of an Article depends on the Efl:i. mation it holds in the Fancy of him that covets it, Mr. Norris doubts not that the rude Manufactures of the Country, fuch as their linle Trinkets of Gold, Ivory, &c. were as much an ObjeCl: of Plunder, in former Times, as the Acquilition of European Manufactures is at prelent. The oldefl: 'vV ricers, Leo the African and others, have reprefented the Africans as living in a State of l\apine before the Commerce with Europeans was introduced amongll: them. In the Two Dillrich on the 'vVindward Coafl:, from Sierra Leone co Cape Mount, and from thence to Cape Palmas, about 5,000 Slaves are fold annually, many of whom come from the interior Parts of the Country, but how made Slaves Mr. Norris cannot tell. They fpeak different Languages, and do not underfl:and each other. Mr. Norris could not colleCl: Information much to be depended on, how th<'y l ecame Slaves, but has fometimes met with Perfons who had been Men of fame Con fideration in their own Country. The general Account was, that tlrey had been condemned for Intrigues with Women; that they had been fold for the Crime of Adultery. They would readily confefs having been guilty of that, and wi!h to conceal ocher Delinquencies, which in many lnftances were the Occalion of their being fold. They teem to have a great Horror at falling into the Hands of the Europeans, which, Mr. Norris prefumes, is impreffed on their Minds to deter them from the Commillion of chofe Crimes which, being injurious to Society, are punifhed with Condemnation to Slavery, and if that Expedient did not offi:r would be punilhed with Death. Mr. Norris being afked, Whether there are any Native Slaves in that Part of the Country? replied, He could not fay, from his own Knowledge, that there are. This is a Part of the Coaf1:. where the \Vhites fddom go on Shore. The Inhabitants appear co live in a State of great Po verty. The fmall Communities into which they are divided, have but little facial Intercourfe or ConneCl:ion with each other; and their natural Diftrufts and Jealoufies occafion frequent among chem. l'AR1' t. Windward Coalt. Mr. Norri1, The Slaves taken on board from this Part of the Coafl:, were purchafed of the Black Traders. Mr. Falcon \Vith relpt'Cl: co the Manner in which they were made Slaves, Mr. FALCON BRIDGE was told in bridge. one .Jnfl:ance, by a Slave to whom he had caught Englilh, that he had been invited to Supper, and when going away, was feized by a Dog, and taken and fold. The Man faid this was a com-mon Praetice. CAPTAIN THOMAS DEANE commanded a Wood and Ivory Veffel in the African Trade, Windward for the Three lafl: Years, in which Time he has made Two Voyages, and traded principally on the fi.om1 Windward Coafl:, from the lfles de Los to Cape Le Hou. He did not trade on his own Account, c:;. Le but was in the Employ, as Captain of a Veffel, of Mr. Bigges, a Merchant of Brifl:ol. Continued on the Coafl: Seven Months on his Firf1: Voyage, viz. from OCl:ober to March ; and Eleven Months in the Second Voyage, viz. from October to September. NoPartofthis Captain Deane being alked, Whether he could inform the Committee in what Manner the Slaves purchafed on the Coafl: of Africa are made fo? replied, In various Methods. In the Firfl: vernrnent or for Crimes, Crimes: Firfl:, for which great Numbers are tried and bid; and he believes elm 1s often nude aPretence m order to get Slaves to fdl. They are likewile fold for Adultery; and the Won1cn will often entice the Men to commit Adultery, in order to accufe chem afterwards. Some become Slaves by having been taken Prifoners in Vv ar; fome are made fo by Force, and by private A

PART r. Slaves. Win Sort? Captain Deane replied, They do not publicly ; whether or noc privacdy he c anno t fay: The Plur.derers would be fold themfdves, if difcoveml. Being atked, the :\ of thofe Countries go armed, in order to prevent fuch Outrages ? he faid, They gener:illy :ire C::ip1ain Vtant. Gold Co:Jl. Mr. Norris. armed, chof:: who can afford to purchafe them, with Mufkets; the ochers with Side-arms. This they do to defend themfdves from Wild Bealh, which are very numerous on the Windward Coatt (of whi ch only Captain Deane fpeaks ), and it may be alto co protdt themfelves from their Countrymen; but of this Captain Deane is nor Cure. Being aflwJ, Whether there are noc a great Number of Slaves brought down from the Ilack Country to be fold ? he replied, There was a gre .1c Number; and a, is not paid, the guilty Perfon is fold. Mr. Norris be ing alked, what are the Pares of the Gold Coaft where the European Traders come to purchafc: Slaves? replied, The Places for purchafing Sl:ives are Appollonia, Axim, Cape Three Points, Acqueda, Dixcove, Boultrou, Succundee, Chamah, Commenda, Elinina, Cape Coaft, Mouree, Annamaboe, Cormantine, Tantum, Appam, \Vynnebah, Baracoe, Accra, Pramprair, Ningo, and Whydah ; but the latter is not properly on the Gold Coaft. The Briti!h, Dutch, and Danes are the European Nations who, in Confcquence of having Forts there, poffefs the Trade of the Gold Coaft. The Bririf11 purchafe about 6,ooo Slaves there annually, perhaps fome Years a few more. As Annamaboe is the great Mart of Trade, the Britilh Ships anchor in that Road, and fend their Boars to the different Forts from Appollonia to Prampram inclufive. Mr. Norris cannot enter with Precifion into a Detail of the particular Fores fo as to fpecify the Trade of each, but refrrwi himli:lf to Governor Miles, who has refided long there, and might perhaps be able co give che Information required on that Head. The Dutch procure about 2,500 Slaves annually on the Gold Coalt, chiefly at Elmina and Accra; the Dani!h Ships ufually lie at Accra, and carry off abouc 1,500 Slaves annually, which are procured chiefly there, the Remainder at Ningo and their Settlemems near the River Volta. The French, Porcuguefe, and American V dTcls fometimes vi fit chis Part of the Coaft ; but hav ing no Setclemems there, enjoy but little of its Trade; bm lhouk! the French accompli01 their Intention of efiablilhing chemfelves in che Vicinity of Annamaboe, they may expect an equal Share of chis Trade with the Bricilh The Englilh Merchants purchafe thefe Slaves of the Black Traders, all reli

Slaves. PART I. fuch as Ambicion, Avarice, Refontmenr, &c. &c. The Inhabitants of the interior Parts are lrfs Guhl c .. ,n. civilized ; and among them there may be predatory Wars; but it is not fo wich the Afhantees or Mr. N o rr i s. the Fantees. In the Countries Mr. Norris has been defcribing, he by no Means thinks chere arc People who employ chemfelves in Kidnapping for the Purpofe at making Slaves. Being afked in what Manner the Slaves purchafed are paid for? he gave che follow:ng Account: At Whydah, the Slaves are partly paid for in Cowries, and partly in Goods ; on the Gold Coaft, parcly in Gold Duft, and the Remainder in Goods. Nine Tenchs of the Gold Dull: we receive for Goods is paid back again fur Slaves. Being afked what Proportion of the Price paid for Slaves is paid in Gold Dllfl:, and what in Goods? he faid, About One Sixth Part is paid in Gold Dull, and the rdl: in Goods. At \Vhydah One Fourth in Shells or Cowries, and the Rdl: in Goods. Our Goods are CJrried llp che Councry to pay for the S!Jves. The Gold Dull:, which is not produced on the Spar, comes from the A!hantee Country, which is Five Days Journey at leafl:, perhaps Ten. There is a greacer Demand for Gold at Annamaboe than che Country produces. The of Gold ha s dimini!hed from chc Pracl:ie of burying it with che Dead, and from the addicional perfonal Ornaments which the Progrefs of Civilization has introduced among che lnhabitancs. Mr. Norris being alked what is the Proportion of Slaves which che different Nations of Europe annually export from the feveral Parts of the Coafl:? replied, The whole of the very extenfive Coa!l: of Negro Land fupplies the following Numbers yearly. Mr. Norris prefumes that Gambia furni!hes annualiy Ines de Los, and the adjacent Rivers From Sierra Leone to Cape Mount Cape Mount to Cape Palmas Cape Palmas to Cape Appollonia The Gold Coafl: and Popoe Whydah Porta Nova, Eppcc, and Bidagry Lagos and Benin Bonny and New Calabar Old Calabar and Camaroons Gabon and Cape Lopez Loango Melimba, and Cabenda Majumba, Ambris, and Milfoula Loango St. Paul's, and Benguilla Of thefe the Britilh purchare about the French the Dutch the Danes the Porcuguefe Slaves. 700 1,500 2,000 3,000 l,Ooo 10,000 1,000 4,500 3,500 3,500 14,500 7,000 500 13,500 1,000 7,000 7+,200 38,000 20,000 4,000 '2,ooo 10,000 Bdides the above Supply to the Euroi::ean Nations, and to the Portuguefe at Brazil, the Americans have hitherto purchafed a few Slaves. The King of Morocco alfo, and the different States of Barbary and Upper Egypt, are fupplied wich confiderable Numbers of Negroes; and befides many are caken from the Eafl:ern Coaft co Perfia and the Ea!l Indies. From the Countries bordering on the Senegal and Gambia, the Emperor of Morocco draws his Recruits for his Black Cavalry; and from the fame including the Tract of Country down to Sierra Leone, many Slaves are colletl:ed for the Supply of the different States of Barbary; and from the Mumlingo and Soufa Country, Caravans crave! acrofs the Continent to Upper Egypt wich conf1derable Numbers of Negro Slaves, who are forwarded from thence, either from Alexan dri.i by Sea, or marched through Afia Minor to Conrtantinople. On this Account the Trafl: of Country on and between the Rivers Senegal and Gambia forni!hes but few Slaves to the Europeans, With Genera1 Ac count of the Numher of Slaves ed annually. Digitized by Go gle Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN l


PART I. Gold Co:Ul. Mr. Norris. Con!imution of General A-:totmt of Slaves exported. Slaves. 'With the Trade of Benguilla and Loango St. Paul's, which are Porrnguefe Settlements, Mr. Norris is not much acquainted. By Report from very good Authority, the Portuguefe draw a much greater Number of Negroes annually from Loango St. Paul's; and it is a Fact that they have an uninterrupted Communication from thence acrols the Continent to their Settlement at Mozambique, trom whence they fend Supplies oi Negro Slaves to their Settlements in the Ea!l: Indies. Gold Cool!. Mr. DEV AYNES being alked what are the different Modes, according to the beft Information Mr.Dovayncs. he had been able to procure, in which Slaves arc made in the Countries with which he was acquainted? replied, In Dahomey and Eyo, they are Delinquents, Prifoners made in War, and People fold at the Will of the Prince. Gold Coatl. Mr. Miles. In the Mahee Country, fome become Slaves from Delinquency, but he believes a Number from being kidnapped. Being afked whether the Government permits the latter ? faid, He bdieves the Country is not well enough governed to prevent it. In the Fantyn Country, Slaves become fo for Debt and Delinquency. The Crimes which they are moft frequently punilhed in this Manner are Theft, A

1 Slaves. PART l and Crimes of different Defcriptions. Mr. Miles could fpeak the Language of the Fantees, and Gold Co>fr. therefore could in general afcenain for what they were fold. The Chief of chdi: Crimes are Debt, Mr. Mi i es. Theft, Adultery, and Witchcraft. The other Three Fourths of the Slaves are brought from the interior .Pares of the Country co the Borders of Fantee, or other Nations ne;:r the Waccr-lide; there they are fold co the Black Brokers, who fell them to the Europeans. He never could learn from the Brokers how rhefe Slaves became fo, as they pafs from the Interior of Africa from Hand co Hand, by a Succeffion of Markets It is however very natural to foppofe, and Mr. Miles thinks it equally fair to infer, from the Account he has juft given of the chat a confidcrable Proportion of thefe Slaves, brought down from the interior Pam, have in like Man-ner forfeited their Liberty to the Laws of the Country they came from. The of thefe Slaves differs fo much, that a Lot of Slaves purchafed one Day, will not underlbnd the Languaoe of a Loe purchaii:d the next, which proves, that the Countries they are brought from are at" a confider.1ble Diftance from each other They probably come from a great Dittancc inland, as they have generally Sores from travelling through the Woods, by Paths which admit but one at a Time, and are much emaciated The Men are brouoht down with a Sort of Log on their Arms; the Women and Children are at Liberty. "' Mr. Miks does not know that any of the Slaves purchafed on this Part of the Coa!l become fo by being made Prifoners of W or. It is poffible fome of the Slaves from the interior Pares may be of this Dcfcription ; but as to what relates to the People near the \Varer-f1de, if there are any Skirmilhes between the Vilbges, they are generally foon made up by the Interference of a Third, and the Pri!Oners in foch Caf.: are always returned. The Fantee Nation was in perfrtt Peac<: during Sixteen or Seventeen Years of Mr. Miles's Refidence there He never heard cf any Slave s being kidnapped, either by our People, or by each ocher The Police obferved among the Petty Stares on the Gold CoJfl:, is as regular and exatt, or more fo, than in any European Nation. Every Tra veller is obliged, on paffing through-a Village, to give an Account of himfdf and the Perfons with him, to the Magilhate or Sovereign. This is the invariable Cuftom, and the Prattice of Kidnap ping cannot therefore exift What he has faid of the Manner of making Slaves does not relate to Appollonia, where the King is dclpotic, and Mafter of the Lives of his Subjeets, whom, Mr. Mile!! believes, he either puts to death or fells, as his Caprice diretts. When he fells them he has the Profit; and he prefumcs he may fell chem at his Pleafure Mr. Miles wus perfonally acquainted with the late King of Appollonia, and has more than once purchafed Slaves of him, merely to fave their Lives. This King was a great Warrior, and a Man of a moll arbitrary and violent Temper; his Succdfor is of a much milder Nature, but he apprehends his Rights and his Power are the fame At Appollonia there is a Sort of Council called Pynims, or Elders, which is occafionally confulted by the King, but which is obliged to coincide with his Wilhes. There are fome born Slaves in this Country, but not in great Numbers; thefe are employed in Cultivation of different Sorts, and in Houfehold Offices. Each Poffelfor of Slaves may, during his Lif.-, fdl thofe he purchafc:s, but thof e which belong to him by Succeffion he cannot difpofe orbut for Crimes, and after Trial by the Rell: of the Slaves. Mr. Miles being alked, \Vhat becomes of the Slaves that the Black Traders bring down to the Coa!l, and which the Europeans do not purchafe ? replied, He had before obfc:rvcd, that we Jee but few human Sacrifices; the Natives know we difapprove of them; but Mr. Miles has no Doubt many of the refufe Slaves are referved for this Purpofe. He has reafon co believe this from he made, and Converfacions he has fometimes overheard. \Vhen a Slave has been refufcd, the Blacks have faid in his Hearing," If we can't fell him, fuch a Man is going to be buried, and he will do for that In One ln!lance Mr. Miles remembers, upon the Death of a Chief, that a great many Slaves were facrificed ; he ufed all the Influence he had acquired with the Natives to prevent it; but his Succelfor told Mr. Miles, that was impoffible; but that the Ceremony 1hould be performed out of his Sight, He however faw feveral Bodies, and took care to have them buried. On Occalion of the Funerals of great Men, the neighbouring Chiefs, among other Prefents, fend a Slave or Two in Proportion to their Abilities, and the Rank of the Decealed; for trns Purpofe. Mr. Miles has now and then, but rarely, met with an lnftance of a Slave lhewing Signs of Terrcr on fold. Nine out of Ten rejoice at falling into our Hands. They feem to be aware that they are bought for Labour, and by their Gcftures wilh to convince the Pur-. chafers that 1hey are fit for it. The Slaves are purchafed with almoft every Article of Britilh ManufaCl:ure; with Brandy, Rum, Powder, Arms, Manchefter Goods, &c. &c. which Goods are carried to the next Market, and fo on into the interior Country from Market to Market. Mr. Miles being alked, whether there are not Slaves belonging to the Company's and in what Manner they are employed ? replied, The Company have about 400 Slaves, ot which there are Ten or a Dozen ac each of the Out Forts, and the Reft at Cape Coaft Ca!lle. They confift of Bricklayers, Carpenters, and ocher Artificers. They work for the Benefit of the and to keep the Fons in Repair. We are obliged to be very ftritt with them; and Mr. Miles 1s per fuaded they would not work but from Compulfion. They are however very ufefol to us on Occa-.1' ART I. L fions Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


PART r. Gold Coalt. Adniiral Edwards. N B No Slaves. Vice Admiral RICHARD EDWARDS ferved upon the Coall: of Africa, in the Years 17 5 2, 3, 4 and 5. In the Year 175 2, was at Cape Coaft and Annamaboe ; and in the Years 17 54 and 1755, he commanded the annual Ship, and cruifed from the Cape de Verd to the Bite of Benin Admi ral Edwards was on Shore confl:antly during the whole Time he was at Cape Coall: Cafile, fm101heGo. which was Seven Months; anc! whrn he commanded the annual Ship, was frequently on Shore at the Forts, as his Duey required. the Country. Bei ng defired to give the Committee any Information he had to offer, refpeCl:ing the Manner in which the Slaves purchafed on the Gold Coall, became fo? he gave the following Account :-There are very rew Wars on the Gold though they are frequent to the Northward, and in the King of Dahomey's Country. The Slaves upon the Gold Coaft are made fo in confequence of their Crimes. is the Crime for which they are moft ufually fold. !n this Cafe, the Pcrfon offended has a Claim, not only co che Man and Woman offending, but to all their Property, all their Family and Slaves Admiral Edwards faw the Heads of Seven of the Wives of a Chief at Annamaboc, upon a Drum, which he had ordered co be cue off for Adulcery. The Pynims or Elders likewife condemn to be fold, as Slaves, Perfons accufed of other Crimes, fuch as Theft, and other Injuries. Fathers pawn their Children, for they rely on the Defcendants of the Female Branches of the Family for Heirs, as in that Cafe they are fure of the Blood; and they have much lefs Con fideration for their own Children Admiral Edwards being alked, Whether he conceived that the Europeans, to whom Chil dren are fo pawned, are guilcy of Fraud and Abufes in this Refpett, and fell them before the Time for which they ar c pawned is expired ? replied, He never knew an Inftance of their doing fo. They are ufuJlly pawned for a certain Number of Months, and were formerly kept during that Tim:: in what was called the Floating FaCl:ory, but now they are kept in the Forts. Admiral Edwards remembers a Story of Two Princes, who had been pawned by their Parents, and were fuppof e d to have been kidnapped, and carried away by Force. They were called Prince Frederick and Prince William, and the Admiral knows that they were regularly fold. They were carried firlt to Jamaica, where they were taken from the Merchants who brought them there, by Governor Trelawney, upon a Suppolicion that they had been kidnapped : They were then brought to England as opprelfed Princes, and were treated with great Diftinction. They returned afcerwards to thdr own Country, where they had an Allowance from the Factories of .80 per A1111u111, which was for the Advantage of their refpeCl:ive Fathers, who were principal Men upon the Coaft, and fold Slaves themfelves. Admiral Edwards does not think that many of the Slaves fold on the Gold Coaft are brought from the interior Parts of the Country : The Fan tees prevent their coming, and will nor, as they term ic, open che Paths, as they have an Horror of che Sea. With refpeCl: to the Manner in which Slaves are made on other Parts of the Coafl, Admiral Edwards cannot give any Account, not being fo well acquainted with the other Pares of che Coal!:. Admiral Edwards being afked, Whether he could form any Judgment what would become of thefe Slaves, if the Europeans did not purchaie them ? replied, He hardly knew what Opinion to give, but he verily believes many of chem would be dcftroyed. A Boy was o nce offered to be fold in his Ship, and on being refufed, the Perfon who had him co fell,

Slaves. PART 1. With relpea to the Manner in which the Slaves carried from thefe two Parts of the Coaft be-Gold Coal!. come fo, Mr. Anderfon fays there are very frw of them .Prifoners of War, becaufe when a War Mr. Anderexifis in the Country, all Trade is put a ftop to. fon. From the Year 1764 to 1766, there was a War in that Country; by Reafon of which, Mr. An dc:rfon knows that a Briftol Ship, which went there to purchafe Slaves, was out Two Years upon her Voyage, becaufc: lhc: could not purchafc: her Slaves. Mr. Aoderfon being afked, whether, when a War is at an End, there is not a Glut of Slaves at Market, in confequence of foch War? replied, He believed not. Being afked if he knew what becomes of the Prifoners of War upon this Part of the Coaft? he replied, He has heard that they are often put to Death? Being afked, by what other Methods thefc: People become Slaves? Mr. Anderfon fays, that for all Crimes which they commit, the Punifbment is to be fold for a Slave. He conceives this makes a confiderablc Part of the Number of Slaves, but the largdl: .Part arc thofe bought in the Inland Countries, at reguldr Markets, to which they arc brought by thofe who have them as their Pro perty. They are born Slaves, and are inherited by their Owners from Father to Son. Mr. Anderfon being .afked, whether he had any Reafon to fuppofe that any of them are made Slaves by being kidnapped? reptied, He believes very fddom. Speaking of the .Proportion of Male and Female Slaves, and Children in general, taken on boud the Ships he bdonged 10; faid, the Proporcion varied in almoft every Voyage, becaufc it is not in the: Power of the Captain co have an Option in his Purcbafe, as the Slaves do r.ot come in tbat Abundance to Market upon the Gold Coaft, and they mull: cake them as they come. The general Proportion is Two Thirds Male, to One: Third Females :-They take as few Children as polfible. Being afked, Of whom the Slaves are purchafed on this Part of the Coall:? Mr. Anderfon re plied, On the Gold Coait there: arc Trading Men who are ftiled Gold Takers, and who brin" &hem off to the Ships. "' Being afked, whether he purchafed all the Slaves that were offered to him? Mr. Anderfon faid, He rejecred a great many for various Infirmities. Thcfe were taken on !bore again, and he believes were chiefly purchalcc.I by the Dutch, who buy Slaves of an inferior Quality ; but he always obferved, that thole who were rejctted fec:med to be much d1fappointed at going on !bore ag .. 110. Mr. JAMES BOWEN has been at Old Calabar, and on the Gold Coafi, but was fo young when he was at Old Calabar, that he has vc:ry lictle RecolleCl:on of any thing that paffed there. He was a MJ!l:tr of a Sa1p when he was on the Gold Coaft, which was in tbe Year J7j6, but diJ not remain there long; it might be between Two and Three Months. Mr. Bowc:n being atked, what he obferved of the Manner in which Slaves were made on the Gold Coaft ? replied, He knew nothing of the Manner in which they were made Slaves in tbe Coumrv. Some of them have rnld him, that they were made Slaves for Debts and Crimes, foch as Adultery. And a Boy whom he had, told him, he was taken by Surprife, while he was in a Garden. Mr. Bowen ha,s heard from the Traders on the Coaft, that the Caboceers breed Slaves for the Purpofc: of Trading, whom they fell occafionally, as they may be in Want of European Commodities. He has fcen the Slave's brought down into the Slave Yards, from whence they w

PART I. Wbydahand Dahomey. Mr. Dalzell. $laveJ. out of the Country. Others are Prifoners of War; others become Sla\es fot rheir Crimes. The procuring Slaves may fometimes be a Motive for making War; but Mr. Daiz.di believn not com monly. He has heard from Tradition, that Wars were as frequent before they had any Know ledge of the Europeans. Part of the Prifoners made in War, if not fold, are incorporated among the Slaves belonging to the King, and Part are put to Death. The Crimes for which they are condemned to be fold, are principally Adultery (for which they condemn to be fold, fometimes the offending Parry only, and fometimes the whole Family), Thefr, and Witchcraft, by Means of which latter, People are fup pofed to be put to Death. In thefe Cafes there is no Form of Trial that Mr. Daiz.ell knows of, but every thing is done by the Command of theKing. If a Theft is committed upon an European, the Thief is punilhed with Death; for which Reafon we feldom make Complaint of it. Some of the Slaves are brought from the interior Country, beyond the Kingdom of Dahomey, and from very diftant Pares: There are Markets to which the Traders go. The Slaves are known to be of cliffaent Countries by the Marks on their Bodies, and by the Difference of their Lan guage. Mr. Daiz.ell once bought a Slave who could talk and write .Arabick; he called himfc:lf a Malaye, but they did not under!tand his Language fufficiemly to collect from what Country he came, but underllood that he had been palli:d from Hand to Hand from a diftant Country. Mr. Dalzell being afked, whether he had ever heard of Perfons being made Slaves in rhofc Parts of the Country by kidnapping ?-replied, If the rdates to White People, the Thing is impoffible. With 1efpect to the Black, he knows ot no fuch Thing, and in this Part of the Counrry ic muft be decected: Evtry one char fells a Slave pays a Duey to the King, wbofe Officers would foon detect any thing of this Sorr, and the MJ.n would bi: punilhecl, poffibly by being fold for a Slave himfelf. Mr. Dalzell laid before the Committee the following Account of the Expences attending the Purchafe of a Cargo of Slaves at Whydah, viz. To the King of Dahomey for Permiffion to trade: For a Ship r 4f Slaves I 3 I The King gives in Return I3oys of i or 8 A Snow or Brig 7 2 Years. A Sloop Jf Thefe Slaves are valued at about 5 Oz. or [,. r o each, as follows : 6 A nkers of Spirits 20 Cabefs Cowries 40 Silelias. 4f Barrels of Gunpowder 40 Bars of Iron 25 Guns to Pieces of Cloth. 6 Brafs or r 2 Iron Blunderbu!Tes. Other Goods in Proponion. Say Expences for a Ship. Oz. To the King 14} Slaves, at 5 Oz. each 72 8 For the FaClory Houfe 2 Slaves 10 Canoe and Canoe Men's Hire 3.J After paying the Cuftoms, which ought io be done as foon as poffible, for the Traders dare not receive Goods rill the King has goc his Dues, the Viceroy gives the following Servants, viz. Orie Conduetor, whofe Office is to take Care of Goods coming from, and Slaves going to the Beach, and ought to be anfwerable for Deficiencies; he is paid Two Galioas Cowries, equal to One Shilling, evay Time he rakes Charge ot any Thing going or coming; and a Flafk of Brandy every Sunday. Hts Pay may be valued at 7 8 Two Brokers or Interpreters, a: Two Tokies per Day (3d. ) C;1Ch, and at the End of the Trade, One Anker of Brandy, and One: Piece of Cloch each; all which may amount to 5 o Two Boys for Servants, at Two Tokies and a Piece of Cloth between them 3 o One Door Keeper, and a Boy ro ferve at che Tent at the fame 3 o To a Mr1Tenger for carrying the News of the Ship's Arrival, and the Captain's Compliments to.the King, Ten Galinas and One Flafk of Brandy o 3 To the Gong Goi:ig Beater, for announcing the Opening of Trade, T.:n GJlinas and One .Flafk o 3 To the Trunk Keeper, who takes Care of the Slavd while on Shore, a Bonte every Sunday, and a Cloth at the End of the Trade: This may amount to about o 5 To Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Slaves. PART!. Oz. Whydah and To the Captain of the water-fide, at the Ship's Departure, One Piece of Cloth and Dahomey. One Anker of Brandy -8 Mr. Dalzell. To Six Wacer Rollers, at Two Tokies per Day each, belides which they have Two Tokies for each Calk they roll, and at the End of the Purchafe Two Pieces of Cloth and One Anker of Brandy. The whole may be about 10 o One Woman to bring .Water, and One Wafherwoman, at Two Tokies per Day each, and a Cloth at the End of the Trade. The \Vafherwoman has Six Tokies to buy Soap each Time Their Pay. may amount. to -. 5 o To the Viceroy, who goes with his People to receive the Captain and condutl: him to the Fore, One Anker and Two Fla!ks Brandy 2 To the faid Viceroy for his parcicular Cuftoms. One Point d'Efpagne Hae, One Piece of Silk, One Calk Flour, and One Catk of Beef or Pork ;-valued at 7 o The cu!l:omary Allowance for making a Tent on the Beach, one Anker of and One Ounce Cowries 2 o J>oners are at the Rate of Three Tokies per Load, unlefs very heavy, in Cafe they have more in Proponion, as Ten Gahnas for a Puncheon of Liquor or a Chell of Pipes. The whole of their P-ay mey be about 20 : o Equal co 368 /. Sterling. 1 Tokie. 1 Galina. 1 Cabefs. Total Ounces 184 : 0 -40 Cowries 5 Tokies 20 Galinas 4 Cabds 1 Ounce Trade, or 40 s. Sterling. From Bonny and New Calabar about 14,000 Slaves are exported annually ; 3,000 are purchafed Bonny, New by the French, the Remainder by the F.r.glilb. No other Country trades there. Much the Calabar, and greatelt Part of the Slaves are of the interior Coor.try, and a few of Andomey, and 1he Creek and C?.ntrics ad Bralj:>an Country; and a very few indeed Natives of Bonny and New Calabar. The Europeans JOlorng are very little acquainted with che interior Part of the Country; but from the beft lnformacion Mr. Mr. Penny. Penny has been able to procure from the Traders, and from the Slaves themfelves, the grea1el1 Part of the Slaves become fo by Ddinquency; the cell: are Prifoners of War. Mr. Penny believes that fome of Slaves are brought from Countries ftill more diltant in the interior of Africa. They fometirnes find from the Slaves that they have travelled Tw<> Moons (or Months) before they arrived at the Sea Coalt. They may travel ac the Rate of from Twenty to Twency-five Miles a Day. \Vich re(petl: to Wars being made in thefe Countries for the Purpofe of obtaining S!aves, Mr. Penny does not in general beheve they are. The States are fmall, independent, and numerous, and the Peopk of a vindictive Nature. There are tradi\ional Accounts of Wars, and very bloody ones, before the Europeans traded there. The Memory of Africans is wonderful. He could mention the molt furprding lnllances of ir. Mr. Penny does not believe in general that many Delinquencies are imputed for che Purpo[e of making Slaves. With refpell to their being kid napped, he can fay nothing as to this Part of the Coa!l:. There are dome!l:ic Slaves in Bonny and New Calabar, who are never fold by their Ma!lers ex cept fo.Crimes, for which they are tried by the Twelve olJ Men mentioned in his Evidence relj:iecting the Government of Bonny. Ac Bonny the Slaves are purchafed of the King, who is the principal Trader, and of other TrJders; at New Calab1r, uf the before-mentioned Amachree, and of ocher Traders. Thele TrJders go up into the Countryto purchafe Slaves. They go up the Rivers io che Di!l:ance of abouc Eighty Miles from Bonny, and the fame from New Calabar, in large Canoes, with Two or Three principal Perfons, and about Forty Men in each The Canoes go in a Body all together to defend them1dves if accacked. Ac the Head of thefe Two Rivers there is a Mart for Trade, where the Black Traders purchafe thele Slaves of ocher Black Traders, who bring them from the interior Country. Mr. Penny being afked, if he had ever obferved that 1hefe Slaves had Marks of any frelh Wounds? replied, Noc often; but he has fomecimes obfrrved fuch Marks. The Slaves are purchafed with the Manufaaures of this Country, India Goods, Spirits, Brafs P.'.lns, Arms, &c. &c. and wich a Sort of Copper Wreath or Bandage, which are called Mani lits, and are confidered as the Money of that Country. The People hoard them irr great Quanicies againft Times of Diftrefs. They always carry the Goods up che Councry, and a tew of the Manilk,. Digitized by Go gle Mr. Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


PART J. Bonny. Mr. Falcon bridge. Bonny and Calabar. Mt. W. James. Slaves. Mr. FALCONBRIDGE, in his Firft Voyage to Bonny, got 380 Slaves, in the laft 420. The Slaves taken on board at Bonny were procured of the Black Traders, who go up to Fairs in the Country to purchale and bring them down to the Coal!:. They pals through Cevera! Hands, and come from a great Diftance. They bring them in a miferable Condition from the Fairs, half ftarved, and expoled to the Wet, in Boats, with hardly any Covering. He does not know whether the Slave Traders pa)I for the Slaves they purchale, in Manufactures, or in Gold Duft; but we pay for them in ManufaCl:ures and in Gold Duft. We purchale the Gold Duft firft in order to pay for the Slaves therewith. Mr. F alconbridge believes that none of the Slaves they had on board wera Inhabitants of the Coal!:. A Woman, big with Child, told him, that file was caught as lhc wa1 returning from a Neighbour's Houle, and patred through many Hands before lhe came to them. And an old Man and his Son told him, that they were kidnapped as they were planting Yams. Mr. Fakonbridge law himlelf a Man who was invited to come and look at the Ship, and was feized, brought on board and fold. Being afked, whether in addition to what he had before faid, he had any other Facts to prove that Kidnapping was a common Practice? He replieu, On the Windward Coaft they are afraid of ftirring out at Night; and a Slave in Grenada faid to an other Perfon, in the Hearing of Mr. Falconbridgc, that he had been employed in kidnapping others, and was afterwards kidnapped himfelf. Mr. Falconbridge has often feen Slaves go mad. Being afked how he accounted in his own Mind for the Number of People he imagines to have been kidnapped, and whether this Practice could poffibly go to fuch Ex1ent as he ftates in his Pamphlet, wherein he fays, that Slaves are fometimes brought down to the Amount of Fifteen hundred together? He replied, it was his Opinion, from feveral Circumftances, that this Practice prevails. The Slaves brought down from the interior Parts of the Country fpeak different Languages. They had one Woman whom none of the other Slaves could underftand. There is much Dilfer 'ence in the Appearance of thefe Slaves; they have different Marks, and fome are much blacker than others. The Ebo Negroes have their Teeth filed like a Saw. It often happens that the Slaves offered for Sale are refufed. Mr. Fakonbridge cannot fay what they do with fuch as are refufed; but he has feen them cruelly beaten. He made particular Enquiry whether the People breed Slaves for Sale, and could not find the leaft Reafon co believe it. In the Enquiries he made, he never received any other Account than what he has given of the Mode in which Slaves are made, and never heard of any Wars made for that Purpole. The following Evidence of Mr. WILLIAM JAMES, a Mafler in the Royal Navy, and of One of the Divifions in Ordinary at Chatham, was deli vered by him in Writing to the Committee, Mr. James being brought to the Committee by Mr. Clarkfon while the Report was preparing, and a few Alterations were made in it upon put to this Witnefs with his Confent. Mr. JAMES was Three Voyages to the Coaft of Africa for Slaves; the firft in the Juno, Cap tain Pinnell, in or about the Year 1764; the fecond in the King George, Captain Knight, in or about the Year 1766; and the third in the Britannia, Captain Bruce, in or about the Year All thcfe were from the Port of Briftol, and were either to Bonny or Calabar. Whatever Mr. J amcs can clearly recoiled of the firft Two Voyages he will mention, though he willies to con fine himlCif to the !all, from which he returned as Third Mate to Lucie Harbour in Jamaica. Par. 1. Some of the Slaves fold to the Europeans are fuch as are termed Priti,:;ers of War. When the Juno was lying, in the Year 1764, in Bonny River, teveral of the large War Canoes came from the inland Country with Captives. Some Heads, which had been cue off from the !lain, were ftuck upon Poles, as Trophies. They came in Triumph by the Sick of the E11gli01 Vefiels, and afterwards landed their Prifoners, to prepare them for Sale. whether the Peopie that returned with Slaves had gone out for the fake of revenging an Injury, or on purpofe to rob, Mr. James is not able to fay; he has heard from the Negroes, that at Times the Wa;' of procuring Shves by the poorer Traders at Bonny and Calabar, was to go into the inland Country, and cake off private Families by Surprife. That Fraud and Treachery conftitute one of the Means of obtaining Slaves, is a Fact which Mr. James can tel1:ify of his own Knowledge. The White Traders give the Kings, in whole Territories they intend to flave, what is called a Dafl1, (i. e.) a Prefem, for Permillion to break Trade. The Black Traders, on the other Hand, pay for every Slave they f11ip on board, a cer tain TJx. It fo happened, while the Britannia was on the Coaft, that a trading Man at Calabar haJ brought from the inland Country Two Slaves. Thek he wanted to fell, but was de firous of avoiding, if poffible, to pay the before-mentioned Duty to the King. Another Tnider, Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


S!dvcs. PART t; who became acquainted with his Wilhes; undertook to the Bufinels for him. He de fired him to bring his Two Slaves down the Water-fide at Night,. that he might get them on board unlecn, and to attend them h1mfdf to the Veffel, that he might receive their Value. His Advice was embraced and followed; they were all conveyed to the Britannia, when the Trader, who undertook to fmugglc the Two Slaves on board, pulled off the Mafk, and not only fold them, but their Mafter alfo. Thefe, and other Frauds of a fimilar Nature, are conftant!y practiled to make Slaves; and Mr. James has heard from the Guinea Captains, that the Europeans make no Scruple to receive fuch as they know to have been trepanned in this Manner. Bonny and Calabar. Mr. Willia.,; James. Mr. James is the more confirmed in his Opinion, that Fraud and Surprile are the Foundation of Slavery, becaule he has repeatedly converled with the Negroes in the Weft Indies, who have told him that they were taken away from their Country in this Manner One Girl in particular, when he was in Jamaica in the Year 1778 or 1779, informed him, that lhe, and her Father and Mother, had been thieved by the Inland Traders; and that her Father had been fold on board a Ship different from that to which lhe and her Mother had been configned Par. 2. Mr. James has heard from the Traders and Canoe Boys of Bonny and Calabar, that fo111e of the Slaves fold to the Europeans are luch as have become fo in confequence of Debt, and others in confi:quence of Crimes. The great Bulk of them, however, by the Confeffion of the fame People, were fuch as had been taken in piratical Excurfions, or by Treachery and Surprifq and fro111 what he kn0ws of the Trade, he believes their Affcrtions to be true. Par. J Though Mr. James is not able of his own Knowledge to fay that the vVhites are guilty of fimilar Depredations, yet he believes it to be true; for he has repeatedly heard the Officers of Guineamen boaft of having been dexterous in performing fuch Exploits while running down the \Vindward Coaft. Par. 4. The Black Traders of Bonny and Calabar, who are very expert at reckoning and talking the different Languages of their own Country and thofe of the Europeans, come down about once a Fortnight with Slaves; Thurlday or Friday is generally their Trading Day. Twenty or Thirty Canoes, fometimes more and fometimes le'rs, come down at a In each Canoe may be Twenty or Thirty Slaves. The Arms of Come of them are tied behind their Backs with Twigs, Canes, Grafs Rope, or other Ligaments of the Country; and if they happen to be ftron<>er than common, they arc pinioned above the Knee alto. l n this Sirnation they are thrown 'fnto the Bottom of the where they lie in great Pain, and often almoft covered with Water. Orl d1eir landing, they are taken to the Traders Houfes, where they are oiled, fed, and made up for Sale. When they have been fufficiently prepared, the Captain and DoCl:or generally go together to examine them, and to make their Purchafes there. No fickly Slave is ever purchafed; at leafr in the Three Voyages which Mr. James made it was never done. When the Bargain is made they are brought away. This is generally in the Clofe of the Evening. Forty or Fifty of them are brought away at a Time; fometimes in the Canoes of the Traders, and at other Times in the Ships Boats They appear to be very clejectecl when brought on board. The Men are put into Irons, in which Situation they remain. during the whole of the Middle Paffage, unlefs when they are lick; bur not the Boys and Women. Mr. James was alked the following Q_ Have you been in the African Trade fince the Year 1768? A. 1 ha,e not. Q_ How old were you when you went thefe Voyages 1 A. To the bell of my Recollection, about Fourteen the firfl, Sixteen the fccond, and Eighteen the thin.l. Q_ \\'as you ever on 010re oh the Coaft of Africa 1 A. Yes ; at the trading Towns, and to cut Wood and get Water, but never up the Country. CAPTAIN HALL purchafcd 280 Slaves in each Voyage, which were bought of the Black Trader>, N ativcs of the Country. He believes thefc Slaves to have been Captives made in War, and of rhem kidnapped, having heard this from fome of the Slave Brokers who fpeak broken Eng Jitl1, but does not bdicve the Number of Slaves who had been kidnapped was near fo many as thole rakcn in vVar. The Kings and their Relations ateaeh Place were the greateft Traders, but there were a !\umber of others. Being alked, whether he imagined that thefe Slaves were Prifoners of \Var made by the Kings, or People kidnapped by them 1 he replied, None of them were made l'rif'oncrs by the King>, or other Merchants. Captain Hall imagines they were procured by them from orher Traders who live higher up the Country, and were probably People of the fame De ft ripticn. Captain Hall fuppofes that the Food on which the Negroes live in their own Country j, Rice, Yams, :rnd l'oultry, and now and then a falted Tyger or Elephant. Captain Hall believes the Africans to be as capable of Attachments, and as virtuous in all Re fpetts as Europeans; and impt1tes their Defpondency on being fold, to their being taken from their F rient!s, Relations, and Country PART I. N Captain River de! Rey, and Ca Jabar. CaptainHall. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


PART I. River dcl Rey, and Calabar. CaptainHall. Cameroons. Mr. J. Ar nold, Slaves; Captain Hall has feen Canoes, in which Sixty or Seventy Perfons were paddling, come down the River with Thirty or Forty Slaves, who were generally wich their Hands tied behind them, and fome of them in Irons. Captain Hall believes that none of the Slaves he bought were People of the Coa!l:. And being afked, What Age the Slaves were who were offered to him? replied, From Children up to Thirty. Sometimes they offered an old Man or 'Noman; but they were fo in variably rejeCl:cd, that they feklom brought them. The following Evidence of Mr. JAMES ARNOLD was delivered by him in Writing to the Committee, Mr. Arnold being brought to the Com mittee by Mr. Clarkfon, while the Report was preparing, and a few Alterations were made in it upon put to this Witnefs with his Confcnt. MR. JAMES ARNOLD ferved Five Years in his Majefl:y's Navy, as Surgeon and Surgeon's Mate. He quitted the King's Service at the Conclufion of the !all: War, and has fince made Three Voyages to the Coafl: of Africa, as Surgeon and Surgeon's Mate, on board Two different VelTds belonging to the Port of Brifl:ol. The fir!l: VoyJge was to the River of Bonny, on board the Alexander, Captain Mactaggart, in of Surgeon's Mate, under Mr. Alexander Falconbridge, Surgeon of the faid Velld. The fecond Voyage was on board the Little Pearl, Captain Jofeph Williams. And the third Voyage (to which his prefent Evidence entirely applies) was in the fame VelTel (the Name of which was changed to that of the Ruby), commanded by the faid Captain Williams. This Voyage was to the Ifland of Bimbe, a fmall Ifland ficuated oppofite to that Part of the Continent of Africa difiinguillmi by the Name of the High Lands of the Cameroons.Mr. Arnold having mentioned that he made his firfl: Voyage to the River of Bonny in the fame Ship with Mr. Fakonbri,Jge, was afked, Whether the Circumfl:ances fl:ated in the Pamphlet publifhed by Mr. Falconbridge were, according to his Judgment, founded in Faet ?-and confirmed the fame. He then delivered in a Paper, intitled, Some Particulars of a Voyage to Guinea, by James Arnold;" being a Copy of what he had fworn to before Edward Montague, Efq; and certified to be a true Copy, examined with the Original by the Reverend Mr. Clarkfon: Which Paper is as follows : A. Some Particulars of a Voyage to Guinea by James Arnold. On the 9th of Augufl: 1787 Mr. Arnold failed from King-road, on board the Brig Ruby (late Little Pearl), Jofeph Williams Mafl:er, for Africa, as Surgeon of the faid Veffd. The whole including the Captain, Men, and Boys, amounted to Nineteen. On the z5th of Se?tember following we arrived at the Ifland of Bimbe, the Place of our Dtfl:ination. This llhnd, which is a very fmall one, is fituated oppo!ite to that Part of the Continent of Africa \; hich is uiftin guiihed by the Name of the High Lands of the Cameroons. The fir!l: Perfon was purchafed at this Illand for the Ship was a youn g G:c: of about Fifteen Years of Age, whom we calleu Eve; for it is ufual on board the Slave Ship:; to give the Appellation of Adam and Eve to the firft Man and Woman that are brought on boaru. This Girl, who was extremely clever and intelligent, told Mr. Arnold the following Tale: "That a Goat had been found in her Father's Garden, which, lhe faid, h:td been purpofdy put there: one of the Traders and great Men of the Place came in the Morning, and finding the Goat tlwrc, charged hn Father with having ftolen it, and faid, moreover, that nothing lefs would him for the Offence than One of his Daughters as a Slave. In confequence of this, he was obliged to produce them, or abide by the Confequences himfdf. They were Three in Number, and the great Man, liking her the befl: whom we called Eve, took her and fold her to thofc Traders, who afterwards brought her to the VelTel." She came from a Place called Bunjc, which is on the oppo!ite Continent of the Cameroons. About Three Months afterwards, a young Girl of about Eight Years old was brought on board. On being placed on the fhe either faw, or attracted the Notice of the other young Girl jull: mentioned. They very foon embraced each other, and went below. Their Fea tures were much alike, and it appeared, upon Inquiry, that they were Sifters. Mr. Arnold had never the Curio!ity to inquire how lhe came into the Situation of a Slave. It repeatedly happens, that Relations are brought on board, foch as Brothers and Sifters, vVives and Hufbands, :ind thefe at feparate Times. The Scenes exhibited between them are ofce.n very affecting. 4 To Digitized by Go gle Origitial from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Slaves; PART I. To proceed with this Narrarive: About Three 'ii/eeks afrer tlie Ruby had arrived at Bimbe, a Cameroons. bhck Trader brought another on board They drank together, and were fociable in the Velfcl; Mr. J. Arwhen, on a Signal being givt>n by the Captain to fome of the Ship's Company, the Perfon nold. hrought on board was immediatdy fcized and put in Irons. He was afterwards carried to the Weft Indies. In this Manner Fiveothers were taken They were brought to the Vcffel at Five feparate Times by the Traders. They were conduCl:ed to the Cabin, where they refrelhed chemfelves and ap peared merry, but on their comingot1t, were feized by the Sailors, who had received Orders from the Captain for chat Purpofe. For Mr. Arnold has heard the Captain fay, in all thefe In!l:ances, to the Sailors, Mind, fuch an one is intended for us; ftand by and feize him;" or \'V ords co that Meaning. Three Males and One Female were alfo on board the Ruby, who were faid to have been fold for Debt. One of thefo was a Trader: He had borrowed a Gun of another Trader to complete his Alfortment; he was unable, however, to recurn it on Demand: In confequence of this, he was fcizcd and fold. The Hi!l:ory of this Man Mr. Arnold learned from the Perfon who brought him on board the V elfel. There were alfo among the Slaves, as far as Mr. Arnold could learn from Inquiry, Jome who had been fokl for Adt1!tcry; One of thcfe confelfed that he had been guilry, bur others that they were innocent, chis Crime having been purpofely laid to their Charge that they might be taken and fold. On board rhe Ruby were alfo Five or Six who had received Wot1nds, which Wounds had been feemingly made either by a Cutlafs or a Knife; for they appeared, except One, to be clean cut. One Man had a Wound on his right Ancle, and another had a \'Vound on one Side of the Head: The Fore-finger of a Third was nearly cut off. Thefe \Vounds mull: have been given them while the Ruby lay at Bimbe; for they came under Mr. Arnold's Care, and did not appear co have been more than of a Week's Date. Mr. Arnold did not inquire of thefe how they became Slaves, but fet them down in his own Mind as having been taken either by Stratagem or Force; that they had been refifting the Efforts of their Captors, and chat during their Refiltance they had met with the above Wounds. Mr. Arnold was the more confirmed in this Opinion, becaufe there were feveral Boys on board from the Age of Seven to Twelve, who had no Relations on board. Thefe Boys could never have come to the Ship either for Adultrry or Debt; but muft, Mr. Arnold thinks, have been ftolen QC taken by Fraud or by Force; which Cuftom he believes to be much in force. If there is any orher Circum11:ance to ftrengthen his Opini on more, it is, that he has heard Captain Willia ms ofren fay, who had been long in the Slave Trade, that People watch in the long Grafs at Angola, and make Slaves of all chofe who chance to be palling that Way. By thefe Means, viz by means of Charges (either feigned or real) of Adultery or Debt, by enticing People on board and detaining them forcibly, and by means of Treachery of other Kinds (as Mr. Arnold verily believes), many of thefe Slaves who were on board the Ruby were obrained. Manner of bringing the Slaves to the Veffel, and examining them there. The Slaves who thus ca me into our Power (Mr. Arnold obferved) were all of them brought from the oppofitc Conrinent. The Traders of Bimbe were accuftomed to go for them in their Canoes. They attended Fairs that were held at Bunje; and it is worthy of Remark, that more were univerfally broughr down at the full Moon than at any other Time. -\\/hen the Traders had bargained for their Slaves on the Continent, they led or drove them down to their Canoes This was done in the following Manner: The Arms of fome of the Slaves were tied behind them, and made faft with a Kind of Ivy, which is ufed there as a Rope; round their N eeks was a Collar made of Roots or Twigs, and to this was faftened a Pole of about Three l nches in Diameter, and Three Yards long, of the following Form: c.A -=-e The Circle AB reprefents the Collar, and B, the Pole or Handle with which they are led along. This was the Situation of fome, while others were fecured in a different Manner. The Arms of thofe to whom Mr. Arnold alludes were not tied behind their Backs, as in the former Cafe, but were confined by means of a Board, I av0'l RJ I .JI X Y repref<:nts fuch a Board. The Two Circles ilre the Two Holes through which their Hands are put, and ab is a Pin of Wood which is fixed tight upon the Wrift, N z Confined Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN I


PART I. luck the Pawns, and that they lhould remain in Confiqement till her Return. A Schooner was Camrroon,. accorJingly difpatched, with Slaves on board to .give in Exchange for the faiJ In the Mr. J. Ar Interim, however, and before the Return of the fa1d Schooner, the Officers of the different V dfds, nold. aided by the Seamen, who were armed, went to releafe the above Captains from their Co.nfincment. One Sailor was wounded and One Black Man was killed, and others wounded m the Scuffle. By thefe Means Four of the Captains were releafed, but the Fifth, named Bean, Captain of a large Ship belonging to London, being farther inland, could not be refrn ed, and he was il:ill in Con-finement when the Ruby left the Coaft. By means then of thefe J".awns, .which Mr. Arnold now defcribed, the Trade of Bimbe and the Cameroons 1s carried on. The Medmm of at thefe Places 1s called a Bar; this Bar is worth about Four Shillings in our Money. A Gun is, generally fpeaking, fold to the Natives for Three Bars, and a prime Slave in thefe Parts does not, Mr. Arnold believes, co!l: us more than Ten or Twelve Pounds per Head. Mr. Arnold added, he was ferry to be obliged to confefs that the Slave Trade at Bimbe and th:: Cameroons, as far as his Obfervations went, was condutl:ed on the Principle of Force. Of this he gave fame In!l:ances which had fallen under his own Knowledge. A Day or Two before we arrived at Bimbe, he obferves, the Comet, Captain Wilding, of Liverpool, was lying there. It is to be the N fub!iil: upon Filh. It fo happened that they were employed m tlus Occupation at this Time; Captain W 1ldmg, confiderin<> that the more there were employed in this Way, the lefs there would be to go for Slaves, and the he would be in completing his Cargo, determined to force them to be employed in the Slave Trade. He. accordingly fired among them, while they were their Filh Pots in their Canoes, and tndeavoured by thefe Means to il:nke fuch a Terror mto them, as to make them leave their Employment. This Mr. Arnold heard from Captain Wilding' s own Mouth, when he vifited on board the Ruby: The Ruby fired upon them alfo. Captain Williams alfo was equally well known for forcing Trade, and for forcing the Natives to trade upon his own Terms; Mr. Arnold h?.s fcen different Black Traders come on board to difpofe of their l vory, and has feen them repeatedly beaten by the Captain and put into Irons, be. caufe they would not comply with his Terms in taking inferior Goods in Exchange for their Commodities. Of this he will give the following Inil:ance, a5 it will lhew the bad Effects which may rcfult from fuch bad Proceedings. On Illand of Bimbe the confiderable Trader, a Man of the greate!l: Confequence, was called Jack. One Morning he came on board Ivory to trade: 1:he Captain having referved his belt fqr the Purchafe of Slaves, him others of an mfenor Sort: Thefc he refufed to take_. he .fhoukl never be able to d1fpofe of them to the .other Traders; upon this the Captarn 1mmed1ately fe1zed hnn, and with fame Allifl:ance confined him. He pm a Collar round his Neck, to which was faftened a large Chain; the End of this Chain was put through Two Ring Bolts on the Deck, and locked to the farrhermoft Bolt with a Key, which Key was afterwards kept in the Captain's Cabin. The Captain however pretended, tbat he did not !l:op him for re fufing the Guns, bm for the Debts contratl:ed by the Three Cameroon Tradus before mentioned, whoft: Pawns he had releaftd from Bibby. Bimbe Jack, a!l:onifhe

PART I. -.. ...... Slaves. Cameroons. Mr. J. ArnolJ. Thirty.fix SlavesGood9. J. A. had been agreed for .J. 1\. Apr. 1, 17ilJ N. B Mr. Arnold's El'idence wa s rccrived by About Three days afterwards Captain having nO\V completed his own Water, hailed Captain Martin to know if he had gotten \Vater enough for his own Velfel, and that if he had not completed it, he had better do it now, and that he would affift him. Captain Martin made a Reply, in confequence of which the Ruby's Boat wich the Second Mate and Four Men well armed, was fent and was joined by that of the St. Andrew, whofe People were armed in the fame Manner. In confequence of the Mate and Four Seamen having gone off in the Boat (as now defcribe

Sla1.Jes. ing to the John of London, on her Palfage from the Windward Coaft to the Cameroons, fhared the fame Fat<:>, and che whole Crew, amounting to Five, were killed. All this happened while we were at Bimbe; and fo long as we continue to trade as we do, fo long (Mr. Arnold believes) fimilar lnllances will be found. PART L Cameroons. Mr.J.Ar nold. the Com. To proceed: Betides the lnll:ance of Captain Wilding's firing among the People of Bimbe, to make them purfue the Slave Trade, and Captain Williams's Conduct to Bimbe Jack, to make him trade upon his own Terms, Mr. Arnold will mention One or Two lnftances more. and thtabove Alterations Three Cameroon Traders came one Night on board of us with their Ivory, to trade; the Cap-in the Mar tain, for the fame Realon as he had confined Bimbe Jack, feized them, and put them in Irons, gin wf the Kings of a Di!hict on that River This young Man had been Twelve at New York for Education, and was then returning home. He was conll:antly faying how they obtained the Negroes for Sla,es in his Part of the Country; and that if he fhould be fo fortunate as to find a \re!Tel in that River trading for Slaves, he would become a great Man, for he would arm his Fatha's People, a1id fend them on fuch an Errand. N 4 Digitized by Go gle Mr. Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Slaves. PART t. not charge his Memory with any Thing of that Sort; but there may be-bad and wicked Men fo Congo to An thefe Countries who mJy charge People with Crimes with this View. gol; Loan go,Melimba, About Three Fourths of the Natives ofthefe Kingdoms are in a State of Slavery, but the Maf-aodCab

PART I. ... Slaves. The following Evidence of the Rev. ls HAM BAGGS of Yarlington, near Wincanton, Somerfet, was delivered by him in Writing to the Com..: mittee, Mr. Baggs being brought to the Committee by Mr. Clarkfon, while the Report was preparing, and a few Alterations were made in it upon put to this Witnefs with his Confcnt. Rev Ifuam Mr. BAGGS was with Commodore Thompfon Two Voyages in the Years 1783 and 1785 on Baggs. board the Grampus to the Coaft of Africa, as his Chaplain, Companion, and Friend. It was an ObjeCl: with the Commodore to land whenever he could, and to inquire of the Black People into the Mode of obtaining Slaves: He never confulted the Whites on the Subject, as not thinking them on that Continent worthy of any Credit. Mr. Baggs always attended him on Shore, and was always prefent at thefe Conferences the Natives : It was impoflible for Mr. Baggs to put down the feveral I nil:ances and Rdauons then and there heard : He cannot therefore, from this Circumftance, as well as that of a Want of RecolleCl:ion, relate the Particulars ; but as the Mind, when impreffed by numerous Facts, imperceptibly difcerns and comes to fome general Decilion, fo what he has to offer with refpeCl: to the Mode of obtaining Slaves, as well as the Hiftory of the Seamen in the Slave Trade, is the Refult of thofe particular Scenes and Narratives which were laid before Commodore Thompfon and himfelf in the Courfe of the Two Voyages above men tioned ; and this Refult may be looked upon as true as if he was in Pofi'dlion of all the particular Tranfactions that gradually co-operated in producing it. Par. 7 Upon examining into the various 'Vays by which the Natives of Africa were reduced to a State of Slavery, Mr. Baggs was almoft univerfally informed by the Black Brokers, that Crimes contl:itured One of the Ways by which they were doomed to Servitude; that the Revenue of the Kings of the Country depended on the Sale of Slaves, and that they therefore ftrained every Nerve to accufe and to condemn. In contequcnce of which it was, that their Codes of Law were made wholly fubfervient to the Slave Trade; that every Offence, however trivial, was punilhed with Slavery, and that great DiftinCl:ions were made in Crimes, i n order that more might fulfer; for there were fome of fuch a Defcription, fuch as capital Crimes, or Crimes of Stare, that not only the Perpetrator of them was forced into Slavery, but his innocent Family and Relations. Par. 8. A fecond Source, from whence the Slave Trade derh ed its Continuance and Support, was univerfally faid to be War, which War appeared to be neither more or lefs than public Pil lage or Robbery. Thefe Wars were generally made without any Provocation, and for no other Purpofe than that of getting Slaves. The Inhabitants of the difierent Villages were perpetually making Inroads into the Territories of each other, and carrying off all they could meet with; and they were induced to do this, becaufe there were generally Ships upon the Coatl: to take off' their Hands as many as they could catch and bring. This is all that Mr. Baggs knows upon this Subject. He has mentioned Crime$, and War or public Robbery, as the Two grand Sources of fupplying the Europeans with Slaves; and this was the whole Refult of his and Commodore Thompfon's Inquiries during the Two Voyages that they made to the Coaft together. Par. 9. It appearedduri!lgtheExamination of the different Black by Commodore Thomptbn and Mr. Baggs, that 1t has happened, that when the marauding Parties have come down with their Booty to the Water-fide, there has been no Ship to rake them away, and that they have on fuch an Occafion killed their Captives. The Reafon given for fuch a Procedure was, that they would not be at the Expence of maintaining them, and that they were unwilling to fond them back. Thefe Murders, m the Opinion of Mr. Baggs, are all chargeable to the Slave Trade; for, if that Trade had not exifted, the unhappy Sufferers would have been unmoletl:ed in their feveral Habitations; they would never have been brought down to the Coatl:; and the Circumtl:ance of Inability, or a Dillike to fupport and maintain them, and of Unwillingnefs to fend them back, would have never occurred. Par. 10. It was formerly a Cutl:om with the Englilh to prevail on the Natives ro come on board under Pretence ofTraffic,and then to weig'1 Anchor, and take them off. This Cutl:om has however become lefs frequent than formerly Mr. Baggs remembers but One lntl:ance of it while the Grampus was upon the Coatl:. It appearing in feveral Parts of the above Evidence, that the Number of Male Slaves exported annually from the Coafl of Africa, exceeded generally the Number of Females; the Committee were led to enquire into the probable Caufe thereof, and thereupon direeted the following to be tranfmitted to the Committee of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa, and to the feveral Perfons who had been examined with ref pelt to the Trade in Slaves. What Caufe is in the Number .of Male and Female Slaves exported from the Coaft of Afr1ca to be 1mpured? Whether 1r 1s that the European Traders prefer purchafing Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Slaves. purchaling Males rather than Females, or whether there is a greater Difficulty in obtaining 1'' emale Slaves than in obtain i ng Males? State the Caufes fur the Pre ference in the Firft Cafe, and for the Difficulty in the Second. PART I. In Return to this Q!!ell:i on, the following Anfwers have been received. The Statutes under which the Committee of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa was Committeeof conftituted, having reftrained them, as well as their Servants in Africa, from any Share in the Traffic he Company of tranfporting Slaves from any of Settlei:nents in that Country to the We!J: Indies, they have not had a fuffic1ent Acquaintance with the Subject referred, to enable them to mveft i""ate the Africa. Q!!eftion put to them; bur being defirous to teftify their Readinefs to obey th e ir Com-mands, upon this and every other Occafion, they were proceeding with every Degree of Attention and Affiduity to collect the moll: correct Information on the Q!!e!tion of Reference they were able by Application co fuch of their Servants, now in England, as have refidcd any confiderable Time in Africa. But under!tanding that the Queftion had alfo been referred to chofe Gentlemen individually, the Commiccee ofrhe Company of Merchants trading to Africa did not proceed fur th e r in their T nve!tigation, apprehending the Information they could have fo collected would b e laid before this Committee by the Parries (from whom it mull: have been obtained) with more Advantage than by them, and therefore begging to refer thereto; efpecially as any Thing they could offer on the Subject mull: be the EffeCl: of Inquiries rather than of any local official Knowledge ther can poffibly polfefs of the Matter of Reference. In obedience to the D i rections of the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade, I Mr. Barne.. have con!idered the Q!!eilion accompanying the Lecter to me of the 19th Mar, and for the more perfect Satisfaction of their Lordfhips, I fhlll firft examine the general Q!!ell:ion, as. it is ftated therein, and which I apprehend, if well anfwered, will leave very little to be faid to the fubfequent Branches of it The general is, To what Caufes is the Difference of Male and Female Slaves exported from the Coaft of Africa to be imputed ? To which I anfwcr, that chis Difference appears to me to be imputable to the Three following Caufes. Firft, to the Practice of Polygamy which prevails throughout Africa. In all Countries where there is a partial Appropriation of one Sex, there mull: be a proportional Redundancy of the other. In the Popifh Countries of Europe, the Celibacy of the different religious Orders of Males mull: produce fuch a Redundancy of Females, for whom the only Provifion is a Convent, ln all the different Nations of Polygamifts, the unequal Dill:ribution of the Females mu!t on the contrary produce a ftill greater Redundancy of Males; a Part of which may be difpofed of in the Levant, and in Barbary by the Plague, War, Caftrat i on, or a worfe Proftitution. But the great and univerfal Remedy in all fuch Countries is a Commerce in Slaves, which appears fo indifprn fably neceffary, that I muft queftion, whether Polygamy could exift without it Now in the Negro Countries of Africa, where they have no \Vomen but of their own Stock, where the Pla"'ue is never felt, War but little dell:ructive, Caftration never practifed, and unnatural Paffions unknown, and where all the furrounding Nations refort for Slaves, it is very natural to conclude, th:it the Redundancy of Maks mull: neceffarily fall into this Channel, Secondly, To fume of the very Caufes of Slavery itfelf : Men are more expof c d to the Dangers of \Var than Women: They are more apt to commit civil Offences, and in all fuch Cafes, where Males and Females are involved in the fame Calamity, the firfl Caufe ftill has its Operation, the young Females are kept for Wives, and the Males are fold for Slaves. And thirdly, To the Unfitnefs of Females forthe Slave Market ata much earlier Age than the Males. A Woman, through Child-bearing, may appear a very exceptionable Slave at Twenty-two or Twenty-three Years of Age; whereas a healthy well-made Man will not be objected to at Four or Five and Thirty; confequently, if an equal Number of Males and Females of like Ages were affixed fur S:ik, a much greater l'roportiol! of the Females would be rejeCl:ed, not for fake of Alfortment, but on account of Q!!ality. With regard to the firll: Divifion of their Lordlhips viz. Whether the European Traders prefer purchafing Males rather than Females, I have co obferve, That though it is impoffible to conduct the Bufinefs, either of a Houfe or of a Plantation, without a Number of Females, yet as the Nature of Slave Service in the Weft Indies, being chiefly Field Labour, re quires, for the immediate lnterell: of the Planter, a greater Number of Males, the European Trader would of courfe wifh co purchafe his Alfortment accord i ng to the Proportion wanted; but the FaCl: is, he has not an Option, for the Reafons alr eady mentioned; and in moll: Parts of Africa, it is with great Difficulty he can get as many faleable Females as will form any tolerable Alfortment, which ought to conlift of about One-third Part. As for the latter Divifion of the Q!!eftion, it is fo fully anfwered in what I have already faid, that I do not think it neceffary to trouble their Lordfhips with any Thing further upon ir. Male Slaves are more hardy, ea!ier obta i ned, and of lefs Value in Africa, and more Value in Mr. Poplett. the Weft Indies than Females who are more ferviceable to their Owners in Africa than Men, from their Labour in the Field, dome!tic Ufe, Subordination, and breeding Slaves. Prime Male Slves are generally fold in the Weft Indies for 36 l per llead; Women from 25 l to 30/. am! are more fubjec1 to Difeafe and Death at Sea than Men, and th e refore lefs valuable to the N 6 Digitized by Go gle I can Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN I : ' I


PART J, Captain Heatley. Mr. Eldrid. Mr. Mathews, Mr. Dalzell, Mr, Norris. Slin;es. I can only affign Two Reafons for the Preference of Mak to Female Slaves: Fidl:, the Male is better able to fbnd the Fatigue of P'affage: Secondly, the Male at particular Markets may fetch from 5 I. to 10!. Sterling per Head more than a FenJJle. This is no general Rute, for a good Angola or Ebo Female Slave will fetch as much Pric<: as a Male. The above are my Reafons, had I my Choice; but I never knew an lnll:ance in the Courfe of my Trade, where a good Female Slave, or Boy or Girl, was refuf.:d by the European Trader. I have known many lnll:ances, and have often been under the Nectllity of purchafing very ordinary Female Slaves, and have exchanged prime Males for Cuch, in order to obtain a fufficient Number of Females, to prepare the Provifion for the Cargo. In the River Gambia the Corn is all pounded and reduced occafionally to Flour in wooden Mortars. The Reafons I affign for the Difproportion of Female to Male Slaves, are, Firll:, that\\' omen in Africa are fully employed in domell:ic Cares, nay more, fhe works in the Field while the Male is fmoa'Ring his Pipe, confequently fhe is not fo much in the Way of Temptation, nor has fhc the Opportunity for the Commiffion of Crimes as the Male. Secondly, The Natives, whof.: Riches confill: in Slaws, prefer purchlfing F;:males to Males for very fubllantial Reafons; the Females (who are the labouring Part of the Community) are much more traetable than the Male; nor are they fo fobjetl: to elope from their Mailers. It is cullomary for the Natives to bring prime Males to a Ship or Faetory to exchange for an indifferent or ordi nary Female, or for fmall Boys and Girls, from Five to Ten Years of Age. Thirdly, In the Wars few Women and Children arc made Prifoners. If apprifed of an Attack, they remove the 'Vomen to Places of Security. The Difference in the Number of Male and Female Slaves, exported from the Coall of Africa, is occafioned by the Demand in the Weft Indies and America being greater for.the former than the latter. Female Slaves can be procured on the Coaft with more Facility than Male Slaves. The chief Caufes, in our Opinion, that occafion a greater Number of Male than Female Slaves being brought to Market, are, Firll, Polygamy univerfally prevails in Africa, and the Men of all Ranks, as often as their Circumllances permit, increafe the Number of their \\'omen; the Fantees in particular feldom part with a handfomc Female Slave. Secondly, The retaining :iml incorporating Male Captives taken in \Var, is deemed dangerous and impolitic ; they are therefore generally fold or put to Death, whilll the Females arc retervcd for domellic Services. Thirdly, VI' e believe that, except in the Article of Gallantry, Men an: oftener guilty of Crimes, by which they forfeit their Liberty, than Women. Although the European Traders find a greater Demand for Males in the newly fettled Jflands, yet they take their Chance, and generally purchafe every faleable Slave that offers of either Sex. At Annamaboe and Angola they fometimes give even a foperior Price for Women to atrort their Cargoes, although Women fell in the Welt Indies for Forty Shillings lefs than the Men. Rev. Mr. On the Windward Coall of Africa (the only Part I am acquainted with), and at the Time I Newton. was there, the Number of Male Slaves purchafed ufually exceeded that of the Females in the Proportion of about Four to Three, and fometimes of Three to Two. This Difference was not owing to any Preference given by the European Purchafers; for though Males were in fact pre ferred to Females, becaufe they yielded a better Price in our JflamJs, yet all the Slaves that were offered (if judged faleable) were brought without a Difcrimination, and the fame Price given upon the Coaft for a Woman, and even for a Girl, if taller than Four Feet Four Inches, as for a ll:out full grown young Man. I cannot with Certainty affign the Reafons why fewer Females than Males are brought to the Ships and Boats for Sale; and it would be impertinent to take up Time with mere ConJeCtures; I 1hall therefore only obfervc, upon this I'lrt of the Q!1ellion, that fome Perfons think (and it feems not improbable) that a very confidnable Part of the Slaves fold to the Ships and Boats are kidnapped or ftolen. If fo, it rnay be foppofed that Females, who abide chiefly in their Towns, are lefs expofed to this Danger than the Males, whom the Purpofes of Hunting or Traffic may lead further and more frequently from Home: And as Polygamy generally prevails in Africa, it is polliblc that fome Female Captives may be referved in their F arnilies, who would otherwife be fold. Mr. Falcon On the Coatt of Africa, the Captains of Slave Ships never wifh to purchaft: more than Oneb:idgc. third Females. The Planters in the Weft Indies in moll: Cafes prefer Males, becaufe they lofe the Labour of a Female in the latter End of and for a littk Time afterwards; che Child is fome Years before it can be put to L1bour 111 my Opinion, if the Europeans were fo difpofed, they could purchafe in Africa (at kalt) ;i:, many Female:, a> Maks. Digitized by Go gle 6 Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Slaves. l'AR T I. The Difference in 1he Number of Male and Female Slaves exported from Africa, arifes from Mr. Miles. various Caufcs: As far as refpdts 1he Exporiation from 1he Gold Coaft, the following Reafons may be affigne; thofe in middling Circumftances from Ten to Fifteen or Twenty. Thefe Women are generally employed, and act in every llcfpett as Servants, Men in that Country (unlefs amongft the Europeans) are never fuff.:red to do; hence the Utcfulnefs of the Women renders them karce; c:dd to which, very tew of them are fold for any other Crime than Adultery, and that is very ofren forgiven them ; whereas the Men being liable to Slavery from Thefr, Adultery, Gambling, &c. their Number fold mu ft of Courie bear no Proportion to the \Vomen. From the above Caufe it being evident, that there is no Proponion between the Numbers of the former and the latter fold, that mull: account for the prefent Mode of making African Purchafe5, which is Two Males to One Female, and even this Proportion it is very often hard to obtain. The Reafon why there are fewer Female than Male Slaves exported in the Ships from the Gold Mr. Miles, Coaft is the Difficulty of procuring them on that Part of the Coaft, the young Women being kept in the Country by the rich and powerful Natives. The fame Reafon operates in the Eboe Country; but a frill fironger Mocive induces the Natives not to difpofe of them, which is, that it is the from the City Cullom of the Country for the Women to work in the Field, and do other laborious Offices : of Bnftol. Of cour!C: Captains of Ships have it not in their Power to purchafe more young Female Slaves than are offered for Sale; and it certainly would be an Act of Inhumanity, as well as bad Policy, to b r ing off' aged Women. The \Veil: India lflJnds being the great Mart for Slaves to the European Traders from the Captain Coall of Africa, and the Culiure of the Sugar Cane, and Management through all its laborious T. Wilfon, S:agts, which the Male chiefly purchafed and more peculiarly adapted, is evidently the Realon why the Preference 1s given to that Sex. A Boy of Twelve Years of Age will in general fdl for more than a Woman of Twenty, but full grown young Men are in higheft Efiimation; Health, Strength, and Bone havmg every Preference, and exactly in the fame Proportion with a Planter at Jamaica or the Windward Inands, as it would in a Dray Horfe to a Carman in London : All Handicrafts of feafoned Negroes excepted. Tne Females are moftly purchafed for domeftic Ufes, and confequently (in Plantations) are not required in a Proportion of more than One to Four or Five. I e!l:imate this Proportion, and at this Diftance of Time, by Guefs; but to the bell: of my Judgement, Experience, and Recol lethon, 1 never heard of any Difficuhy in procuring Female Slaves on the Coaft of Africa on the contrary, they are frequently prelfed, if not forced on the European Trader, by the Black Merchant, who will not put with a Lot of Males alone, although at the fame Time fewer in PART I. 0 Proportion Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


PART I. Captain T. Wil!on. Slaves. Proportion are brought down to the Sea Side, deterred no Doubt by the Difficulty of felling them, for many of come by Water down the Rivers, or in Droves, from Seven to Eight hundred Miles Inland on the Coa!t of Gambia, far beyond the Source of that River, wluch exceeds chis Diftance from the Sea. In the Welt India Sea Ports, and Inland Towns, the dome!lic Slaves cannot well be prevented from increafing; but in the Plantations, Experience will convince every impartial Enquirer and Obferver, it is quite the Reverfe, as much the larger Proportion of Planters would, and certainly do, yearly replace their Slaves at the Expence of from 40 I. to 60 I. a Head, as the Mark(tS flutl:uate, with what they term Healthy new Negroes, rather than breed them, and look from Sixteen to Eighteen Years for their full and atl:ual Service. p R 0 D u c E. Seneg,l nd F R 0 M Cape Blanco down almoll to Senegal, the Soil is nothing but Sand ; from Senegal Gob"' :.lmoll co Cape Verd, the Country begins to be in fome Places hilly and woody; and from Cape 10 am '" Verd down almo!l: to Gambia, there are Woods and Mountains, fome of the latter very high. rr. Wad-The Valleys between are fandy, but mixed with a great Number of Shells. Mr. Wad!l:rom has rom. obferved that the Sugar Cane, Tobacco, and particularly Cotton and lndico of a good Dr. Spaarman. Mr. Wad ltrom. grow there. Being a{ked if any of thefe Articles are made Ufe of in the Country by way of Merchandize l he replied, The firft Trial of this Sort was made tail: Y car by a Frenchman, who carr:ed from thence to France, fome Dye Woods, Cotton, and lndico, to fee whether they would anfwer The Jndico was not made into Cakes, but only boilc:d down 11 liccle for the Convenience of Carriage. The Nature of the Soil is Sand, and a little Clay and Marie, but it is very fruitful; it produces in great Plenty Two Sorts of Millet, fome Sorts of Pulfe, and Fruits of various Kinds, Cotton and lndico wild. He never faw any Tobacq> there ; there arc Canes of a great Height, and of a fugary Tafte, which might produce Sugar; none of thefe Articles are cultivated for Exportation except Millet, which is fold to the European Traders, for Food for the Slaves. The Qudtion being put to Mr. Wadfl:rom and to Dr. Spaarman, whether they thought that by any and what Encouragement, the Natives of this Country might be induced to cultivate the above Articles, fo as to make them Objetl:s of Commerce? Mr. Wadftrom gave it as his Opinion that the only Encouragement would be by fettling a Colony of Europeans there, and though they would proceed by very flow Degrees, yet they would gradually reconcile the Princes and the Natives of the Country to it; and he added, that he fhould himfdf be glad to be One of the Firfl: to engage in fuch an Undercaking. Dr. Sptannan, Dr. Spaarman thinks alfo this might be accomplifhed by planting Colonies among them, and paying them for their Labour They have at prefent fome Sort of lnduftry, which by Example might be increafed They would not at once be brought to regular and diurnal Labour, but by little and little they might be reconciled to it. !he Part of the Country Mr. Dalrymple has Occafion to was we.II inhabited The joining. Soil, which 1s a Mixture of Sand and Black Earth, 1s remarkably ferule, produc1ng, with very l1ttle Mr. Dalrym. Labour, Two Species of the Millet, the large and the fmall, in Abundance. le produces pie.. alfo wirhout Cultivation, the Sugar Cane, lndico, Tobacco, (which he believes to be a P!Jnt indigenous to the Country, but cannot pofitively fay), and Two Species of Conon; the Tree: which is Fifteen Feet in Height, and the Shrub never riling above Two Feet. The lalt produces a Cotton of a very fine of which their Pagnes arc made ; a Plane which bears a Cotton of a Nankeen Colour, is cultivated in feveral !:'laces near the Cape, but Mr Dalrymple has Reafon to think that this Plant has been imported from the Ea!l: Indies by the French Mr. Dalrymple does not know that the Negroes cultivate the Sugar Cane, they are ignorant of the Art of extratl:ing Sugar from it; but from the great they con fume, it would feem Digitized by Go gle 5 tha.t Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Produce. PART t. that at particular Seafans of the Year it conllituted fame Part of their Food. They have no Rice Goree, ond in this Part of the Country, but a great deal grows in Senegal, and on the River Gambia. All the Tobacco that grows here is the Effect of Cultivation. They prefrr ours as lhonger. le docs not ; i". conli!l: with his own Knowkdge that they prefer our Tobacco to their own, but Mr. J)3lryrnplc ;.1:. pn has been told it by fame Captains in the Trade of that Country. Indigo grows without Cultivation in moft Parts of this Coaft, is foperior in to the bdl: produced in om \Veft lncfo Inands, and is inferior to that which grows in the Province of Guatimala. The l'Jcgroes ufe it to dye their Pagnes, or Cotton Cloths, which are commonly firipcd blue and whine. They gather the Leaves at nil Seafons indifferently, which they pound in wooden Tray,, ancl make up in Balls; thefe Balls, when ufed, are infufecl in cold 'Nater, in which Wood Alhes have bern di!folved. Mr. Dalrymple does not know whether any of this Indigo has been exported. Tobacco grows in confiderable on this P2rt of the Coafi, but the Negroes are ignorant of the Mode of curing it. He cannot fpeak as to the of it, but remembers that for fmoaking our Soldiers preferred it to that of America. Be rides. the above mentioned Planes, this Country prodllces fame Ginger, and a confiderable of that Species of Pepper known by the Name of Malaguetta, or Grains of Paradi[<:, much ufed by Dillillers of Spirits in this Country. Here alfa are found Groves of Ebony, the Tree called Kofs by the Natives, feveral Species of the Acalia, and on the high Lands about the Cape, the Gum Dragon, befides many other Trees, all of which would anfwer for Cabinet Work. This Country produces fome Slaves, though not in great Numbers, fome Ivory, and a con liderable Q.!;1ancity of Wax. The Trade in Ivory and Wax is not carried on to any great Amount. There is a great deal of Cabinet Wood, but it is not exported. Mr. Dalrymple has heard that this Country extends inwards about 200 Miles, but believes no Englilbman ever went near fo far within Land. They many Villages difperfed over the C<>untry. Mr. Dalrymple has feen a Town containing near ,3,0oo Inhabitants. The Houfes are made with Reeds, and finilhed in the Inlide with a conriderable Degree of Tafte and Neatnefs, and arckept extremely clean. The ufual Food of the People is Miller, which is produced with little Labour. Tfiey have Peafe, Beans, Cucumbers, and Melons. They fometimes t"at Meat, bm foldom. They have great Herds of Cattle, Cows, Goats, and Horfes; but the latter not in great Numbers. Mr. Dalrymple has heard that the Country is lefs populous fince the Introdutlion of the Slave Trade, though he never faw any ruined Villages. The Villages are entirely built with Reeds; fo that a whole Town, in cafe of being deftroyed by Fire, can be rebuilt in a few Days; but if ic fhould not be rebuilt, Vegetation is fo vigorous, that the Spot where the Town fiood, is in the courfe of a few Weeks covered with long Grafs and Bulhes. Mr. Dalrymple being afked, what Encouragement would, in his Opinion, contribute to extend the Trade in the above Articks of Produce ? replied, He did not pretend to give any Anfwer to that The.People in thefe Countries have an Idea of Pr'?perty m Land, arifes Mr. Poplctt, immedtate Occupancy. The Property of all Land 1s fuppofed to be m the Kmg, winch he d1ftnbutes out to the Village, and takes away again at his Pleafure. The Alcaide of the Village diftri-butes it among the feveral Inhabitants thereof, in proportion to their Wealth, and in conformity to his, the Alcaide's, Pleafure. On this Land they raife Two Species of Guinea Corn, and the Indian Corn, the Manyoc, which is a Species of Yam, and great Abundance of the large Water Melon ; as alfo great ties of Rice, which is very cheap there, and with which they feed themfelves and the Slaves they breed there. There are Europeans, EngliJh and French fettled on the Side of. the River Gambia, allo in the Kingdom Demel, who have pur: chafed Land for very mconliderable Q.!;1antmes of Brandy and other Articles of Traffic, on which they raife, in Addition to the abovementioned Articles, Bananas, Plantains, Oranges, (which alfo grow wild) Indigo, Cotton, the Palmetto Tree, fr?m whence they draw the Palm Oil and Wine ; from the Root of this Tree they draw the 011, and from the upper Part, under the Branches, they draw the Wine, by Means of lncifions made in the Bark. The Cotton is the fineft in the World: There are Three Sorts of it, fine White, coarle White, and Cotton Rouuc ; there is alfo another Species of a Pink Colour, but this is very little ufed. The French in greater Familiarity and have conliderably greater lnterefi with the People than we have. The Natives cultivate a great Number of thefe !aft mentioned Articles; but neither the Eu ropeans nor the Natives grow any of them E1'portation; they grl!w them merely for their own Confumption; oiqitizedby Go gle Original from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN I


PART r and Countries joining Mr. Popl

PART J. Senegal, Ganibia, and other Parts of the Coal\ to Prampram. Sir George Yonge. Ines De Los, and River Kiitey Mr. Penny. Produce. He is fenlible of the Mortality to which Europeans there are expofed; but thinks, that by At tention, and clearing the Country, the Unhealchinefs would be much diminilhed. He does no( believe chat the Climate is more unhealthy than in the Weft Indies; on the contrary, he believes fome Parts of the hilly Country, near Sierra Leone, are as healthy as any Part of the World. Rice is the ftaple Commodity of chis Part of the Coall:; there is Ivory in fmall fome Gum Copa), Indigo (which grows fpontaneoufly), Coccon, Tobacco (but very little of it), the Sugar Cane, and all the Tropical Fruits. Mr. PENNY being alked, Whether he thought that Commerce in any of thefe Articles could be carried on to a greater Extent than at prefent ? replied, He apprehends not, from the Indo lence of the Inhabitants. They make here fome fmall of coarfe Coccon Cloth, but che Procefs is fo tedious, that we can fupply them cheaper than they can make it. Their Dye of Blue is fingularly fine; che Procefs of dying it is very fimpk, but our ManufaClurers could not afford co dye it in that Way. Being alked, if the Difpoli1ion of the Natives is fo indolent that no Encouragement could induce them co labour more chan they do at prefent, either in culcivating their Lands, or in any Article of Commerce ? Mr. Penny gave it as his Opinion, that it would be difficult, if not impoffible. They are certainly more indu!l:rious on this Part of the Coaft than on the other; in conftquence of which, they fupply a certain of Rice for the Ufe of the Ships. Mr. Penny does not know that any of the European Settlements el'er endeavoured to make the People induftrious. Si erra Leone. Rice is the principal Article of Produce on this Part of the Coall:, and Camwood and fome Mr.Mathews, Ivory. The Trade in Camwood and Ivory is c arried at prefent as far as it can be, till the Natives are polfelfed of more ln

PART J. Palm Oil is purchafed for the Ufe of the Slaves, but not for Exportation to England; further Sierr.o Leone. to Leeward, Three Gallons of Palm Oil might be purchafed for the Price of One at Sierra Leone. Mr.Mathw. There are fame Skins ofTygers and Leopards, but not fufficient to become an Object of Trade 1 they are generally difpofed of as Prefems. The Natives are very fond of our Manufactures; and having now been ufed to them fo lung; they would cerrainly find it very uncomfortable to be deprived of them. The Country is a fine Soil, generally woody, but fame Savannahs. They have little Cattle SherbroRiver. except Goats; but they have Poultry. They grow Rice, and have Bees-wax, and a dying Wood, Mr. Newton. called Camwood. They might cultivate Rice co fome Extent, if they had the Means of felling it. They have Pepper; alfo a Sort of Cardamum. They have alfo Tobacco in fmall which chcy grow merely for their own Vie. They have Coccon in Plenty, and might have more if they had a Vent for it. They make Cotton Cloths, which are rather coarfe, buc coll:ly. Their CJochs are generally Nine Inches in Width, and Two Yards and a I-lalf in Length. Six of che bell of thefe fewed cogecher fell from z I. co 6 I. or 7 l.; they dye them of a beautiful Blue, which Mr. Newton concludes is produced from Indigo. The People are gentle, when they have no Communication with the Europeans; they are naturally indu!lrious, and might be ealily managed if they thought the Europeans had their Interefl: at Heart; but che Slave Trade naturally has a Tendency co make both the Natives and che People employed in ic frrocious. Mr. N ewcon being alked, W'hether the Englifh are more cruel and more fevere than other Nations? rtplieJ, They carry on a gre a ter Trad..-, and Mr. Newton thinks are more fevere and crud, and gee into more with the Natives. The Country upon the Windward Coa!l: is a fine Soil, but overgrown with \Vood. They have Rice enough for their own Confumption, and of che Firll: They have Cotton alfo Coalt. and Indigo in great Plenty, wich which chey dye a beautiful Blue. M:. Falcon. bridge. Mr. NORRIS being afked, What other Branches of Commerce belides Slaves are carried on Gold Coaft. from che Gold Coalt? replied, Go1J and Ivory, but to no great Amount. Being afked, Whether Mr. Norris. he conceived the Trade in Gold, Ivory, and other Articles of Produce in the(e Countries, could be augmented ? he replied, There is bm a certain of I vary, and that therefore cannot be augmented. Gold is purchafod fo dear on the Coaft that it is not worth buying, but as a Medium for che Purchafe of Slaves; an Ounce of Gold is worch Four Pounds Sterling on the Invoice Price of our Goods. Being afked, Whether there are any other Commodities to be purchafed there ? he replied, The Dutch have obliged che Slaves in their Settlements co cultivate Cotton, buc the Natives do not culcivate ic on the Gold Coaft much. At Whydah and Eyo chey cultivate it more, and many Cloths are made from it for the Vie of the Inhabitants of the Country. With refpect to che Cultivation of Cotton to Advantage in any Part of thefe Countries, Mr. Norris cannot pretend co fay what might be done; but at prefent a Bag of Cotton could not be procured for any Conlideration. Being alked, Whether he conceived that any Encouragement would induce the Inhabitants to employ themfdves in the Cultivation of Cotton? Mr. Norris replied, He has no doubt, that if encouraged, they would cultivate ir, for they will naturally endeavour to procure Articles with which co purc hale the Commodities they want. The Soil at Whydah is as good as any in the 'World, and would certainly produce Cotton. On che Gold Coaft the Soil is rocky.-Mr. Norris has feen a liccle Cottori on che Windward Coaft, and has no Doubt it will grow on any Part of the Coall. He is not particularly enough acquainted wich the N acure of the Culcivation of Cotton to fay what Soil produces it the bell:. The Bahamas, which produce the bell: Cotton in His Majdl:y's Dominions, are of a rocky Soil, therefore from Analogy Mr. Norris concludes che Gold Coa!l might produce ic too. He has heard it faid in Africa, by Perfons who undcdlancl Cotton better than himli:lf, chat they had not the bell: Sore of Plants. The long Staple is coarfc, the finer Q;!alicy is of a lhort Staple ; but if better Plants were introduced, there is no Doubt but they would grow. He fuppofes all Tropical Commodities would grow there. lndico grows every where near Whydah, but Native> hate neichtr Art nor Dilpoficion to prepare it for Market. Tobacco grows in many Places. The interior Part of the Country where he has been is as capable of producing chefc as the Sea From the Country of Eyo chey down a of Cotton and M:muf.;C1ures. Bemg afked, Wnc;cher he fuppofes, chat tf Orders wi:re g,ivcn to che Coptams of Bnt11h Velfds co take thefe Arucles m Return Jor Manufaetures, and the Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


PART I, Gold Coaft. Norris, Mr.De0>ynes. Prbduce. the Natives appr!zed there of, great of them would be produced ? he replied, of Cotton, the Nauves nught cercamly produce great but and Jntligo require the Management of Europe::ms to put them m a State fie for .Sak. R1c_:e they might cultivate co a much greater Extent; but they could hardly be able to fit 1c !or an European Marker; it would do for the Weft Indies. The African Rice is of the bell: in the World. The SJle of African Dying Woods cannot be much extended, becaufe the few Ships now employed in the Wood Trade, already have overfiocked the Market, parcicularly with An2ola Bar Wood or Red "Wood The Sale of Cabinet Woods might be extended. He cannot judge how far the Market would take off a greater of Gums, but more might certainly be fupplied. He never faw Mahogany on the Coalt, but there is a Tree called a lJoom Tree, which is an inferior Sore of it Mr. Norris thinks that in fo extenfive a Country, there mufi be many Articles with which we are He once faw a .of Pepper of the of that brought from the Eaft Indies; It was fo good that the Eatl India Company ob1ected to as Importation. He has feen a Variety of Spices and Plants of which he does not know the Engliib Names; he has met with a l i ttle Berry that ferves the Natives of Whydah as a Subllitute for Sugar; it has no Taite in itfelf, but every thing that is taken after it, receives a Sweetnefs from it. Palm Oil, which is an Article brought Home for the Wool-combers in Yorkl11ire, and Soap boilers, is at prefent imported in large and might probably be had in a greater Abundance. Some Peltry is at prefent procured, fuch as Tyger and Leopard Skins, &c. &c. The People in general are extreamly indole,nt The Men lleep and linoak, and the \Vomen Once a Year put a little Corn in the Ground, the Talk of Agriculture: being chiefly con!igned to them. There is no Property in Land in thefe Countries, but what arifes from immediate Occupancy. Mr. Devaynes never hea r d of Land being fold there. The Produce on the Gold Coaft is Indian Corn, M i llet of fc:veral Sorts, Yams, Potatoes, Tro pical Fruits, and Rice, which on the Grain Coaft is of an excellent and mioht be pro cured very cheap. As far South as the River Volta, there is Gold Dull, beyond it There is likewife Ivory They have remarkably fine Indigo, and dye blue well; and, from a Crimfon Colour they dye, Mr. Devaynes concludes they have Cochine al. Tobacco grows wild. The Gold Coaft and \ V hydah is the finell Country in the World; he never faw a finer in Europe. It would pro duce all theft: Articles in the greateft Quantity, and of the bell Kinds. Cotton grows there, but it is at prefent of fo lictle Value that the fmall Quantity that grows is to be bought for almoft nothing. It is of an excellent and never fubj cct to a Blight or Worm. Sugar might be cultivated there of a very good Mr. Devaynes being afked, Whether he thought that by proper Encouragement a of thefe Articles might be fupplied for Exporta t ion? replied, He imagined they certainly miohr. The King values himfelf on the Number of h!s Subjects, and if he could procure Eurorean Commodities by their Labour, he would certainly prefer employing them in that Way to felling them. They might be brought to Labour; they have Capacity and natural Parts enou<>h to learn whatever might be taught them, and would become induftrious if properly They have many Virtues, and great Courage and Attachment to their Mailers and Benefactors. They are healthy and robuft People le has been an Objccl: of European Policy to prevent the Africans from arriving at Perfection in thefe Article s from a Fear of interfrring with eftablilhed Branches of Commerce elfewhere. Being afked if he could fuggefi what Encouragement it might be proper to give, in order to induce the Natives to cultivate all the above Articles of Produce in luflic i ent for an Export Trade? he replied, Jc mu!t be by the Europeans feuing them the Exampk. Ac prefent the Africans could not do it of themlelves, as they have no Knowledge of the Methods of preparing Cotton, Tobacco, Sugar, Indigo, and other dying Plants, 10 as to m a ke them fie for Exportation. If the African Company were to give Directions to their Servants there, and give them a little Encouragement, they might c e rtainly induce them to undert.:ike the pre paring fome of thefe Articles for Exportation, particularly Cotton and Jnd i go. -Mr. Devaynes being afked, What he conceived to be the Reafon why, if this Plan was likely to fucceed in the Manner he has fuggefted, no European Government has hitherto attempted to fettle a Colony he replied, He believed the Reafon to be, that the Climate is very prejudicial to the Health of the Europeans, and that they would not be induced to remain there; be!ides, as he had faid before, Europeans may have been averfc to open new llranches of Commerce, that might interlcre with an e!lablilhed Commerce elfewhere Vide Report of Mr. Devaynes cannot exactly fay what is the Proportion of Dea ths among the Pcrfons fent to the different Parts of the Coall, bttt the Climate is fatal to Europeans. ,-111 Account of the Pro:r portion of Dc:aths m ight be had from the African Company. Being afked, whether the Unhealthinefs of the Clima t e would not prevent a fufiicient Number of Europeans from refiding amon g ll them to fee the N ativcs the Example, and teach them to cullerted tivate the Articles above mentioned ? Mr. Devaynes gave it as Opinion, tl1at the Number of Europeans now there is fuflicient. 7 Gold Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Produce. PART 1. Gold and Ivory in fmall Qiantities are the only Articles this Country produces for Exportation. Gold Co3.1t. A Trade folely confined co Gold and Ivory would probably be a lo!ing one; at lea!l Mr. Miles Mr. Miles. has found it fo: A fufficient Cargo could not be procured in any reafonable Time. There are no Dyeing Woods in this Part. No Rice, and but very little Tobacco. Mr. Mib never faw more than a Plant or Two as a Curio!ity. Indigo grows wild about Accra, with which the Inhabitants dye their own Cloths. Between Accra and the River Volta it is a fine low, level, rich, Country, the Rdt is mountainous. They cultivate as much Indian Corn and Grain as will fupply their own Wants and the Demand of the Shipping. They cue likewife great of Firewood for the Ships. With refpc:a co the Poffibilicy of inducing the People C'f this Part of the Coa!l by any Encouragement we could give them co cultivate any Article for Exportation, Mr. Miks faid, Ht: thought it could not be done, becaufe you could not excite Habits of lnduftry in them. There is a little Trade for Ivory and Gold upon this Coaft, but it is very inconfiderabl(', fo that Mr. Weum. it would not be worcb any'. Man's while to engage in that alone. Mr. \VE UV ES does not apprehend it could be poffible co encreafe the Trade in Ivory and Gold; believes there have been En-deavours to exrend it; but it has been found that the Velfds already employed in it are too numerous. Being afked, Whether the People upon the Gold Coafl: are honeft and fair in their Dealings ? he replied, As Negroes he thought them in general fair Dealers. With ref pea to the Europeans dealing fairly with chem, he faid he never knew an Inftance co the contrary, nor would the Na-tives fuffcr it. They are fharp in their Dealings; and he has known them impcle bafe Gold, particularly in the Inllance of the Captain of a Hri!lol Ship, who was induced to take the Value of about 1,500 I. of it co his Ruin. Mr. Weuves being alked, Whether it would be poflible to induce the Natives to grow other Ar ticles of Commerce for the Purpofe of Exportation ? Sugar, Indigo, Cotton, and Dyeing Woods grow there already fpontaneou!ly. They have allo Rice; but he does not think that the Natives have any Idea of cultivating or preparing thefe Articles for Exportation. Example has been fet chem by the Dutch at Axim in the Article of Cotton, but they have not been able to induce the Natives to work or to follow the Example. The Dutch cultivate the Cotton by their own Slaves, but not in great Quantity; but the Governor is obliged co fend home to the Dutch \Vdl: India Company a cenain of Cotton every Year, or to pay a Fine. Mr. Weuves being afked, \Vhether they among themfelves have any Property in Land ? replied, We pay a Ground Rent co the King of the Country for our Sccckment; but among chemfelves, the fole Right to any Piece of Land is the prt:fent Occupancy. If there is a vacant Piece of Land any Man may occupy it, and it is confidered fo much his own, that if any Negro ll:eals an Ear of Corn growing upon it he is liable to be tried and fold. Mr. Wcuves never heard of any Land being fold from Negro to Negro. This Country is very populous. The Gold Coafl: produces, as Objeas of Commerce, betides Sbves, Gold and Ivory: Gold Mr. Dalull. fells for .4 per Ounce, and is therefore feldom carried off, except by the Dutch. The .of Ivory obtained here is not confiderable. The Country would produce Sugar, Cotton, Tobacco, Indigo, Dying Woods, and other valuable ,Articles of Produce, but very little of any of thef.: Articles i.> aCtually railed. Mr. Dalzell has heard that Governor Melville planted Cotton at Cape Coal[, which fucceedeJ; bm he obandoncd his Project, and Mr. Dalzdl has undcrftood it was difcouragcd, in ConiC:quence of the Opinion of the fare Board of Trade. Mr. Dalzell being alked, Whether he thought that by prorer Encouragement any of thefe Articles would become Objt:Cts of Exportation! replied, The Soil is wry prolific, and the Natives might be induced to work for Hire; but Property and Plantations woulc.i be no where li:cure, except under t .he Guns of our Fores. Being alked, Whether he conceived that an European Colony could be eftablilhed on che Coaft of Africa 1 he replied, By no Means; it would bt a wild Project. free Whice Traders, of which he has known lcveral at a Diftance from the Engli!l1 Fom, are ofrrn fo harralfed with Difputes with the Nati,es, and Depredations on their Propeny, thar they have been obliged to abandon their Seu.lemems. Being alked, Whether he thought an European Colony could not proteEl: itfdf? he replied, By rorce, perhaps, and at a great Expencc of Lives, i: might. Mr. Dalzell btlieves chey have not any Idea in that Country of Property in Lar.d, beyond immediate Occtlp:lncy. PART I. Q. Digitized by Go gle The Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


PART 1 Produce. Whrdah and The Produce of chis Part of the Country is Calavancies, Indian and Guinea Corn, Potatoes, and Yams; the Sugar Cane, which generally grows wild; Cotton, of which they manufaCl:ure a great Mr. Dalzell. deal for their own Ufe; and Indigo, or a Plane that dyes a 'Very good Blue like it. There is liccle or no Tobacc. o, for there is a i:sreat Confumption of Portuguefe fome few Dying Woods, but not fuffic1ent to be an ObJetl: of Commerce; a fmall Q!;tanmy of Ivory, fome Spices, Cayenne Pepper, and, as Mr. Dalzell believes, the:: rtal Black Pepper. There are no Gums, that he knows of, in any for Trade. Bonny, New C:i l 300.r, and <:ouurrits ad. joining. Mr. Penny. Mr. Dalzell being a!ked, Whether he thought that any of the above Articles could be made an Objetl: of Exporcation; and being deftred to ftate the Grounds of his Opinion? replied, No. He looks upon the Obltacks to be infuperable. Ivory, which is one of the primary cannot be increafed in Q!;tantity. Cotton might be raifed in any Qiantity, provided the Planter's Property could be fecured; but Mr. Dalzell thinks, that not only in the Kingdom of Dahomey, but all over the Coaft, this ObjeCl: is not to be attained, on account of the frequent Revolutions in their Governmencs.-Being a/ked, Whether he believes there is lnduftry enough in the Natives, fuppofing other Obftacles were removed and proper Encouragement given, to induce them to culcivate thefe Articles for the Purpole of Commerce ? Mr. Dalzell replied, No.-He thought they would revolt at any Thing that rrquired great Labour or Ingenuity. As a Proof, during his Stay at Whydah, there happened to be a very fcarce Seafon nf Corn, which induced the Natives to plant more than the ordinary Q!;tamity the enfuing Year, which reduced the Price to One Fifth Part; but Mr. Dalzell believes, if this Scarcity had not !purred them on, they would never have undertaken the Labour of Cultivation to that Extent; an

PART r. Produce. Rev. Uham Guineamen that touched there. He had taken fome Pains to poli!h, and afterwards to arrange Bagg them in a fmall Cabinet. There were feveral different Shades of the Sartin Wood, and as many from a pale Pink to a Crimfon, which in fevcral Sorts of ornamental Work would have been con ftdered as ine!l:imable in this Country. Mr. Baggs has alfo feen fame beautiful Mahogany upon the Coa!l:; but the Gentleman at the llland of St. Thomas, now alluded to, affured him that he had freq\lendy feen very fine and large Pieces of that valuable Wood in the Ships before mentioned. Mr. Baggs brought home fome Caffia or wild Cinnamon from the Coa!l:, which he gave to an Apothecary for Trial. The Apothecary ufed it in his PraCtice, pronounced it to be as good as any he had ever in his Shop. Mr. Baggs fays, that there are various other Woods of rpe

---..--. Prod u c e l>AR T r. The next is Gum Copa l. The g r e a t efr Mr. Teafl.e ever imported of this Anicie, is S ydl':'l h a ni h f: 6 d lb 1 f d {)., 1 Te.1tte E l q 2 4 Cwt.-Uncleaned, 1t i s wort rom 2 s. to. 3 s. per w 1en o goo icy. The next Article is R e d Wood, which comes from Gaboon ; and Bar Wood, which comes from Angola.-Ba r Wood fells from 61. 10 s. to 7 l. per Ton; the other at 5 l. per Ton. Neither of thefe Articles will bear a Fre ight at this Price. There is another Article, Palm Oil, which Mr. Teafle's Houfe has not as yet imported; but means, in the next Voyage, to purchafe fome of it. Mr. Teafte having given in a Lift of Vt:ffds, with their Tonnage, employed from the P ort of Briftol, in the Ivory and Wood Trade, to Africa, wai afked, Whether thefe Ships are employed. to Profit in this Trade ? and replied, That with ref pea to his own Ships, he did not make more than 5 per Cent. beyond le g al lnter.eft. His Houfe is in the Trade, and therefore goes on wich ir; but if his Capital was out of it, he would not now go into it. With ref pea to other People, they may have done better; but it has been owing to their having fm:1:ll Wages to pay, in confo quence of the Mortality on board their Ships. Being afked, Whether this Trade has ever been more profitable, and when ? Mr. Teafte fa id, The Trade has not been tried more th a n Five Ye ars and a Half; and during that Time, as far a'l he has been concerned in it, has been much upon the prefent Footing. How it may turn out this Year, he cannot fay, but fears well. Teafl:e bei"ng afked, Whether from his Knowledge of the Trade, he conceived that a greate,r QEantity of thefe Ar.tides might be imported to Advantage ? replied, He thinks a greate r cannot be imported to Advantage, as there is already as much imported as there is i1 Demand for. About half of Ivory now imported is brought home in the Slave Ships, and could not be imported in any other Way to Profit, as there is no Demand for the bulky Articles which muft make upthe Cargo. Mr. Teafte being defired to inform the -Committee whether any other Articles befides thofe he had mentioned, could by proper Encouragement be procured frotn Africa? replied, A tity of Bees Wax is alr e ady imported, as much as can be procured. Ebony may be had in any' but there is no Demand for it in this Market. Gold in greater QEantides may be had, bm it cannot be bought to Profit. Large of Cotton grow in the Country; Mr. Teafl:e never imported any, but halJ heard, that One Pack has been imported. It is difficult to know at what Price it may be got, as the Experiment has not yet been much cried. Mr. Teafte has diretted the Captains employe<;l by him, to bring home all the Information they can on the Subject of new Articles for Trade. Mr. Teafte being afked, Whether, from Information he has received, he imagines that the Natives could by proper Encouragement be induced to cultivate Cotton, or aAy ocher Article for Exportation? repli ed, The Climate is much againft Labour. The Lanc.l newly turned up pro duces noxious Exhalations, as he has been told. The Natives are generally indolent, but towards che Rio Pongeos near the Arab Country i:hey are more induftriou9. The Reverend THOMAS CLARKSON, a Oergyman of the Church of England, tefiding Rev. Thomas London, informed t h e Committee, That he had never been in Africa, but had made a Tour Jaft Clarkfon. Year through England, in the View of collecting Information on the Subject of the Trade to Afric:1 ; and in this Tour had paffed Two Months at Liverpool, and at Briftol, and in thofc Pla ces had collected Specimens of che Productions of Afri ca ; viz. l

PART l. Produce. A Specimen of Ydlow dying \Vood, which was fent to Mr. Chamberlayne Goodwin, for his Opinion, whether a good Dye can be extracted therefrom. And Specimens of orher Sorts of Wood (the Growth of Africa) which were fent by their Lord. {hips Order to Meffrs Haig and Chippendale, Upholil:erers, to know whether foch \Voods are already in Ufe; and if not, whether they would in their Opinion prove ufeful for Cabinet Work, or for the Purpofes of Fineering. Mr. HILTON, Delegate from the Fuil:ian ManufaCturers of Manchdler, to whom the above mencioned Specimen of Cotton-Wool was tranfmitted for Examination, has made a Report there upon in the following Words. I am very happy in tranfmitting your Lordfhips a very favourable Report from the Committee, which I have jult received from Mr. Frodfuam, my Colleague, and which exceeds my ExpeCl:ations. The Sample of Cotton from Senegal is very good and line, as your Lordfhips will fee by the Specimen inclofed, which is fpun after the Rate of One hundred and forty Hanks, Twitt Cotton Yarn, to the Pound, and it is thought fuperior in Q!;iality to any of the Brazil Cotton, and nearly equal to Eall: India The Sample of Cotton from Bermuda is by no Means equal to that from Senegal, but from the good Properties of its Staple, filky Appearance, even in its Colour, and clean, promifes to be a very ufeful Cotton in the Pull:ian Manufaetory, which comprifes the llrong Goods dyed for Exportation, and in which there is always a great Confumption, and has hitherto been principally manufaCl:ured of Tobago, Guadaloupe, Martinique, and San Domingo Cottons. But this Bermuda Cotton is elleemed foperior to Guadaloupe and Martinique Cotton, for the Fultian dyed Trade for Exportation, which is very great from Cotton of this Staple." With refpeCl: to the Specimen of Yellow dying Wood, the following Account of an Experiment made therewith has been received from Mr. Samuel More, Secretary to the Society for the Encour agement of Arts, &c. viz. The Piece of Yellow Wood I received, and which the Lords of the Committee of Council for Trade wifhed me to make fame Trial of, appearing to me to bear the greatell: Refemblance to that Kind of Wood called Old Fujlic, I have confined my Experiments to a Comparifon between thefc: Two; and as the principal Ufe of Old F11jlic is the dying a Yellow on Woollen, I took Four Pieces of that Kind of Woollen Goods, known by the Name of Long Ells, and that N. B. The they might be all equally prepared, I boiled them in a Soluti?n of Alum and Pieces refemd Argol, as ts pratl1fed by the 'Voollen Dyers; then taking an Ounce ot the Chips of Old Fultic, fuch as you now receive a Specimen of, I boiled them 1 5 Minutes in a Pint and half of clean th;ot'. \Vater, in a Tin Velrd; at the End of the I 5 Minutes, I put into the Liquor the Two Pieces marked A and continued the Boiling Twenty Minures, then walhed the Pieces in cold Water, whrn and the Colour produced 1s as you fee by the Samples. Having procured a Part of the wood font me to be cut into Chips, I boiled One Ounce of thoii: Chips in a Pint and half of Water I 5 Minutes; at the End of that Time, I put into the Liquor the Two remaining Pieces of Long Ell, prepared as aforefaid, by boiling with Alum and Argol; they were kept boiling with the Chips 20 Minutes, then taken out, rinced in cold ":'V acer, and are marked B. B. The Colour produced on Woollen by boiling with this Wood, is fo different from what might be expeckd from its Appearance, that I thought it proper to make Trial of it on Silk, and there fore having prepared a fmall Piece of -Silk with Alum, it was boiled with fame Chips of the Wood, and the Sample will lhew the Event. From fo fmall a Sample it is not pollible to make fuch Trials as will prove the Value of this \Vood to the Manufac1urer; but as it yields a Colour of confequence to the Dyer, there is every Reafon to believe ic may prove of conliderable Utility, if it can be imporccd at li.td1 Price as will enable the Workmen to make Ufe of it. With refpeCl: to the Specimens of Cabinet 'Voods fent to Hai g and Chippenda i le, Mr. Haig repons, th1t upon Enquiry after Two of the faid Samples, he finds the Purple \Vood, on an Average, fells for about [,.4 or .5 per Cwt. hut that the Confumption of it is very finall: A trilling Ship's Cargo would tail this Town Twenty or Thircy Yc;ars. The ocher Sample of Wood he was entirely unacquainted wich, but finds it called Camwooc!. It has been imported from Africa many Years, ukd as a Dye \".' ood, and fi:lls (if he is rightly informed) for abollt [,.16 per Ton." 6 Digitized by Go gle Captain Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Produce. PART T. Captain DEANE, Commander of a Velrd in the Wood and Ivory Trade, being afl

Digitized by Go gle Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


SPECIAL I N F 0 R M A T I 0 N. PART 1. Mr. WADSTROM, after his Examination was clofed, exprtlfed a Delire of himfelf to inform the Mr. Wad Committee, that the Captains of the French Vdfds in this Trade, very commonly carry out with itrom. them a certain of Mercury; and when their Ships are becalmed, and, in con!Cquencc thereof, their Provilions begin to fail, fo that they are under Apprehenlions of not having enough, they put Mercury into the Provilions given to the Slaves, in confequence of which a great Number die, and are thrown overboard. This they do likewife when any contagious Sicknds breaks out among the Slaves; and the Mercury is carried out confdfedly for thefe Purpofes. Being afked, From whom he received this Information ? he replied, From the French Cap tains themfelves, who make no Secret of it. They confider it as an Act of Humanity, becaule the Negroes die without knowing what is to happen to them, whereas the Engli!h Captains treat them with kfs Ceremony, and throw them overboard at once. Being alked what Proportion of the Slaves taken on board by the French Captains, they in oe neral carry fafe and land at the Port of Deftination ? Mr. Wadftrom replied, That depends Circumll:ances; when the Slaves are lickly, or when, from Apprehenlion of Provifion falling fhorc, Mercury is given to them, there arc of not a Fourth Part of the Cargo reaching the Pore of Deftination. But he learnt from Converfacion with the French Captains, and fometimes with the Englifh Mulattoes upon the Coall:, that the French Captains treat their Slaves on board better than the Englifh do .Dr. SPAARMAN being afked, Whether he could give any Information of the Manner in which Dr. srmman. the: French Captains of Slave Ships treat their Slaves on Board ? faid, He had feen Men Slaves at G<>ree, who were to be tranfporced to the lfiands, in Chains, Two by Two, and fome with their Legs ulcerated by the Chains. The 'Women are not chained. He concludes, from what he has feen of the Places where they lie, that they mult foffer very much on their Palfage. He faw One French Ship that was to carry Slaves to San Domingo in fo bad a Condicion, thac a Captain of a French War advifed him by no means to take his Palfage on board that Ship, though he was very 1mpat1ent to get away. The French Captains boaft of their kind Treatment of the Slaves He was told however, by One of them, that they carry Arfenic with them, in order to get rid of the Slaves durino the Palfage, by a lefs violent Way than throwing them overboard, in ca(e by contrary Wind; and Calms they fhould run fhort of Provilions and Water. Dr. Spaarman does not think that the French Ships are fupplied with fkilfol Surgeons. CAPTAIN BEATLEY has had Opportunities of obferving the French Ships in this Trade, and always thought them much worfe conftruCled for carrying it on than our own The French Ships Heat ey. are not kepc fo clean as ours; and by the Accounts he has received of their Mode of Treatment, they cercainly treat their Slaves wor(e than we do. He has heard them fay, that they feldom brought their Slaves upon Deck In the River Gambia there is a great Rival!hip in Trade between the French and the Englifh. Captain Heatley being a!ked, If knew of the French to carry on Trade in our Ships, and by our Means? replied, He had known of Ships gomg from hence with Cargoes, touching at the Ports of France, and clearing out from thence for the Coaft of Africa, where they purchafed a Cargo of Slaves, and carried them to the French Inands; fome of theli: Inftances are of late Date. Mr. NORRIS being alked, Whether the Englifh have not a larger Share of the Trade.", and do Mr. Norris. not carry it on to a greater Extent than any other Nation; and whe ther he conceived ic in general to be a profitable Trade 1 replied, We carry it on to a greater Extent \Vith refpeCl to its being a profitable Trade or not, alone can .to their refpeClive but he conceives it to be a profitable 1 to the !Vkrchanr flm has always been his Opm1on, and Ex-Digitized by Go gle 5 perirnce Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


PART I. Mr. Norri. Mr. Miles, Mr. Weuvcs. Mr. Penny. Special Information. perience has confirmed it. The Caufe why the Engli!h have the largeft Share of this Trade is to be imputed to the Credit which the Briti!h Mcrchant has with the Manufacturers, which no other Nation in Europe enjoys ; and to a Spirit of Enterprize which is peculiar to the Briti!h Merchant. Mr. Norris being alked, Whether there is not a confiderable Rival!hip between the different European in this Trade? replied, i5, infomuch that French have deprived us of the Trade m Slaves at A.ngola. And alked, W_hether, 1t we were to relinqui!h the Trade, our former Share of 1t would ceafe entirely, or fall mto the Hands of other Nations ? he replied, Into the of other Nations moll certainly; particuiarly into thofe of the French, and next to them the Portuguefc:. Being alked, Whether he knew of any Foreign Nation, that is at prefenc endeavourina to em ploy even our Ships a_nd People in this 1:rade? he replied, He did, both the French and but he was not acquainted wuh any particular FaCl:s m confirmation thereof. Mr. MlLES being afked his Opinion, Whether, if we were to relinqui!h the Slave Trade it would ceafe, or fall into the Hands of other European Nations? replied, The Queftion is eafily anfwered; it would undoubtedly be eagerly caught at by other Nations. fhe French, it is known, are giving the greateft Encouragement to this Trade; and he has feen feveral Letters from France on this Subjet1. Mr. Miles had himfdf an Offer from a French Houfe, to ft'.lld out a Ship from Havre de Grace, and carry a Cargoe of 300 to be delivered in the French \Veft Indies, free of all other Expence to himfelf, except the original Price of the Slaves. The being alked Mr. Weuves, what would become of the Trade in Slaves if the Briti!h Merchants wm: to relinquifh it ? He replied, It would fall into the Hands of fome other European Nation, and even if all the European N atiom were to rehnquilh it, and no Slaves were to be exported from the Coaft, Mr. Weuves is of Opinion, thJt the I"rade would continue to be carried on by the Natives, and the Slaves would be fent from Weft to Eaft by Means of the Caravans. Mr. PENNY being afked, whether the Englilh have not a larger Share of the Slave Trade, and carry it on to greater Extent than other Nations? replied, In general we have; and he imputes it to Two Caufes, viz. the enterprifing Spirit of the Britifh Merchants, and the longer Credit which our Merchants have from the ManufaCl:urers. The Engli lh ManufaCl:urers give Eighteen Months Credit; the French only Six : Befides this, we can fit ouc our Ships with greater Difpatch We can, in the Space of Three Weeks or a Month, com pleat our Lading with all the various Alfort ments required, from Two or Three Hands only The French take Three or Four Months to collcCl: from diftant Places a Cargo of equal Alfortment. Mr. Penny being afked, whether there is not a confiderable Rivallhip between the different European Nations in chis Trade? replied, Very confiderable, particularly between the EngliR1 and the French, and more fo fince the French Government has eftabli!hed their Bounties, which they have done not only for the Encouragement of their African Trade, but with a View of cuhi vating more Land in their Part of the llland of San Domingo, where a Four th Pare fiill remains uncultivated. They mean by this to increafe their Weft India Trade, and thereby to improve their Navigation. Being afked, whether if the Englifh were to relinqu i !h this Trade, our Share thereof would ceafe entirely, or would fall to other Nations? he replied, le would fall to ocher Nations; and added further, lie is perfuacled our Merchants and Officers would go and carry it on from France, and that fome, even of the ManufaCl:urers of Manchefter, would be induced on that Account to remove themlelves to France. Mr. Penny being afked, if he could fay in what Manner, or with what ManufaCl.urt s, the Portugude carry on their Trade upon the Coall: of Africa? replied, He had but a flight Knowledge of the Portuguefe Trade upon the Coaft of Africa, but underfiands lhey carry it on wilh Ea!I: India Goods, which they bring from (;oa. The Portuguefe Eall: Indiamen couch, in their Return from the Eall: Indies, at Loango St. Paul's, in like Manner as our Eall: India Ships touch at St Helena. Being alked, if he knew any Thing of the Trade which European Nations carry on from Mo zambique in Slaves? he replied, The Portuguefe have a conliderable Setdement at Mozambique, where they purchale Slaves, whom they carry to Goa. The French alfo carry on a Trade there in Slaves, which they carry to the Mauritius and the Ifie de Bourbon for the Purpofe of cultivating their l'lancations there. 9 The Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


Detached Pieces Trade of Evidence relating to Africa generally. to the The following Papers, from N 1 to N I 4 inclulive, treating of the Trade to Africa generally, and conlifting wholly of written Evidence, the Committee have not thought proper to divide them for the Purpofe of arranging them under any of the foregoing Heads, but have inferted them at length in this Part of their Report. (N"1.) African Office, the 19th of Fc:bruary 1788. By the Committee of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa. THE Committee of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa, having received a Letter da:ed Office of the CommineeofCouncil forTrade,vVhicchall, 12th of February 1788,figned W. Fawkener, acquainting them, that he was direCl:ed by 1hc Lords of the Commiuec: of Privy Council, ap pointed for all Matters relating to Trade and Foreig.n Plantations, to tranfmit for their Information a Copy, which he fent inclofed, of an Order of Rc:frrence 1nade by His Majelty in Council; and that he hJd their Lordlhips Commands to acquaint them, that they are ddirous of receiving any Information which the Committee may wi01 co offer upon the feveral Matters contained in the f.1id Order of Reference; and this Committee having carefully conCidered the faid feveral Matters, they take the Liberty, in Obedirnce to their Lor

PA it T 1. Fir.ft General Report of the Committee of the Company of Merchanit trading to Africa. Purchafers of fuch Slaves. They underftand however and believe it is the general Praaice to provide every necelfary, and to ufe every pollible Precaution for the Health and Prefervation of thofe Slaves in their Palfage from Africa, and to treat them with every Indulgence which Pru dence and Sdf-prefervation will warrant. Under this Head, they think it worthy Rem::rk, that fince the !aft Peace they underftand very confiderable Numbers of Negro Slaves have been imported in our own Ships, by fpecial Licences, into the Spanifh Iaands in the Weft Indies, which have fold to very good Account; the Returns for the fame having been generally in Silver Bullion; but that our Dealings with the French, who have likewife bought great Numbers from us, have not been fo beneficial, either in Point of Policy or of Profit, becaufe their Contracts are generally for Delivery upon the Coaft of Africa, that their Snips may obtain the Frend1 Bounties, by which Means they not only deprive us of th<: Freights, but from their local Knowledge and fuperior Encouragement, muft in a little Time become Mafters of the Trade. The )aft Article of Reference to their Lordlhips, being what relates to the EffeCls and Confe quences of this Trade, both in Africa and in the faid Colonies and Settlements, and to the general Commerce of this Kingdom, is a of fuch Magnitude and Importance, that, co do it J uftice, it would require an Extent of Confideration greatly beyond the Limits which this Com mittee: mean at prefent to prefcribe to themfelves. It is a certain Fact, that Africa has not derived Advantages from this Trade in any Degree equal to ours; nor was it pollible in her Situation to obtain fuch Advantages, having no ManufaClures to fell, no Foreign Commerce co extend, or to improve. Her Benefits, however, are equal to her State, for her Wants arc fully fupphed at a very trifling Expence, the greateft Part being paid for with what has been a Burthen to other Countries, the Refufe and Off-fcourings of her Population, without which lhe would have little or no Exill:ence in Trade, her natural Products being very trifling compared to her Wants, andt notwithll:anding the: greateft Encouragemeots, have been hitherto incapable of Improvement. But the Effects of this Trade to Great Britain are beneficial to an infinite Extent. In its imme" diate EffeCl: it employs about 150 Sail of Shipping, which carry annually from this Country up wards of a Million of Property, the greatell: Part our own Manufactures ; and in its more remote ElfeCls, there is hardly any Branch of Commerce in which this Nation is concerned that does not derive fome Advantage from it. But the beneficial EffeCls of this Trade have been no where fo eminently ll:riking as in the Sugar Colonies in the Weft Indies, where it has been proved by Ex perience, that Europeans cannot bear the Labour of the Field ; fo that thofe valuable Polfellions would moll: probably have remained to this Moment uncultivated and ufelefs to a great Degree had they not been allifted by the African Labourers ; it is therefore fair to include every Advant age which this Country enjoys by Means of its Wdl: India Colonies, among the Benefits of the African Trade, more particularly that for Slaves; and if their Lord!hips will take the Trouble 10 look back to the Condition of the Briti!h Nation at the Time of commencing this Trade, and obferve its Progrcfs in Navigation, in Commerce, in ManufaCl:ures, Opulence, and Power, thc:y will find its Acquirements of thofe great national Objefu in pretty exaCl: Proportion to its Purfuits in the African Trade, and the confequent Improvement of the Britilh Colonies and Settlements in America. In Conclulion, this Committee make no Scruple to alfert, that the African Trade is fo blended with our Commerce, and fo interwoven with our general lnterdl:s, that if at any Time, through NegleCl, Mifmanagement, or Misfortune, this Nation !hould be deprived of its Benefits, it will then fuffer a very great and irreparable Lofs, a Maim in its Commerce, Dignity, and Power, of which it is impollible it can ever recover. This Committee take the Liberty to acquaint the Lords, that they have wrote to Brill:ol and to Liverpool upon the SubjeCl: of the faid Order of Reference; and if they fhould be furni!hed with any further Matter worthy their Lord!hips Obkrvation Chall take the Liberty to communicate the fame. By Order of the Committee of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa. Digitized by Go gle (Signed) JN" SHOOLERED, Sec. Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN


( N 2. ) Second General Report of the CoJT\mittee of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa. African Office, London, the 27th of February, 1788. By the Committee of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa. In Obedience to the Order of the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Council, appointed for the Conlideration of all Matters relative to Trade and Foreign Plantations, dated the 15th inftant ; this Committee beg Leave to inform their Lordlhips, that with every Degree of Attention, they have duly weighed and conlidered the feveral Matters contained therein, and lament they have it not in their Power to lay before their Lordlhips the Informations they require. In the 23d Year of the Reign of His late Majefty, an ACl: was paired, intituled, "An Act for extending and improv i ng the Trade to Africa," declaring the fame to be free and open to all His Majefty's Subjetls, with Liberty to trade and traflick to and from any Port or Place between the Port of Sally, in South Barbary, and the Cape of Good H o pe, when, and at fuch Times. and in fuch Manner, and in and with fuch Goods and Merchand ize5, as he or they lhould think fit, without any Reftraint whatfoever; vefting in the Company of Merchants trading to Africa, all fuch Forts, Fatlories, and Settlements within thofe Limits, on that Coaft, as were then erected, and in Polfdf1on of the Royal African Company of England, co be employed at all Times there after, for the ProteClion, Encouragement and Defence of the Trade only, and with fufficient .Powers by the faid Aet, to enable the Committee of the faid Company of Merchants to make O!ders for the governing, maintaining, preferving, and improving the Forts and Faetories already built, or which thereafter might be built ; and for the Regulation and better Government of their Officers and Servants, fo as no Orders or Regulations to be made by the faid Committee, thould tend to lay any Reftraint whacfoever on the faid Trade or Traders to Africa. The Recital of this Statute will thew their Lord!hips, this Committee are placed in no other Situation than that of mere Guardians and ProteCtors of the Trade; and therefore the Powers and Authorit ies by which they are required to act, being fo conftituted as to afford them no Opportuni ty of knowing the Number of Slaves annually exported from the Coaft of Africa for any given Period, either by Britith or Foreign Subjeets ; the Parts of the Coaft the fame have been exported from; to what Iflands they have been carried; the Number and Tonnage of the Ships in which they have been conveyed; the Proportion of Tonnage ufually allowed to each Negro; of Males and Females; of Adults and Children; nor the Proportion in which fuch Slaves are fuppoled to perith on the Palfage from Africa co America or the Weft-Indies. This Committee beg to inform their Lordlhips, they have always ordered their Servants in Africa to tranfmit, for their Information, an annual Lift of che Names of the Ships arriving on that Part of the Coaft, comprehended within the Limits of their Government, together with the Names of the Pores to which they belonged, and the Time and Number of Slaves they depart with from Africa, as well as the Ports to which they are deftined ; but fuch Lifts have been found at all extremely incorreet and imperfeet, becaufe the Information required could not be officially or legally demanded, conlequently any Communications on this Subject muft wholly depend on the Difpolition of the Commanders of the Ships, who have their Cho i ce in giving or withholding it, or who may be induced (as they frequently are), from private Motives, to give it fo partially, that no Dependance can be placed on ics ReCtitude. But this Committee beg Leave, with all pollible Deference and RefpeCt, to fuggeft to the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee for Trade and Plantations, that Information, as to the Number of Slaves imported for any given Period into the different lfiands in the Briti!h Weft Indies, may be obtained from the ColkCtors i nwards of fuch lllands, who, from the Nature of their Office, muft be polfdTed with perfect Information on that Point. And from the like Defcripcion of Officers outwards, in the refpeClive Ports of London, Liver pool, Briftol, Lancafter, and Whitehaven, (from which th i s Commerce has been ufually carried on), corretl: Information may be obtained, both as to the Number of Velfds, that have cleared our, for the Coaft of Afric a from any of thefe Ports, for any given Period, as wdl as the exact regifiered Tonnage thereof. But with regard to the Number of Slaves purchali:d by each Velfel, that is a Piece of Information co be obtained only from the Traders then&lves And, in compliance with che Defir e exprelfc

t AR r r. Second General Report of the Committee of the Company of Merchants trading_ to Africa. Britain, on whom Reliance may be placed, as to the Information requ i red, on the feveral Matters referred, by His Majefty's Ordtr in Council of the 11th lnftant, to the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Coundl, for the Confideration of all Matters relating to Trade and Foreign Plantations, viz. John Barnes Efq. who was Governor during the Exiftence of the Civil Government ell:ablilhed at Senegal, at prefent a Member of this Committee. Refidcnce, Little St. Helen's, Bilhopfgate Street. Richard Miles Efq. who refided many Years on the Gold Coaft, and who was twice Gover nor in Chief at Cape Coaft Ca!He M inories. Refidence, America Square, Jerome Bernard Weuves Efq. who alfo. refided many Years in Africa, Coaft Caftle, and at Annamaboe. was Governor at Cape Refidence, America Square, Minories William Devaynes Efq. who refided many Years in Africa, was Governor at Whydah. Refidence, Dover Street. John Cockburn Efq. who refided many Years in Africa, was Chief at Tantumquerry Fort. H.efidence, Briftol. Robert Collins Efq. who refided many Years in Africa, was Chief of James Fort Accra Refidence, Carlifie. Charles Bell Efq who relided many Years in Africa, was Chief of Annamaboe Fort. Refidence, Rofe Street, New Town, Edinburgh. Thomas Barnett, N 47, Square, Brill:ol,l Adam Bannerman, at Senegal Coffee Houfe, Officers in the Service of the Corn hill, Committee of the Company of Merchant& Thomas Hodges, at Mr. Hartley's Countingj trading to Africa. Houfe, Swithin's Lane, By Order of the Committee of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa. JOHN SHOOLBRED, Secretary. ( N 3 ) Letter from the Secretary to the Society for Propagating the Gofpel in Foreign Parts. To the Right Honourable the Lords Commiffioners of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade. My Lords, Your Lordfhips having required an Account from me of the Number of Miffionaries fent by the Society for the Propagation of the Gofpel in Foreign Parts, either to the Coaft of Africa, or to the Britifh Well: India Inands; I am to inform your Lordlhips, that the Society have never fent any Miffionaries to the Wtll: lnur or Six Blacks to England of g0od Families to be educated in Literature and the Principles of the Chrilban Religion, and then 'o go back to propagate it in their own Country. The Suciety agreed to this Plan. Accordingly Three Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Letterfrom the Secretary to the Society for propagating the cefpel m -PA it T-2:_ Foreign Parts. Three young Lads under Twelve Years of Age fent over and educated by the Society at their Expence. One of them died foon after under Inoculation for the Small Pox A Second was feized with Madnefs, and after fome Years died incurable in Guy's Hofpital. The Third was ordained here (whofe Name is Philip and went out Miffionary in 1765 to Cape Coall: Call:le, at which Place he has rdided ever fince ; but he has never been able to fulfil the Objelts of his Miffion. After his Return, he feems to have been intircly difreoarded by his own Family, with whom he had not the leall: Influence, not even to make a lin"le C0onvert among them. And whether it was from the lmpoffib1lity of going up the Country, or from Want of Prudence, or a Failure in the due Exertion of his Abilities., fuch as they were, or from any other Caute, may not be fo eafy to afcertain ; but this is certain, chat he has had no Succefs at all with the Nacive Blacks; and the Whole of his Miffion feems to have been comprized in baptizing a few Mulattoes and Children of the Garrifon: And it is with Concern chat I may add, that he has of late quite_ deviated from the Intentions of the S0ciety, and his proper Line of Duey, by paying more Actentton to the Purpofes of Trade than of Religion. I am, My Lords, With moft perfect Refpect, Your Lordrhips Moll: obedient humble Servant, WILLIAM MORICE, Secretary. ( N 4. ) Letter from the Delegates from Liverpool, in anfwer to the Enquiry made by the Committee refpeCting the Natives of Africa who have been fent to England for Education, addreffed to John Tarleton Efquire. Liverpool, 16th April, 1788. The Letter which you received from the Committee of the Privy Council, refpecting the Natives of Africa, who have been fent from thence to England to be educated, has been re ferred to us by the Mayor and the Committee of Merchants trading from hence to Africa, to report fuch Obfervations upon che SubjeCI: of their Lonl!hips' Enquiry as come within our Knowledge, and we now with great Pleafore fend you the Refult of our Information. There are at prefent about Fifty Mulatto and Negro Children, Natives of Africa, in this Town and its V cinicy, who have been fent here by their Parents to receive the Advantage of an European Education. During the Time of Peace, there is generally that Number here, and fometimes a few more, but we do not know that they are more than Seventy at any one Time, nor are we able to fay, what Number are fent to London or Brifiol, but we believe there are fome at both Places. Thefe Children are fent here chiefly from the Windward and Gold Coafts, where Europeans more generally relide, who being in the Habit of fending their Children here for Education, their Example is followed by fuch of the Natives, their Neighbours, as can conveniently fupport the Expence. Since the Reverend Mr. Philip Q_uakoo, a Native of Cape Coaft, who was educated at Oxford, and is at prefenc Chaplain to that Fort, has undertaken the Education of the Children belonging to ic, and che neighbouring Settlements, fewer are fent here from thence than formerly were, and the Children now here are chidly from chat Part of the Windward Coaft which is in the Vici nity of Sierra Leone. Exclufive of chofe who are fent here for Education, many Adults vifit this Country from Motives of Curiolicy, and Pareots fend th.:ir Children occalionally from almoll: all Parts of that Coaft, to re ceive fome Advantage and Improvement, by obferving the Manners and Cuftoms of civilized Society, (or, as they phrafe it, "To learn Senfe and get a good Head"). Thefe make but a lhort Stay here, and ufualiy reiurn with the favourite Captain to whofe Care they have been cncrufted; as do alfo the Fantee Sailors from che Gold Coaft, who, whenever their Services are required, rc<1dily enter on board any Englilb Ship, whofe Crew has been weakened by Mortality, and return in her on the enfuing Voyage. PART I. T The Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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fAR T 1 Letter fratn ibe Delegfltes from ,Liverpool, in .Anfwer to the Enquiry made by the Committee refpeEling the Natives of Africa who have been Jent to England for Education. The Education of thefe Children here is confined to Reading, Writing, and a little Arithmetic, with as much of Rdigion as Pc:rfons of their Age and Situation ufually receive from their Schooi Mafters. The Girls, befides the above mentioned common School Education, acquire fome Know of domeftic Duties, and are inftruB:ed in Needlework. The Influence which European Education feems to have upon them, iheir Return to their Cou1my, appears chiefly in their more civilized Man .nc:r of Life. They end eavour to liy,e and drefs in the European Stile, to ere:5l their Houfcs in a comforfable and convenient M011nc:;, by a Fondncfs for Society. Their Difpolitio11s, we have no Doubt, .re improved by their Education, particularly the Mulattoes, who pride thcmfdves on the Acquifition of European Knowledge a11d European Blood. We do not perceive that the religious Ideas, which they may have imbibed during their Refi dence in England, kave any very lalting lmprdlions on thtcir Minds, as they always, fo far as our Obfcrvations and Enquiries extend, pradife and follow in a few Years 2fr and Acc,>mmo d .ttons of Life in civilized Society, as we before obferved, that the Education which rhey receive is coLfined chiefly to Reading and 'iVriting. Few of the Femalrs return to their own Country; foch as have, retain the Drefs and outward Behaviour of their Sex in Europe. It has always been the PraCl:ice of Merchants and Commanders of Ships tradin g to Africa, to encour a ge the Natives to fend thdr Children to E ngl a nd, as it not only c onciliates their FrirndHN TARLETON, Efq. Digitized by Go gte JOHN MATHEWS. JAME S P ENNY. ROBERT OrigirKll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Further Account relative to the preceding SubjeCl:, containing Obfervations on the Conclu.a: of the Mula!to or .Black Children v.:ho had been educated in England, on their l<.eturn to their Native Country; rece1ved from Mr. Matthews, One of the Del.gates from Liverpool. JOHN and jaRJes .Cleveland, Mulattos, Sons of a MT. Cleve'land, who formerly relidea up<>n the IOand of Bananas, as a Trader, by a Daughter of the Corker Family: They were both educared in John, the elddl, has been dead .fome Years: James is now -livina upon the B.manas, and is a Trader. His Ma oner o.f living is. as l_lCarly to the Europe 1n Cull:om, as Circumll:ances will admit : Hrs Houfe rs allo furndhed in the Engliih ?ule; but b.udt upon a larger Scale) in the CoL:ntry What his pri vate Optnron on religious Subjects may be, I know not; but from his outward PraCl-ice, he appears to concide in the Belief which the Natives in the Power and Efficacy of Charms and Witchcraft. In converting with him on the Subject, he would fometimes join in the Laugh at their ridiculous Superftition ; but wht-n ferionfiy afked his Opinion, he would never give a direCt Anfwer, but ftrenuoufiy alferc, that the Predictions of the Conjurors and. Sandcallers were often verified. In Dealings and Tranfactions with 1he Europeans, he is governed by his lntereft : By this I would only infer, that as he lives not under 1he Protection oi European Laws, fo he is not governed by further than as a Merchant it is his Intereft fo to do. To fum up his Characl:er in a tew Words: With a Whice Man he is a White Man, with a Black Man a Black Man. His Brother John h3d Two Sons, who were alfo educated in England; the Elddl: lives with his Uncle as a Ckrk, the other died in 1786. Mifs Norie, a Mulatto, and Relation of Cleveland's, Daughter of a Mr. Norie, formerly a. Trader, who lived in Sherbro, by a Woman of the Corker Family: She was educated ill England: She lived fame Time as Lady's Maid in a genteel Family. On her Return to her native Country, !he continued to drefs in the Englifu Fafhion, and appears to be a fen!ible and incelligenc Woman, and ftill retains the Ad Payne, a Mulatto, Son of a Mr. Payne, formerly a Trader at IOes de Los, was edu. cated in England, and is now a Trader for Mr. Hanky's Factory, where his Conduct entitles him to Efteem. Charles Corker, a Black, Native of the Camarancocs, whofe Family is reckoned the moll: con fiderabk in Power in that Part of Sherbro, was educated in England ; and on his Return to his native Country, pedevere
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r Further Account relative to the preceding SubjeEI, containing Obfervations on the ConduEl of Mulatto or Black Children, 'll)ho had been educated in England, on their Return to their native Country; received from Mr. Matthews, One of the Delegates from Liverpool. Leone for the Benefit of Trade, which he carried on to a confiderable Amount During his Relidence there, he cut off Two or Three V dTds, and as he would not fharc the Booty with the Natives, they obliged him to quit the Country. The Son however partakes not of t he Difpolici on of his Father, and he reprobates his former Condutl:, he behaves to him w11h fihal Attention and Regard; indeed his whole Conduet is a pleafing Proof of the good Elfetl:s of early Education. William Jelloram, a Black, Son of Mr. Jdloram a Head Man of the Suzee Nation refident in the River Dembia, was educated in England, but is only ju!l returned to his Native Country. Bdides the Mulattos and above mentioned, who have been educated in England, there are many others who have rdidtd feveral Years in Europe, eitlit'r in Engiaad r France, whom I was not acquainted with, and a llill greater Number who had made the Voyage llO England and recurned again to Africa in the fame Ship. The Motives which principally induce the Natives of Africa, or the refident White Traders to tend their Children to Engl.ind, arc to rtceive fuch an Education a> will lit them for trading with greater Advantage, as the i rade is principally carried on by trufbng the Goods to different Hands, and fon. etimes to a very large Amount. The A.-quifition of that Knowledge gives thtm a confdft'd Superiority over their lefs informed Countrymen, which by alfociating with the Whites and following their Manntrs, they are ever after fiudious to retain A Proof of the good Effdl.s of Eurof't'an Education in a ti:w, and of a more general Imercourfe which now fubfifts between the AfricJns and Europeans chan f.,rmerly, in promoting Civilization, is in nothing more vifible than in putcing a Stop to the Pratt ice of cutting off weak or deftncelefs Velfels and Craft, anci plur:
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Digitized by Go g e Original from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PAl T t. N 8. An AbftraCl: of Captain Parry's Report of the State of the African Forts in February, 1788, as the fame was tranfmitte
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Memcrial pref entecl b.J the Delegates of Briflol. That different European Nations have endeavoured to obtain a Share in this valuable Bram:h of Commerce, and particularly the French and Spaniards give the greatefr Encouragement to It; and were this Country to agree that it lhould be abolilhed, it would be eagerly feized on by other Nations, deprive us of the Benefit of fitting out annually a great Number of Ships, be a very great Detriment to our Manufattures, and terminate in the Ruin of our Britilh Settlements in the :W efr Indies. Your Memorialifl:s therefore pray that fuch Evidence may be heard by your Lordlhips as they have to adduce on the fevcral Matters referred to your Lordlhips Conlideration. ( N IO. ) f Refoliltions of the Chamber of Commerce of Oribliri. C H A M B E R of C 0 M M E R C E. Saturday, March 29th 178S. TRAVERS HARTLEY Efquire, Prelident, in the Chair. 1"HE Chamber of Commerce of the City of Dublin having obferved, with much Satisfaction, the generous Difpofition prevalent among their Fellow Subjctl:s in Great Britain, to eff'eet an Abo lition of the Slave Trade, a Difpofition fo congenial to the Charaeter of an humane and enlight ened Nation, and at the fame Time having indulged themfelves in the Reflection, that the Traffic in the Human Species does not appear to have been ever carried on from this Kingdom; yet, withing to be in any Degree affi!l:.rnt to the great anJ good Work of relieving Numbers of their Fellow Creatures, and defirous that any Apprchcnlion of this Country engaging in that odious Traffic may be obviated, have deemed it expedient to come to the following Refolutions. RESOLVED, That if the Britilh !hall think fit to pafs a Law for abolifhing the Slave Trade, it will be defirable for the LegiOature of Ireland to co-operate with that humane and wife Meafure by che EnaCl:ion of a fimilar Statute in this Kingdom. RESOLVED, That this Chamber will not fail, at the proper Time, to make humble Application to the Houle of Commons for that Purpofe, in which they cannot queftion having the Support of every Rank and Defcripcion of Irifhmen. RtsOLVl!D, That a Copy of thefe Proceedings be tranfmitted to Granville Sharpe Efquire, Chairrpan of the Society in London for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, and that our worthy Prelident be requefred to lign the fame. TRAVERS HARTLEY. ( N 11. ) Refolutions of the Guild of Merchants of Dublin. PART I. By the M AS TE R S, WA R D EN S, and BR ET H RE N of the Guild of Merchants of Dublin. At a Quarterly Meeting held at their Hall in the Tholfel, on Monday the 31fr Day of March 1788 WHEREAS it hath been reprefented to this Meeting that the Society eftablifhed in London for the Abolition of the Slave Traue, are defirous of knowing the Sentiments of the Merchants of Ireland on that Subjeet ; RESOLVED, That it is the Opinion of this Guild, that the Slave Trade is repugnant not only to the Principles of and Humanity, but to the true Imercfrs of Com merce, which would be much more effectually promoted by that general Civilization of Africa, its lntercourfe with the trading States of Europe mufr naturally produce, if the Traffic m our Fellow Creatures, the principal Caufe of its prefent Barbarifm, were difcontinued. Digitized by Go gle RuoLVEP, Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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.. Rema1.ks on the Abolition of Slavery, hy Colonel Henderfon. Dated 16th Fe/Jruary 1788. PART r. Benefit of Clergy, wich many other Claufes in the Laws tending to preferve and promote their Comfort and H;;ppinefs. I think it worthy of Notice, that during 14 or 15 Years, the Hland, by means of fucb Importali()11J, improved and incrcafed in One Article only, in good Years, nc:arly Forry thoufand Hoglheads of Sugar per Annum, a Proportion of Rum, Coffee, &c. &c. exclulive of vaft Trads of Land in the interior Parts of the Country, which was cleared, regularly enclofed and planted with Guinea Grafs, a Pl.nt famous for the fattening and rearing Caule and Stock of all Sorts; and in 1782, when Information was required to know how long our Provilions would enable us to with!l:and a Foreign Enemy, the IOand was found to contain upwards of 210,000 Neat Cattle. It is how ever necdfary to be under!l:ood, chat thefe vafl: Improvements did not originate from rhc Riches of the Planter, but from bis Spirit of Adventure, fupported by the trading Part of this Nation; and fo far from the Planters flowing in Riches, as is fuggejled by many in this Country, and urged in Debates tending co opprelS them, Numbers of chem are really in a very lice le better Situation than nominal Proprietors. That without che Importation of Slaves thefe Improvements could not have taken Place; on the con1rary, a confiderable Part of the very Lands which had been cleared, and in a Train of Cul tivation, mull: have returned to a State of Ruin. le may be a FaCl:, that the very rich Planter can withftand the Shock of abolifhing the Sbve Trade, and in che End he may make up his Lois by an adva11Ced Price upon bis Produce; but it. mufl: be ruinous to a great Proportion of fmall and mid dling Planters, and a total Checlc to the further Improvement of that Country. That thefe Importations (by improving the Colonies) are of much Confequence to Government, and the trading Part of this Nation, mutt be admitted; but in flaring FaCl:s, I mull: alfo obferve, as ic may in Argument be urged, that by 'Very great Importations the Market may be at Times over!l:ocked, and in the End ruinous to individual Planters, who (being tempted by extenlive Credit, and languine Hopes of great Crops) coo frequently fuffer by the Purchafe of Slaves upon Speculation ; yet, even in that Cafe, the Property is not loll: to Government, being only tranf ferred from the Planter co. the Merchant, or other monied Men, who may purchafe it upan their own Terms. With refpeCl: to Humanity, the Planters in the Weft Indies have indifcriminately been held forth u inhumane, and Violators of the facred Rights of chefe People. That there are Perfons of harfli. Difpolitions amongtt the Planters, as there are amongfl all Clalfcs of Men, I will not pretend to deny ; but limly the whole Body of them are not to be cenfured for the Indifcretions of Indivi duals. I therefore bt-g leave to fuggefl:, from my own Knowledge of the Slave's comfortable Si tuation in general, that, without fome Preparative co poifon the Mind, which the prefani Procudings are 'IJtry /ilcely to ejfetl, were the Proprietors to offer general Freedom to cheir Slaves, net One in Fifty would chearfolly accept it; and fo far from the Planter feccing but little or no Value on the Life of a Slave, as I have allO heard alledged in chis Country, that the Legiflature, at a very early Period, found it necelfary, as an Inducement for the Owners of Slaves not lo fcrem them from 'Ju/lice, to pafs an AB: allowing each Proprietor a Sum fo high as Forty Pounds per Head for every Criminal that fuffered capitally, provided tht'ir real Value appeared to be at leaf! equal co chat Sum ; a clear Proof that Interejl commands Humanity wbtnever they clajh; and fo worchlefs do many of thde Slaves become, when they get Frttdom for chelr good Services, that it was alfo found t'X pcdient to oblige the Propriecors, in fuch Cafas, co fettle an Annuity upon them for Life; and in transferring of Slaves from one Owner to another, they generally confider it a Misfortune to be come Property to a Ma!l:er of tht>ir own Colour : And further, that on all Occafions of Alarm and Danger, a Proportion of the Slaves have been called forth, and they have conftantly afforded the moll: ample ProofS of their Fidelity, and Delire to maintain the Right of their Ma!l:ers It is alfo a ferious Face, that the Fate of Jamaica, if ever it fhall be accacked by a foreign Enemy, in a great Meafure depmds upon the confidential Sla'Ves under prudent Management. Now confider for a Moment, will that Cruelty which is Jo illiberally ajferttd, fecure this Attachment and Fi delity ? By no Means: On the contrary, it is evidently the Planters lnterelt, under every ConjiJeration, co be humane ; neverthelefs when you compare 2 50,000 Slaves to 18,000 Whites, which is actually about the Proportion in that llland, a prudent Subordination is necelfary to be main tained; and fo it is rigidly in both Navy and Army So far as we may credit Information from the fenlible and intelligent Part of thefe Slaves (after they have experienced their Situation in that Ifland) they confider their Removal from Africa as an happy E"Jtnl; and defcribe, that were it not for the Practice of !tiling them, being in a con/lanl Stale of War and Slavery in their own Cou111ry, much greater Mifchiefs would enfue, by cruel Deaths or Punifhments; and that, on certain Oc cafions, Sacrifices of the Slaves in Africa were made on the Tombs of great Perfons, in propor tion to the Numbers polTelfed by the Deceafed, with many ocher Remarks to the fame Effeet; from all which chey are now in a great Proportion exempt, for the Purpofe only of being fold : And it is a FaCl: maintained by Gentlemen, .. ho have been in high public S[ations on the Coaft of Africa, that vaft Numbers of thefe Slaves are fold as Conviccs for cranfgreffing the Laws or Cuftoms of their Country, which they frequently do in large Bodies, principally owing to their PART I. Y Provilions Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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l' ART I. Letter on the Subje of the Trade to Africa. ( No i3. ) letter addre!red to the Right Honourable Lord Hawkefbury, on the Subject of the Trade to Africa My Lord, London, 27th February 1788. WHEN the African Slave Trade is an Objed: of your Lordlhip's Confideration, I hope I lhall be txcufed in offering a few Obfervations on that Subject, founded on fome Knowledge of the Trade. The Abolition of the Slave Trade is demanded by a great Pdrt of England, on Principles frt forth in the Petitions that have been prefented to Parliament. The Abolition is op poli::d by Petitions from the Town of Liverpool, which rdl: chiefty on the Importance of the Trade. l lhall confine my Remarks to the Importance of the Trade, as it may be conlidered in refpett to a real or fuppofed political Neceffity for the Supply of the Weft Indies with Negroes; and in refpett to commercial Policy, as a Branch of the general Trade of the Kingdom; and I mean co ftate the Matter only in the commercial View of the the general Policy of the Trade being already difculfed by more able Men. The political Neceffity of the Trade for the Supply of the Weft Indies with Negroes, may be conlidered as it relates to che Culture of Produce, co the Security of the Property of the Planters, and co the Safety of the Bricilh SubjeCl:s in the Colonies. It is admitted, that Great Britain at this Day polfclfes a Superiority in the Slave Trade over all Europe, furnilhes a foll Supply of Negroes to the Britifh Colonies, and fupplies the rival Powers of France and Spain with a large Proportion of the Negroes, which arc brought off from Africa in Bricilh Bottoms: Bue it does not appear evident, that this Superiority in the Slave Trade has pro duced any aCl:u:il Benefit to the Britilh Sugar Colonies; on the contrary, Great Britain docs not at prefcnt enjoy the fame Eminence in the Weft India Trade, which this Kingdom polfdfed in the Beginning of this Century. That Trade is nearly confined to the Supply of the Home Markets in the Mother Country, and Britain does not furnifu any material Supply of Sugar to the Markets on the Continent of Europe. In the Period which followed the Peace of Uirechr, Great Britain ex porced to Germany, and other European Markets, upwards of 18,000 Hoglheads of Sugar annually, on an Average of fome Years: That valuable Commerce of fupplying the foreign Markets with Sugar is now almoft wholly engrolfed by France, without the Merit of an Effort ac Rivalfhip therein on the Part of this Country. Inll:ead of the Benefit of that Trade being an Object of l'urfuit with the Planter or the Merchant, there rather appears a Jcaloufy left the Home Market 1hould be overdone: If the Miniller lays his Finger upon Rum, the Weft India Planters and Merchants rife in for the Fraction of a Sublidy; but if the Idea of a Weft India Free-port Bill was fuggell:ed, on the Principle of admitting French Sugars to be imported, through the Mc dium of a free Port, in Britifu Bottoms co this Country, as an Emporium for the Commodity to Europe,-noching fhorc of I< uin to the Britilh Colonies would be prediCl:ed ; and yet, fo far from the Admiffion of Prize Sugars in the tall: War being of Prejudice to the Planter, by reducing the Prices in the Britifu Markeu, I believe it will be found, upon minute Inquiry, that the Advances in the Prices of Sugars during that War, arofe frequently from the Demand for low-priced refined Sugars from this Kingdom to Germany and other Markets, which were deprived of the ufual Supplies from France : But when the Weft India Trade of Britain is confined to the Supply of che Home Markets, and the Benefit of the exclufive Supply of thofe Markets fecured to the Planter, by prohibitory or protecting Duties, it remains to be po i nted out what aClual Benefit has been produced co the Bricifh Sugar Colonies, by chat Superiority of Great Britain in the Slave Trade, which bas been allowed : And the fame Argumr.nt will apply to the Subjed: on the Principle of general Policy, as far as refpetls the naval Power of the Kingdom; or, if pufued farther, it may be urged, that a Competition with France for the Supply of the European Markets on the Continent with Sugar, mull: be fought in a different Syll:em of Culture) at Jefs Expence, by the Labour of Native Negroes. Jn refpeCl: to the Security of the Propercy of the Planters; if any Enemy fots foot on any of the lOands, the Deftnce muft rtll: in part on the Co-operation of the Nep;roes, and chat Co-ope ration will be more or lefs perfeCl: in the Hour of Trial, as fpringing from Fidelity and Attachment, or as depending on abjeCl: Submillion. As to the Safety of the Britifu Subjects in the Colonies; it is a Subjetl: deferving of Inquiry, \Vhether the lnfurrettions that have happened have been raifed by new Negroes, or by thofe who had been enured co the Cultivation of the Soil; and whether the Ne2roes born in the IOamls have been aCl:ive in promoting or preventing fuch Commotions? The Importance of the Slave Tradt", in ref pell: to commercial Policy, as a Branch of the general Trade of the Kingdom, may be confidered as it relates to the Commerce of the Port of Li verpool, from whence this Trade is chiefly carried on, and as it relates to the Expor:s of Britifh and foreign Commodities for the Purchafe of Negroes. The Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Letter iJn the SubjeE! of the T rode to Africa. The African Tradt' of Liverpool may be conlidered as it relates to the general Commerce of the l'orr, co the Profirs of the African Merchant, and to the Gains of thofe who arc employed in the Trade. The great and increa!ing Jmpnrtance of the Trade of the Pore of Liverpool may be fof licirntly pointed out by this fimple Fact; thac 3567 Vt'lfds entered that Port in the Year end ing the rh June 1787, and paid upwards of 90001. for the Lock Duties of that Harbour. But the lmporran.ce of the African Trade, as a Part of the Commerce of che Porr, cannot be fo t'afi!y inveflie;ated or efiablifht'd. The Number of African V elfc:ls that entered the Pore )all: Year is faid w be fewa chan 1co Sail; but the Amount of Dock Duties paid by thole Velfels muft bear a larger Proporrion to the grofs Collection Liverpool polfelfes great Advantages in the Spirit and Diligence of her Merchants, the Vigour and lnduftry wich which the Manufac tures of the Coun:y of Lancafter are carried on, the Facility and light Expence with which fo. reign Produets are conveyed by inland Navigation, and the coalling Trade of the Port to a great Difiance in every Direetion. But the Shipping of the Port is noc fuppokd to bear thac Proportion to the Shipping which refort to the Harbour, nor the Ship-building there to bear that Proportion to the Trade of the Town, which might be expeClcd of borh. And it has been alledgrd, that the Expence bellowed on the Outfits of African Velfels has tended co prevent the lncreafe of Shipping belonging to the Port in other Branches of Trade. The African Trade being a Commerce of En:erprife and Rifle, the Profirs have occalionally been very great, particuhrly lince the Year 1779, in which Period many opulent Fortunes have been acquired. But it is a Matter of much Doubt, wherher the Profits of that Trade, prior .to 1779, were proporrioned to the Rifle, and whether the of the Gains, afrer deducting the Lolks incurred in the Trade, have exceeded the Advantages t'J be derived by other Commerce. The Profh of ihofe employed in furnilbing the Cargoes and the Outfits are a. clear Advancage to them. The Garns of the MJfttrs of the Velfds employed in the Trade have been very great. The ;o Africa from Liverpool in r787 are faid to have exceeded 800,0001. in Value; rhe grn!S Sales of purchaled, with lnveftments to that Amounr, may be rated at more chan 1 ,coo,cco I. Sterlin!!, and the Gains of the Mafters of the Velfels fitted out in Year at ()I. per 106 I. the curtomary Allowance for Privilege and Coaft Commiffions, and, exclufive of Wat;eo, m;;y be reafonably ftared at 60,0001. Sterling, realized by thofe who furvive co deliver the S!aves ac Market. The Ex. ports of Britifu Manufattures and foreign Commodities for the Purchafe of Negroes are or' much Benefit to the Manufacturers, and co thofe who fupply the ocher Goods that are fhippcd off to Africa. The Importance of the African Trade in this View may be eftimated by the Exports to Africa from Liverpool in J 787, which are fuppored. to have exceeded 800,000 I. io Value. But it is a Matter that merits particular. lnquirr, whether the Africans may noc gradually furnifh lnveftmenrs, the Pcoduce of the Soil, in return for the Goods they require, and by what Means this Trade can moll: effectually be fubfticuted for that of Slaves. The Encou ragement by a Bounty to be raifed by. an Import. Duty on Negroes has been fuggefted ; and I fhall conclude this Letter, in which I have already trefpaJfed too much on your Lordfhip's Patience, by con.fidering the Application of fuch a Bouncy. The African Slave. Trade from Britain has been carried to its prefent Extent by a Spirit of great Fn:erprite, and b)' uncommon Vigour, of which the Merchants, and the Officers employed in the Trade, are' cncitled to lhare the Merit; and this Merit mull: be allowed to Men engaged in a Trade fanctioned by Law, and jullified by a real or fuppofed political Necefficy, for the Supply of Ntgrots to the Colonies. If a new Trade to Africa is to be pulbed and encouraged as a Subftitute for the Commerce in Slaves, That Spirit of mull: be continued, That Vigour mult be kept in AB ion, and the fame Men.ought to be called forth by the legiOativc Wifdom of the Nation, to give every Advantage co the Trade which is to be encouraged. It is propofed to lay a Duty on the lmporration oi Slaves to the )(]ands, and to employ that Duty in Bounties for the Encouragement of a Trade to Africa for Gold Duft, Ivory, Wood, and other Merchandize; the Eounties to be paid according to the Tonnage of the Velfels employcrd in fuch Trade. This Mode is well adapted to a regular Trade generally underftood, but it does not appear calculated V> awaken a Spiric of l:'nterprife to explore or pulb a new one. The Mafters of the Veffels em ployetl in the African Slave. Trade have a Knowledge of the Wanes of that Coaft, and polfefs an Influence with the Black which no new Set of Men can at once acquire. It has been lbcwn, that the Profits of the Mailers in the African Trade are very great.; and they oughc to be fo, when the Lcngch of the Voyage, che Dangers of the Climate, and the Vigour wich which the SlaveTrade has been conducted, are conlidered. Jn order to encourage the fame Vigour, I would huml;>ly recommend, that infl:ead of an Import Duty en Negroes to be paid in the l(]ands, the Duty on the Slave-Trade, if any, lhould be laid on rhe Tonnage of the Vdlt:ls titted out for that Commerce; and that, inftead of a Bounty on the Tonn,ge of Vdfels employed in the Trade tQ Africa for Merchandize, the entire Amount of the Duty colleCled in each Pore of Great Britain, in every Year, on the Velfels fitted out for PART I. Z the PART I. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART f. Letter on the Subjer! of Trade to A/ rica. the Slave-Trade, Jbould be applied by the Payment of a Bounty by Debenture, on the 31ft of January annually, to be proporcioned, ad -::alo1em, on the nett Value of the Imports of Mer from Africa co the fame Port for che preceding Year, ending the 31ft of December; Security co be given for the Tonnage Duty 10 the Colletlor, or other principal Officers of his Majefty's Cu!loms, at the refpeClive Ports, to be paid on the 31ft of Decrn1ber annually, on all V dfels cleared out for the Slave-Trade in each Year; the Merchandife imported from Africa to be fold by Auftion, exclufive of the Import Duties (to be repaid by che Pmchafer co the Importer). co afcertain the Proporcion of the Bouncy payable thereon, ad ialortm; and the Bouncy on each Cargo from Africa to be divided in a Proportion not exceeding Two-thirds co che Merchanr-Im poner, and che Refidue co the Mafter ot the Vdft:l. In the Infancy of the Trade for Merchandize, a moderate Tonnage-duty on Slave Ships would produce an immenfo Bounty on the Imporcs of Merchandife from Africa in this Mode; and the Bounty would continue very high, until that Trade fhould be fo confiderable as to reJuce che Rate of the Sum payable in Deben tures by the Divifion of the fame on a large Amount. I have che honour to be, &c. w. J. ( N 14. ) Letter from Guflavus VafTa1 late ComrnifTary for the African Settlement, to the Right Honourable lord Hawkelbury My Lord, London, 13th March 17 88. AS the illicit Traffic of Slavery is to be taken into the Confideration of the Ericilh LegiOature, I have taken the Librrtv of fending you the following Senciments, which have met the Approbation of many ir.telligtnt and commercial Gentlemen. S i r, A S YSTEM of Commerce once ellablilbed in Africa, the Demand for Manufactories will moft rapidly augmenr, as the native Inhabitants will infrnfibly adopt our F alhions, Manners, Culloms, &c. &c. In proportion to the Civilization, fo will be the Confumption of Britilh Manufactures. The \Vear and Tear of a Continent, nearly twice as large as Europe, and rich in Vegetable and Mineral ProduClions, is much eafier conceived chan calculated. A Cafe in Point. le colt the Aborigines of Bricain little or nothing in Cloathing, &c. The Difference between our Fore fathers and us in point of Confumption, is literally infinite. The Reafon is moll obvious. It will be equally immenfe in Africa. The fame Caule, viz. Civilizacion, will ever produce che fame Fffc:Cl. There are no Book or out!landing Debes, if I may be allowed the Expreffion. The Word Cmlit is not to be founcl in the African DiCl:ionary; it is uading upon fate Ground. A commercial lntercourfe with Africa opens an inexhaullible Source of Wealth to chemanufac. turing Jncerdl: of Greac Britain; and to all which the Slave Trade is a phyfical ObllruCl:ion. If I am not mifinformed, the manufaClur ing lnterdl: is equal, if not fuperior to the landed lnterell as to Value, for Reafons which will foon appear. The Abolition of diabolical Slavery w i ll give a moft rapid and permanent Extenfion to ManufaCl:urc:s, which is totally and diametrically oppofice to what Come interefted People affert. The ManufaCl:ories of this Country muft and will in the Nature and Reafon of Things have a full and conftant Employ by fupplying the African Markets. The Populacion, Bowels, and Surface of Africa abound in valuable and u(eful Returns ; the hidden Treafuries of Countries will be brought co Light and into Circulation. fodu!lry, Enterprife, and Mining will have their full proportionably as they civilize. In a Word, it lays open an endlefs Field of Commerce to the Britilh ManufaClurcs and Merchant Adventurer. The manufaeturing lntere!l: and the general lntere!l: of the Enterprife are fynonimous; the Abolition of Slavery would be in reality an univerfal Good, and for which a pmial 111 mu!l: be fupported. Tortures, Murder, and every ocher irr.aginable Barbarity are praCtifed by the \Ve!l India Planter s upon the Slaves with lmpunit) '. I hope the Slave Trade will be ab o lifhed : I pray it may be an Event at hand. The great Body of Manufaftories, uniting in che Cmfe, w i ll confiderably facilicace and expedite it; and, as I have already ftated, it is moll: (ubfiantially their lncereft and Advantage, and as fuch the Nacion at large. In a !lion Space of Time O n e S emi rnenc alune will prevail, from Motives of lnterelt as well as Ju!lice and Humanity. z Europe Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Letter from Gu.flavus Pajfa to Lord Hawkejbury. Europe contains One hundred and Twenty Millions of Inhabitants ; How many Mil lions doth Africa contain ? Suppo!ing the Africans, collectively and individually, co expend Five Pounds a Head in Raiment and Furniture yearly, when civilized, &c .-an Immenfity beyond the Reach of Imagination: This I conceive co be a Theory founded upon Facts; and therefore an infallible one If the Blacks were permitted co remain in their own Country they would double themfelvcs every Fifteen Years: In Proportion co fuch Increafe would be the Demand for Manufactures. Cotton and Indigo grow fponcaneoufiy in fome Pans of Africa : A Con!ideracion this of no fmall Confequence to the manufacturing Towns of Great Bmain. The Chamber of ManufaCl:ories of Great Britain, held in London, will be !l:rcnuous in the Caufe. It.opens a mol1' immenfe, glorious, and happy ProfpeCl:. The Cloathing, &c. of a Continent Ten thoufand Miles in Circumference, and immenfely rich in Productions of every Denomination, would make an interdling Return indeed for our Manufactories, a free Trade being eftablilhed. I have, my Lord, the Honour to fubfcribe myfelf, Your Lordlhips very humble and devoted Servan .r, GUST A VUS V ASSA, the late Commi!farv for the African Settkmer.r. No. 53, Baldwin's Gardens, Holborn. PART 1. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART I. The Committee will now proceed to give an Account, prepared under their Direction, of the Charters and Statutes, under the Authority and Protection of which the African Trade firfl: began, and has con tinued to the prefent Time. An Account of the Charters and Statutes under the Authority and Pro tefiion of which the African Trade fir.ft began, and has continued to the prefant Time. THE Firn Account we have of any Trade carried on to Africa, under Authority of Govern ment, is in 1558, when Elizabeth granted an Charcer for Ten Years, co a Company to trade, from the norchernmo!l Part of Senegal to the fouthermon Part of Gambia, including thofe Rivers. In 1618, King James I. granted a Charter to Sir Robert Rieb and others, Citizens of London, for railing a joint Stock to carry on an exclulive TrJde to Guinta. The Company effeCl:ed a Settlement; built a Fort in Gambia, and one at Cormanti11e. But luch Difputes arofe between this Company, and the interloping Trders, that the Proprietors gradually withdn:w their Shares, and the Company was foon difTolved. King Charles I. in the 7th Year of his Reign, granted to Sir Richard Young, Sir Kenelm Digby, and fundry Merchants, the fole Enjoyment of the Trade co Guinea, Benin, and Angola, between Cape Blanco and the Cape of Good Hope, for Years, and for that Purp:>fe em:ted them by Charter into a Company. In 1651, the Parliament granted a Charter co on chis Trade for Five Years to the Ealt India Company, who ereCl:ed Two new Forts. In 1662, Charles the Second granted by Letters-patent an exclufive Right of Trade to Catherine, Mary the Dowager, the Duke ot York, and feveral others, as a Company of Royal Adventurers. They undertook co fopply tlie Wen India Planrers with 3000 Slaves an nually. This Company were fo reduced by War, MifconduCl:, and interloping Tradtrs, that they furrendered their Charter in 1672; and, in conlideration of 34,000 I. gave up their Effdls to a new Company. The Jan Charter granted was dated 27th September, 24th Year of King Charles the Second; and it is !lated to be in conlideration of the Surrender of a former Grant. The Grant was to cenain Perfons therein named, of all and lingular the Regions, Countries, Domin1ons, Terri tories, Continents, Coans, and Places, lying and being within the Limits and Bounds in the former Grant mentioned; that is co fay, beginning at the Port of Sa/let, in South Barbary, in clulive, and extending from thence to Cape de Bona Ejperanza inclu!ive, with all the Inands near adjoining to thole Coans, and comprehended within the Limits aforefaid; which Regions, Coun tries, Dominions, Territories, Continents, Coa!ls, Places, and lflands, had been before called or known by the Name of South Barbary, Guinny, Binny, or Angola, or by fome, or any ocher Name or Names, and which wen: or had been reputed, eneemed, and taken, to be Part, Parcel, or Member of any Country, Region, Dominion, Territury, or Concinenr, within the Limits aforefaid, to hold from the making the faid Letters-patent for the Term of One Thoufand Years," fubjeCl: 10 the Conditions and Relervations therein mentioned. They were incorporated by the Name of 'l'be Royal African CompallJ ;" and the before-mentioned Grant was declared to be in Trufi, to and for the fole Ufe, Bendit, and Behoof of the faid Royal African Company, and their SuccefTors. The earlidl Notice of this Company in our Statute Book, is in Stat. 4th and 5th of Will. and Mar. c 15. 11.; when, amonglt other joint Stock Companies, every Sh:ire m the joint Stock of this Company was charged with a Duey of Twenty Shillings. The Forts and Callies on the Coafi were maintained at the fole Con and Charge of the Com pany, till Statute 9th and 10th of Will. and Mar. when other Perfons were allowed to trade thither upon the of contributing towards thelt: Expences of the Company. This new Arrangement was made by Statute 9th and 10th of Will. and Mar. c. -;:6. It was thereby enaaed, That the Company, by their Stock and Dlllies, impofed by that AC!:, lnould maintain all their Forts and Callies, ere{c new one>, and fupply them with Ammu-nition. It Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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C;harters and Stalutes under '1:.,hich tbe African Trade }irjl !Jcgan; and has continued. It then enacred, That for the Prefervat! on of the Trade, and for the Advantage of England, its Colonies, ir lhould be lawful for any of the SubjeCl:s of his Majdly's Realm of England, as well as for the Company, to trade from England an
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PART J. Charters and Statutes under which the African Trade firfl began, and has continued. Perfons intending to trade to Africa, who, in order to be admitted to the Freedom of the Com. pany, had before a certain Day paid into the Hands of the 'Chamberlain of London Forty Shil linas, were to arremble in the Guildhall, London, and chufe Three Perfons. Three others were to be chofen at Bri!tol, by Perfons paying the like Sum to the Clerk of the Merchants Hall there and Three at Liverpool, by Perfons having paid the like Sum to the Town Clerk of Liverpool: The Nine fo chofen were to be the Committee for managing the Affairs of the Company, and the like EleClions are to be made on 3d July in every Year. The Perfons to receive the Payments, and the Places of EleClion, are either to be as before mentioned, or foch other as the Committee lhall appoint. In cafe of the Death, Removal, or Refufal to aCl:, of any Committee man, the Freemen of. the Town, on Ten Days Nocice in the Gazette, are to proceed to fupply his Place. If the Traders admitted 10 their Freedom in eicher of the Three Towns, omit making Election of Committee-men, the other Committee-men may manage the Affairs of the Company. In cafe of an Equality of Votes, the Lord Mayor of London, the Mayor of Brillo! and of Liver pool refpeClivdy, are to determic which Perfon hall be Committee-man. No Order or Refolution of the Committee is to be valid, to which all Perfons prefent at a Committee were not confenting, unkfs it is approved at a fubfequent Meeting, where ail are prefent, or. all have the ufual Notice. A Chairman is to at every Meeting of the Commmec, who 1s to have no Vote, unlefs they are equally d1V1ded; fuch Committee-men as are not prefent at the Choice of a Chairman, arc not to give any Vote that Day, thouoh they None are to be in titled to vote for the Eleetion of any Committee-man until One Y car after Admiffion. The Chamberlain of London, Clerk of the Merchants Hall in Bri!tol, the Town Clerk of Liverpool, or fuch other Perfon as the Committee lhall appoint to receive the Forty Sh11linos for Admiffion to Freedom, !hall, upon receiving it, deliver a Certificate to the l'erfon paying, (taking a Fee of Two Shillings and Sixpence.) and enter the Perfon's Name and Place of Abode in a Book; and lhall pay over the Money, and deliver Li!ls of Freemen to the Committee, or fuch Perfons as they hall appoint. A Lilt of Freemen is to be kept, where the Committee do Bufinefs in London, di!linguilhing the Place where each Prrfon was admitted; which Lift is annually, Ten Days at lea!l before the EleClion, to be delivered to fuch Freemen as lhall defire the fame. No one is capable of being a Committee-man for Three Yea s fucceffively; Two or more who are in Parmerlhip in Trade are not capable of being Commitcee-men during the fame Time. The Committee-men are not in any Manner, direetly or indiredly, to trade jointly or in Copartnerfi1ip to Africa, or to caufe to be laden any Goods or Merchandi-le on board the fame Ship, in which any one of the Committee lhall for that Voyage have bc:fore laden Goods to be 'arritd to Africa. The Committee may inveft fuch Part of the Money in their Hands, as they lhall judge ne ce!fary, in Goods and Scores to be fent to Africa, to be fold for the fole Ufe and Prefervatron of the Forts and Sett!emems, and the Wages and Sllaries of Officers; but they are not in any Manner to carry on any Trade to or from Africa. A Book of thefc: Receipts and Payments is to be kept at their Office m London. The Commifiioners for Trade and Plantations may remove any Committee-man, Officer, or Servanr, for Mrfhehaviour, giving Notice, and fpecifying the Caufes thereof: In fuch Ca((' the Commime is to give Notice to the Mayor of the Cicy or Town for which the Committee-man waG ekCl:ed, to chufe another; and the Committee is co appoint an Officer or Servant in the Place of the Perfon removed. But the Commiffioners are firlt to fammon th: Comm:tteeman charged witl1 Mifb::haviour, and hear him in his Defence. The Commitcee are to give an Account of all their Tranfatlions to the Commiflioners for Trade and Plantations yearly, or oftener if required, by any Three of them, of a!I Orders to their Officers and Servams, and their Anfwers thereto, and all othrr Things whllloever. The Committee may annually deduet 8001. out of the Money they receive, for paying Clerks, and all Charges of Management, Commillion, and Agency in England; the RemJinder of the 8001. to be divided amonglt themfelves: All other M<>nirs to be applied to the Support of the Forrs and .Sectkments, tor Ammunition and .Stores, and for Officers and Soldiers tQ defend them. The Committee are to account, upon Oath, before the Curlicor Baron of rhe Exchequer, every Year; and a Copy of fuch Account fo audited, and of all Orders and Regulations made by them, is to be laid before Parliament; and alto before a Meeting of the Members of the Company in London, Brillol, and Liverpool rc:lpetlively. 2 The Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Charters and Statutes under which the African Trade firjl began, and has continued. The Forts, Warehoufes, and Buildings, are to be free to all his Majefty's Subjell:s, for de poficiog Gunpowder, Gold, Elephants Teeth, Wax, Gums, and Drugs, and no ocher Goods; and, in Cales of Necc:ffity or Danger, for Safety of their Perfons, and Security of all their Effects whacfoever. His Majefty's Subjec1s may build Houfes and Warehoufes under Protection of the Fons, but they !hall not difpofe of them to Foreigners. Any Commander or Maller of a Ship, who by Fraud, Force, or Violence, or by any indireCl: Prac1ice, takes away a Negro, or commits any Violence on a Native, to the Prejudice of the Trade, is to forfeit 1001. Half to the Informer, and Half to the Company. The Admiralty are, f1om Time to Time, co give lnftructions to the Captains on that Station to infpect and report to them the State of the Fons and Setclements; Copies of fuch Reports are to be laid before Parliament. Thus far did this Statute provide for inftituting a new Company, and for forming Rules and Regulations for the Management of its Affairs. The Remainder of the Act is taken up with fl,Jch Provifions as were neceffary towards doling the Concerns of the old Company, and tranf tCrring their Territories and Property to the new one. PAR. T I. Thus, the Admiralty were to appoint fome Commiffion Officers to infpeCl: and report the Con dition of the Forts and Settlements, the Stores, Soldiers, &c. &c. a Copy of which Report was to be laid before Parliament, at the opening of the next Sdlion. The Accountant-General of the Court of Chancery, and fuch Mallas as the Chancellor fhould appoint, were to be Commiffioners for examining into the Claims of the Creditors of the old Company. The old Company were rdhained for the Space of a Year from difpoling of their military Stores, Slaves, Vdfds, &c. ufed for Defence of their Poris and Setclements; all Suits againft them were fufpended for the Space of a Year, and a l'erfon named David Crichton, who was in Execution for a Debt of 1604 l. contrafted for the Ufc of the Company, was difcharged out of Cullody with Sufpenlion of Execution for a Y car, on entering into Bond with Sureties to be forthcoming at the End of the year. The Expcnces of paffing this Aft. were to be paid by the Committee of the new Company. As the Claims on the old Company \::ould not be afcercained within the Time already allowed, the Pcwers of the Commiffioners appointed by the !aft Aft were enlarged by Stat. z4 Geo. II. c. 49. for another Y.ear .. The Company, in like Manner, were rellrained, fo r another Year, from difpoling of their m1l1tary Stores, &c.. Sum were flayed, and the Execuuon of the J udg ment againft David Crichton was fufpended tor another Year. In the next Year was pafed Stat. 25 Geo. II. c. 40. by which the old Company was diveiled of its Charter, and all the Britifh Forts, Lands, Callles, Settlements, Factories, on the Coaft of Africa, beginning at Port Sallee, and extending from thence to the Cape of Good Hope inclulive, which were granted to the Company by their Charier, or had been erefted or purchafed by them, and all other Regions, Countries, Dominions, Territories, Coafts, Pom, Bays, Rivers, and Places within the aforefaid Limits, and the lllands near adjoining to the Coat1s, and comprehended within the Limits of the Charter, and polfe!fed or claimed by the old Co:npany, together with the Cannon, and other military Stores, Canoe-Men, Cafl:IC:-Slaves belonoinl! to the Forts, Cafiles, Settlements and Factories, contained in a Schedule annexed to the Act, and all Contrafts or Agreements made on behalf of the Company with the Natives of the Country, 2nd all other their Property, Eftate, and Effects, were thereby veiled in the new Company, difcharged of all Claims of the.old Company, or their Creditors. 1t feems, that Banet lj/and in the River Sierra Leon had been long deferced by the old Com pany, and that it was, at the Time of paffing this Act, in polfeffion of Alt1randtr Grant, John Strge11t, and Richard OJ:.;;afd, of London! Merchants;. who had laid Money upon it: Iaand was, in confideratton thereof, by this .'-\a veiled in them, their Hetrs, and Affigns, for their own Ufc and Benefit, but they were not to alien it IO any Foreigners. The new Company may, with the Approbation of the Commiffioners for Trade and Planta tions, empower l:'erfons to railt: and train F;rces in Africa, and to make Regulations and inflict Pumlhments not cxtending to the Lofs of Life, or Limb, and to fend over in Confinement, Per fons to be tritd in England; to erec1 Courts of J 11dicacure fur determining Caufes art ling in Mer cantile Tranfaftions enter
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PART T. Charurs and Statutes under which the African Trafle firfl began, and has continued. the Fort ofSuiegal having been ceded to Great Britain by che Peace of 1763, it was enaCl:ed by Stat. 4 Geo. Ill. c. 20. That this Fort and i;s Dependencies lhould be velted in the Com pany of Merchants trading to Africa, to be empfoyed for the Protection of the Trade in the fame Manrkr, and fubject to the fame Provi!ions, as the othe r Forts that were velled in the Company by Scat. 23 Geo. II.; and becaufe the Sum of 8001. allowed co be: deducted annually by the Company was thought inadequate, they were empowered to deduct the further Sum of 4001. annually. The next Year it was thought advifabfe, for the Benefit of the Trade, that Part of the African Coall lhould be under the King's immediate Government, inftead of that of the Company. le was accordingly, by Stat. 5 G
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In the foregoing Account the Committee have confined themfelves td the Charters and Statutes under the Authority, and ProteCl:ion of which this Trade has been carried on ; they wifl now proceed to give an Account, prepared under their DireCl:ion, of the mofi material Proceedings that have been had in the Houfe of Commons relative thereto, which will throw confi.derable Light on this Part of the SubjeCl:. An Account of the moj} material Proceedings that have been had ht the Houfe of Commons relative to the African Trade. S 0 early as 17th Charle> 1. there appears an Application to Parliament, praying a fpeedy Ellablifhmenc of a Company to America and Africa (Commons Journal, Vol. ii. p. 2 76). This is the Firft Notice, co be found in the Journals of either Houfe of Parliament, of this Trade being an Object of legifiative Conlideration ; after chis, there appears nothing till May 1679. In the mean time, the before-mentioned Charters had been granted by Charles II. by which the Royal African Company were put in polfeflion of chat Trade, with an exclufJve Claim to it; but this Right in the Crown to grant an exclulive Trade not being then refpected as formerly, the Company were early expofed co the Interruption of feparate Traders, and afcer the Period of the Revolution became ktS able 10 maintain their Privileges. It is upon the Affairs of this Company, and particularly upon this Cirrumftance of their exclulive Privilege of trading, chat arofe the various Proceedings in Parliament refpeCting the Trade to Africa. PARTJ. Thefc Proceedings may be divided into Three Periods; 1 ft. From 16i9 to 1698, when the Three Pt Company had to contend with the interloping feparate Traders, who were at length admitted riodJ. to the Trade, upon paying a Duty, as before ft aced ; 2d. From 1707 to 1714, during which the Company were prdfed on the one Hand by their Creditors, who were quieted by the Stat. 10 Anne, and on the ocher by the feparate Traders, who wanted co be relieved from the above-mentioned Duty; 3d. From 1729 to 17 50, during which the Company were aflilled by Parliamentary Grants, till their Dilfolution, and the eretting of the prefent African Company, at the Clote of that Period. In 1679, there appears a Petition from the Royal African Company, praying to be heard at 1fl Period the Bar of the Houfe refpeeting fome Complaints againfl: them, which was ordered accordingly. from 1679, In 1689, a Bill was brought in upon the Suggefiion ofthe Company, for the better fecuring their lo 1698. Trade (Vol. x. p. 244. 363). During the Time this Bill was pending, Petitions poured in from all Quarters, where any lnterefl: in the Trade of Africa was felt. The Manufaeturers of Woollen and ocher Cloths, and 1he Makers of various J\nicles necelfary to the Trade of Africa, alledgcd; that while the Trade was open there was a great Vent for their ManufaCtures; but chat the Trade was cramped, by the Subfifience of an Company. The Traders and Planters in the Wefl: Indies petit i oned likcwife, foggefting that the Conduet of the Company was oppreflive and injurious. On 26th Nov. 1689, the Committee on the African Trade reported to the Houfe as their Opinion, That the Trade of Africa is bell for the Benefit of the Nation to be carried on in a regulat.J. Company, and that .Fores are neccmry for frcuring the Trade. In thefe Refolutions the Houfe agreed (Vol. x. p. 480. 483), and a Bill was brought in upon the Principle co111ained in them (p. 495). This Bill was oppoted by the African Company, who were heard by Council (p. 532), and who petitioned alfo for Leave to bring in a Bill for preferving and efiablifhing the African Trade according to the Charters granted to the Company (Vol. xi. p. 68). On 2d March in 1 f 93, there is a Report from a Committee of the Houfe, where they refolve, as before, that Forts and Caftles are necelfary to fecure the Trade; and further, that the Trade would be beft carried on, for the Advantage of England, in a joint Stock (p. 113). In the mean time Pe1itions were prefented from l\lanufaC\urers, Merchants, and Planters, who win1ed a tree and open Trade; and on the other Hand, a Petition from the African Company in fupporc of their Charter. The Bill brought in was not palfed. Again, on ;ch March 1695, there is a Report from a Committee of the whole Houfe, by which it appears they had refolved, That the Trade to Africa would be beft frttled and regulated by Act of Parliament; that it lhould be carried on by a joint Stock, exclulive of all others; that for the better Supply of the Plantations, all the Subjects of this Realm lhould have Liberty to trade to Africa for Negroes, only within fuch Limits as fl1ould be prefcribed by .Parliament; that the joint Stock for on the Trade lhould not exc<:ed 200,000 I. !'ART r. B b Thrfo Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART r. 2d Ptriod, fr&m 1707, JO I 714. Mo.ft material Proceedings in the Houfa of Commons relative to the African Trade. Thefe Refolutions were .agreed in by the Houfe, and a Bill ordered to be brought in, which was done; the Bill was proceeded in, but the Semon ended without ii-s being brought to effc:cl: (Vol. xi. P 524. 527. 533 541. 545 555). In Nov. 1696, the African Company petitioned ag;iin, leave to briog in a Bill to ell:ablilh thtir Trade; a Bill was accordingly brought in (Vol. xi. p. 600. 616). This produced, as on the former Occa.lion, Petmons, praying the Tr.ade might be left opan and free to all; fome propofed the Alternative of being fre.-, or in a. regulated Company, like the to Turkey ; others, that it lhould be fo ordered as. to the Huufc: lhould feem molt proper for the Advantage of Commerce, and of the Nation. Thefe Obll:acles, probably, caufed the repeated Adjournments of the reading of the Bill. On the 111h March (Vol. xi. p.736) there appeared a Petition from the African Company, praying that their Forts and Fatlories might be maintained by fuch as traded to Africa, or that they might have leave to dilpofe of them to their moll: Advantage, fo that they might be thereby enabled to pay their Debts; but this Petition was rejetl:ed, and after various Adjournments of the Con!ideration of the Hill, the Seffion ended without any Thing being ellCBed. On 11th February 1697, Leave was given to bring in a Bill to feule the Trade to Africa (Vol. xii. p. 97). Petitions from the t\frican Company, and the different Manufatl:urers, Plantns, Merchants, and ochers interdled in the wrre again renewed. Tbe Ctianer of the Compallf was laid before the Houle, and referred to a Committee that had been appointed ter the Can ftderation of the Trade. Some Creditors of the Company alfo interpofi::d, and cook a Part in the Struggle. The American Merchants in their Petition foggdl;, tl"t it would be a great Benefit to the Kingdom t.o lecure the Trade by maintaining Fel'ts and Ca!llits chert>, with n equal Dury upon all Goods exported, co be paid inm the Hinds of tne Gm.rFnor of the Company ; 3ild. tbc]l prayed that the Bill might pafs. This Expedient, being a middle Courie between an udufive and open Trade, had been offered by the Company; and fome of tbe Weft India Inands, that liad before oppofed the Company, now joined with chem, and declared their Opinion, that fuch Mode of carrying on the Trade by the Company would be the bell:. But tbe Manufadurers ia England Hill continued to objetl:; and prayed chat no Dt:ty whatfoever might be impulcd (Vol. xii; P. 166. 184). This Bill however palTed the Houle; and fome Amendments havina beeq made therein by the Lords, and agreed to by the Commons, paffi:d into a Law, and Stat. 10 William Ill. c. 26. before mentioned '(Vol. xii. p. 274. 283. 308, 309), which clofes the Firll: Period of Parliamentary Procetina, chat, for the Nine Years it had been paid, it had produced 85,0001. which had not been the Ufes intended (Vol. xv. p. 602). Thefe wne followed by limilar Petitions from Manufafturers of various Kinds, all aiming to obtain a free and open Trade. But the Seffions ended without any Thing being done. The Affairs of this Trade, in the next Seffion5, were opened by a Petition from the Company, prefented 20th January 1708 (Vol, X\' i, p. 64). After entering into their Merits, and die CIJ1111,. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART I. Mo.fl material Proceedings in the Houfe Of Commons relative io the African Trade. that her Majefly had direCled the State of that Trade to be laid before her by the Commiffioners for Trade and Plantaiions ; and he laid the Reprdi:ntaiion, made on that Occafion by the Com miffioners, together wi1h other Papers relative thereto, before the Houfe (Vol. xvii. p. 1 4 0). On 31 ft March, the Committee reported feveral Refolutions, viz. that the Trade ought 10 be free in a regulated Company; that Fons and Settlements were necelfary; 1ha1 the Charge of 1hem fbould be fop ported out of the Trade; chat ContraCls already made with the N acives tbould be kept, and other Alliances made from Time to Timt>, for Enlargement of the Trade. that the Phntations ought to be fupplied with Negroes at reafonable Rates; chat a Stock was necdfary for carrying on the Trade to the bell .l\dvantage; that an Export of 100,ooo I. at lea(\ in Merchandifo thould be annually made from Great Britain to Africa. The S i x firll: Refolutions were agreed to by the Houfc:; but ihe lafl: refpetl:ing the l:xport of MerchanJife was negatived On 7th Apr.i.l 1712, a Bill for cllabli!hing. t.he Trade in a regulated Company was prelented and read a hrft and Second Time. A Peuuon was prefented againft it by the Company, and alto by their Creditors. In this Stage of the Proceeding the Creditors preferred ano1her Peiition, ftatincr, that they had fuch Con!idence in 1he l'robabili1y of 1he Company re1rieving their Affairs, thac0 they had con fenced co give them Time for Payment of their Debi; but that fome of the Crtditors were Exe cutors, Guardians, &c. who could not legally confent; 1hey therefore prayed Leave to bring in a Bill to make fuch Agreement effeCl:ual (Vol. xvii. p. 2to): A Bill was accordingly broi.:ght in, to make effectual fuch Agrtement as lhould be entered mto beiween the Company and their Credicors. It fboul
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Mo.ft material Proceedings in the Houfe of Commons relative to the African Trade. PART I. Io the Year 1729 the Subjell: of the African Trade was again .brought before Parliament by 3d Period. the Company themlelves, who on 18th February petitioned for Relief to enable them to keep their from Foru and Settlements in a defcnfible Condition; but this Petition was rejell:ed. lo 17 50 The Houfe, however, afterwards refolved itfelf into a Committee on the African Trade, and their Affairs were then once more under Conlideration. For this Purpofe, the Com miffioners of Trade were called upon to lay before the Houfc: Three Reporrs, One of 15th March 1711-12, the other 26th March 1726-7, and another of 3d February 1707 -8; the Company were to lay before the Houfe a State of their Forts, and the Efiablilhqient for their Support. On the 26th March the Committee came to the following Refolutions; tit, That the Trade fuould be open; 2dly, That it ought not lo he taxed for the Support of Forts, &c. 3dly, That Forts, &c. were necelfary for 'fecuring the Trade; and, 4thly, That an Allowance ought to be made for the Support of fuch Fom, &c. The Firll, Second, and Fourth Refol1Jtions were agreed to; and alfo the Third, with the Amendment, That they were to be maintained as Marl:s ef the Po.f!ef/iom of Great Britain, in!tead for fec11rinx the 'frade. The Houfe were alfo in formed, that his Majefiy recommended a Provifion to be made for the Supporr of the African Forts, &c. Thus was a Foundation laid for the parliamentary Affi!tance that was given for the Support of the Company's Affairs, fo long as they continued ro exi!l: as a Company. Grants were ac cordingly made annually, more or lef, according to Circum!l:ances ; and almo:t the only Proceedings in Parliament refpeding the Company, down to the Year 1747, conli!t in their annual Petition for Affifiance, the AC(ounts of annual Expenditure, &c. and the Grant of a Provifion for Forts, &c. But in the Y<.>ar 1747 the Affairs of the Company became more interefting and the Parliament began to lhew an lndifpofition to continue 1he annual Grants for Affi!l:ance; this increafed their EmbarralI'ments, alarmed their Creditors, and gave Encouragement to the frp:arate Traders. The Company, however, was not without Support in the We!l: India Planters,. who, in their Petitions to Parliament, declared decidedly for a joint Stock Company, as neceffary co the Support of the Trade. In this they frem co have llood lingle, in oppofition to the Manufacturers, who continued as loud as ever for a Free Trade, and even to the Cre ditors, who at )Jfl joined in the Attack, and feem to have been the immediate Caufe of the Dilfolution of the Company. The Manner in which this Attack was managed, and in which the Company defended itfelf during the Approach to its End, will be be!l: feen in the following Account of the Proceedings in Parliament. On 14th March 1747 a Petition was preferred by the London Merchants trading to Africa, alledging the Trade to be in danger, and that it could not fupport itfdf again!t Otha powerful joint Stock Companies, without maintaining and increafing the Number of Forts and Ca!l:les, and praying Relief. This was oppcfed on z4th March by a Petit ion from the Liverpool who cor. troverted thefc: Sugge!l:ions, alledging the Trade to be in a very flourifh i ng hoping it would appear to the Houfe unnecelfary to make any Alceration in the Mode of carrying it on; but if by the artful Sugge!l:ions cf a Set of Men, who envied the feparate Trders in the Outpom the prefem Share they held in the Trade, any Alteration lhould be made, they hoped they m ight be heard by their Counfel ag?infl: fuch l{elolUtion (Vol. xxv. p. 565. 590 ) This wa1 followed by a fimilar Petition from the: Merchants, &c. of Brillo!. On th<: mher hand, the Creditors of the Company likewift" petitioned (p. 599. 604); all wh ich were refrrrtd to a Committee; but the St:ffion ended without any Thing being done by the Houle. In the next Stffion the Company again petitioned for Relief on 2zd December i748, flating that the Allowance lrom Parliament was not adequate to the Maintenance of the Fons, that they went on contracting new Debts for their Support and Sup ply (p. 676). A Committee was appointed to confider of the African Trade: The Merchants of Liverpool and Bri!l:ol now preferred Petitions in a more explicit Language, praying that h i s Majelly s Sh i ps of W zr might frequently vilit the Coa!l: of Africa for Defonce and Countenance of the Trade: That finre Fom were judged necelI'ary only as Marks of Sovereignty, they mu!t be a Burden and N uifance in the Hands of any joint Stock Company, whofe private lncere!t ever had and would be incompatible with that of the feparate Traders; they therefore prayed the Forts might be into his Majefiy's PolI'effion, and fupported by the Public, for the general Good of the Ilritilh Trade; or, that the Care of them might be committed to the Merchants trading to thi: Coa!l:; not thereby to acquire: any other Advantage or Right in the Trade, than what lhould be in common .,ith all Majelly s Subject s(p. 777). Thefe Petitions, as alfo one from the Creditors of the: Com pany, were referred co the Committee. On the 1 >th April J 749, the Commiuee reported to the Houfe the follow i ng Refolutions: That the Trade to Africa oughr always to remain free and open : That it lhuuld 11ewr be Jaxed with Duties for Maintennnce of Forts or Sculemcnts: That .P.u.Tl Cc Brit,fh Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN '1

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PARTJ. MojJ material Proceedings in the Houfe of Commons relative to the African Trade. Britilh Fons and Settlements on the Coaft are necdfary, as Marks of the Polfdiio1 of Great Britain in thofe Parts, and may, under proper Management, rendered ufeful to the Traders in general. That in order to carry on the Trade in the moll beneficial Manner, all Perfons trading to Africa lhould be united in an open Company, without. any joint Scock, or Power co trade as a Corpora tion, under proper Regulations; and that the Fons and Settlements lhould be put under proper Management and Direetion. Thefe Refolutions were agreed in by the Houfe; and an Order was made for bringing in a Bill in purfuance thereof (p. 829). The Bill was prefented on 4th May 17 49; read a Firll Time; ordered to be read a Second, and prinred (p. 856). Againft this Bill the Company prefented a Petition, llating that they relied on the Juftice of the Houfe not to deprive them of their Property, without an adequate Satisfaction ; and prayed to be heard (p. 8 57). The Creditors alfo petitioned, expreffing themldves well content with any new Adjuftmenc the Parliament might pleafe to make, and relying on their Jullice for an adequate Compenfation being made to them. It feems the Creditors had remonftrated, in June 1748, with the Company for con tinuing to fend new Officers to Africa, when their Affairs were decliniilg, and the Parliament feemed indifpofed to give them further Affiftance; in which Crilis the Creditors had ftrongly recomm,nded they Jhould make a Surrender of their Charter to his Majefty, being no longer able to fulfil the Delign of it (p. 861). This Petirion was referred to the Committee, <1S were alfo Statements of Debts, and other Accounts, together with the Charter of the Company (p.862. 868. 872). On 25th May 1749 the Company prefented to the Houfe a Propofal, in which they !lated, That berng indebted in IOi,2621. 8 s. 5d. to fundry Creditors, and having been heard by their Counfel, they humbly hoped and relied they had made appear, that they had an undoubted Right to the Lands granted by their Charter, and to the Forts and Caftles by them purchafed and built there. Bm being delirous to contribute all in their Power, to facilitate fuch Meafures as the lhould judge proper to be taken, they did, in the moll humble and dutiful Manner, beg leave to offer the immediate Surrender of their Charter, Forts, Ca files, and other Property in Africa, upon the Footing of the following Propofal, namely, that the Houfe would be pleafed to make Provilion for Payment of all fuch of che Company's Debts as lhould appear to be jufily due, by Money, or Annuities, at 3 per Cent. redeemable by Parliament, and alfo to grant the Company 25,0001. to be divided among the Proprietors of Srock, in proportion to their refpeel1ve lnterefis rherein, in Money, or an Annuity redeemable by Parliament. This Propofal was likewife referred to the Committee ( p. 8 76). On 30th May the Committee reported a Refolution, That a reafonable Compenfation be IT'ade to the Company whenever they lhould be divefted of their Charter, Lands, &c. ; and that it 1hould, in the firft place, be applied towards the Payment of their bona fide Creditors; this was agreed to by the Houfe (p. 882). On ill: June, it was made an lnfiruClion to the Committee, who now had the Bill under Conlideration, that they have Power to make Provilion for examining into the State of the Forts and Setclements, and the Claims of Creditors. Next Day the Bill was reported, read a Third Time, and paired (p. 835, 886); but the Parliament was proro<>ued on 13th June, and it did not pafs into a Law. 0 The next Seffion this Bulinefs was again revived on 6th February, by Peritions from the Mer chants of London, Briftol, and Liverpool, to the Effect of thofe in the preceding Sellions. Papers relative to this Trade were laid before the Houfe, and a Committee was appointed to rake into Conlidera1ion the African Trade (p. 976). Petitions came from Lancafter and Mancheller, Wigan, and other Places, fuggefting Apprehenlions of a Scheme now planning by fome Weft India Plant ers in London, to deprive the Out-ports of the Trade to Africa, and to have it confined to themfelves as an exclulive Company (p. 984. 988). On 13th February 1749 a Petition was_ preferred by the Creditors, declaring their Surprife and Alarm to find the Company (after fuch tolemn and repeated Declarations of their mter lnabilicy) now receding from the Propofal made )aft Seffion to the Houfe, and offering to rake upon them felves rhe fatisfying their Creditors, which they conceived them little likely to do in a great Number of Years, if ever: That the Treatment of the Company to their Creditors was fuch as led them to conclude, it _was their Delign to force them into a Compofition, by lirigatin<> their juft Demands. Thefe Petitioners !lace themfelves co be Creditors to the Amount of for Debts incurred for Maintenance of the Forts and Settlements. They faid, that th.: Houfe having lafi Semon taken them under their Prorection, they trufted this Protection would be con tinued, and they lhould not be left to the Mercy of the Company (p. 993). On the other hand, the Weft India Planters preferred a Petition, declaring their Opinion, that the Maintenance of Forts required a joint Stock Company, and praying chat the Trade might be fenkd fo, that bclides leaving it free to all his Majelly's Subjects, a Company, with a joint trading Srock, be likewife permitted to trade thither, which would be more beneficial than if it were carried on by private Traders only without fuch a Company ; fo as fuch Company were in-2 Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Mo.fl material Proceedings in the Houfe of Commons relative to the African Trade. veiled with no Rights to exclude or obftruct others. They proceeded to enter into various Reafons for preferring fuch an Efhblilhment (p. 1003). This Petition was referred co che Commiuee. Se veral Papers on this Subject from the Board of Trade were laid before the Houfe, and referred to the Committee. After the Weft India Planters had thus difcovered the ProjeCl: fo much apprehended and al luded to by the ManufaClurers, Petitions from various trading Towns were preferred, to give coumenance to the Merchants of the Out-pons, who were prdfing for an open Trade (p. J005). At length, on 4th March 1749, the Commiuee reported feveral Refolutions to the Houf<", cxaetly agreeing wich thofe of laft Seffion, with the fingle Difference, that the Forts and Settle ments confidered as neceffary, were not, as on the former Occafion, expreffed to be fo, as Marks cf the Pojfefjion of Great Britain in tbofe Parts (p. 1028). Thefe Refoluiions were agreed to by the Houfo, and, in purfuance of them, a Bill was ordered to be brought While this Bill was pending, the Company preferred a Petition, in which they merely fiate their Right, without meaning, as they fay, to give the Houfe any funher Trouble on that Head; but they again made an Offer of furrendering their Charter on the following Propofal; namely, a Grant of 180,000 I. or an Annuity, at the Rate of 3 I. per Cent. redeemable by Parliament. This 10 be fubjeet, in the firtl: place, co the Payment of Creditors, in fuch Manner as the Houfe lhould direCl, and the Surplus to go co the Proprietors, in proportion to their Shares in the Stock. A Pecition was at the fame time preferred by the Creditors, praying the Bill might pafs into a Law, with fuch DireClions for fettling the Amount of the Debts as to the Houfc lhould be moft fatisfac tory (p. ro50). Thefe were both referred to the Committee. Scver3J Claufcs were added on the Report of the Bill (p. 1058), which paffed the Houfe, and paffcd into a Law, making Stat. 2 3 Geo. II. c. 31. by which che new Company was erected, and the old Company at length ditrolved; as will be better feen by Perufal of Stat. 23 Geo. II. c 31. and Stat. 2 5 Geo. II. c. 40. which clofe the Third and )aft Period of Parliamentary Proceedings relating to the African PART J. .--Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1' All T J. The Committee will now proceed to give a State of all the Grants which have been made by Parliament, towards the Maintenance of the Britifh Forts and Settlements belonging to the Royal African Company, and to that, which at prefent fubGfl:s. 1729 1730 1742 1 743 1745 1748 1749 1750 1751 1752 1753 1 754 1755 1756 175 7 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 State of Parliamentary Grants, &c. s. d 10,000 -10,000 -10,000 -20,000 -10,000 -10,000 -10,000 -10,000 -10,000 -10,000 -10,000 -10,000 -16,coo 10,000 -10,000 -17,140 14 3 10,000 -10,000 -13,000 -13,000 -13,000 -20,072 8 4 20,000 -13,000 -16,500 -13,000 -15,000 -13,000 -90,000 -113,140 14 3 -----149,572 8 4 Carried forward 352,713 2 7 s d Brought forward 352,713 2 7 s d. 1771 15,000 -1772 15,400 -1773 13,000 -1774 13,000 1775 13,000 -1776 13,000 -1777 13,000 -1778 13,000 -1779 13,000 -17bo 13,000 ---134,400 -1781 13,000 -1782 15,000 -1783 13,000 -1784 13,000 -1785 13,000 -1786 13,000 -1787 13,000 -1788 13,000 -----106,000 -Total Sum granted an-I nuallybetween 1729 .593,113 2 7 and 178 8 inclufive The Sum granted by Scat.I 25 Geo II. as a Compenfation 10 the Old 1 12' '4 2 3 3 Company -Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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II. View of Evidence concerning the Manner of carry ing Slaves to the We.fl Indies, &c. &c. &c. PAAT II. Digitized by Go gle a Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART 11. Mr. Thoma& Eldred. James Penny, Jl:fq. Evidence with refpeEt to carryint but ufed to wafu them with Vinegar-That he made Three Voyages in this Trade-Two to Barbadoes, and One to New Providence in the Bahama IOands-That he carried from about 140 to 150 Slaves in each Voyage-The Burthen of the Ship about 200 Tons-He had no proper Surgeon on board in either of the Voyages-That it.was the common PraCl:ice, in Ships trading from America to Africa, co have no Surgeon on Board.-Jn the fir!l: Voya"e he loft about 70-in the Two next between 20 and 30 in each.-Does not know how c; account for his having loft more in the Fir!l: Voyage, than in either of the others.-The Slaves died chieA)1 of the Flux-That the Precautions taken to preferve them were, to brirrg them on Deck every Day from Eight in the Morning till near Sun-fet-That they fed them with Corn, Rice, Beans, and Yams, when they could get them, and gave them as much as they could eat-kept their Apartments very clean, fcraping wafhing them with Vine"ar every Day-They had Plenty of Wine and Plenty of Medicines, which they to the Slaves by a Book of DireCl:ions which they had on Board-'-That the Men, Women, and Children died in nearly equal Numbers; thinks rather more Men than Women-That the Men were in Chains; the Women and Children at Liberty.-In the Two la!l: Voyages, where he loft fewer of his Slaves, he did not take any other Precautions; but the Number of Slaves might be twenty lefs-Does not conceive that the great Lofs in the Fir!l: Voyage pro ceeded from the great Number of Slaves, and their being more crouded-but to their laying fo long on the Coal\That in each Voyage he had about Twelve Sailors ; in the Firll: Voyage they loft Seven, in the others not more than Two or Three in each-They all died on the Coa!l:. By the Evidence of JAMES PENNY, Efquire, it appears-That in the Eleven Voyages in which he commanded Velrels carrying Slaves from the Coaft of Africa to the Well Indies, and America, their Size was from nearly 200 to 300 Tons-That the Number of Slaves he ufually took on Board was from 500 to 600-Thac this Proportion of Tonnage was not too fmall for the Number of Slaves he fo took on Board-That the Slave Ships at Liverpool are built on Purpofe for this Trade, and are accommodated with Air Ports and Gratings for the Purpofe of keeping the Slaves cool-Great Improvements have been made at Liverpool, within thefe Twenty Years, in the Con!l:rutlion of thefe Ships-The Space between the Decks is fufficiently large to contain the Number of Negroes above-mentioned, and is plained very fmooth and painted :-They are alfo provided with Wind Sails, and moll: of them have Ventilators-That in the Number of Slaves he carried in his feveral Voyages, the Propor tion was about Two Thirds Males, and One Third Females-That in Three Voyages he carried his Slaves to Jamaica-in One to Georgia-One to South Carolina-Two to Saint Kitt's-Two to Saint Vincent's-One to Grenada, and One to Sr. Lucia .-As to the Number of Slaves and Sailors he loft in each of thefe Voyages, he can fpeak only wirh Certainty to Four Voyages, from Papers in his Polreffion-That the Negroes of fome Parts of Africa are fubjeCI: to more Mortality than others, during the Voyage, from the Difference in their Strength and Conftitution-Thofe Negroes from the Gold Coa!l: and Whydah, who feed on Indian Corn, have in general little or no Mortality-Thofe from the Windward Coall, whofe Food is Rice, are next in Degree moll: healthy-Thofe from the Bight of Guinea, who feed on Yams, are fubjeCI: to the greate!l: Mortality-That upon an Average he e!l:imated (from his own Experience, and from the bell: Information he has colleCl:ed from others, converfant in the Trade) that the Mortality is about one Twelfth Part.-He delivered in the following Paper. Voyages to Bonny, in the Ships Wilbraham and Nicholfon. Died. Died 177516 -Purchafed 531 Negroes 27 40 Seamen 6 J7i6f7 D 539 24 38 D 4 177718 D 560 31 48 D 3 Voyages to Angola, in the Ships Carolina and Madam Pookata. Died. 1781/2 Purchafed 571 Negroes 26 45 Seamen 1785 D 20 o 1786 o 166 20 D 2576 110 211 Fir!l: Voyage fold at 2d 3d 4th 5th 6th Jamaica Grenada Jamaica S'. Lucia Dominica D 0;<:<1. 0 3 2 18 Drowned. Drowned.. z N. B. The Two !aft Voyages were performed on his Account, fubfequent to his quit ting the Trade as a Commander. -That Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Slaves to the tPej} Indies, &c. &c. -That he is of Opinion upon the vVhole-, that he was rather more fuccefsful in the Prefer-.' >m Poony1 vation of his Negroes and Sailors than other Captains employed in this Trade-That he .Efq. found himfi:lf impelled, both by Humanity and Intereft, to pay every poffible Attention, both to the Prefervation of the Crew and of the Slaves-Does not conceive that, in general, the Mortality of the Negroes, or of the Sailors, in Voyages, far exceeds that which happened in the Ships he commanded-That his Vdft:ls were not better conftructed than the Veffels are at prefent; for great Improvement has been made therein-As a Proof, he has lhewn to the principal People of the Country in Africa the Accommodations on Board his Ship, and they have held up their Hands, and faid, The Slaves here will fieep better than the Gentleme:-n do on Shore-That the Slaves in general do not !hew any great Concern on their firft coming on Board-They frequently exprefs Fears, from an Apprehention of being eaten; which it is the Butinefs of the Traders co remove-That with refpetl: to the general Manner of treating them on Board, they are comfortably lodged in Rooms fitted up for them, which are walhed and fumigated with Vinegar or Lime Juice every Day, and afterwards dried with Fires, in which are thrown occafionally Frankincenfe and Tobacco-They lie on the bare Boards, but the greateft Princes in their own Country lie on their Mats, with a Log of Wood for their Pillow-The Men Slaves are fem-red when they firtl come on Board, from prndential Motives-but during the Palfage, if they appear reconciled to their Condition, their Fetters are gradually taken off-The Women, Yourhs, and Children are always at Liberty, and are kept in feparate Apartments-The Whole of the Slaves are brought upon Deck every Day, when the Weather permits, about Eight of the Clock-If the \Veather is fultry, and there appears the leaf!: Perfpiration upon their Skins, when they come upon Deck, there are Two Men attending with Cloths to rub them perfectly dry, and another to give them a little Cordial-The Surgeon, or his Mate, alfo generally attends to walh their Mouths with Vinegar or Lime Juice, in order to prevent Scurvy. After they are upon Deck, Water is handed to them to walh their Hands and Faces-They are then formed into Meffes, confifting of Ten to each Mefs, and a warm Mt'fs is provided for them, alternately of their own Country Food, and of the Pulfe carried from Europe for that Purpofe, to which Stock Fifh, Palm Oil, Pepper, &c. are added; after thar, Water is handed them to drink, and the upper Decks are fwept clean, where they have been fed-They are then fupplied with Pipes and Tobacco; both Sexes fometimes will fmoak-They are amufed with Inftruments of Mufic peculiar to their own Country, with which he provided them ; and when tired of Mutic and Dancing, they then go to Games of Chance-The Women are fupplit'd with Beads, which they make inro Ornaments; and the utmoft Attention is paid to the keeping up their Spirits, and to indulge them in all their little Humours-Particular Attention is paid to them, when tick, and the moft airy Part of the Ship is appropriated for the Hofpital-That the Surgeon is provided with Medicines and with Wine, and Spices alfo, for Cordials, when the Sick require it; andhe is encouraged to take Care of the Sick, by an Allowance of One Shilling per Head, in Addition to his Wages, and Privilege for every Slave rhat is brought to Market, which Privilege confifts in the Average Value of Two Slaves, in Proportion to the Value of the whole Cargo-That the Reputation of the Cap-tain, the Officers, and Surgeons, and their future Employment, in confequence, depend on the Care tht'y take of the Slaves-That the Captain's Profit depends upon a per Centage on the Value of the Cargo at the Place where the fame is fold-That in Time of War he has fometimes difciplined Part of the Negroes as Marines, and has had fuch Confidence in them, that he has frequently been upon the Deck in the Middle of them, when they have been armed, and have been entrufted with Powder and Balls -That after good Treatment he has frequently feen them perfectly reconciled to their Condition, and in Appearance as happy as any of his Crew-ls of Opinion, That the Treatment of the Negroes, on Board Ships in general employed in this Trade, is equally proper and humane with that he has juft now defcribed.-With refpetl: to any Regulations which might be made for the Benefit of the Slaves, in regard to the Manner of purchating them, the Manner of their Conveyance to the lfiands in the \Veft Indies, and the Treatment of chem there-Does not conceive that any Regulation, with refpeB: to the Manner of purchafing them, could be made for their Benefit-With refpetl: to the Manner of conveying them to the Ifiands in the Weft Indies, is of Opinion the Number to be conveyed in each Ship lhould be proportioned to the Tonnage of the Veffel; but he tlill continues of Opinion, that, conftruB:ed as our African Ships now are, the Allowance of Half a Ton for each Slave is more than fufficient -That it is fo much the Intereft of the Captains and Officers to take Care of their Slaves, that he does not think any Regulation made by Law would have the Effect of enforcing a kinder Treatment for them-Does not conceive that the French, or other Nations concerned in this Trade, tr-eat their Slaves on the Paffage better than we do-Knows that the French do not feed them fo well, and do not pay the fame Attention to their Cleanlinefs-The Dutch are cleaner than the French, but they ;:re more harlh and fevere in the Treatment of them-ls of Opinion the French allow them pretty near the fame Ship Room-That the Negroei are generally fubjeCl: to Epidemic Diforders, fuch as the Small Pox and MeaOes, and to Fevers and Fluxes-Is of Opinion, that in thefe Voyages the SailQrs are generally more fickly than in a Voyage to the Weft Indies, particularly fo when they are obliged to go up PA&T II. b the Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART II. Evidence with refpeEJ to carrying Jm Penny, the Rivers of Africa to colled: the Slaves-but this Trade ferves as a Nurfrry for Seamen Efq. The Slave Ships are double manned :-they are forced to cake out a great many good Of ficers, but near One Half of che rell: of the Crew are Landmen and Boys-Thefe are idle People picked up from che manufacturing Towns, who would not be received on Board a Ship, as Sailors, in any other Trade-but in the Courfe of a Vorage or Two in this, they become Ordinary Seamen-That in this Trade ll:ricc Difcipline is very necclfary, and Drunkennefs and Mutiny, particularly to be guarded againll:-That he has felt more Anxiety from the Neceffity of preferving due Subordination, than from any other Circumll:ance -In the Well: India Trade, if the Captain meets with a mutinous Sailor, he can get rid of him; in the African they cannot-They avoid whipping as much as they can, as it might alarm the Negroes, and difcredit the Crew with them-They fometimes put a Man in Irons, but in general ufe Perfuafion more than Sevt"rity-Does not think that the Treatment of the Sailors in general is worfe in this Trade than in ochers-They have lefs Work, and are as well frd, and the Security of the Captain's Life and Property depends upon the Health and good Order of rhe Seamen-That che Sailors in chis Tr.ide arc not fubjeB: co more Variety of Difeafes, than chafe in che Trade to che Wdt Indies. John MaIt appears by the Evidence of JOHN MATHEWS, Efquire,-That he does not thews, Efq. know fo much of che Mode of conveying the Slaves as Mr. Norris, but thinks the c\ccount given by Mr. Norris of the Manner in which the Slaves lie, not fofficiently explaineJ Says, That when the Slaves are put below co fieep, each Man lies upon his Back, cill art all placed without incommoding each other-which leaves them fufficienc Room during the Night. By the Evidence of the Reverend Mr. JOHN NEWTON, it appears-That to<: "bin of 100 Tons they calculated about 220 Slaves, upon an Average; therefore fomech1r . c., than One Ton to Two Slaves.-In che Firll: Voyage he made as Mate, which was to Can,: ., Thefe v...,_ he buried One-third-in the Second, as Captain, very few; in the Jail:, none -That oi t. 111 Slaves purchafed, the Proportion was about Two-thirds Male-The Bulk of the Cargo generally bought is from 16 Years of Age to 30-the Standard is about Four Feet Six and upwards-That he never knew the Slaves fcarce of Water-That they were fed wich Horfe Beans, Peafe, and Rice, now and then boiled with fome Salt Meat-That che Sailors are fome times glad of chis Food-The Slaves are never kept a Day in the Hold, wichout N ece!Iity; are always in Chains, locked at different Intervals co the Deck-There are about 30 Sailors in a Ship of 120 Tons-That the Females and Boys foon recover their Spirits-the Men !Cldom; chey remain gloomy a great while. In a Letter dated the z3d May, refpecting the Proportion of Male to Female SlavesMr. Newton fays, This is all I feel myfelf warranted to offer in Anfwer to the propofed, but I embrace the Opportunity of explaining One Point which occurred when I was examined. I faid when before their Lordfl1ips, that during my lafl: Voyage to Africa, I buried neither White nor Black: This was the Truth, but I thould have mentioned the probable Reafon of, perhaps, the only lnll:ance of the Kind, that was ever known. I had policive Orders from my Employers, when I left England, to flay no longer than Four Monchs upon the Coall:. Towards the Period of that Term, I bought a linall Velfrl there, which had been fined out from Brill:ol; and I put on Board her a fullicient Number of People, and all my unfold Goods The Slaves which I purchafed, and with which I failed to the Well: Indies, were not more than Ninety, inll:ead of Two hundred and Twemy, the Number for which my Cargo was calculated. Had I remained there till I had compleated my Purchaf<:, thne is little Doubt but I fhould have !hared largely in che Mortalicy fo ufual in Velfds crowded with Slaves. Rebert Norri By che Evidence of ROBERT NORRIS, Efquire, it appears-Thar he was employed as E1q. Captain in Five Voyages-That rhe Size of the Ships he commanded was in gc:neral z 50 Tons, and the Number of Slaves he took on Board from Four to Five hundred-Thinks che Proportion of Tonnage not too finall for the Number of Slaves he took on Board-That the Tonnage of che Velfc:I is not to be the Criterion by which to judge of the Accommodacion for the Negroes-The Shape and Form of the Velfel is peculiarly calculated for this Purpofe the Hold of the African Veffds is comparativc:ly finall-rhe Space between the Decks is enlarged in Proportion for the Lodging of che Negroes-That he carried the Slaves fometimes to Jamaica and fometimes to Carolina-That the Proportion of Men co Women was about '.250 Males to I 50 Females,-Mr. Norris thep delivered in a Paper, ll:ating the Lofs of che Seamen and Slave in each of the Five Voyages ; which is as follows :b :2 Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Slaves to the Wejl Indies, &c. &c. 1769. In the Unity.-Firil: Voyage. Sbve s Died. N of the Crew 29 None died or were loft by Cafualties.-Purchafed 430 20 1771. D' 2d Voyage. Died at Sea n JI : 1 Died in Carolina 378 15 Drowned I77J D" 3d Voyage. Died in Africa n 32 n Died at Sea -447 8 Drowned 1775. In the Britannia. D 35 Died in Africa -z 400 ::!2 1777. In the Society. Died in AfricaD' 33 szo 13 I60 exclufive of Apprentices. IO 2}175 78 That he thinks the above Account now given in, is a fair Average on which the Mortality of Slaves in their PalTage to the Weft Indies may be judged, fo far as it refpeCl:s the Annamaboo, Gold Coafl:, and Whydah Trade, but fpeaks with great Diffidence-That he cannot fpeak with refpeCl: to the Windward Coaft, but in general many more die from Bonny and Calabar, as the Veffels remain long in the River, and come out at once full loaden to Sea, which produces, in the firft Inftance, Sea Sicknefs, and other Complaints that follow-That the Velfels he commanded were not more particularly conftruCl:ed for the Purpofe of carrying Slaves, than Slave Velfels ufually are-That they had Air Ports in the Sides of the Ships to convey frefh Air to the Negroes Apartments, befides Wind Sails to throw down a Current of Air, and Gratings in the Deck ; they were fitted for the Purpofe as other Slave Ships ufually areThat the general Manner of treating the Slaves was to have their Apartments fitted up as much for their Advantage as Circumftances would admit-That they lay on the bare Boards; but in fuch a Climate the Witnefs has ofcen quitted his Ma.ttrafs to lleep on the Boards himfdf-That the Slaves do not fuffer from it-That the Men are confined or fecured when they firft come on Board, by each Two Men having the Right Ancic of one conneCl:ed to the Left Ancle of the other, by a fmall Iron Fetter, and if Marks of a turbulent Difpolition appear, an additional Fetter is put on their \Vrifl:s; but this is feldom necelfary-But on the Palfage to Jamaica, when no Danger is apprehended, their Fetters by Degrees are taken olf The Women and Youths are never fecured with Irons-That they are all brought on Deck every Day when the Weather permits, and their Apartments, which it is now the PraCl:ice to paint thoroughly, are in the mean Time walhed, and, if not painted, fcraped and fumigated, and fprinkled with Vinegar, or Tar Acid-The firft Attention had to the Negroes in the Morning is to fupply them with Water to walh their Hands and Faces, after which they provided with their Morning Meal, which, according to the Country from which they come, confi!ls either of Indian Corn, Rice, or Yams-They have Two Meals a Day, one of their own Counrry Provifions, and the other of European Provilions, Pulfe, Wheat, !helled Barley, and Bifcuit, which are varied according to the Inclination of the Negroes-That to this Food they have a.Sauce made of Meat or Fifh, feafoneJ with Pepper and Salt, and enriched with Palm Oil, a conllant and defirable Article in their Cookery-:-Aftcr their Break fall is over, they are fupplicd with \Vater to walh themfelves wholly over-this is never neglected when the Weather is favourable. In the Interval between this and Dinner they are fupplied with the Means of amuling themfdves, after the Manner of their Country, with Mulical Jnfl:ruments the Song and Dance are enrnuraged and promoted; the Men play and ling, whilft the Boys dance for their Amufemeut-the Women and Girls divert themfelves in the fame Way, and amufe themfelves with arranging fanciful Ornaments for their Perfons with Beads, which they are plentifully fupplied with-The Men are alfo fupplied with Pipes and Tobacco-Drams arc given them when the Coldnefs of the Weather points out the Neceflity for them-The various Implements of playing at their fundry Games of Chance are furnilhed them, and every Scheme that can be devifed to promote their Health, Cleanlinefs and Chcarfulnefs, is praCl:ifed.-ln Sickncfs they are taken great Care of-the Moment a Slave is difcovered to be fick, he is immediately taken out of Irons-There is an Apartment for them when indif pofed, which frequently is in the Captain's Cabbin, otherwife in the Forecafl:le-There is always a Surgeon-fometimes Two; and particular Attention is paid to their Diet, as well Medicine-They have Wine, Sugar, Sago, and frelh Stock-The Surgeon, as an Encourage ment to take care of the Negroes, is allowed, befides his Pay, a Shilling for every Negro 4 that l'AR T Ir. Efq Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART It. Evidence with refperl to carrying Robert Norris, that comes to Market; and he is not rell:riCl:ed in the OEality or OEantity of the Medicines he Efq chufes to lay in for the Voyage-That the Emoluments of the Captains in the African Trade, depend greatly on the Health and good Condition of the Negroes at the Time of Sale; for their Wages are no higher than in any other Trade, but tht>ir Commiffion, which is nearly Six per Cent. on the Amount of the Sales, is the great Source of their Reward in this fatiguing Voya"e -The Prices which the Negroes fell for are regulatro by their Health and good and this Conlideration is an additional Inducement for treating them with every poffible Care, Attention, and Tendernefs-The Mate's and DoCl:or's Perquilites are in like Manner con-, neCl:ed with the Health of the Slaves-That the Negroes are fubjeCl: in the Voyage to the Small Pox, and to the MeaOes, which they bring from Shore-to Fevers, and to Fluxes That, as a Man of Truth and Honell:y, he does, as far as his own Knowledge goes, moll: folemnly and facredly affirm the foregoing Account of the Treatment of the Slaves on Board Ship to be Truth-That as to other Ships in the Trade, he finds, that lntereft is fo much blended with Humanity in this Bulinefs, that he believes every Attention is generally paid to the Lives and Health of the Slaves, that Circumll:ances will permit; and he contends that Ioll:ances to the contrary are rare-That the French or other Nations concerned in the Slave Trade, do not treat them fo well as we do-our Ships are cleaner, and our Provilions better, than the French; our Accommodations and Manner of treating Slaves infinitely better than the Portuguefe, who never fuffer them to ll:ay upon Deck-bdides, the Con!l:rudion of the Ships does not admit of the fame Accommodation, as in Briti!h Ships, very few of them having Two Decks, confequently their Slaves are lodged in the Hold of their Vell'els-He cannot fpeak as to the Ducch Mechod of treating them, having never been on Board a Dutch Trader-he thinks he has been peculiarly fortunate, though fome others have been equally fuccefsful; yet fome Inll:ances of greater Mortality may be adduced; and remarks, that though, in com mon with almo!l every other Voyage to dill:ant Climes, fome Lives are loft in this Trade, yet the African Trade is a Nurfery for Seamen-In almoll: every other Trade no more Men are employed than are abfolutely necetfary for navigating the Velfel ; and the Crew conlifts, befides the Officers, of able Seamen and Apprentices only-in this Trade, Half the Crew con lilts of young, Men, who have an Inclination to go to Sea at a Period of Life too advanced to commence an Apprenticelhip, and in Two or Three Voyages they acquire the profeffional Knowledge, which qualifies them for a Sea Life ever after-That the Treatment of the Sailors in thefc Voyages depends upon the Difpolition of the Captains, and in the African Trade they are various, as in others: Does not apprehend that there is a larger Proportion of Captains in this Trade who treat their Men with more Severity than in others-That the Nature of the Climate will only produce thofe Difeafes that are common in the Tropics, and thefe are bilious, remittent, and intermitting Fevers, and Fluxes: Befides thefe Complaints, which Men employed in this Trade are liable to, in common with others engaged in the Eaft and Weft Indian Trades, the African Sailors are fometimes affected, at Bonny and Calabar, with Inflammations in their Eyes, owing, it is faid, to the Smoke; and he has feen fome few In ftances, on the Gold Coaft, of the White Men having a temporary Inconvenience from Gui nea Worms, as they are called, inlinuating themfelves into their Legs-Thefe Two Complaints are the only ones he knows of that are peculiar to the Men employed in this Trad:. Mr. Alexander Ey the Evidence of Mr. ALEXANDER FALCONBRJDGE, it appears-That he made Four Voyages as Surgeon to a Briti!h Slave Ship-The to the Windward or Grain Coall: and Angola-the Second to the Windward Coall:-the Two Jail: to BonnyThat the Objed of his Voyage to the Windward Coall: was to purchafe Slaves-In the Firl1: Voyage they were taken by a French Man of War-in the Second were driven off the Coall: by a French Man of War, and went to Angola, where they got 150 Slaves-That in the Firll: Voyage to Bonny they got 380 Slaves-in the laft 420-both Ships were 300Tons-carried the Second Cargo to Jamaica-and during the Courfe of the Voyage there died about Forty of Fevers and Dyfenteries-That thofe who were well, were brought upon Deck every Day, when the Weather would permit-That they were fed with Horfe Beans and Rice in fuffi cient and now and then a little Meat-That there were proper Contrivances for airing the Ships, but they were of no Ufe in wet Weather-That this Voyage was Six Weeks, touching at Antigua and Saint Kite's-They had not much rainy Weather, and the Ship was not much crouded that Voyage; that he imputes the Deaths of the Forty Slaves, chiefly to, Confinement, and coming from the Heat between the Decks into the open AirThat as much Care was taken of them in Sicknefs as could be in the Situation they were in ; and refers to the Account given in his Pamphlet-That there were Forty Seamen on Board, only Two of which died-That in his Third Voyage they carried about 380 Slaves in a Ship of 300 Tons-took them to Grenada-upwards of 100 died-met wich a great Deal of bad Weather, in confequence of which the Slaves could not fo often be brought on Deck-refers to his Pamphlet, where he (peaks to FaCts of his own Knowledge-That the Slaves were as well fed, and as well taken Care of, as they generally are-the Ship was not much crouded-has no particular Reafon to affign for the Mortality-The Ship had _.46 Seamen-Thirteen of whom dicd-affigns as a Reafon that they were cruelly treatcd-whijh 5 p e d Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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l'AtlT It. Archibald Dalzell, Efq Evidence with refpeEi 10 tarrying and dejeCl:ed; the Young Men ate foon retonciled to their Situation, and do nor appear to regret their Country ;-Delinquents, who know their Lives are forfeited, of courfc do not wifh to return;-lt has been reported, that Guinea Traders have ofcen torn Children from their Parentsj but this is not fo.-Once he himfdf indeed purct1afed a Son, when preffed by the Father to buy him, as the Son had committed a Theft, for which he would have been fent to the King of Dahomey, and his Life would have been forft:ited if he had continued in the Country, as his Crime was ftealing from a White Man, which, as far as he knows, is never pardoned-Parents fometimes pawn their Children .or near Relations to Captains of Ships for Goods ; and, though their Liberty in fuch Cafe, if not redeemed, is forfeited, yet it is the with Captains to transfer them, when they leave the Coaft, to fome other Ship; and in this Condition they fomecinies remain a Twelvemonth, to give Opportunities for Redemption; and though in the End they are fometimes carried off,. it is but rarely. Captain Hall. By the Evidence of Captain HALL, it appears-That in each of his Two Voyages, he Thefc Voy purchafed Two hundred and Eighty Slaves-His Ship was about Two hundred Tons-The Firft Voyage he fold them at Dominica-The Second at J amaica-ln the Firft Voyage to Do-1hcYearsi77 minica, Twenty died on Board, in the Second co Jamaica, Ninety-They were on Board in and '776 the Firft Voyage, from the Beginning of June till the Middle of Sepcember-ln rhc Second Voyage, from the River Calabar, they were from the 12th of July till the 1 ft of NovemberThat they died of Dyfenteries, which he imputes to foul Air, Change of Climate, and Change of Provifion, and in fame Cafcs, to a Stare of Defpondence-ls of Opinion, the Proportion of Tonnage, proper to be allowed to a Slave, for rhe Prefervation of his Health, fhould be One Ton per Slave, and that no Ship, however large, fhould ever carry more than 300 Slaves-That he does not conceive, that Sea Air at all produces Dyfenreries; but when they get near the Line, they have long Calms, and hot 'Weather, and rhac may be the Caule of chem-That the Liverpool People have Contrivances on Board their Slave Ships, to pre rerve the Health of the Slaves, as perfe[t in their Kind as can be-They have Side Scutcles and Gratings-That the Slaves were brought on Deck, every Day when the \Ve.irher was fine, from Eight in the Morning to Four in the Afternoon-That Care was daily taken co cleanfe and fumigate between Decks-That they had a Surgeon, and Surgeon's Mate, each Voyag.:, and Medicines enough-That the Negroes, in their own Country, lived on Rice, on Yams and Poultry, and now and then a faired Tyger or Eleph:mt, and fame Fifh-Thac on Board, they had Rice one Day, the next Yams, a third Beans drelfed with Salt, Pepper, and Palm Oil ; that they gave them no Animal Food, and he never heard it was the Cufl:om to give them Animal Food -That they diOike Beans ; it is difficult to make them eat them they like Yams beft ; but they arc: too bulky and uncertain to carry any great of-The Food g iv en them is fufficient; he has known them often decline eating as much as was given them-That for the Prefervation of their Health, he fhould advife the adding a finall Quantity of faired Meat; it would make them reli/h their Food, and hearten chem; he would give them no Beans-That he imputes their Defpondency ro their being taken from Friends, Relations, and Country-Believes the Africans to be as capable of Attlchments, and as virtuous in all Refpech, as Europeans-That chis Defpondency, wirh the Men, continues in general-le wears out faoner wirh rhe Women, who are better fed, and more kindly treated; the Women are never chained-The Men are chained Two and Two, a Hand and a Foot of each Man: Their Irons remain on the whole Voyage, unlefs in cafe of great Sicknefs and Weaknefs-That the Irons are as light as can be, confifl:enrly with Security-That the Seamen in this Trade are confiderably more fubjeft: to Difeafe than in other Voyages-He thinks, upon an Average, one Third more; and in fame Ships one Half, or even more than that-Cannot anfwer, in general, wheth e r the Slaves are treat e d with Humanity on Board-There are in that Trade, Perfons who are callous to every Feeli11a of Humanity, and he believes the Slaves are fametimes ill-treated through Ignorance-Ha"; known lnftances of their being correft:ed for not eating, fuppofed to be owing to Scubborn neCs, when in Faft: it was owing to Indifpoficion ; fo much fo, that in fame Cafes they have been found dead the next Morning-That the Differ enc e in rhe Healrh of the Seamen is to be imputed ro Change of Climate, the heavy ihcelfanc Rains in certain Seafons, and bring expofed to Wet in going up the Rivers for Slaves-That he would not on any Account g o another Voyage to Africa-Conceives the Trade to be founded in Blood, and perfeaJy illegal-That he might have obtained the Command of a Ship in that Trade, whi c h is rhe molt luc rative of any, excert the India Trade, and, in refpeft: co Gain to himlelf, might have reached the Summit o his Willies, but he declined it from Convift:ion of the Trade being unjull. Vice-Admi1al By the Evidence of Vice-Admiral EDWARDS, it appears-That he kn ows of no lnftance Edwards. of Slaves being ill-tre ate d on Board, but thinks their Trea rment mull: depend o n rhe Difpof1tion of the Mafl:ers of the Ships-That it certainly is nor the lnrereft of rhe Mafl:ers to treat thenl' ill-Has fr e quently feen Guin ea men arrive in the 'deft Indies, and the Negr oes Digitized by Go gle c 2 u!ually OrigilKll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Slaves to the Weji Indies, &c. &c. PART II. ufually appeared chearful and ringing-That you are apprized of the Arrival of a Guineaman Vice-Admiral by the Dancing and Singing of the Negroes on Board-He does not believe that the Slave Edwards. Trade is more deftructive chan any other Trade in the fame Latitudes-When the Velfels go up Rivers and remain long there, it is certainly unhealthy, but this occurs too in ocher Trades, particularly ac Mocoa in the Eaft Indies-He never obferved any particular Inftances of Ill-treacmenc of the Seamen, in this Trade, or any great Mortality; if the Seamen had been ill-ufed they would have complained to him, as Captain of the Annual Ship-He was on the Coaft during the whole rainy Seafon, and of an Hundred and Ten Men, which was the Complement of t!ie Ship he commanded, he did not lofe a finglc Man-Captain HOPE, who was likcwife on that Coa!l:, and followed his Advice and Example, told him that he had been as fortunate By the Evidence of Captain ROBERT HEATLEY, it appears, That his Voyages were Cptin Ro all from the River Gambia-One to Jamaica-Two to Dominica-The others to South Cah'" Heatley. rolina*-That the Ships he commanded were from 90 to 250 Tons-That he generally took The Voy abouc Two Slaves to each Ton-Never found the Proportion of Tonnage too fmall for the ageo wore Health of the Slaves-That the Proportion of Men to Women, was generally Two Thirds Men to One of Women-The greate!l: Number he ever lo!l:, was in the Voyage to Jamaicaand 1781. had 280 Negroes on Board, and lo!l: Eleven-The Ship was about 240 Tons-In other Voyages, he lo!l: fewer in Proportion, and has been a Voyage in which he lo!l: none-That the Pa!Tage from the River Gambia is fhorc, and an Allowance of Five per Cent for Mortality is thought a very large one-He cannot fay, whether his Velfels were better con!l:ructed than others; he thought his own well con!l:ructed, but People concerned in the Trade h:1ve different Opinions rdpetl:ing the belt Mode of Conftrutl:ion-He thinks that a Galley-built Ship is fitte!l: for carrying Negroes-That during the Purchafe of Slaves, the Mafters of the Ships, and Crew, are occafionally employ"ed in preparing Provifion for the Voyage, which Provifion conlifts of Guinea Corn, Rice, and Cufs-Cufs-The latter is prepared by beating the Corn into Flour, granulating it in !hallow Balkets, putting it into Earthen Cullenders, over an Iron Pot, with Water kept boiling, ftopt clofe round wich Pafte, to be done by the Steam; and is eicher eat immediately, with pouring Gravy made with Flefh, Fifh, or Fowls, or dried in the Sun, and put in Calks for the Voyage-That this is always a ready Meal; nothing to do but to put hot Water and Gravy to it before they eat it-The Corn is prepared by beating it in Mortars, until it is quite clear from the Hulk and Bran ; that it is, when boiled, exa&ly like Pearl Barky; quite as white, and to the full as wholefome, and much heartier Food-Rice is well known, therefore needs no Defcription-That they have only to fee that it is properly cooked-That they carry from Europe, fplit Beans, (kiln'd) alfo Peas -That in the River Gambia, the Slaves are feldom a Day without Flelh or Fifh; and for the Pa!Tage they provide dried Fifh, Salt Beef, &c. to ferve them in fmall in Harbour they have what Water they chufe-At Sea they Water them from Four to Six Times a Day, according to the Weather; a Tin Pannikin each Time that holds near a Pint-That in the Morning, before they come upon Deck, they generally ferve them a Bifcuit or Half a Piece, and give them each a Dram-At N inc or Ten o'Clock they come upon Deck; after wafhing their Hands and Face, they have their fir!l: Mefs; Ten to a Mefs fit down to a Crew or Tub made on Purpofe, chat contains Three full Gallons-That after meffing they are fup-pliecl with Pipes and To':>acco, Snuff, &c.-That at Three or Four o'Clock in the Afternoon they are again metfed, as in the Morning-That they are kept feparate as after defcribed .-The Rooms dry fer aped and fwept every Day-Sides and Upper Deck underneath very often white-wafhed or painted; occafional!y wafhed and fcrubbed, finoaked Two, Three, or Four Times a Week-Vinegar or Lime Juice fprinkled about the Rooms, which are aired with Fire-pans-That a Slave on Board a Guineaman, in refpe& of Food and Attention, is as well, perhaps better fituated, than many Kings and Princes in their own Country-The only Suffering the Men are expofed to, is the Irons put upon chem, and lntereft requires that they lhould be made as light as it is poffible for the Safety of the Ship's Crew to admit-That the firft Port they arrive at in the Weft Indies, or elfewhere, the firft Bufinefs is always to procure Refrefhmenrs for the Slaves-And they continue the fame Treatment to them, until the Cargo is difpofed of at Market-Reafon will forely allow (tho' the Officers may have no Merit) that Motives of lntereft point out the Neceffity of doing all that is done, in Treatment and Attention, which mull effectually do away che Charge of cruel Treatment to Slaves on Board a Guineaman. Dots reprefent the :;s I 0 tl:I I run acrofs the Ship, c: 3 c: .., I "' I ::i: V>. ::r: upon Deck, to "' :;:i::I "' ., p.. I 0 p. I Men & the \Vomc:n. 0 3 Digitized by Go gle ti:! b;I I E!:: 0 c: .., ;;;: "' I V>. ,, ::c 0 .... 0 0 c.. 0 3 3 I ti:! I s ;r. I ::r: I .., ., p.. I t) / Barrie ado a Midfhip feplrate the Girls and Boys. Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Slaves to the W efl Indies, &c. &c. PAlt TU. who are rejelted, feem much difappointed at going on Shorn again-That they feem to Job Andu know for what Purpofc they are bought, and do not appear dejetl:ed-They do all they can fon, Efq to amufe them in the Voyage-The general Rule is to have Ten Sailors for every 100 Slaves which the Ship can carry-Does not think lie ever loll: Three Sailors in a Voyage-has made fome Voyages without lof1ng One \Vhite Man-Does not think he wn particularly fortunate, but imputes it to the Healthinefs of the Gold Coall:. By the Evidence of Mr.JAMES BOWEN, it appears-That he had been on Board other Mr. Jamn Sla\e Ships befides that of which he was Mall:er -That he always faw the Slaves treated 80"'" with a great deal of Care and Tendernefs, as much as the Service would admit of-That the "1"/1 y_. Ships were fupplied with Surgeons, and on Board his own Ship there was a proper Stock of '77 Provifions-cannot fpeak with refpect co the Stock of Provifions on 3oard other ShirsThat his Ship was about 180 Tons Meafurement-took fr<>m 230 to 250 Slaves-Does not chink the was too much cro\lded, and, as a Proof of that, he did not bury a fingle Slave in the Voyage, which was to Grenada-That in general the Average Number of Slaves was Two per Ton-fometimes mo re, fometimcs lefs-ls of Opinion, that the greateft Number of Slaves, per Ton, which a Ship can carry, confilknr with their Prcfervation, is not above One per Ton ; for though in the Voyage he made, he carried more than that Number, yet his Seamen were put to very great 1 nconvenience-Has been on Board a Slave Ship, and faw that the Slaves fuffered fevercly the Manner of fiowing them-but he can fpe1.k only as to his own Ship-has obferved, that by being linked together in Irons, as it fometimes happens they are Men of different Nations, they would quarrel and fight; One Man would drag the other after him when it was neceJfary for him to move; but whenever he difcoTered that, he always interfered to prevent the Mifchief, and, if necelfary, changed the Mt"n-That he brought the Slaves on Deck every Morning, when the Weather would admit of it; but in Calms, when, during the Night Time, they could not be brought on Deck for fear of the Dews, and when the Win
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I' ... Jl,T lJ, E1-ide:1ce wtt/; refpetl to carrying That it is not unufual for the Bo)' Sbves, who are brought on board, to inf ult the Men, whc, being in Irons cannot elfi!y purfue and punilh them for it. This was the Cafe on Board the Ruby; or.e of the Boys had b e en very aCl:ive in tormenting one of the Men, the Man, however, h a v ing cau g ht him unexpectedly, gave h i m a Pinch, rhe Boy immediately the Caprain in confequence of this ordered the Man to be tied up, whom he flogged on all Parts of his Body, ptomifcuoufly, in fo barbarous a l\ '1anner that he was obliged to be placed for fome Time under his (Mr. Arnold's) Care In thort, he had frequently feen the Men brought up and flogged by the Captain's own Hands on a fimilar Account. On Board the Ruby was a young Girl, who had been purchafcd into the Ship; the Captain retained her as his favouri t e Mi!hefs, and kept her in his own Cabin; the had one Day playing with his Son, and had accidentally torn his Shirt ; the Captain, informed of the Circum!l:a:nce, ufed her in the molt cruel Manner. He whipped her fo fevcrely w i th the Car, and beat her fo unmerc i fully with his Fill, that l11e threw herfdf from him again!l: the Pumps; this occafioned a large Conrnlion on her Head. In fliorr, his Treatment of her fo {hocking, though lhe had lived as his Mi!l:rcfs for Five or Six Months before that that fhe was ill in confequencc of i t for Three Days That he had !l:ated in the former Part of his Narrariv:-, that the Captain, to ge ther \\ ith the Mates, himfelf, and a Part of the Crew, were Prifoners on the lfland of Bimhc; when the. Captain on that Occa!ion was permitted to return to his Ship, he returned with a Wo, man Slave who had been purchafed on the Day of his Capture, bm had in the general Confu!ion been plundered from the Ship ; he took Opportunity of re-purcha!ing her ac that Time, and of carrying her on Board. In the Evening he fent for her, and ordered her to come by herfelf; he attempted to Oeep with her i n the Cabin, but <,>n rcfufmg to comply ; with his Defires, lhe was very feverely beaten by him and lent below It. was the general PraCl:ice with the Captain, on th e Receipt -of a 'vVoman Slave, to fend for her into his Cabin for the fame Purpofes; and he has feen feveral who re!ill:ed his Attempts beaten in the fame Manner. There were Three Females on Board the Ruby, who threatened feveral Times to throw themft'lves o"terboard; the Captain ordered them to be put in Irons. Two of them he flogged repeated!) ; the other, being more refolute than the rdl:, he found Means to difpofc of co Captain Bibby. Among thofe that were brought on Board was a Woman who was in a very dejefl:ed State of Mind; Jbe was immediately feized with Convul!ion F i ts, fome Times !he cr i ed excef fively, at other Times the laughed in the fame Excefs; at other Times the made a rnoft dreadful Noife, fo that the Ship was greatly di!l:urbed ; in confequence of which the Cap. tain difpofed of her the next Day. Whether he beat her or nor, he does not immediately recollect; but h i s whole Behaviour was exceffively cruel to the Slaves, and he believes that there was fcarcely one of them who did not at one Time or other feel the EtfeCl:s of his favage Temper. But his Barbarity was not confined to the Slaves alone; for even the Pawns that were put on Board, who were not under his JurifdiCl:ion as Slaves, did not efcape his Fury, being beaten and put into Irons on every trifling Occafion. That he has now mentioned fome of thofe plrticular Anecdotes of which he had the moll: perfect Recollection; with regard to their Trearment in othtr Refpetl:s, it may be included in the Hi!l:ory of One Day's Occurrences in the Velfel The Slaves were ge ne r ally brought upon Deck at about Eight o 'Clock in the Morning. The \Vernen were not confined, but the Men were in Irons; in which they mnained through the Whole of the Middle Paffage They had Two Meals in the Day. Their Provi!ion while on the Coaft conlifiing of Plantains and Yams, and while on the Middle PalTaftt', of Yams, Rice, and Horfc Beam, and fometimes a Bit of Bread; they had alfo One Pint of Water per Day for. each P e r fon, which was ferved to them at Two different Times i n a Pannekin, which contained about Half a Pint. It was ufual to make them dance, in ord e r that they might exerc ife their Limbs and pre ferve Health. This was done by means of a Cat of Nine Tails, with which they were driven about one among another, one of their Countr.y Drums beating at the fame Time; on thefe Occa!ions they were compelled ro ling, the Cat being brandithed over.them for th3t Purpofe. It was the Bulinefs of the Chief Mate to dance the Men, and of h1mfelf'and the Second Mate to dan ce the Women . The Men could only jump up and rattle their Chai ns, but the Women (as he obferved before) were driven in one among another. The \Vord> which were learnt thein to pr'onourice, and which they were compelled to !ing while thev wete dancing, were, "Meffe, Me!fe, Mackarida," (that is)" Good L i v ing or MdTrrrg well among White Men;" teaching them in chefc Words to praifC; us for .fuftering them to liv. t fo well, At Digitized Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Sl:n:cs io the lFejl Indies, &c. Sec. At other Times whe:i the wer e fitting b y below, h e lrnl hcHJ tiiern finging; but al\\ays at the(e Times in Tears. Their Songs rhcn the Hi:'. orr of their Lives, and their from th e ir Frien,ls and Courirry. Thcle Songs were ve:'{ difagreeable to the C2ptai:i, who has taken them up, and flogged them in fo tcrriuk a Manner for no other Realcn than rhis, that he lus beert a Fortnight or Three Weeks in healing the Incilions made 011 tho(e Occafions He nentioneJ Ldore, tlut rhe were brought tipon Deck about Eight in the Morn ing; he is now co mention, havi1ig received their loll Meal, chq were, about Five in the Evening, put below. . This 1 lifr"ry of a Day's Occurrences in the Ruby is only true when the 'Veather is fine. For if the Sea is rough, the Slaves are tinable to danrc; and if it rains, they arc kept bdow, This latter Circumftance is peculiarl y diftrefling; fot the Gratings being nece!Tarily bn that Account covered over with tlie fud1 an Heat is the Conlequcnce that the Slaves are nearly fuffucatcd He was f e veral T i mes, on Boanl rhe Ruby, called down on (uch Occalions ro the Women SlaHs; fome he had found fainting away and in fenfible, in which Stare they have remained, in fpite of Affilbnce, for fome Time. In confrquccc of the i r wretched Siwation at thefc Times the Dyfentery is treated, and much Mucus being fou,1d on the Floor, the Sct'ne is {hocking. The Defcription llO\V given refers to TrJnfaClions borh upon the Coaft and the Middle l'affage. Thcir Seay ar Bimbc was Eight Months. The Time from leaving Bimbe to their Arrival at Barbadoes, which was on the 27th of June 1788, was abollt Seven Weeks; from Barbadocs they went to Sr. to fell their Slaves, but none of them were wanted then. They then proceeded to Grenada for the fame Purpofe; but this IOand alfo was not in want of them. Two Liverpo0l Ships viz. the Kitty, Captain Wilkinfon, and Vipcir, Captain Matthews, were rhere at the fame Time, but could not lei!. At l put his Name. The Captain however refufrd him, faying, tfut if he would not lign them, he might go on Shore; his Situation was fuch, at that Time, that he confented to lign The reft of the People followed his Example, no orie whatever having been pirrn1itted ro fee the Claufrs to which he affixed his Name. Th1s was alfo the Cafe in a former Voyage in the fame l.lrig, which had then the Name of tlie Litcle:: Pearl. For the Firft Five 'Vee ks they had Plent.y of Provifions, the Seamen had Peafe, Flour, Pork, Beef. and .Suet in Abundance; but when they arrived upon the Coaft, the Scene was fuddenly reverfcd, their Allowance reduced, and they were deprived of the common Necelrarics of Life. I'' Their Allowance at this Time was but Three Pounds of Bread to each Man per Week (which was ferved out every S1u1day Morning), and Three Fourths of a Pound per Day (which was ferved put every Morning) of fuch wretched Pork, or Beef, that on being boiled it was reduced ro Fo<1r Ounces and an Half (Apothecaries Weighr), for he has often weighed it. Jc was impoffible fw :a M;,n to have more than One Meal in the Day with thefe Provifions (however a:conomical he 1i.ight be, or weak his there were often Days in which a Sailor had no Bread co t"at; their Allowance of this Article was ferved to them (as he fiated before) Once a \'\ eek It has often bl'en confumed in the Three Firft Days; for the :Remainder, therefore, they were obliged to languilh on Four Ounces of Meat, without any Yms or Plantains, in Miiery and Pain. To make their Situation more wretched, it was ft"ldom that a Drop of Spirits was g i vt'n them; Qnly Indulgrncc, which they had in this refpctl-, was a Pint of Fnglilh Brandy
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PART II Evidence with refpeEI to carrying amongO: Eight People; and this only Once or Twice in a Month; and though in wooding for the Ship they have been up to their Arm-pits in Water for a Length of Time, and re qui red every Neceffary of Life, Three Months once elapfed without their ever tailing a Drop of Spirits to comfort them. It was ufual (while they lay on the CoaO:) for the Captains to vi!it each other, the Seamen who rowed them were often abicnc for Twdve Hours; during all this Time they have remained in the open Boat, along-fide of che differe n t Vel:ds, nor has a Morie! of Provilions entered into their Lips. On thei.r Return co their own Ships they have perhaps had nothing even then to eat. A lick Man on board, among o:hen, h:.d b een once fo reduced by Hunger, as to have eaten raw Plantains. The Cooper, on opening a Calk of Beef, took out a Piece and hid it the next Day he gave it to the lick Man, and ddired him to hide it in his Chell. Thi s ing afterwards found out, every Mn's Chefl: was immediately broke up and burnt. This Circumftance contributed to render their Situation in this refpeCl: ftill more dreadful than before, for they had now no Place to put their Provilions. Their Bread, in confequence of it, has been wet through and fpoiled by the Rain, and they have been without it for many Days. It is impoffible (or any Tongue to defcribe the Miferies which the Seamen underwent in confequence of a Want of Provilions. He himfelf has experienced inexprellible Hardlhips, and he pofitively declares, that if he had been fo fortunate as to have taken a Dog with fr?m he fhould have killed to have his Hunger. on!' Time m which he had a Sufficiency of Prov1fions, from the Time of the Curta1hng their Allowance to the Time of their Arrival in the Weft Indies, was when he was a Prifoner at Bimbe, Four Meals were given him by the Natives in One Day, whereas at that Time he could get but One on Board his own Vdfol. "Whatever he has defcribed to be the Sc e ne on Board the Ruby (fo far as relates to Provi fions) the fame alfo he found it robe on Board her in the preceding Voyage, when the was called the Little Pearl. To the lnconveniencies now mentibned, he muft add the following, that the Seamt"n had no Shelter, and that they may be faid to have been expofed Night and Day from the firll: Sa iling of the Vefiel. When they left Kingroad, the Steerage and all the Space between the Decks, except a fmall Portion of it, was occ11pied by the Goods taken out for the Purchafiof the Slaves. The fmall Place alluded to was forward, in which it was impoffible for the S a ilors to be (the Veffel being low and finall). without being continually wet from the Sprays of the Sea, or from the Rain This was their Situation on their Palfa g e to the Coafi, and when the Velfel arrived there, this Place was made a Storehouk: to contain and Pot-ware for Trade, {o that they .had then no Place in which they could pm their Heads. In confequence of this, all of them, except Four, were obliged co lie upon the bare Decks. Thefe Decks were wafued every Night, and as chore was .no Sun to dry them, mull have for many Hours remained wee. The Four Hammocks, however, which had been allowed to be hung up under the Booms were foon after their Arrival on the Coall ordered to be caken down, fo that all of them were then without Shelter, and obliged to fleep on the Deck. This continual Exp11fure to all the Inclemency of the Weather, added to that of Wood ing the Vdfd, and a Want of the Ncccffaries of Life, made the Situation of the Seamen inconceivably wretched. 11) fpeaking of the Treatment which the Seamen of the Ruby experienced, there was none more fuocking tha1i that which they expericnred when lick. In this Situation, they were not ptrmi tted to go between the Decks, or to have any Shel ter, any mo[e ,tha.n when they were well. They Herb T-ea, no Wine, nor aoy Kind of Nourilhment, additional)y allowed thrm. On the other Hand, their very Provilions were taken from them, and a little R)ct" fubllirnted in Stead; for whenever a Man was ill, he informed the Capuin of it, :mJ he has always ddired me to 150 the Se cond Mate, and tell him to !lo,p his Provillons, f How he was? I replied, That Bullfon was nearly gone. The Capcajn.fa.ip in Reply, Let 4im die and beflamned." 8 1011 Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART II, Evidmce with rejpeCI to carrying and particularly attentive to his Duty, was not admitte.d to 1hare their Fate, but was moll: cruelly beaten by the Captain in all Parts of his Body with a doubled Inch Rope, and ftruck with his Fill: promifcuoully on all Parts of his Face. The next Morning he came to him in a terrible Condition. He examined him, and found Cevera! Contufions on his Back; Rreall:, and downwards to the Thighs. His Head alfo and his Face were much fwelled, and he appeared to have fuffered much. On the 9th of March 1788, Parfons, another of the Ship's Crew, was ftanding upon the Dec.k, and handing Plantains from the Booms. The Chief Mate, thinking that he did not hand them quick enough, took Advantage of his Pofiure, as he was reaching up, and ftruck him with his double Fifi on the lower Ribs. In confequence of this he foll. The Cooper, who had feen the Circumfiance, came to him as quick as he could, and told him, That if he did not immediately go to Parfons, he would r.ot fre him alive." He ac cordingly went forward, and found him lying upon the Deck. He fpoke to him feveral Times, but received no Anfwer. He appeared co be quite infenfible, and his Breath nearly gone. Upon this he bled him; when he began gradually to recover. On his Recovery, he told him, that he thought he fhould never have fpoken again. He was not fully reftored for One Day. At another Time, while the VelTd was lying at Bimbe, Parfons happened, in hauling the Boat to the Ship, to llip over-board. He was taken up by a Seaman, and brought on Board, but apparently half-drowned, and very ill. Having been called, as on the former Occafion, he was going forward; when the Captain feeing him with a Bottle, Fillet, and Lancets, told him, .in a rough and contemptible Manner, "That he was not wanted; but that Parfons was drunk, and that he might die and be damned." In confe quence of this, he returned back to the Medicine-Chell:. The poor Man continued to be ill for fome Days, when he attended him privately, At another Time, the fame Parfons was on Deck in the Evening, the VelTel ftill lying at the Jlland of Bimbe. He had at that Time Two large fcorbutic Ulcers on his right Leg, and was fitting down. The Captain's favourite Cabin Boy (William Williams) came for ward, and purpofely trod upon his Ulcers, which put him to much Pain. Parfons, being in great Agony on the Occafion, told Williams, That if he did fo again, he would llrike him;" or made Ufe of Words of chat Meaning. Notwithfranding this, the faid Williams,. relying upon the Captain s ProceCl:ion, purpofely repeated his ill Ufage. A Scuffle enfued, when Williams being overpowered, cried out. The Captain immediately came out of his Cabin, and without any Inquiry, beat the faid Parfons both with a Rope and with his Fifi, in a very barbarous Manner. Parfons came to him the next Morning to complain. He found feveral Contnfions on his Shoulders, his Face much (welled, his Legs in a dreadful Situation, and he had loft much Blood from his Nofe and Mouth in the Night. On the 3d of April 1788, having been informed that the above Cabin Boy (William WiJ. Iiams) had fpoken in the moll: infolent and unwarrantable Manner of the Officers, he went to him, in Company with the Chief Mate ; when both of them afked him, Where he had gained fuch a competent Share of Knowledge, as to be a Judge of the Conduct of the Of ficers of the Ship ? and that they infilled upon knowing what Authority he had for branding them with thofe infamous Names, which he had often ufed." The faid Williams not denying the Charge which they then made, they told him, That he was a Scoundrel, and that he deferved flogging." Nothing more palTed between them at that Time; and he left him, and went into the Steerage. He had not, however, been there long, before Captain Williams came to him, and addrelTed him in thefe Words: "Pray, Doctor, what is the Reafon you never let my Cabin Boy alone?" But before he could make any Reply to the above except that of faying, For his Impertinence," he received a Blow on the right Side of his Face, ac companied with the moft dreadful Expreffions. This Blow being afterwards repeated by the Captain OR his right Eye and temporal Artery, he was deprived of all Senfation, and fell down. On recovering his Senfes, and looking round him, he found the Captain ftanding on the Steerage Ladder. He (Mr. Arnold) got up as well as he could. He then a
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Slaves to the Wefl &c. &c. Having complied \Vith the Captain's Orders, he fat down by the Fore-mall: of-the VefiH; but was not long there, before the Captain came to him, and fwe-aring, ordered him -to go aft; and fre ifhe could not find fomething to Jo." He rofe up according to his Commands, but was no Cooner on his Legs, than he ftruck him on the left Side of his Head with his Fift, and kicked him in the lower or lhort Ribs, which occafioned a Difficulty in Breathing. He returned as fail: as he could to the Steerage, but in great Pain. He was very ill for about Four Hours. His Gums were much bruifed, and bathed in Blood, Five of his Teeth were loofe, One of which afterwards came out, right Eye was fo fwelled, that he could not fee out of it till the Fifth Day; His Body had feveral Contufions upon it; he had a Cut upon the fore Part of his Head ; and the Blow on the Temporal Artery was the Means of the moil: excruciating Pain. While he was going aft, he heard the Captain [wearing at the Chief Mate, whom he had before threatened, and on looking round he faw him llriking him with his Fill:. The Chief Mate, in confequence of the Blows, fell down upon one of the Guns, by which he was much hurt in the Back. He came to him on the fame Day; he examined him as far as his Sight would permit; he faw a large Contufion on the Spine of his Back, and the internal Part of his right Cheek much cut. On the 23d of December 1787, George Phillips (the Veffd then lying at the Illand of Bimbe) complained to him of a Fever. He gave him, in confequence of his Complaint, an Emetic; about a QEarter of an Hour after he had taken it, and before it could have operated at all, the Chief Mate ordered the above George Phillips to go into the Boat, and with the Affiftance of fome others to fetch Wood that had been cut on the Continent to the Watering Place, that it might lie nearer to the Velfel. Phillips replied, "That he had ju!l: taken an Emetic, and that he had not Strength to go;" in confequence of which the Chief Mate beat him, and kicked him into the Boat. Upon feeing this, he immediately went to the Chief Mate, and reprefented to him that the Confequences of fending him at that Time might be fatal; for that in the Difcharge-of his Duty he mull: necelfarily be up to his Arm-pits in Water, and that it would be very dangerous for him to be in that Situation after the Medicine which he had juft taken. The Chief Mate replied, That he did not care for that, the Duty mull: be done." He then went to the Captain, and made the fame Reprefentation to him that he had done to the Chief Mate ; but he immediately fell into a Laugh, and feemed to enjoy the Thought that he lhould be fent in fueh a Situation, and fuff'ered the Boat to put off. When the Boat returned Phillips appeared to be much worfe; but even then he had no Relaxation from Duty. On the other Hand, he was often beat about, but particularly by the Captain; who, fince this Tranfaetion, apprehending that he could not move fo quickly as before, had prepared an Inch Rope, about Two Feet long, on Purpofe for him. Beaten in this Manner, and his Fever daily increafing, and his Legs and Face fwelling to an alarm ing Degree, the Second Mate, Martin O'Bryan, told the Captain in his on the 27th of December 1787, "That in his Opinion, George Phillips had not long to live;'' Upon which the Captain ordered him to ftop his Provifions, and, as ufual, to fubO:itute the Rice in their Stead. On the fame Day, viz. the 27th of December, on which his Provifions were thus ordered 10 be flopped, he was put into his Lift, to lie by. Jn the Courfe however of only Thirteen Hours from this Time, that is, at One o'Clock on the following Morning, he was informed by one of the People that he was dead ; he irflmediately got up and ha!l:ened to the Body, he found him lying with his Face upon the Deck near the Foreman:, and quite cold; for, like moil: of the Seamen on Board, he had only the Deck to lie upon, and no Covering. On turning him over, he perceived by the Light of the Moon that a mixed Subltance of Blood and Water had come out of his Mouth; his Legs and Body were much fwelled; but before he could examine him further, an Order came from the Captain to have him imme diately fown up. In confequence of this, a Hammock was taken from James Lanqfter, who was then in a violent Fever, and who was thereby reduced to the Neceffity of lying with others on the damp Deck, fo that he was deprived of the Opportunity of examining, or of making any further Obfervations upon the deceafed. Though he has given fo many ln!l:ances of the Captain's ill Treatment as thofe that have been fpecified above, there is yet one which he cannot eafily omit. The Captain, while the Velfel was lying at Bimbe, defired his Son, a Boy about Twelve Years old, to fetch him a Q!!art Bottle and a Q!!art Pot, which he was accuftomed to ufe in meafuring out the Brandy for Trade; the Son gave them accordingly to the Father; it happened, however, that the Bottle had then fome Brandy in it, and was nearly about Three Parts full ; the Fatber not perceiving it, took the Pot (by which the Brandy was firft taken out of the Bucket). and by means of it was filling the Bottle. The Bottle, as he obferved before, being nearly Three Parts full, foon ran over, by which a fmall Q!,Jantity of it was loft. Immediately upon this, the Captain threw the Bottle, with all the Violence in his Power, at the Head of his own Son; it very fortunately milfed him; had it ftruck his Head, it muft d 4 have PART ft, Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PAltT JI. Evidence with rejpe!I to carrying have fraB:ured the Skull and cut it into many Pieces. Finding that he had miffed his Aim, he then threw at him the Pot before mentioned, which tlriking him on the Back was dafhed to Pieces. The Crime which the Captain alledged againft him on this Occa. fion was, That he had not informed him that the Bottle was nearly Three Parts full." It is almoft impoffible for a Perfon to defcribe in its proper Colours the Treatment which the Crew of the Ruby experienced at the Hands of the Captain. There was not a Man on Board that efcaped his Fury; and there never was (he believes) a more orderly or decent Crew. His Behaviour on the preceding Voyage was of the fame Complexion. He fays this from having failed with him before, when his Velfel was called the Little Pearl, though he cannot fay that he behaved to him on the former fo ill as on the latter Voyage. Before this, he was on Board the Alexander, Captain Mactaggart, from the fame Port, and in the fame Trade, where he faw as many, if not more lnftanct"s of wanton Barbarity, than in the Ruby or Little Pearl. In lhort, he has been Three Voyages to the Coaft of Africa for Slaves; and he does declare, that no Tongue is able faithfully to defcribe (as far as he has feen) the Barbarity of the Captains and the Sufferings of the Seamen in that Trade; all which Circumftances have fo operated upon him, as to have deterred him from entering upon a Fourth Voyage. This Paper Writing marked with the Letter (A), and contained on this and the pre ceding Pages, was produced and fhown to James Arnold, and is the fame mentioned and referred to in his Affidavit. Sworn this fifth Day of September 1788, before me. 5th September 1788. Examined with the Original, ofJ which this is a true Copy, by me, THOMAS CLARKSON. EowARD MoNTACUE. James Arnold, of the Ciry of Briftol, Surgeon, maketh Oath, and faith, That the fe veral Matters and Things mentioned and contained in the Paper Wriring hereunto annexed. marked with the Letter (A), are true, according to the belt of this Deponent's Knowledge, Recolletlion, and Belief. Sworn at the Public Office in Symond's lnn,1 This 5th Day of September 1788, before EowARD MONTAGUE. ] A MES ARN 0 L D. Mr. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART JI. Mr: Arnold, one GI 1he Per font brought to the Com .. mitt by the Rev. Mr. Clarkfon, EfJidence with 1=ljpea to carrying conciled, and the Black Trader perceiving it, let down a Rope, by which he might raife himfelf to the Deck ; coming however as far as the lower Deck; and feeing One of the Crew armed there, as he fuppofed, to receive him, he attempted to return to the Hold, but the Seaman feized him, and a Scuffie enfued, in which the Pifl:ol of the latter went off, but withouc Damage. The Seaman then ftruck the Slave upon. the Head with his Piftol, which deprived him of his Senfes, and brought him down. Being afterwards brought upon Deck, he (Mr. Arnold) was ordered to examine his Wounds; he found liis Skull fratl:ured in confcquence of the Blow he had recrived ; his Body was wounded alfo in many Places by the Cutlalfes of the Seamen, who had followed him into the Hold, and pricked him as Opportunity offered, while he was fkulking among the Cafks; a great Part of his Skin was additionally peeled otf by the [.:aiding Fat and Water mentioned before to have been thrown upon him; the Blood was dropping from his Wounds, fo that on the Whole he was One of the mofl: miferable Objetl:s that he ever faw in his Lift., and he has feen many during the late War. While he was infpetl:ing this miferable Man, the Captain came forward, and feeing it impoffible that he could recover, ordered the Mate to put an Iron Collar round his Neck, and to chain him to the Foremaft, ordering him Arnold) at the fame Time to give him no medical Affillance, and forbidding all who heard him at their Peril to give him any Suf tenance whatever. The poor Wretch deprived thus of chirurgical Affifl:ance, and the ufual Support of Life, furvived but Ti1ree Days, and in a State of almoft continual StupefaCl:ion, expired in his Chains. He was afterwards thrown overboard in Sight of all the Slaves. But to return to the Interval immediately fucceeding the Inforreetion. The Captain and Officers having infpetl:ed the Fetters of the Slaves, they were brou!!ht from the deck to the Main-deck, where they were unpinioned, and immediately fecured in the ufual Way by a Chain p<1lfed through the Ring-bolts; when they were thus all of them fecured and together, the Head of hiin who was lhot, and the kcond that was prevailed upon to come upon Deck as before-mentioned, was then cut off. This Head was fucceffively handed to the Slives, who were obliged to kifs the Lips of it; fome who refufed to comply with the brutal Ceremony, were moll: unmercifully flogged by the Captain, and had the bloody Part of it rubbed againft their Faces. During the firing of the Captain and Seamen, as before defcribed, the Slaves had crowded thenifelves into one Corner, fo that only one Boy about Fifteen Years of Age was materially _injured; the Thigh-bone of this Boy was Jhattered to Pieces, but as he \Vas young and vigorous, his Life might have been eafily faved by amputating the Limb. The Captain how ever, forefeeing that a Boy fo mutilated would be .of little or no Value on his Arrival at the Place of Sale, would not fuffer him to perform the Operation, but fending him aft as a Centinel over the Slaves on the ordered him to be thrown overboard alive, and with Bricks to be tied either to his Neck or Heels to fink him. That the Boy was thrown overboard alive, he is certain, firft, becaufe he alked him but a Minute or Two be fore for Water, and appeared in good Spirits; fecondly, becaufe he has often heard the Captain boall: of the Tranfatl:ion; and thirdly, becaufe he has fince feen the Perfon at Brifl:ol who threw him overboard, and he informed him that the Boy was living at the Time. On their Arrival at the Inand of St. Vincent's in the Weft Indies, they fold their whole Cargo, except a Boy about Ten Years of Age, who was fo weak and emaciated, that he was not expofed to Sale, as the Captain did not wiJh to have it reported that his Cargo was fickly Whenever he came on Board, he enquired for the Boy of the Mate, "'ho always told him that he was dying very fall:, for it was againft the Mate's Intereft that he lhould be fold in that fickly Condition, as in fuch a Cafe the low Price he would fetch would diminilh the Average Price of the Cargo, and confequently the Emolument of the Mate. The Boy was therefore not only negletl:ed and left on Board without Suftenance, but the Mate frequently begged of him as a Favour, that he would either difpatch the Boy by Poifon, or confent to have him thrown overboard: with both of which Propofitions he pofitively re fufed to comply. At one Time, indeed, they had gone fo far as to tie Bricks to his Feet to drown him, but thefe, upon his Remonlhances were taken off The Boy however, having been locked up in the Men's Room, languilhed for Nine Days without any Suftenance, except what he and the Second Mate gave him privately through the Gratings, when he died. Having mentioned every Thing that he recolletl:s as worthy to be related under the Term of Slaves, he proceeds next to the Seamen of the Velrel. Thefe were fcarcely treated with lefs Cruelty than the former : Soon after their Arrival at the Hland of Bimbe a Bunch of Keys, including thofe for the Locks of the Gratings which frcured the Slaves, was miffing. The People who were then on Board were charged with having ftolen them with a View to fell them to the Natives, who make ut-;: of fuch Pieces of Metal by Way of Ornaments : Upon this the Captain ordered all the Men's Chell:s to be brought upon Deck, including thofe of Four Men who were on Shore wooding, and who could not have been privy to the fuppofed Theft; after having forced open and fearchcd the Chefts, but without finding the Keys, the Captain ordered them to be broken to Pieces and given to the Cook for Fire-wood. In the Evening the Woodcrs Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Slave; to the IPejJ Indies, &c. &c. Wooders c.ime on Board, and finding their Chelts demoli01ed, and their Clothes and oth('r Articles fcattered about the Decks, came to the Cabin-door, and told the Captain that they were exceedingly forry if they had done any Thing to offend him; buc before they could fay any Thing mori-, he, in conjunCl:ion with his Two Mates who were fit ting at Supper with him, r m out, knocked the Four Men down, and beat :incl kicked them in the moll 010cking Manner, ard then put Two or Three of them in Irons. In this Affray the Knuckles of both the Captain's Hands (which he ufed indifferently) were cut in fuch a Manner as to be covered wich Blood : He immediately fent for him to drefs chem, telling him he had wounded his Hands in doling the Day-lights, and k.nocking out the Head-rails of a Set of Scoundrels .-His Meaning was, that he had been clofing their Eyes, and knocking out their Teeth, and during the Voyage his Knuckles were frequently under his Care on !imilar Occa!ions. The following Morning, on inipeCl:ing the Men whe> had fuffered from the Cruelty of the Captain, he found feveral large Concufions on different Parts of their Bodies: Their Faces in particular were much bruifed, Two of them had eath an Eye cloti:d up, and One of them had loll: a Tooth; all the Four were for fume l"ime under his Care. But the brutal jult dtfcribed was not the only Punilhment the Seamen fuffered; the Captain conllrued the Behaviour of the Four Men whom he had fo beaten into Muriny; upon this Pretence he reduced the Allowan,e of rhe whok Crew to Three Pounds of Bread per 'Veek each Man, and Three of a Pound of Salt Bc::ef or Pork per Day, but the latter fo very bad that when boiled ir lhrunk to about Four Ounces and an Half, nor did the Men get the proper Uf<' of the former, for as they lodged upon Deck, and had no Cheils to pre fe,ve it from the Rain, it was .often totJlly diffolved in a Jhort Time afrer it had been ferved ,our-co them, which was generally on Sunday Morning. While they lay upon the Coall: he has known the Seamen for fome Days on this Account without any Thing to fupport Nature, except their fcanty Allowance of falced Meat, though there were rhen on Board great of Bread, Flour, Rice, Yams, and Plantains. The Captain's barbarous Difpo fition appeared to be the only Caufe why rhe Seamen fuffc::red Famine in the Midll: of Plenty. This lhort Allowance, which was thus once begun, continued till our Arrival in the Welt Indies. On the Evening of the Firlt of November, when the Noifc:: of the Slaves which was followed by the Infurrettion before mentioned was firlt heard, the Captain on coming out of the charged a Man who flood by rhe Companion with having been aOeep. The Man happened to deny the FaCl:, upon which the Captain recurned immediately to the Cabin and brought out a Cat of Nine Tails. He beat him with the Butt End of this till he left him infenfible on the Deck. The poor Fellow lay there in this Situation during the greater Part of the Time the Tumult prevailed. Thus, by his furious Behaviour on this Occafion, they were of the Affill:ance of One of their belt Men at a molt critical J unCl:ure, when they were all in Danger of their Lives. It would be tedious to enumerate the many Inftances of Barbarity wantonly exercifed on the Seamen by the Captain and Mates; but he cannot omit the Treatment of a poor Black Portu gueze Sailor, who lhipped himfelf at Briftol as Cook. of the V dfd; though no Language can convey any Thing like a proper or adequate Idea of his Sufferings. This unhappy Man was the common Butt on which the Captain and Mates daily exercifed their Cruelty. The former indeed appeared to enjoy a particular Pleafure in flogging and tormenting him. Among other Inftances of wanton and unneceff.iry Barbarity, he often amufcd himfdf with making the Man fwallow Cockroaches alive, on pain of being moft foverely flogged, and having Beef Brine rubbed into his Wounds. This lalt fevere and hu miliating Alternative the Ma11 fometimes preferred to the fwallowing the naufeous Vermin, and when this was the Cafe, he has been under the Neccffity of applying Poultices to the Wounds afterwards gien him to prevent a Mortification. For the greater Part of our Stay upon the Coaft, chis Man was fall:enecl by the Neck to the Copper (or Caboofe) with a Chain of fuch a Length as to permit him to draw Water at the Ship's Side. In this Situation he remained upon Deck Night and Day, expofed to the Weather, a'.ld was compelled to drefs Victuals not only for the Crew, but for all the Slaves, without any Affillance whatever. The Body of this poor \Vretch, from the Crown of his Head to the Soles of his Feet, was covered with Scars and Lacerations, intcrfrcting each other in all Directions, fo that he was a moft miferable ObjeCl: to behold. On the Seconcl Day after their Arrival in St. Vincent's, the Mate ordered the Men aloft to hand the Sails, which had been loofed to dry. This they poficively refufed to do, till they received fome Refrelhment. They had been in a ltarving Condition for about Three Days, though, as they obfervt'd, there was Plenty of Provi!ions on Board; and if there had not, a Supply might have been eafily gotten from rhe Mt:rchants to whom the Velfd was con!igned, The Captain hearing of this Bt'haviourof the Seamen, carried the whole Crew befort' a Magillrate who advifrd them to return to their Duey on Board, adding, that he was furc: the Captain d 6 would PART It. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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#A. R. T It. Evidence with refpeE1 ttJ carrying would take care' that they 1hould have a plentiful Supply of Provifions. This Advice they in!l:antly complied with, and accompanied the Captain on Board; where they had no fooner i:ome, than he ordered them aloft to hand the Sails. This they refufe
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!'ART Ir. Evidence wit"h refpeEI to carrying ihe would be permitted go to him or not. Such Scenes are frequently to be found in the Slave Vdfels. That the Lofs of the Slaves, from the Time of their coming on Board to the Difpofal of them in the Weft Indies, is ofren very fevere. This was the Cafe: on Hoard the Britannia. A fmall Girl Slave had been purchafed, when about 310 had been put on Board. This Girl brought with her the Small Pox. The Captain, on difcovering the Diforder, hid her in an empty Water Puncheon in the Hold, left the Black Traders finding it out, fhould be deterred from vi!iting the Vdfd, or completing the Number of hn Slaves. The Diforder, however, notwithll:anding the Care that was taken, began to fpread; and in fuch a Manner, that it could no longer be concealed. In this Situation the Britannia was obliged to leave the River Calabar with 450 only, though the had been fitted out for the Purchafe and Reception.of 500 Slaves. As foon as fhe was clear of the River, a general Inoculation took place. The I nfeel:ion, however, ll:ill fpread ; and the Situation of the Slaves became fuch, as no Pen nor. is able to defcribc. The Sick Births were incapable of contain ing all that were ill. Thofe only could be admitted into them, who were fo bad as not to be capable of movino-. There they lay i n One Mafs of Scab and Corruption, frequently fticking to each other the Decks, till they were feparated to be thrown into the Sea. Six, Eight, and Ten, were thrown overboard in a Morning from different Parts of the Ship. The Mortality at length became fo great, that out of 450 purchafed, 230 were loft before the Contagion could made to ceafe. That when are brought to Market, it is never confidered whether Relations are feparated or not. The only Confideration is, how thofe that have the Difpofal of rhem !hall frll them heft. When rhe King George arrived at St. Kitt's, her Slaves were taken to a Court Yard and fold there by Scramble. Thefe were put up at Vendue, and fold to the bell: Bidder. Mr. James is of Opinion, that Seamen in general have a great Averlion to the Slave Trade. They are in general procured by Crimps; who are fo conll:antly on the Look-our, that a ftrangc Sailor is almoft fore to fall into their Trap. Thcfe get tlmn into Debt, and then put them into Gaol from which there is no Efcape but in tht: Hold of a Guineaman. There were feveral on Board the Britannia of this Dt:fcription That the Seamen in the Slave Trade are very ill ufed in point of Provilion and Water, as well as in Other Ways. While they arc at home and in Port, they have Plenty to eat and drink, but arc very foon afterwards put to Allowance. In the Juno, as well as in the Bri tannia, they were allowed but Five Pounds of Bread per \Veck, and the little Beef that was given them was either exccffivcly bad in itfelf or damaged. They had neither Peas nor Flour. The Water too, which they took to quench their Thirft, was obliged to be fucked up through the Barrel of a Gun, which was placed in the Main Top. This was done in order to fave Water, and was only praCl:ifed while the Slaves were on Board In the King George, however, the Treatment was rather better. The People were allowed Flour and Peas; but the Gun Barrel was equally in ufe as in the former Two. Another Hardfhip, which the Seamen experience, ts a Want of Shelter. They are never admitted on any Pretence between Decks. They are obliged to Oeep in the Tops, or in the Long-boat, or wherever they can get, except under the Booms, and this without Covering, and in the Cold. If they become lick in confequcnce of it, no Care is taken of them, no Spirits allowed to refrefh them, but they are perhaps beaten for their Lazi nefs On their .Arrival in the Weft Indies there is this additional Hardthip, that afcer a Voyage of incredible Hardfhip and Fatigue, they are obliged to take Half their \Vages then due ro them in Currency inftead of That the Treatment which the Seamen experience in the Slave Ve/Tels in point of corporal Punithment is not eafy either to be credited or defcribed. They are kicked and beaten about, if, worn out with Fatigue, they thould chance to drop at1ecp on the Gratings. Almoft every Occurrence is turned into a Pretence for Punilbment. An Inftance of the Severicy of it may following : A Black Seaman had lbipped himfelf at Brillo! as Cook of the Juno. Cap tain Pinnell and the Surgeon were guilty of great Outrages on th..; Perfon of this unfortunate Man. They beat and bruifed him wid1 Hand-Cpikes, they ll:ruck him al[o repeatedly with the Rice-ftir, an Inftrument as thick as the former, and ufed for the Purpofe of ftirring the Rice for the Slaves. They moreover compelled him to work at the Copper in Chains. The Treat ment on Board the Britannia was not more favourable. In thort, the Captains of Guineamen arc tolerable in their firft failing; their Cruelty begins to thew itfclf on their Arrival upon the Coaft, but after they have been there a little Time it has no Bounds. That he confiders the Slave Trade as the Grave of our Marine. In the Britannia, Twentyfive Seamen went out, but only Eight or Nine returned with the Velfel; Part of them having died and Part run away. Among thofe that are fet adrift in the Well: I n dies, is a confiderable Lofs, independently of that full:ained on Board the Ve/Tels. \Vhen the Slaves are fold, the Seamen receive their Half-pay; fuch as are Jame or lick have Pcrmi ffion to go on Shore, and if they lhould ftay more.than Forty-eight Hours (which it is rc:ifonable to fuppofe will be the cafc after fo fatigu4ng a Voyage) they are refufed Admittance on Board. This is the Method taken by Guinea Captains to get rid of an ulcerated infcJ:ious Crew ; the poor People foon Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PAllTJI. Evidence with refpeEI to cttrrying tolerable Humour. Four Pounds of Bread only is allowed to each Mah pt'r Week, with a fmall Portion of damaged Beef per Day : The Slave Boys who are loo!C: al>ouc the Ship, very often fteal a Portion of rliefe Provilions, as the Seamen have no Place of Security lO put them in, a linall Ch<'ft only being allowed co Four or Five Men. This adds greatly to their Har
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Slaver to the We.fl lndier, &c. &c. PART If. By the Evidence of the Reverend ISHAM BAGGS, delivered in \Vriting, it appears Thellemnd that there are few lnfiances of Foreman Men who go voluntarily into rhe Slave Trade. Mr. They are procured by People called Crimps, who feduce them into their Houfes, entertain them there till in Dt'bt, and then in reality fell them to Captains of Guineamen for their niitt by Re Difcharge. This Alfertion Mr. Baggs had from the Foremafl: Men who came from the African Ships on board the Grampus. above tbtcd. That when put on board, every Species of Cruelty that the human Imagination can devife i5 exercifed upon chem. One Seaman, in conft'quence of this ill Treatment, fwam on board the Grampus for ProteCtion and Redrefs; and when his Wages were demanded by the Officer, he had either a fictitious Bill fee againfl: him for Clothes and Liquor, or, if his Wages were acknowledged, he received (as he was co be paid in the \Vefl: Indies by Agreement) Currency for Sterling, as Mr. Haggs learnt from the Man himfelf. That every Regulation made by the Merchant in the Slave Trade appears to be calculated, however (as is particularly the Cafe in the lnfl:ance of Currency), co defraud the Sailor. The Food which is given to the Seamen is always falt, bad, and of an inft'rior liry. They are mofl:ly at a very lhort Allowance of Water, nor do they even gee this without great Difficulty. They are fomecimes obliged to go to the Main-top to fetch a Cup to drink it out of, fo that the Exertion made ufe of to obtain it, generally increafes their Thirfl:, in fiead of aHaying it. That the Slave Trade delhoys an incredible Number of Seamen annually The Service is of fuch a Nature, that the human Frame is incapable of fufl:aining it long. The ill Ufage that the Seamen experience, contributes not a little to weaken them. Their bad Living and fcanty Diec operates as another Caufe Add to this, that they are fometimes fenc away from the Ship for Weeks together, and this in an open Boat, in which they mufl: be expofed to the Inclemency of the W cather the whole Time. Thefe Expeditions always occalion Fevers; of which, if they do not immcdiarely die, they feldom or ever recover, or get perfeCtly well. Mr. B1ggs got this Intellig e nce from fome Seamen fent on board the Grampus as Pirates, who alledg<'d their ill Treatment as the Caufe of their Behaviour In both the Voyages on board the Grampus, in each of which 300 People went to the Coaft, only Three Perfons, including Commodore Thompfon, were loft. By the Evidence of Mr. SYDE!"HAM TEAST, Merchant, it appears-That Five of Mr. s " the Velfels belonging co his Houfe, in this Trade, have returned to this Country; in thefe, ham :t'caft. Ten of the Crew have died, befides Three drowned-That 28 was the largetl: Crew, Seven or Eight the fmallefl:-That the ocher Ships, which in Converfation he fl:ated to have Iott more Seamen, carried no Surgeons, and the Ships belonging to his Houfe did-ls of Opinion, that the Ships employed in chis Trade are not, in general, more unhealthy than the Ships employed in the Tropical Climates, unlefs now and then when they got into fome unwhole-fome River. The Reverend Mr. Ramfay fent into the Committee a Paper, inticled, "Obfervations made by Mr. James Ramfay of Tefl:on, on the Condition in which African Slaves are imported into the Wefl: Indies;" which Paper is as follows. WHILE I ferved in the Navy, we took a Slave Ship in Sight of the IOands-The Pri vateer had taken out about 120 of the prime Slaves, and abandoned the Ship and refufe Slaves-Being informed that there were many lick, and no Surgeon, I went on Board to give Direttions concerning them-As well as I can recolleet, there were Seven or Eight Negroes dangeroully ill of Fluxes; and of the whole Number left, which I think was about 100, very few were reckoned valuable, or at the Sales brought the ordinary Price of good Slaves, on account of their emaciated fickly State. While I continued fettled at St. Chrillopher, I had frequent Opportunities of feeing the Condition of Slaves on their Arrival in the Wefl: Indies-The Illand lying in the Neighbour hood of Saint Eufl:atius was coniidered as a good Market-The Sales were frequent. My Brother-in-Law was a Guinea Faetor; and a Delire for Information led me from Time to Time to attend the Sales, and to enter into Converfation with the Guinea Captains at his Houfe. On their Arrival, the Slaves are generally divided in Three Sets; the healthy, well alforted, or prime Slaves; the puny and ill-alforted; and the emaciated, fickly, or refufe Slaves-The F attor engages for a Average on the Firtl:, and fells the other Two for as much as he can gee. In fl:riking the Bargain, the Captain endeavours to get as many PART II. d 9 of Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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i>ART n. Evidence 'il:ith refpe5l to carrying of the puny, ill-alforte
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Slaves to the W cjJ Indies, &c. &c. PART If. He fpoke too to the Cruelties exercifed on the Seamen by the Captains and Officers of K, by the Chief Mate, in the Well: Indies-Another had his Lip cut in two by the Captain of the fame Ship, as lhe made the llhnd of Lundy, coming into the Brifl:ol Channel, which Lip he had alfo feen; he could not fpeak pofitively as to more lnfl:ances-In thefe Infl:ances the Punifhment, and the Slightnefs of the Offence, was confirmed to him by the Teil:imony of Six or Seven Witneffes who were on Board the fame Ship In another Ship, belonging to the fame Perfon, feveral of the Seamen came to him to in form him of a Murder committed on the Body of One of their Crew ;-he examined them fe parately; he afterwards carried them to the Mayor of Briil:ol, who, upon examining them, committed the Perfon who was charged with the Murder to Newgate; he was re-examined the next Day, when the Fact appeared to be fo clear, that he was re-committed to Newgate, in order to cake his Trial at the next Admiralty Seffions-He was difcharged by Procla mation, the Evidence not arriving in Time.-Mr. Clarkfon afterwards corrected his Evidence, as follows :-The Evidence did arrive in Time; they arrived on Sunday Evening, and the Pnfoner was brought up to the Bar of the Old Bailey on Monday Morning-But they were unable to fee the Attorney, whom he (Mr. Claridon) wi!hed to employ on the Occafion; this Attorney, he beliives, was out of Town for that Day-They had 1herefore no Perfon to bring them forward in Time. To this Circumfl:ance is to be attribut e d the Prifoner's Efcape He was at Brifiol when the Trial came on, and of Courfe could not con dud: them to the Bar. Jn a Thi rd Ship, belonging to the fame Perfon, the Seamen were particularly ill ufed 1 One of them, who was Cook, was fl:ripped naked, and corded down to the Deck-The Captain fcarred '.1is Back with a red-hot Poker, and afterwards poured hot boiling Pitch into the Wounds-That Ship loll: 32 Seamen out of 39-The poor Man found a Friend, who profecuted the Captain, and the Ship was detained-The Owner, however, bailed the Captain, and employed him again. For other Infl:ances, he begged Leave to refer to his phlet, intitled, An Effay on the Impolicy of the African Slave Trade." In Two Parts. He delivered in feveral Depofitions and Articles of Agreement between the Mafters and Seamen in the Slave Trade at Briftol and Liverpool-SiKty three Applications were made to him at Liverpool and Brifl:ol, by Seamen, in Cafrs of ill Treatment-Of thefe, Sixty-one happened in the Slave Trade-None of thefe Cafcs had yet been brought to Trial before a Jury, though fome of them had been compromifed. He delivered in Depofitions ref petting the ill Treatment of Slaves, and the improper Manner of procuring them .-He had no further Information to give on the SubjeCl:. Extract of a Letter from Captain Smith, of Your Majefl:y's Navy, to Mr. Fawkener. A Circumfl:ance which is come to my Recollecrion, fince I had the Honour of being before the Right Honourable Privy Council, in Confequence of reading a Pamphlet wrote by Africanus (Page 46) refpeCl:ing Seamen in the Slave Trade, I requeil: to be allowed to be entered, as follows; viz. At the Time I was in the Weil: Indies, 1777, it was necelfary to ufe much Caution in receiving Men from the Slave although there was a great Scarcity of Men, for fear of Infection; and I have myfelf many Times been on Board thofc Ships for the Purpofc of getting Men, and fcldom been able to procure One Man, from their unwholefomc; debilitated although in general good Seamen. d 10 Digitized by Go gle The Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART ii. Mortality of Seamen The following Letter, treating. of the Mortality of in the African Trade, was tranfmitted to the Committee by the Reverend Mr. Clarkfon. To the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council, for the Board of Trade. My Lords, YOUR Lordlhips having requell:ed, that I would make out an Account of the Seamen loll: in the Slave Trade, with further Particulars on that Head, as well as the Lofs in other Trades; I take the firll: leifure Moment that I have been able to find, to comply with your Lordfhips Requell: Before, however, I begin my Account, it will be proper to lbte the Ground to your Lordfhips, on which I build my Alfertions on this Head, that you may be enabled to judge, whether thefe Alfertions are likely to be authentic or not. In the Beginning of the Year 1787 (that l might obtain fome Knowledge oftht Subje.ld belong to Velfds both great and frnall: Secondly, Becaufe they woulJ hL .ng to Veffc:ls returned from all Parts of the Coall:: And Thirdly, Becaufe it was from a Number onil', that any Inference could be drawn. In Confequence of this Requifition, I received thei'u, and they amounted in Number to Forty.nine. .1 mull: obferve here, that a Ship's Mull:er Roll is a Table, containing the Names of furh Seamen as were actually on Board her at the Time of her leaving Port. It conta ; ns .1lfo the Number of Months aod Days which each of chefe Seamen ferved on Board from this Time, and ftates what became of them; viz. Whether they were drowned or difchar<>ed, whether they deferted or died, and whether they came home with the Velfd. This Roll, on the Ship's Return to Port, is required by Law to be given in to the Cull:om Houfe, or Merchants Hall of the Place, where it is depofited. To refume the Subject :-Though I thought that the Mull:er Rolls, that were delivered in to the Cull:om Houfe of Liverpool for One whole Year, were fufficient in point of Number to anfwer my Defign, yet, as I was afterwards at Liverpool myfelf, and as I thought it might be objected to me, that the Year 1786 was a particularly unforrunatt Year in this Hefpect, I determined to obtain Copies of the Mull:er Rolls of all fuch Slave Vdfels as had returned by September 1787. Thefc I procured from the proper Officers, and compared the Copies with the Original. They amounted in Number to Thirty-nine. From thefe thtn, and the former, amounting together to Eighty-eight, I endeavour to afcertain the Proportion of the Lofs, which the Port of Liverpool full:ains in her Seamen by the Profecution of the Slave Trade. I mull: not forget to mention here, that, during my Refidence in Liverpool, I took the Op portunity of procuring Copies, under my own lnfpeCl:ion, of thofe Mull:er Rolls, which will enable me to fpeak of the Lofs of Seamen in the Gree'lland Trade. In the Months of July and Augull: 1787, being alfo at Brill:ol on the fame Errand, I gained Admiffion into the Merchants Hall, where the Mull:er Rolls of all the Vetrels belonging to that Port are depofited, I employed a Perfon to copy fuch as I wanted; as foon as he had copied them, I carefully compared the Copies with the Original, and J aver that thefe Copies are true. From this I obtained fuch Documents, as en:ible me to fpeak of the Lofs of Seamen in the Brill:ol Slave Trade, in the Briftol African Wood Trade, and in the Peterf burg, Newfoundland, and Well: Indian Trades. The Lofs, which I attempt to afcertain, of thofc Seamen that are employed in the Trade to India, is taken from the Mof1:er Rolls, that a 're kept at the India Houfe; and that of Sea men employed in His Majell:y's Veffels on the Coall: of Africa, fince the late Peare, principally from the Navy Office; I fay principally, bccaufe I have Occafion to mention Seven Ships, and my Account of Five of them came from that Office; the Account of the remaining Two came from the principal Officers of them. Your Lordfuips will perhaps take Notice, that I have omitted to give an Account of the Lofs which is full:ained by the London Slave Velfels. Such Omiffion is certainly intentional-1 could have had Accefs to the Mull:er Rolls of them, but I declined it, and for the following Reafon. The Briflol and Liverpool Muller Rolls are, as I have been conll:antly informed, delivered in upon Oath-Thofe for London, on Account of the Extenfivenefs of the Porr, and the confcquent Multiplicity of Bufin1:f$ al Jht Oifia 011 'I'o-wtr Hill, Jre received upon Trull:: I did Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART U. S H t p s N A 11! E S. -----Brought over Elliott King Pepple Juba Garland Mofsley"Hill -Mary Caro -Darn al Tarleton Africa Q!tixote Heroe Rafe -James Oronooko Blaydes Kitty -Tartar Golden Age -Fancy Ally Mungo Jane George Hornet Sarah Venus Mary -Mary Jemmy Lord Stanlry -Madam Pookata Mercer Hannah Fanny Mary Ann Mofsley Hill Chambers Will Vulture Crefcent Colonel Gregfon Little Joe Favourite Peggy Maria -Enterprizc -Heart of Oak Bloom Ingram Mortality of Seamen Continuation. Original Crew1 Of thi s ori;;:inal confifting of !deb Crew, there cJmc as failed from EngHome with the bnd,orwcrctaken Vc:lfels but in at Africa. ---67 23 46 17 40 14 45 16 45 24 17 7 33 20 S2 25 46 2J 60 13 31 J8 54 18 48 18 35 22 34 5 57 10 35 30 37 II 50 30 44 21 32 14 38 9 43 32 39 24 46 23 JI JO 21 18 23 13 23 14 23 JO 35 18 20 is J4 4 37 29 19 14 27 J7 53 40 38 34 26 20 S2 II 13 13 35 12 47 13 43 21 44 20 II 8 58 7 40 28 18 12 35 9 48 4 3,170 1,428 .. Of tbii or Of courfe dnigin3l ch.:irgcd on the dicJ Voyage, either in. Crew, tlu:rc or were loft 7 5 9 J4 8 9 IO JO 5 19 4 8 11 -8 7 17 5 15 II 8 II 2 7 5 JJ I 2 -5 2 5 3 7 3 4 6 5 -5 16 -7 6 4 16 3 24 5 I 9 15 642 Africa, or in the lndiC!, or defertcd. 37 2+ 17 I IJ I ll 9 15 7 27 4 IO JO IO 4 II 12 2 3 5 I 4 s 4 I 25 27 7 5 17 29 -------1,100 This Account includes the Captains as well as the Seamen of the above Veffels. e 2 oiqitizedby Go gle This OriqiMI from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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tn the African Trade. This is the Sub!hnce of the Mu!l:er Rolls of no lefs than Eighty-eight Velfels; and if your Lord!hips think that thefc are fufficient in Number to ferve as a Groundwork for any Calculation, it is eafy to afcerrain the Lofs which the Port of Liverpool fu!l:ains by the Profe cution of the Slave Trade: For, if you divide 642, the Number lo!l:, by 88, the Number of Velfels employed, it will appear that every Velfel, great or final!, that fails from thence in that Trade, Joles more than Seven Seamen, (i.e.) Seven, and nearly One-third of a Seaman, or One Seaman more to every Three Velfels upon which the Calculation is made. But this is the very lowelt Lofs with which the Slave Trade is profecuted, even at that Pert: For the Muller Rolls of thofe Velfels that are Annually cut and fometimes to the total De!l:ruaion of their Crews, never come Home or appear. In the Courie of I aft Year, and in the Month of September only, Three E11glijh //e.ffels, that were lying in the Gambia, 11iet t'.lithjuch a Fate. The Captain of One of them had enticed the Natives on Board, and failed away with them. Providence, howeve r, fo ordered it, that his Velfel was driven back to the Coaft, and conftrained by the Weather to anchor in the fame Spot where the Crime had been committed. The incenfcd Natives boarded the Three Velfels, and, having made themfelves Ma!l:crs of them, put to Death nearly the Whole of their refpetl:ive Crews. I mention thefe Circumftances to Chew, that if the Velfels that return lole, in the common Pro fecution of the Trade, more than Seven of their Crew, fomething more is to be added for thofe that are cut otf. I muft not forget to atld here, that the London Slave Velfels lofe more, by Report, than thofe from Liverpool ; and that the Briftol Slave Velfels experience a greater Lofs, I have their Mu!l:er Rolls to te!1:ify. From this Circum!hnce then, and from that of cutting off the Velfels, I fhall be much within Bounds, if I affrrt, that every Velfel that fails from Great Britain in the Slave Trade (including thole from Liverpool, Bri!l:ol, and London) lofes Eight of her Crew. So that if your Lordfhips wi!h to afcertain the Lois which the Kingdom fuftains in her Seamen in any One Year, by the Profecurion of the Slave Trade, you have only to order the Number of VeJfels that failed in that Year to be made out at the proper Office, and to multiply them yourfelves by Eight, and you will have a pretty accurate Account. On the other Hand, if your Lor!hips wilh to know what Proportion thofe that are loft bear to chafe that are employed, it may be ftated at between a Fifth and a Fourth. This is a very melancholy Confideration. It lhews that the Slave Trade cannot poffibly rear any Seamen for the State, buc that it muft dcftroy thofe that have been reared and fupported in ocher Trades. For, whatever Number are employed in the Slave Trade in any One Year, ic appears that this Number (if the Trade is Annually carried on btic to the fame Extent) will be all deftroyed in the Fifth. Having now furni!hed your Lordfhips with an Eftimate of the Lofs fu!l:ained in the Slave Trade, I lhall make, according to your Direetion, an Ellimate of the Lofs which is foftained alfo in other Trades, that your Lord!hips may fee the Difference, and make your Remarks according! y. Vlhen I determined co make this comparative View, I was at Briftol. To make it therefore as fairly as poffible, I had recourfe to the following Means. I went to the Merchants Hall, I took up that Volume of the Mufter Rolls, which, among others, included the Year 1784, or Firft Year after the Peace. The Firft Mufter Roll for the Slave Trade, that caught my Eye, was that for the Ship Africa. I determined to begin with this Velfel, and to cake, in regular Order, all that Chould afterwards occur in that Trade, as far as they lhould have been delivered in-They amounted to 24. This is the Reafon why I make ufe of Twenty-four, and of courfe why I took the fame Number of Ships in other Trades. In giving to your Lordthips an Account of the Lofs of Seamen in the 2+ Briftol Slave Velfds now defcribed, I Chall purfue the fame Plan as that which I laid down with refpetl: to the Liverpool Velfels, and give the Numbers, at the fame Time, of the original Crew of thofe that came Home with the Ship, and of thofe that were lefr behind. This I Chall do for Two Reafons. Firfl, becaufe you will be enabled to fee that the Trade, in what ever Port it is carried on, is perfetl:ly fy!lematic in thefe Particulars; and, Secondly, be caufe at the latter End of my Letter I may have Occafion to mention fome Circumftances th;lt would have lefs Weight without it. An PART Ii. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART ll. Mortality of Seamen An AC C 0 UN T of the Lofs fuftained in 24 Brift u l S la1e VdTe!s Of t his th ere <'m I L oft. SHIPS NAMES. Or i tin:il Cre w or 1!r:fr11.,,! (\ l Hume li.; t \ l : .J ----------Africa -30 II 7 l '2 Pearl -51 30 20 I Jupiter -48 24 11 I .) HeCl:or -47 20 8 19 Emilia -42 31 8 3 Conftantine -39 25 11 3 Alfred -36 2J 6 7 Jupirer --49 25 14 10 Sally -46 22 7 17 Wafp --27 15 3 9 L i ttle Hornet -28 11 6 11 Royal Charlotte 44 14 14 16 Try a l --29 9 6 14 Emilia -41 15 9 17 Alexander --51 19 9 23 Little Pearl -15 7 5 3 Mermaid -20 16 2 2 Wafp --27 17 6 4 Brothers --46 JO 32 4Thomas --35 14 8 IJ Emilia --45 30 3 12 Alert -z9 14 4 ll Royal Charlotte 40 28 2 10 Alexander -4) 25 15 5 ----910 455 216 239 An AC C 0 UN T of the Lofs fu!l:ained in Indiamen. SHIPS NAMES. Seamen loft ----Man1hip 7 William Pitt 13 Duke of Montrofe 10 Earl Cornwall i s 4 Phrenix 23 Northumberland 6 Ranger I Southampton 8 Chapman 4 Kent 12 Stormont 9 Royal Charlotte 9 ContraCl:or 5 Bridgewater 2 Neptune 6 Vanlittart 7 Earl Talbot 20 Valentine 8 Lord North 3 Ganges lJ Sulivan 7 Carnatic 2 Pitt 3 Berrington 19 201 An Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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m the African Trade: An AC C 0 UN T of the Lofs full:ained in Twenty-four Well: Indiamen. Good Hope Exeter Venus Charles Juno SHIPS NAMES. Colin Albion Mercury St. Thomas Druid Indull:ry Apollo Saville Fanny Jarrett Lord North Triton Fame Union Ill ands Mercury Generous Planter Difpatch Salter Pilgrim Number of Seamen loft. 3 6 An AC CO U N T of the Lofs fuftained in Twenty-four V clfcls in the Petcrlburgh Trade. SHIPS NAMES. Number of Seamen loft. -----------------1--Exeter Nancy Three Sill:ers Jofeph Exeter Baltick Merchant Three Sifters Three Sifters Polly Sally Three Sifters Polly Three Sifters Monmouth Baltick Merchant Monmouth Baltick Merchant Monmouth Sally Baltick Merchant Sally Monmouth Sally Monmouth PART II: Tbc Peterlburgh Trade, at Brillol, where I ,ollctled fomc of my Papers, beillg (mall, I haYCI bCCll vbligecl co take the fame Ship for Three or Four Voyages. PAn II. f An Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART II. Mortality of Seamen An AC C 0 UN T of the Lofs fu{h i ned Ill ::+ Br ifl:u l S i a re Vdlc:!s. SHIPS NAME S Orir;in:il C rew. Of11.; tlwr e " "' r. .. n. i or H,i;ilt: l1ut I \ 1,: Africa -30 11 7 J."2 Pearl --5 I 30 20 I Jupiter -48 24 11 I' .) Heetor --47 20 8 19 Emilia --42 31 8 3 Con flan tine -39 25 11 3 Alfred --36 23 6 7 Jupi ter --49 25 14 10 Sally -46 22 7 17 Wafp --27 1) 3 9 Little Hornet 28 I J 6 II Royal Charlotte -44 14 14 16 Try al -29 9 6 14 Emilia P 15 9 17 Alexander -S1 19 9 2J Little Pearl -15 7 s 3 Mermaid -20 16 2 2 Wafp -27 17 6 4 Brothers --46 JO 32 4 Thomas --35 14 8 13 Emilia --45 30 3 12 Alert -29 14 4 JI Royal Charlotte 40 28 2 10 Alexander -45 25 15 5 910 455 216 239 An AC C 0 UN T of the Lofs fu!lained in Indiamen SHIPS NAMES. Seamen loll Manfhip 7 William Pitt 13 Duke of Montrofe 10 Earl Cornwallis 4 Phrenix 23 Northumberland 6 Ranger I Southampton 8 Chapman 4 Kent 12 Stormont 9 Roval Charlotte 9 Concraetor 5 Bridgewater 2 Neptune 6 Vanficcarc 7 Earl Talbot 20 Valentine 8 Lord North 3 Ganges 13 Sulivan 7 Carnatic 2 Pitc 3 Berrington 19 201 An Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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m the African Trade: An AC C 0 UN T of the Lofs foftained in Twenty-four Well: Indiamen. Good Hope Exeter Venus Charles Juno Colin Albion Mercury St. Thomas Druid Induil:ry Apollo Saville Fanny Jarrett Lord North Triton Fame SHIPS NAMES. Union In ands Mercury Generous Planter Difpatch Salter Pilgrim Number or Seamen loft. 3 6 An ACCO U N T of the Lofs fuftained in Twenty-four Velfels in the Peter/burgh Trade, Exeter Nancy Three Sifters Jofeph Exeter SHIPS NAM ES. Baltick Merchant Three Siil:ers Three Siil:ers Polly Sally Three Sifters Polly Three Si!l:ers Monmouth Baltick Merchant Monmouth Baltick Merchant Monmouth Sally Baltick Merchant Sally Monmouth Sally Monmouth Number of Seamen loft. PART II. The Pcterfbargh Trade, at Briftol, where I colletled fome of my Papers, being fmall, I ban bccll Dbligecl to uke the fame Ship for Three or Four Voyages. PART II. f An oiqitizedby Go gle Original from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Mortality of Seamen An ACCOUNT of the Lofs fufiained in Twen ty-four Vdfrls l:l th; Tr:ide. Surprife Somerfet Catherine Jenny Little Robert Unity Nancy SHlPS NAM ES. Brifiol Packet Friends Ripley Harbourgrace Packet Altive Ann Mermaid Surprife Brothers 'Fly Catherine Betfey FriendChip Jenny Nanc y S a lly Nancy N u mber o f Sc:a men loft. An AC C 0 UN T of the Lofs futtained in Twenty-four Velteis in the Greenland Trade. oiqitizedby Go gle SHIPS NAMES. William and John Lyon Betty Peggy Lyon Phil i pp a W i lli a m Sar a h Levi athan Pilgrim John Grampus Golden Lyon Brilliant J a m e s Anfd e ll Wha l e Marga r e t Pegg y B eny Swan Filher Seacome Num b e r of Seamen loll. This oriqiMI from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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in the African Trade. PARf rt; This is the only comparative View, with which I am able to furnilh your Lordlhips at prefenc. On a Recapiculation it will Hand thus, In '24 Slave Veffels were loll: '216 In '24 Ea!l: Indian '201 In '24 Well: Indian 6 In '24 Greenland 5 In 24 Peterfburgh 2 In 24 Newfoundland '2 But this Statement, though it exhibits the Lofs fuftained in an equal Number of Veffels in different Trades, does not yet give us that juft comparative View which the Cafe requires. Some of thefe were conli
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PART JT. Mortality of Seamen by irfelf, or by Comparifon, as far as it relates to our Marine, it equally calls aloud for the )nterpofition of the legiOative Power. I believe that I have now complied with your Lordlhips Requifition, as far as relates to a comparative View of the Slave Trade with other Trades: But, as fome, who wilh for the Abolition of the former, have their Eye upon another Trade, of a different Kind, on the fame Coall:, as a Subftitute for it; and as others, who are againll: fuch an Abolition, object: that fuch a Trade would be equally dell:ruClive to our Marine; I conceive that your Lordfhips will not be difpleafed, if I add fuch Obfervations as may enable you to take into the comparative View that Trade, which, it is prefumed, might be eftablilhed there. In my Elfay on the Impolicy of the Slave Trade, to which I refer your Lord01ips, I reckon Seven Caufes of the Dell:ruaion of our Marine in that Trade. Thefe Caufes are not ideal. They are founded in Reafon and Senfe, and they have undergone the JnfpeClion, and met with the Approbation, of thofe Surgeons of any Eminence, both in the Trade and in London, to whom they have been lhewn. Six of thefe Caufes I have fhewn to be peculiar to the Slave Trade. If this is really the Cafe, nothing is more evident than that a new Trade to Africa, though it might be attended with fome, could not yet be attrnded wich an equal Lofs. It is fortunate, however, that I have had an Opportunity of confirming my Reafoning on this Head by Facl:. For Velfels fail from Brill:ol to the Coall: of Africa, that have no ConneClio11 with the Trade in Slaves, and I have been fo fortunate as to obtain the Mull:er Rolls of thefe. The following is a Lill: of Ten African Wood Velfels, taken promifcuoufly, as they re turned to the Port of Briftol, from the Year 1781 to the Auguft of the Year 1787. SH IP S NAMES. Number 0 Number 0 Seamen. Seamen loR:. Tryal 12 2 Lively 20 2 Rebecca 20 7 Lyon 28 0 Rebecca 16 2 Cleveland 8 2 African 24 2 St. Andrew 8 0 Cleveland 8 0 HeClor 20 3 ---164 20 It is evident from hence, that as feveral of the Caufes, before mencioned to have been pe culiar to the Slave Trade, have been taken away, fo feveral of the EffeCls have been re moved. The Lofs in the Slave Velfels, from the fame Pon, is nearly a Fourth of the whole Number employed. The Lofs in thefe is not quite an Eighth. In 910 Seamen employed in the former, 216 were among the Dead. In 910, if employed in thr latter, only 110 would have perilhed. We fee therefore, that if the fame Ships ancl M('n were co fail to the Coafl: of Africa in any other Trade than that for Slaves, then wold be a confiderable Saving to our Ma rine; for, inll:ead of lofing a Fourth of the Pt ople employed, an Eighth only would be loll:. This Eighth would alfo, in Procefs of Ti1nt be reduct'd to a lefs Proportion. For the Crews of the Wood Velfels, on Account of the prefent U ncercainty of the Trade in the natural ProduClions of the Country, were obligd to be up and down the Rivers, and to be much expofed; whereas, if we entered into foci-. a Trade as that Continent is capable of affording us, with Zeal and Alacrity, we fhould foon fre the Face of Affairs much altned, The Seafons for the different Crops would be periodical and r<"glllar; Storehoufes would be, built at convenient Places; the Natives up the Rivers would bring down their Produce in their Canoes, and this Expofure become unnecelfary. This Uncertainty alfo of the Trade in the natural Produfcions of the Country, was attended with another Difadvantage; for the Wood Velfels were, in Confequence of it, from Five to Fifteen Months upon their Voyage; whereas, if a new Trade, under proper Encouragement, were ell:ablilhed, no VeJfel wonld have any Neceflicy to be longer on the Voyage than Five or Six Months, or upon the Coaft more than Three: And it furely m.1kes a confiderable Difference, whether Men, as in the prtfent Cafe, are expofed to an unhealthy Climate for many Months without Intermiflion, or whether, being employed in the new Trade, which would be regular, for the fame Period, they would go to Africa, and back, Twice in the fame Time, and have Two differene Intervals of Refrelhment on their native Shore. z To Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1n the African Trade. the{e Coriliderations it mull: be added, that a new Intercourfe with Africa, fuch as that Continent would bear, could not poffibly be eftablil11c
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PART tr Mortality of Beame!I On the SubjeCl: of the Two firll: Columns, containing the Number employed and the Number loft, I have bem fo explicit already, that I have nothing more to fay; on the Sub ject of the Third and Fot1rth, l have faid nothing yet, and rhey contain Truths of too much Importance to be paired over in Silence. It is a melancholy Confideration, that, out of 4,080 etlJployed, no lefs i,339 (as contained in the Third Column) or One Third, 1hould defert or be difcharged upon the .Voyage, and ofCourfe be put adrift at fuch a Dill:ance from their Homes. No Muller Rolls in any other Trade whatever will exhibit Tuch a Proportion of People deferting or dit: charged In other Trades very few ever and ll:ill lefs are at a foreign :.Port. To the uncommon Cruelty that fpnngs out of the Profecut1on of the Slave Trade, and to the Sacrifices which it makes of the Health of thofe unfortunate Seamen who drawn in to purfue it, the Thi rd Column in the Mull:er Rolls chiefly owes its Exill:ence. However, to come to the Point.-The Muller Rolls fpecifi.::ally fay, that every Verrd in 'the Sfave Trade lofes about Eight of her Crew. Thefe Muller Rolls gi ve an Account only of thofe Se.amen that a r e loll: while in the Service of their refpeC1:ive Ships. They fay nothing, however, of thofe that defert or are difcharged, any more than that the .Falt is fo. ]t remains therefore for me to make fome farther Obfervafions upon them, when tlte Muller Rofls give them up. It ia well known, and can be proved to your Lordfhips, that fome of the unfortunate Seamen, who compofe the Third. column, are in Tuch a11 infirm and debilitated State of Health when they arrive in the Weft.Indies, that they arefoon the Hofpitals, and :die there. Othe.pi, to forgettheir Suff"erings, and to have a little" Relaxation after the Hardlhips and Severities they have experienced indulge thi:mfelves on Shore. They drink new Rum; their Habit of Body is unable tobear it, and they fall Vitl:ims, l win not fay to their Intemperance, 'but to the Nature of the Trade, which has tirougflt them firll: into a debiiitated State, and has then put them adrift to effetl: their own Cure. Tlfefe ate feen in the Streets of J an'laica, dying in an ulcerated State, Objell:s both of Commiferation and Horror. Their Situation immediately points out as the Remains of the Crew of a Slave Velfel; but they fall yithout Pity, -witl:tout Friends, without a Look, but of Contempt, from the har8ened Multitude that pa!fes by. . . Others, without Friends and without Money, wander about 10 the d1fferent Illands, and beo> from Door to Door, till, overpowered by Heat, Hunger, and Fatigue, they fall equally tied, and Jharc the Fate of their formerFrienck. Others, upon feeing all thefe Calamities, and atlditionally fo hurt on Account of the brutal Severities exercifed up<>n them, and the Want of Protet9:ion and Redrefs, determine to embark for America, there to fpend the Remainder of their Days : And fo invincible has been the Refolution of many of them in 1his ltcfpetl:, that, dell:itute of Money, they have fuffered themfelves to die with Hunger, fooner than embark in any Ship that llelonged to their own Country. In thefe d_lfferent Ways arc inany of brave but unfortunate who put adrift m the Colomes (and who compofe the Third Column before ment10ned) loll: add1t1onally to the State; and in:fuch a Proportion, that not lefs than Four to every Velfel may be added as loll: in the Well: Indies, to thofe upon the Dead Lilt in .the Mull:et Rolls, that are Martyrs to this deftruCl:ive Trade. If your Lordfh i ps lhould alk me, why I mention Foot, as the Average Lofs among thofc who defert or are difcharged in the W dl: Indies, I refer you to my Elfay on the Im policy of the Slave Trade, and you will there fee, that I have endeavoured to find out every Avenue to make them efcape, if poffible; but that, notwithll:anding this, a Number to this Amount mull: either perilh there or be left behind. .If they were left .behind in Health and and continued fo for a Space of Timt:, the '!lflands mull: have been fully peopled by Sailors alone, annually difgorged into them from the Slave Velfels; but this is quite contrary t& Experience, and fo few of them arc there, that furvive, that though Fifteen or Sixteen hunclf'ed 'Seamen are annually, in peaceable Timi's, turned adrift into the Colonies in a State of Indigence, and without Employ, from the Slave Velfels, yh fo fcarce are Seamen ther.e, and fo difficult to be found, that Veffels are commonly detained for Want of them, and are obliged to give confiderable Premiums for the Run Home. I come now to the,Fourth Column. it ftates that out of 4,080 Seamen, that went out with the Velfels, only 1,883, or, not One Half, came Home. I am forry to fay that an additional Lofs is alfo to be traced in this Column;of which the MuG:er Rolls take no Notice. Some of thefe, and not an incontiderable Number, return home blind in Confequence-0f the Voyage ofCourfe, areforever loft to the State . Others, worn out, and landed from the Ships in a weak and emaciated Condition, are carried to the Infirmaries and die there. Others, labouring under the Scurvy, Rheumatilin, and a Compl ication of Diforders, con tracted from. the very Nature of the Voyage, become incurable. Their whole Habit is fo broken down and relaxed, that a:dematous Swellings are the Confequence in their Legs, and they are cut off from .all Chance or Pofilbility of purfuing .a Na val Life. Others, that haY-e gz Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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in the African Trade. betn maimed or ill-treated, are in the fame Situation; while others again, difgu!l:ed at the barbaro11s Treatment exercifed upon .them, aniforders on the Voyage, and.redematous Swellings :iri fing in his Legs, is rendered totally incapable of purfuing a naval Lite. James Whitewood came out of the inc .urabk He !nore the Appearance of a Shadow than of a Man, when I faw hun, and Ills bodily Infirmmes were fo great, that .ic appeared a Doubt, whether he could out a miferable ExiP.:ence for arry Length of Time. Philip J afper returned totally blind. l mull: nor forget to mention here, that Francis Williams, another of the Ship's Crew, who left her in the Weft Indies, by good Fortun:: got Home. But he was fo harralfed and ill treated, during the Voyage, that he refolved never to go to Sea any .more. He immediately went to a Coal Mine between Neath and Swanfea, where he intends tofpend the Re mainder cf his Days, preferring a Life fo dreary and laborious as that of a Miner, to one that had occupied him from his Youth. YourLordlhips .will fee, that no Ids than Five Naval Subjects were loll: to His Majelly iR this lnftance alone. I have: Rated the Average but at Three. It is from Facts of this Kind that I have made my Statement, and I verily believe, that I am rather below tlian above the Truth. Thefe Obfervations being .put togi:thcr, and the \vho!e Lois, induding thofe on the Dead Lift, in the Mu(lerRolls, and thole that arc loft in the Colonies, and ihufe that die and are rendered unferviceable at Home, being eftimared, it ca.nnot .i,e fiated that lefs than Fifteen Seamen are loft to.the State by every Velfcl that fails out of the Ports of Great Britain ill the Slave Trade. This Confidcration is of great Importance indeed; for it will appear from it, that Liverpool alone, though the Slave Trade fuch a Check during the War, that her Velfcls were reduced to Eleven only, has been the Means of delhoying no. Jefs than Fifteen thoufand One hundred and Sixty-five Seamen fince the Year 1771, no lefs than Ele ven hundred and One V elfels having failed from thence to the Coaft of Africa lince thar. Time: Or, it will appear, if we wifu for a compai:ativc View,. that the Slave Trade de!l:roys more Seamen in One.Year, than all the oiher Tsades of Great Britain, wiien put together, deftroy in Two. I affure you{Lordlhips, that in undertaking to lay thefeFa6\s before you, l haveondertaken a difacrrceable Talk, becaufe I fuppofe them to be new, and fuch as, your .Lordl11ips havin.,. no of, you will be ftaggored to believe. I fuppofe i:hem to be new 'for this fon, becaufe the Legifiature has wifely, for the PurpOfe of rearing and fupporting Seamen given a Bounty to the Gn!enland Trade; and I can hardly conceive them to act fo incon fillently, as to g ive Encouragement to the Profecution of a Trade, beca1Jfe it1s a Nurferyfor Seamen, and at the fame Time knowingly to fulfer another .to eX'ifi, whicl1 may be conli
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PART n. .Mortality of Seamen in the Afiican Trade. are true. I have no pique or Prejudice againll: any Man concerned in this Trade, that : I fuould bo thoun-ht to have written malicioufly. I have no Interell: or Emolument in Writing . On the orher Hand, I have many Things to deter me: The Charall:er of an Enthufi'!ft, falfo Accufations, and e\en Pc:rfecutio.n, perhaps, at the Hands of. chofe whofe lncerc!ts I am thought
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Mufi:er Rolls, &c. JN confequence of the preceding Letter, the Committee examined Mr. ODDIE, Secretary to the Corporation for the Relief of Seamen in the Merchants Service; and tranfmitted certain to the Colletl:or and Comptroller of the Pores of Brillo! and Liverpool, and to the Trull:ees for managing the Fund granted by the ACl: of 20th Geo 2d, Cap. 38, for the Relief and Support of maimed and difabled Seamen in the Merchants Service, re fpetl:ing Mull:er Rolls, &c : And the following are their refpetl:ivc Anfwers, Forms of Mull:er Rolls, and Articles of Agreement with Seamen London.-Mufler Rolls, and Six Penny Duty. EXAMINATION of Mr. WILLIAM ODDIE, Secretary to the Corporation for the Relief of Seamen in the Merchants Service. Mr. WILLIAM ODDIE, who has been Seventeen Years Secretary to the Corporation for the .Relief of Seamen in the Merchants Service, attending, was called in.-Says, That Briftol and Hull have the Management of the Fund called the Sixpenny Duty, direflly under the ACl:: that Liverpool, and Come other Maritime Towns in England, have appointed Truflees under the ACl:, for the Colletl:ion and Management of this Fund.-That he is Col letl:or as well as Secretary in London.-That they have printed Forms, by which this Duty is colletl:ed, and will fend One to the Committee.-That in filling up the Mull:er Rolls, he is afraid Care is not always taken to dill:inguilh the Time when, and the Place where, the Sailors die, are difcharged, or run away That there lhculd always be a Lill: delivered to him of the Number of Sailors, before the Ship clears Inwards, and that is frequently done, but not always. That at the f:.eturn of the Ship from her Voyage, the Mull:er Roll is brought to him, but that it is not fworn to, though the ACl: empowers him, in cafe of Doubt, to adminill:er an Oath; the Mull:er Roll is figned by the Captain.-That he does not fuppofe thde Mull:er Rolls are very corretl:, and his Reafon for thinking fo is, that the Captains tell him, that their Sailors often leave their Ship Abroad, and then they are obliged to hire Runners to bring the Ships Home, who difappear as foon as they have received their wages. The Mall:ers, Owners, or Ship Hu/bands, are refponfible for the Payment of this Duty.-It is unclerll:ood that the Duty can only be cla i med from them, where it can be prov e d that the Captains ll:opped it from the Seamen's Wages; which, though required by the ACl:, there is no Penaltv to enforce. The colletl: the Duty only in London and Harwich : It is probable tht: Trull:ees may not have been created in many of the Pores, and no Duty therefore is there colletl:ed. Though the Corporation have a Right to colletl: the Duty in all fuch Ports as have not ap pointed Trull:ees, yet they have not thought it worth their while to appoint Receivers, be caufe they found they lhoulJ in fuch Cafe be burthened with feveral Perfons, who were not fit ObjeCl:s of chis lnll:icucion. PART II. h. Received I' ART II. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART U. London.-Mufler Rolls, &c. Received from Mr. Oddy, Secretary to the Corporation for the Relief of Seamen in the Merchants Service. 1788, Nov' 4th. AC C 0 UN T of Time, and Names of the Africa Ships Company, in a Voyage from London to Africa, and the Weft Indies, and back to London again, from January !1.4-th to June 24th, being .Five Months. John Nevin, Mafter George Smith, Chief Mate George Adams, Second Mate John Irvin, Surgeon George Robifon, Carpenter Richard Smith, Boatfwain Owen Toms, Cooper John Baptifta, Cook Thomas Bayley, Seaman Alexander Gordon, D Alexander Burney, D Robert Brett, D Robert Lochara, D Martain Smith, D George Sutton, D Aguft. Brown, Ordinary. 5 Months. 16 Men. 80 .s. 40 .2-LONDON. Digitized by Go g e OriqiMI from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART tr. 1788 Nov. 11th. Briflol.-Mufler Rolls, &c. Anj'll)ers from the Col!eEior and Comptroller. 1. What is the Form of a Mufter Roll in the Port to whfch you belong ? The followi_ng are Two Copies of Mufter Rolls, the one of a \\'cit In ,li:i Ship, the other of an African Ship, of nearly the fame Burthen. No. 1, for a Jamaica Ship. No. 2, for an Afcican 2. Does it diftinguifu the Time when, and the Place where, the Seamen belong i ng to each Ship are entered on Board, and either die, run away, or are difcharged ? They diftinguifu the Time when and the Place where the Seamen btlonging to each Ship are entered on Board, the Time when they die, run away, or are difcharged; Liut not the Place where. 3. Does the Mufter Roll ever fuew what is become of the Seamen who are run away or difcharged, or give an Account of the Difeafe of which they died ? The Mufter Roll does not fuew what becomes of the Seamen who run away, or are dif charged, nor does it give an Account of the Difeafe of which they die. It would bt: next to an Impoffibility to give an Account of thofe who run away, but the Difeafes of which they die might be ea!ily inferted from the Log Book or Journal. 4. Do the Mall:er or Owners of the Ship fwear to the Truth of this Mufter Roll, or are any put to them u'pon Oath concerning it, or is it figned by the Mafter? The Maller or Owner figns the Mufter Roll, and fwears to the Contents, as well as anfwers fuch concerning it as are put to him. 5. Do you believe that thefe Mufter Rolls are in general correet, and contain a true Ac count of the feveral Fates before ftated, particularly of the Times when fuch Seaman is entered or dies, runs away or is difcharged; and if defetl:ive in any of thefe Particulars, affign the probable Caufes of fuch Defett ? The Mull:er Rolls are, we believe, generally correCl as to the Time when die, en ter, run away, or are difcharged; but is generally defetl:ive as to what Ship or Ve!Tel they were in )aft, particularly if they run away from a King's Ship, or have done: any Thing bad in the Jail: Velfel they were in, in which Cafe they give the Name of fome other Ship. 6. What Number of Seamen do Ships employed in the African or \Veil: India Trade ufu ally carry, in Proportion to their Tonnage? and of this Number, what is the Proportion of feafoned and experienced Sailors, what is the Proportion of new or green Men, and what of Apprentices ? The Number of Seamen that Ships employed in the Weft India Trade ufually carry, are about Eight to each One hundred Tons; finall Veffds carry more in Proportion than large ones; of this Number, about Two-thirds are experienced Sailors, and One-third new or green Men, among whom there may be Two or Three Apprentices.-African Ships ufually carry about Ten Seamen for every Hundred of Slaves they go for; which is generally, in Proportion to their Tonnage, about Seventeen to each One hundred Tons; of which they endea vour to get about One-third of feafoned and experienced Sailors, bdides the Officers; One third of ordinary Seamen; the other Third new or green Men and Apprentices N. B. In War Time, Ships have gone on African Voyages with only Two experienced Seamen out of Forty (belides their Officers) the rell being green Men. 7. Are the Monthly Wages of the Seamen employed in the African Trade the fame, or greater, or lefs, than the Wages of thofe employed in the \Veil: India Trade? Do they receive any Part of their Wages in Africa, or the \Veil: Indies, and is Cuch Part paid in Britifh Coin, or in any other Manner? and, if not paid in Briti!h Coin, is fuch Part according to its Value in Sterling, or according to the Currency o( the Place they receive it? and if in any refpett the Wages of the Seamen employed in thefe Trades, or tlHl Manner of their being paid, are dilferent, you arc defired to affign the probable Caufcs of fuch Dif ference? The Wages of Seamen employed in the African Trade are generally Five Shillings per Month greater than the Wages of thofe employed in the \Veil: India Trade; they receive no Part of their Wages in Africa, but in the Well: Indies thq receive a Moiety of the Wages due to them, at the Delivery of their Cargoes there; which is paid in Foreign Coin, according to the Currency of the llhnd, except at Carolina, where it is paid in the Currency of Jamaica. The Caufe of this is, that the Currency of Carolina ufrd lo be from 700 to 740 per Cent. which would reduce the Sailors \Vages to a mere Trifle; that of Jamaica, by which they are paid at Carolina, being only 40 per Cent worfe than Britilh Sterling. 8. are the Articles ufually entered into by Seamen, when they engage to ferve on Roard Sh ips employed in the African Trade; and what are the Articles ufually entered into by Seamen when they engage to ferve on Board Ships employed in the Well: Indian or other Trades? 6 Annexed Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Brijlol.-Mufier Rolls, &c; PART rt. Annexed are Articles entered into by Seamen in the African and Well: Indian Trades, N J for a Jam:iica Ship, and N 4 for an African Ship. 9. Are the Well: Indian or African Ships ufually with a greater or lefs Number of Seamen in their Return Home, than in their Voyage from Great-Brit:iin; and do th<= Seamen employed in either of thefe Trades frequently leave their Ships, without being com pelled to do fo, when they come to the Well Indies; and in what Manner is the Deficiency in fuch Cafe fupplieJ ? Weft Indian and African Ships are ufually navigated with a lefs Number of Seamen in their Return Home, than in their Voyage from Great-Britain. The Seamen employed in both of th :'.lTrades grow tired of, and generally leave their Ships without being compelled fo to do. The Weft Indian Ships fddom taking more Men than are fufficient to navigate them, are often obliged to procure them by the Run Home, at a very advanced Price; the Num ber of Men in the African Ships being fo much greater, in Proportion to their Size, in order to guard and take proper Care of the Slaves, it is but feldom that they have not fufficient left to bring the Ships Home, but when they have not, they are obliged to procure Men ill the fame Manner. 10. Do you believe that the Sailors that run away and are difcharged from African or Vv'efl: India Ships, either in Africa or the Well: Indies, ufually return Home, and in what Manner ? and if they do not return Home, can you fay what becomes of them ? It is our Opinion that Sailors are never difcharged in Africa ; the Middle Palfage from thence to the 'Weft India lllands being the Time when they are moft wanted, for the Rea fons fet forth in Anfwer N' 9; and we believe that moll: of thofe who run away or are dif charged, get Home by the Run in the Well: India Ships. Many of the green Men, that are brought up to Trade or Hulbandry, frequently get very good Employ, and fetde in the Weft India Ifiands; and fomc Sailors who are in Debt, or may have done bad Things at Home, get into the Trading Velfels among the JOands. 11. Do the Sailors that are employed in African Ships ufually return Home in a worfe State of Health, or are 'they more fubjeCl: to become blind, or to have fore Legs and Swell ings, than thofe employed in other Trades, particularly in Trades carried on between the Tropics ; and if they are, in what Proportion ? and can you affign the probable Caufcs thereof? The Sailors that are employed in the African Ships, frequently return Home in a bad State of Health, fome blind, and many with fore Legs, and we believe generally in greater Proportions than they do in Trades carried on between the Tropics, efpecially in chafe Ships which lie and purchafe their Slaves far up Rivers, as Gambia, Senegal, and Sierra Leon, upon the Windward Part of the Coaft, and in the Rivers of Benin, Bonny, New and Old Callabar, and Gaboon, upon the Leeward Part. The Caufes are numerous, .but chiefly from bad Water, and the Land about them being low, moralfy, and incumbered with many Trees ; thefe, at particular Seafons, bring on intermitting Fevers, which terminate in violent Scurvies, and of courfe Ulcers in the Legs, &c. and frequently in Death; to which may be added, that the Leeward Rivers, fituated in the Bay or Bite of Benin, are generally, in the Months of Otlober, November, and December, troubled with very thick Fogs (from whence they are called Smoaky Months;) during this Period, fore Eyes are fome Years epide mical, attacking the Inhabitants on Shore, and the Slaves on Board, as well as. the Seamen, and is fometimes fo very acrimonious as ro refill: every Application, and end in Bliridnefs; but it is impoffible for us to afcertain the Proportion required by this Article. 12. Do the Seamen employed in the African Trade, in general, exprefs Dilfatisfatlion at the Nature of the Trade, or Climate, or at the Treatment they receive in it, more than they do in other Trades; and do they, in Confequence thereof, leave this Trade to go into other Trades ? and affign, if you can, the probable Caufes of any of the Circumftances before men tioned? We do not believe that the Seamen employed in the African Trade exprefs any general Dilfatisfatlion at the Nature of the Trade or Climate, or at the Treatment they receive in it, more than they do in other Trades ; they are in general a thoughtlefs Set of Men, and frequently go in the firll: Ship that offers, without conlidering the Voyage; and a Month's ex traordinary Pay in advance, before failing, would carry the far greater Part of them the molt dangerous Voyage that was ever undertaken. Their greateft Diflike is to long Confinement on Board of Ship, and in Confequence thereof they frequently leave their Ships and go into other Trades; but many have been known to go feveral Voyages in the fame Ship, and yet run away in the v., efl: India lflands to come Home by the Run. PART n. Digitized by Go gle N i, Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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P-ART U. Brifl(L-Mu}Jer Roils, &c; N 1. A MUSTER R 0 LL for the Sh i p St., William II.i-.v:-ins, l\faCTer; from J amaic.i. Received from the Colleltor and Comptroller of the Pvrt of Briftol. Ufoal MEN' S NA !'d E Pbcesof AboJe. ---William Hawkins -Briftol Daniel Taylor --Ditto I John Nafh --Ditto James Wilkins --Ditto Samuel Barns --Dino John Bower --Ditto Jofeph Steward -Ditto Thomas Jacl:fon -Ditto Charles Pearfon -Ditto William Morris -Ditto Thomas Grofs --Ditto William James -Ditto William Scott --Ditto James Clark --Ditto George Harris --Ditto Richard Jones --Ditto John Jones -Ditto James Morley --Ditto George Hillman -Ditto Michael Miller --Ditto Jeffery Middleton Ditto Phil. Coleman --Ditto Wher. entered into IWloefi St. Thomas Thetis Britannia St Tho:nas Ditto -------------7 7 7 7 i 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 I l I l :2 2 I i 138 I :2 :2 2 2 R 8 8 IJ :28 23 2 8 :28 2 8 g 2 :28 2l! 2 29 28 :2. 8 17 17 17 17 :2 l 4 :2 WI LL I A M H AW K I N S. Digitized by Go gle Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Rolls, &c, A MUSTER R 0 LL for the Emilia, James Frafrr, Maller, from A fri ca ailJ Sr; Received from the ColleCl:or and Comptroller of the Port u f Br ;tl;o!. ii E i-:s :: .nn: s Qf n en enttr r int o 'Y .en dtu:r't'"' 1 1 whir 'i h1r o r ---UluI "'h I p WI d r h d r 11 V I T un, Ji: . ..i. 'bode. a n d whuc. .. m c uftl,c:m llir-l..u l 1 h 1 -------i--"-------------!-----------.------I : ont James Frafer Brnjamin John Loudon Robert Hamilton John Harri fon -Henry Langley George Jenkins William William Jenkins Jfaac Thomas -Randall Davis -Edward Crofsman John Vinfcomb Stephen Pearce Ja1oes Wilmott John Curtis George Mathews James Fletcher John Hopkins -Thomas Withers lfaac Shortman -Thomas Tudor -John Williams -John Engledue -Thomas Wayman Jof. Borroughs -john Dawfon -Edward Morris -Jofeph Baker -Richard Price William Thomfon Richard Stanton -Francis Jofeph -Robert Bai llie -Thomas Smith -Thomas MCraken Fred Brown Albert France Henry Johnfon John Hartman Jere Mahoney Jof Millar Richard Martin John Thompfon Thomas Galkill John Jones Francis Hofkins Thomas Jackfon William Harrifon Jarvus John Phillips George Chilholm Brillo! Ditto Ditto Ditto Dino D itto Ditto Dino Dino Ditto Ditto Dino Dino Dir to Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Dino Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto D itto D i tto Ditto Dino Oino D iuo D ino Dino Ditto Dino Ditto Jhco D itto Ditro Ditto Ditto Ditto D itto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Dino Ditco Ditto Emilia I 9 7 l 9 7 )) 9 7 D0 I 7 D I 7 J) I 2 )) 9 7 ll' zS Jupirer l 7 -:o R o\al Charlo!Ce 1 9 7 Emilia a 16 111 June 1787, B r i!lol -18'h Mlrch 1738, clifcharged Ditto D -Ditto -D0 -Diem -n -Ditto -D Dino 3rn Ang" 1787, di0: d Diao 18'' 88 d i lchargeJ D i em 91 Au"'1 8 7 din! Ditto 311 J:rn;' 88, d e f e rred --.. Ditto .18'' M a rch 88 difcliarged --. Ditto 271 Feby 88, c!ic defr .tted D0 6 10 -Ditto '.!O'' o difi.charg e d Ditto 2]" D -JJ S1hil 6 9 D.rui J 6 I 2 Dino -D0 -D Salra 6 12 Emilia 2 12 Ditto 2 7'' J 31o' 88, Sr. Th9mas 19 March 1788, D 19'" D0 D -IJ o n -o Dan i el 2 D D -D0 Marcin 2 D D -o Hermi t 2 131 Feb' 88, St. Kitts -D0 Pilgrim 6 u D -D0 Emi! ia 6 o D0 D Dino 6 o 2 Daniel 2 Jan' 81?, St. Thomas D0 o o -n W A LT E R J AC KS, l'urfer. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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0 iCi" ;::;: N. 2. CJ 0 co (\I L: z < m :::i::i .: 3: 0 _3 n ::r: c;') );> z B R I S T 0 L, N 3 ARTICLES of Seamen for a Jamaica Ship.--Received from the and Comptroller. ARTICLES of Agreement between John Munt, Maller of the Ship Martha Brae, and the feveral Officers and Seamen hereunto fubfcribed.-Imprimis, That the faid Officers and Seamen, for and in Confideration of the feveral Sums as under expre!fed, do promife each for himfelf to proceed in the aforefaid Ship upon a now intended Voyage to Jamaica, and from thence back to Briftol, or her Port of Difcharge in Great Britain.-And further, it is alfo agreed, and We the underwritten Officers and Seamen confirm the fame, that if the faid Ship Martha Brae !hould lie loft: on her Return to Great Britain, our Vil ages are to be computed from the Time of her !aft: failing from Kingroad to the Day of her Arrival in Jamaica, and no otherwife; and that the Payment be made, according to the uiual Cuftom of the African Ships, One Moiety in Jamaica Currency, the other in lawful Money of Great Britain, Secondly, We and each of us refpet\:ively do bind and engage ourfdves, and each for himfelf, to the Performance of il.11 Tru!l:s and Duties incumbent on us. in this Service, and to the Performance of all Acl:s and Dmies according to the Statute by ACI: of Parliament in this Cafe made and provided; and that we will affi!l: in difcharging or unlading fai
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Brijlol.-Mujler Rolls, &c. ARTICLES OF SEAMEN FOR AN AFRICAN SHiP. Received from the Colleaor and Comptrolkr Articles of Agreement indented, had, made, concluded, and agreed upon; the Firft Day of July, in the 15th Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the 3d, by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, and fo forth, and in the Year of our Lord 1775; between Henry Bell, of the City of Briftol, Mariner, Maller or Commander of the Ship Hungerford of Brillo!, of the one Part; and the other Pcrfons whofe Names are hereunto fub fcribed, the intended Mates, Men, and Mariners of the faid Ship, of the other Part ; as follows ; (that is to fay) PART IL lMPRJMJs-WHEREAS the faid Ship is now bound out on a Voyage from the Port of Brillo! to the Coall of Africa, from thence to fome Port or Place, Ports or Places, of her Difcharge and Reloading in Briftol, America, and from thence back to the Port of Briftol, or to the Port of her Difcharge in Great Britain. Now it is agreed, and the faid Perfons, the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners, whofe Names are heq::unto fubfcribed, in Con fideration of Two Months Wages to them now refpeaively in Hand paid by the faici Henry Bell, the Receipt whereof they refpeaively acknowledge by figning their Names hereunder, do for themfdves feverally, and for their feveral Executors and Adminiflrators; covenant, promife, and agree, to and with the faid Henry Bell, his Succeffors and Affigns, by thefe Prefents; they the faid Mates, Men, and lhall and will repair on Board, and proceed in the faid Ship for the faid intended Voyage, aod will not during the faid Voyage defert from or leave the Ship, but do and perform their Work and Bufinefs therein in fuch Manner as Cuch good able Mates, Men, and Mariners, as they have !hipped themfelves for, ought to do, and behave themfelves refpeafully towards the faid Henry Bell and his Succdfors, during the faid Voyage, and in all Things obfervc, ol:>ey, and perform his and their; and all other lawful Commands that fhall be laid on them during the faid Voyage, relating to the faid Ship and her Cargo, and conform and demean themfelves, in all Refpec1s, accQrding to the late ACt of Parliament for the better regulating of Seamen in the Merchants Ser vice.-ltem, The faid Henry Bell, in Confideration of the Premifes, for himfelf and his Suc ceff'ors, doth hereby covenant and agree to and with the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners, their Succeff'ors and Affigns, to pay them their refpeaive Wages during the faid Voyage (that is to fay) the fame Sum per Month, and no more, which is hereunder fet againft their refpeetive Names, in Manner following; (that is to fay) the faid Wages to commence from the faid Ship laft failing from the Port of Briftol for her faid Voyage; and before her Departure from her Port of Difcharge and Reloading in America, One Moiety of their Wages, which lhall be then due to them, lhall be there paid them refpeaively in the Currency of the Country where the fame lhall be fo paid, except at South Carolina, there to be paid according to the Currency of Jamaica; and on the Ship's Arrival and Difcharge in Great Britain, or within 30 Days after her being entered at the Cuftom Houfe there, as the faid !aft Statute direets, the other Meiety of the faid Wages, and all other Wages for the Remainder of the faid Voyage (the Two Months Wages now in Hand paid, and the Penalties and Forfeitures incurren by the faid late AB: of Parliament, being not till then deduCl:ed) fhall be paid the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners refpeCl:i;:ely, or to their. refpeCl:ive Executors or Adminiftrators, in. lawful Britifh Money; provided that if any of the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners happen to clie, er lhip him or themfelves in His Majelly's Service, on Board any Ship or Ships of \Var, before the faid Ship's Departur<.' from her Port of Difcharge and Reload ing in America, then, and in Cuch Cafe, the whole \\'ages due to him or them fo lhipping hiin or themfelves, !hall be immediately paid in the Currency of the faid Port, and the Wages due to him or them fo dying lhall be accounted for in the Currency of the faid Pore, and be brought Home in the faid Ship, at the Rifque of the Executors and Adminiftrators tht: Perfon or Perfons fo dying; any Thin contained to the rontr.ary notwithftandin3. PART II. k Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART rt. Bri}Jol.-Mujler Re/ls, &c. Willm Vicars Dan' Frafer Geo. Pratt ME N'S NAM E 5. Willm Tilly Samdl Radcliffe Tho' Hancorne John Llewheling John Morris, X his Mark Geo. Harris Hugh Stirrat James Woodlide, X his l'vhrk Rob' Bowfo1an, X his Mark John Cowling, X his Mark John Garland John Lawrence Dccaux \V"' lverfon John Tricker Henrich Frederick Haafe Daniel Brodan Henry Pewitt, X his Mark John Stanley Will'" Olborne, X his Mark Sam' Clemings, >< his Mark Jofeph Grant Thomas Weatherell James Radwdl John Lewis, X his Mark Haac Palmer, X his Mark John Perrygrove Tho' Cook, X his Mark John David Evan Thomas Tho' Daniel, X his Mark David Richards, X his Mark David Morifon Solomon Brice, X his Mark Rob' Roberrs, X his Mark John Sears John Chorels, X his Mark John Bu ck, X fames Downe, X his Mark Edward Morgan D:'.nis Dovie Mathew Higgifon, X his Mark Mathew Welch vV .. M' Lean J a mes Crolfr, :X his Mark Mark Redmond Fdw' Hudfon, X his Mark John Go gle 1ft Mate Surgeon Station!. 2d Mare Carpenter Cooper Surgeon's Mat<: 3d Mate Boatfwain Steward Seaman D n D' D' Seaman t Seaman } no } no f) o Landman Carpenter's Mare Landman l-Seaman { Sean1an Landman D' oo D' no Do o } Seaman Landman oo D" n !) o Boy Seaman n n o n n oo jo:ner -per Wagos Month. advanced. 4--8--+--8--3--9-4 -12 --3 5 -6 IO 2105-2-6-2 IO -5 I8 -I I6 I IO -3 -110-3--10 -3 -10 -3 --I 10 -3 IO 2 IO -5 2 IO5 2 IO -5 2 10 -I 5 2 IO --I I 2 2 -_i_ 19 -I 18 -I I -2 ----16 -I I2 -1 -2 ---I 1-2 2-I 2 --18 -J 16 --19 -J 18 --I --2---I -2-I5 -I IO-19 I I8 IS J I6 -I I 2 2 -18 I I6 -18 I6 IS -I6 18 -I 16 19 -I I8 IS I6 I5 IO 15 -I IO I 103 103-103 --I IO -3-10 -3-IO -3---I 5 2 IO -19 I IS Origirlal from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Bri}Jol.-Mvjler Rolls, &c. N' 5 An AC C 0 U N T of difabled Seamen, from African Ships, admitted into the Hofpita1 fince the Eil:abli!hment of that Charity in r747. Received from the Collellor and Comptroller. Whtn I admitted. 1 Namos. Difordcrs Ships Namco. 17 51 -1 J ofiah Holland -Blind -Iris 1752 -John Abercombie D --Hope 1 7 53 1 Benjamin Dunn 1 o (by Lightning) -Swallow Thom. is Veale D --Hawke John Fling o -Black Prince 1754 -John Haley o -Sufanna John Aili o o William Smith o -Eugene Ste phen Blakerly Wounded -Matilda 1756 1 William Brid g es -Blind -Thetis I William Howell I) -Eugene Robert Barker n Thecis 1757 -: Thomas Craddock o Peggy 1761 1 Thomas Dilleiil:on o -Racehorfe Benjamin Williams -Bad Legs -Lyon 17 6 2 : John Cox --Blind -C o rnwall I Shadrach Chapman D -Richmond 1763 -William Weldy o (by Lightning) -Fonmun Caftle Robert p iJmer o -Willi a mfburgli 1764 -James Shannon o Arrabella Owen Watkins o n Robert Watkins o n 17ti5 John Thomas D -Amelia Thoma s Mead Bad Leg -Juno 1766 -D e nni s B a rton -Blind -Duke of York. 1767 J o hn Fielding B a d Leg -Hungerford John Harris -Blind Phrenix. Cha rles Paul o Trvall John Smith o Afi-ica John Fitzgerald D o Ccrn' Calahan o o / Wilfom Efkew -,Ba d Leg o 1770 1 Ben/ W i lliams Blind -Bri ton David B r e nan rr D W m Ri c hard s o o I Edmund Power L ofs of his Arm -Induftry 1771 Will iam Fox P a r a l y tic -Gambia 1772 J o hn Smith --Bad Leg Duke of York 1 773 1 Offd""'P' Bmow l) oo Jame s H e wlon o King George 177 5 J o hn Davifon -Blind Rel i ance J o hn Ri.:har
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PAK T n. 1781. Nov io1h;. Brijlol.-Mu)ler Rolls, &c. AN SW ER S from the Truftees for the Relief and Support of Sick and Difabled Seamen. 1ft. and 2d. The Firft and Second Qlieries are anfwered by the Copy of a Mufrer Roll {ent herewith. 3d. The Mufter Roll exprelfes whether any of the Seamen die, are difcharged, or run away, but not of what Difeafe they die, not what becomes of thofe who run away. The Place where they run away is mentioned . 4th. The Mafter or Purfer figns the Mufter Roll, and makes Oath that it contains a true Account of the Number of Men and the Time they ferved on Board. The Oath is not teducad into Writing. 5th. There does not appctr to be any Rcafon to doubt the CorreCtncfs of the Mufter Rolls. 6th. The Number of Men taken on Board African and Weft India Ships may vary from local Circumftanccs; but in general, African Ships carry about 12 Men to 100 TQns, in Ships of 300 Tons Burthen; and Weft India Ships of the fame Burthen carry about 7 Men to 100 Tons. Ships of lefs Burthen, in both Trades, cari-y more Men in Proportion to their Tonnage. In African Voyages about.;. of the whole Crew (including Officers) are able Sea men; in Weil India Voyages about .;.. It is impoBible to afcertain the Number of Appren tices, as it depends on the Opinion and Will of the Owner; many ace averfe to take any. Ill Port, there are more in Proportion in the Weft India than in the African Trade. 7th. The monthly Wages of Seamen in African Ships are in general the fame as in Weft India Voyages; except that as the Voyage to Africa is confid1:rably longer, the Men have Two or Three Months Pay in Advance to fit them out; and in War Time, when there is a. Scarcity of Men, there may be 5 s. per Month more paid on an African than on a Weft India. Voyage. No Part of the Wages of the Crew of an African Ship is paid in Africa; but, on their Arrival at the Port of Delivery or Sale in the Weft Indies, they receive Half their Wages then due in the Currency of the Inand, at the Rate of One Pound Currency for 1 I. Sterling, whicb is agreeable to their Articles. And if they do not chufe to receive their Half Pay in the Weft Indies, then, on their Return, they are paid after the Rate of Currency for Sterling. lo.. Weft India Ships the Men are paid at their Return to England, unlefs difcharged Abroad. 8th. Copies of Articles for African and Weft India Voyages are fent herewith. 9th. African Ships take more Men out than are necelfary to navigate them, to take Care of the Slaves. On their Return from the Weft Indies a lefs Number will do. In Weft India Ships they wi1h to bring home as many Men as they take out ; as they cake no more than are necelfary to navigate their Ships. The Men cannot be compelled to leave their Ships, on either Voyage, in the Weft Indies; and whether they do it frequently or not, depends on Circumftances, as the Price they are likely to get on Board other Ships, &c. The Deficiency is fupplied by the Captain's hiring a fufficient Number to make up his Crew, which is called taking Men by the Run. For this they are paid large Sums; fo high as 30 Guineas has been given in War Time. 10th. When Sailors run away, it is impoffible to fay where they go; but, in general, it is ap prehended that when they leave one Ship, they enter on Board another, for the Sake of addi tional Pay for the Run Home. 11th. Many Parts of Africa being unhealthy, more Men return ill from the)lce than from Voyages to the Weft Indies. They are alfo mose fubjeet to Blindnefs. In the Ships which go to the Coaft of Africa for Wood and Ivory, there is :i much greater Proportion of the Crews die, and become fubjeet to Blindnefs, than in the Ships on the Slave Trade; the proba ble Caufe of which is, that the former go Up the Rivers into the more interior Pares of the Country. 1 :ith. The Seamen in the African Trade do not exprefs Dilfatisfaaion at the N :iture of the Trade, &c. more than in any other Trade; nor, in Confcquence thereof, leave that to go int
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JJrijlol.-Mujler &c: Nov' 301 1788 .ART IC LES genrrally made ufe of in Weft India Voyages, received from the Truttees for the Relief and Support of fick and difabled Seamen. le is agreed, between the Mafter, Seamen, and Mariners of the Ship Mafu:r, now bound from the Port ef That, in Conftderation of the Monthly, or other Wages againft each refpeCl:ive Sea man and Mariner"s Name hereunder fer, they feverally !hall and will perform the above mentioned Voyage ; anc! the faid Mafter doth hereby agree with, and hire the faid Seamen and Marinc:rs for the faid Voy:ige, at fuch Monthly "Wages, to be paid plir fuant to the Laws of Great Britain : And thev the faid Seamen and Mariners do hereby promife and oblige themfelves to do their Duty, and obey the lawful Commands of their Officers on Board the faid Ship, or the Boats thereunto belonging, as becomes good and faithful Seamen an: B e it agreed, by the fai DJy i n Dilch:irgc of the Cargo, and keep fuch Watch by Night as the Mafter lh.111 think necdfary to order for the Prefcrvation of the above. And whereas it often happens that PJrt of the Cargo is embenled after fafely delivered into Lighters i anJ as fuch Loffc:s are made good by the Owners of the Ships : Be it therefore agreed Ly t:1de Prcfents, that whatever Officer or Seaman the Malter !hall think proper to ap point, flnll take Charge of the Cargo in the Lighters, and go with to the lawful Key, :i;1d there deliver his Charge to the Ship's Hufband, or his Reprefentative, or fee the fame fafcl y weighed at rhe Kings Beam ; and in Confrquence of their true Fidelity, ll1cl1 Ollicer or fhal: be entitled to Two Shillings and Six Pence each Lighter, exdutivc o f their Monthly Pay; and, fhould it fo happen (as fometimes it does) that Lighters ;;r.: detained a conliderable Time at the Key before they can be unlqadt:d, fuch Officer or Se.1men fo appointed l11all, in that Cafe, be entitled to Shillings and Six Pence for every Twt:r.ty-four Hours, exclufive of tht'.ir faid Monthly Pay.-That each Seaman and !\l.:riner who 01all well and truly perform the above-mentioneJ Voyage (provided always, tht1 c be no l'lun
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PAR.T II. Bri)lol.-Mufier Rolls, &c. Velrel's Cargo ?r Stores) be entitled to the Wages or Hire that may become due to him, purfuant to this Agreement. That for the due Performance of each and every the above mentioned Articles, Agreements, and Acknowledgment of their being voluntary, and without Compulfion, or any other clande!l:ine Means being ufed, agreea to, and figned by us; in Te!l:imony whereof we have, each and every of us, under affixed our Hands, the Month and Day again!l: our Names affixed, and in the Year of our Lord One thoufand Seven hundred and Places and Time of Emry Men's Names. Qi!ality Wi1ndfcs to each Man'1 fignin,. -----------Pay in 1hc River. Whole. Half Woigts per Month, or hy the Run for the Voyage. Whole Wages. SH IP Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Br!Jhl.-!viujlcr Rolls, &c. !'All f ll. i H I P S A L L Y'S A R T I C L E S, B 0 U N D F 0 R A F R I c A. Nov. ;o- 1 17U. Rt::eived from .the Tniftr themfdves, and for their fev.eral and refpeClive Ex Adminiftrators, and Affigns, covenant, proniifc, and agree to and with the faid J arnes -Crofs, his Executors and that the faid Officers, Mariners, Seamen, Landfmen, and Boys, and each and every of .them, lhaU and will proceed in the faid Ship Sally, and faithfully and truly perform and do thl"ir feveral Stati0ns and Services during rhe whole \,' oy.age as above, without any Manner of Denial. or Refrllance whatfoever; and chat each and every of them will honofrly and faithfully perform the faid Voyage, without any ways embezzling the Goods -or Merchandize fhipped on Board the faid Ship. or any other the Stores :thereof; and that each and e>1ery of them fhall and will in all Things obferv .e, perform, and .obey the Or.ders, Commands, and DircCl:ions of the Mafter or Ceminander of the faid Ship, for the Time being, without any Manner of Denial, Muti ny, or Refiftance, whatfoever. And it is agreed by and between the faid Parties co thele Prdents, that in ca:fe the faid Officers, lVIariners, Seamen, Landlinen, and Boys., or any or either ef chem, d@ filip, or caufe to be fuipped, on Bo.u-d the faid Ship Sally, on or their own Accounts, any Goods or Merchandizcs, it thall and may he lawful for the Ma(\:er or Commander of the faid Ship to detain the fame for the Ufe of the Owners of the faid Shi .p; any Laws, Ufage, Gr Cull:om to the .contrry notWlithftanding. Tf!lll.DLY .-It is mutually agreed by and between tlte faid James CrG!i, and f;tid Officers, Mariners, Seamen, Landfmen, and That the 'Wages, Gf. Monthly Pay, to grow due to each and every of them, for their Service6 on Board the' faid Ship Sally, for chis prefent Voyage, be paid, viz. One Half Part at the Port ef Deli\ ; ery of the faid.. V dfd's Negroes in America, in the Currency there, to wit, every Twenty Shillings of fuch Currency to be accounted equal, and upon a Par with Twemy Shillings Sterling Money of .Britain; and in cafe fuch Port of Delivery of the faid Negroes lhould happen to tbe at South Carolina, or any other Port of America, where the common Courfe ,of Exchange.fhould happen co be Five hundred Pounds per Cent chat then fuch Half Wages as aforefaid, Jhall be paid according to the Currern:y of the lnand of Barbadoes, computing .every Twenty Shillings of fuch Curr e ncy equal, and upon a Par, with Twenty Shilling:. Sterling Money of Great Britain, and the remaining .Part of fuch \Vages, or Monthly Pay as aforcfaid, {hall be paid within Thirty Days after the faid Ship's Arrival at her Port ofDifch:irge in
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PAftTH. Bri.Jlol,-Mujler Rolls, &c. by them refpeCtively received, be deduCted and allowed to the faid Alexander Robe, unto the Owners of the faid Ship, wherefoever the Payment be made. FouR THLY .-That each and every of them the faid Officers, Mariners, Seamen, Landf., men, and do further covenant and agree, each for himfdf only, That they are duly qualified and capable to perform their refpeCtive Duties and in the feveral Sta., nons they are and !hall be fuipped in: And that they, and each of them, do further cove., nant, promifc:-, and agree to and with the faid James Crofs, his Executors and Adminillrators, that if either of chem lhall, during the whole Voyage as above, quit the Service of the faid Ship, by voluntarily going on Board any of his Majelly s Ships of War, or otherwife deferc the Service of the faid Ship, then, and in fuch Cafe, the whole of the Wages then due to any fo quitting or voluntarily deferring as aforefaid, lhall be forfeited to the faid James Crofs, his Executors and Adminillrators; any Law, Ufage, or Cullom, to the contrary notwithllanding. And it is further agreed by and between the faid Parties to thefe Pre fenrs, Thar in cafe any or either of them the faid Officers, Mariners, Seamen, Landfmen, or Boys, whofe Names or Marks are hereunto fubfcrihed, lhall at any Time, during the whole Voyage as above, appear, by Judgment of the faid Alexander Robe, Maller of the faid Ship Sally, or any Mall:er for the Time being, and Two or more of the principal Officers belonging to the faid Ship, to be incapable of aCting agreeable to the Capacity in which they and each of them do !hip themfelves, which is fet oppolite their feveral and refpective Names, then, and in fuch Cafe, they do agree to and make fuch Abatement in their Wages as the faid Maller, and Two or more of the principal Officers bdonging to the faid Ship, for the Time being, !hall adjudge and determine any or either of them ought of Right to have and receive in Proportion to their refpeCtive Abilities and Under!bndings; which Sum, to be adjudged and allowed by fuch Maller and Officers as aforefaid, they and each of them do agree to accept and rake in full Conlideracion, Satisfaction, and Payment. And L1,sTLY .-It is agreed and declared, by all the Parties to thefe Prefents, That for the due Performance of thefe Articles, and every Claufe herein contained, that all and every the Officers, Mariners, Seamen, Landfmen, and Boys, do hereby refpeCtively bind themfelves to the Owners of the faid Ship Sally in the penal Som of Fifty Pounds of lawful Money of Great Britain In Witnefs whereof they have hereunto feverally fubfcribed their or Marks, and affixed their Seals, the Day and Year firll above written. m -NAMES. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Bri}ol ,-M Rolls, &c. P ART II. No. N A M E S. Stat i ons. \Va gcs p e r Money MonLh. aJ vancc< (L. S.) Carpenter -4--8 --8 James Dally (L. S.) Cooper 3 JO -7--9 Dennis Spelliff y -(L. S.) Surgeon's Mate 2 IO -s-JO George Reece's Mark (L. S.) Steward I 15 -3 IO JI Thomas Hall's Mark >< (L. S.) Gunner I 15 -3 IO IZ Thomas Stockwell (L. S.) Cooper's Mate 2--4--Ij Charles Clark -(L. S.) Carpenter's Mate 2 24 4-14 Moftough M'Carthy (L. s.) Cook 2-4--15 James Holland (L. S.) Armourer 15 -J IO -16 Arthur Harvey (L. S.) Seaman 10 -3-17 Francis Reed (L S.) no JO -3--18 William Chriftie (L. S.) no IO -3 --. 19 John Bickley's Mark (L. S.) n.; IO -3-20 William Windmill (L. S.) no I IO3-21 Ambrofe Gingell's Mark >< (L. S.) o o I 103-Rowland Bynon (L. S.) oo I IO -J-23 J ofeph J ackfon (L. S.) oo JO -3-24 James Nicholfon (L. S.) no IO -3-25 Thomas Hawke's Mark >< (L S.) no IO 26 John Grinny (L. S.) o I IO -J-27 John Douglafs (L. S.) oo IO -3 ...,., 28 Timothy Ryan (L. s.; Taylor IO -J-29 Anthony Green's Mark >< (L. S.) Ord1 Seaman 52 IO 30 Robert Flood (L. S ) oo -I 32 6JI Michael Looby's Mark IX (L. S.) Seaman Ordinary -I 52 IO James Grove's Mark >< (L. S.) oo s2 10 -33 Bevan's Mark (L. S.) oo I z 2-34 Ifaac Stephenfon (L. S.) o 2--35 William Poulll:on's Mark >< -(L. S.) oo -I 52 10 j6 James Hooper's Mark :>< (L. S.) o -I J 2 2-J7 Martin J ones's Mark IX (L. S.) oo -I 52 10 -38 John Wray's Mark :>< (L. S.) oo I -i39 Thomas Jam es (L. S.) oo 15 -I JO 40 Chrjftopher Bennett's Mark :>< (L. S._' o o -I 52 IO 41 William Lovegrove (L. S. ) oo 15 -I IO 42 James Olive's Mark :>< (L. s.) oo I -!1-J IWilliam Brittain's Mark x (L. S.) oo I -2--44 Zackryer Mullineux (L. S.) Boy I -2--"4-5 lfaac Bowen -( L. s.) oo I -2--:46 William Miller's Mark >< (L. S.) o --15 -I IOand delivered oy the above J<'orty-fix Perfons, in the Prefence of )OHN Digitiz by Original from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART It. iith Nov. 1788. Brj/iol.-Muj}er &c. COPY of a LETTER from the and Comptroller of the Cuftoms, dated 18th November 1788. Sir, Cuftom-Houfe, Briftol, 18th November, 1788. 'In :Anfwer to your Letter of the 15th lnftant, we are to inform you, that, after ihe minutelf lnquiry of the Merchants concerned in the Slave Trade to Afiica, -we cannot find that any of them ever make ufe of any printed Form of Articles: The feveralPrincers here likewife inform us, that they never printed any for that Purpofe. If printca Forms have been made ufe of here for any of the :African Ships, it mull: be by thofe who traeie for Wood, Teeth, Wax, &c. only; as they do not go circuitous Voyages, the common printed Articles will do for them, as well as for Weft India ana ocher Ships. Inclofrd are T.wo printed Forms of thofe gene rally ufed here; as al moll: every Merchant's written Artides differ in fome claufe or other., we have fent you Two that are no.w in ufe. STEPHEN COTTRELL, Efq'. And are, SI R, Your mcift obedient, humble Servants, JOHN POWEL'Lo c. HARFORD. further ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT received from th.: ColleCl:or and Comptroller. It is agreed, between the Mafter, Seamen, and Mariners of the Ship Mary of Briftol. William Tomlinfon, Mafter, now bound from the Port of Brillo! to the llland of Jamaica, anCf.try hereafter to ilfue, for the effeEtual Government of the faid Ship, fupprelling Immoral icy and Vice .of all Kinds, be llricHy complied with, under Penalties of tile l'crfon or Per.fons dif obeying forfdting his or their whole Wages or Hire, together with every Thing belonging to him or them an Board the faid Velfel. And it is farther agreed on, That no Ofllcer nor Seaman belonging to the faid Ship, fuall demand or be e.ncitled to his Wages, or any Part thereof, until the Arrival of the-faid Ship at .the Porr of Dif
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Brijlol.-MuPer Rolls, &c. Witneffcs to Pay i n the Place and Time Mens Names. Q! .. liry M::tn's River. of Entry. f1gning. Whole. Half. --l -John Southton, Chief Mate --2 -Robert Taylor, Carpenter --3 -Charles Warden, :id Mate x --the Mark X of 4 Nath" Dudney, Boatfwain X ---the Mark x of 5 -John Fleming, Seaman x ---the Mark X of -James Adams, Cook x --7 -David Bowling, Seaman X --the Mark x of j -Thomas Perry Ord Seamanx -the Mark X of 9 J0 Inman Brawn, Ord Seaman x JO -JI -John Reents, Seaman X ---rhe Mark x of 12 -George Squire, Dicta x 13 -John Thorp, Ditto X --1+ -Edward Moody, Boy -TaffyDavidEwe1;1s, Ordinary --PaT U. Digitized by Go g e PAJtT lL \Vages per Month,ur by WholeWtheRWl for the Voyage. s. d. -3 s--3 10-2 2I JO J IO --J 10 -I IO -I s--I s--I JO --J JO --t JO --l s -l 5fURTHER Original from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART ti. Sith. No 1718. Brijlol.-Mujler Rolls, &:c. FURTHER ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT, Received from the Colleetor and Comptroller. lt is agreed between the Ma!l:er, Seamen, and Mariners of the Ship Mafter, now bound from the Port of That, in Conlideration of the Monthly, or other Wages againll: each refpeCl:ive Seaman and Mariner's Name hereunder fet, they feverally fhall and will perform the above-mentioned Voyage: And the faid Mall:er doth hereby agree with, and hire the faid Seamen and Mariners for the faid Voyage, at fuch Monthly Wages, to be paid purfuant to the Laws of Great Britain: And they the faid Seamen and Mariners do hc.-reby promife and oblige themfelves tQ do their Duty, and obey the lawful Commands of d:eir Officers on Board the faid Ship, or the Boats thereunto belonging, as becomes good ancl faithful Seamen and Mariners ; and at all Places where the faid Ship fhall put in or ancho1 .it during the faid Voyage, to do their bell: Endeavours for the Prefervation of the faid aip and Cargo, and not to negleCl: or refufe doing their Duty by Day or Night; nor fhall go out of the faid Ship on Board any other Vetrcl, or be on Shore under any Pretence whatlbever, without Leave firll: obtained of the Captain, or Commanding Officer on Board; that in Default thereof, they will not only be liable to the Penalties mentioned in the ACl: of Parliament, made in the Second Year of the Reign of King George the Second, &c. intitled, An ACl: for the better Regulation and Government of Seamen in the Merchants Service;" but will further, in Cafe they fhould, on any Account whatfoever, leave or defert the faid Ship, without the Mafter's Confent, till the abovefaid Voyage be ended, and the Ship difcharged of her Loading, be liable to forfeit and lofe what Wages may at fuch Time of their Defertion be due to them. together with every their Goods, Chattels, &c. on Board, renouncing, by thefe Prefents, to all Title, Right, Demand, and Pretenlion thereunto for ever, for them, their Heirs, Exe cutors, and Adminifirators. And it is further agreed by both Parties, That Eight and Forty Hours Abfcnce wirhout Leave, fhall be deemed a total Defertion, and render fuch Seamen and Mariners Ji d 1 k to the Penalties abovementioned. That each and every lawful Command which the faicl ;,'.,ffer lhall think nece(fary hereafter to iffue, for the effeCl:ual Government of the faid Vetrel, fnppreffing lmmor:!!ity and Vice of all Kinds, be ftriCl:ly complied with, under the Penalty of the Perfon or Perfons difobeying, forfeiting his or their wholt Wages or Hire, together with every Thing belonging to him or them on Board the faid Vetrel. And it is further agreed on, Th:it no Officer nor Seaman beloilgins to the faid Ship lhall demand or be entitled to his Wages, or any Part thereof, until the Arri val of the faid Ship at the above mentioned Port of Difcharge, and her Cargo delivered. And it is hereby further agreed, between the Mafier and Officers of the faid Ship, That whatever Apparel, Furniture, and Stores each of them may receive into their Charge, belonging co the faid Ship, fhall be ac counted for on her Return; and in Cafe any Thing !hall be loft or damaged, through their Careletrnefs or Infufficiency, it fhall be made go>d by fuch Officer or Seaman by whofe Means it may happen, to the Maller and Owners of the faid Ship. And whereas it is cuf tomary for the Officers and Seamen, on the Ship's Return Home in the River, and whilfi their Cargoes are delivering, to go on Shore each Nigl.t co fk<'p, greatly to the Prejudice of fuch Ships and Freighters: Be it further agreed by the !Ji l l Parties, That neith.:r Officer or Seamen lhall, on any Pretence whatfoever, be entitled to foch Indulgence, but lhall do their Duty by Day in Difcharge of the Cargo, and keep fuch Watch by Night as the Mafier lhall think necetrary to order for the Prefervation of the above. And whereas it often happens that Part of the Cargo is embezzled, after 1>eing fafely delivered into Lighters, and as fuch Lotres are made good by th.: Owners of the Ships: Be it therefore agreed, by thefe Prefents, That whatever Officer or Seamen the Mafier lhall think proper to appoint, fhall take Charge of the Cargo in the Lighters, and go with to the lawf u l K ::y, and there deliver his Charge to the Ship's Hufband, or his Reprefentative, or fee the fame fatdy weighed at the King's Beam; and in Confequence of their true Fidelity, fuch Officer or Seaman lhall be entitled to Two Shillings and Six Pence each Lighter, exclufive of their Monthly Pay; and lhould it fo happen (as fometimes it does) that Lighters are detained a conliderable Time at the Key before they can be unloaded, fuch Officer or Seaman, fo appointed, fhall in that Cafe be entitled to Two Shillings and Six Pence for every Twenty-four Hours, exclulive of their faid Monthly Pay. That each Sea m:in and Mariner who lhall well and truly perform the above-mentioned Voyage (provided always that there be no Plunderage, Embezzlement, or ocher unlawful Alls committed on the faid Vetrel's Cargo or Stores) be entitled to the Wages or Hire that may become due io him purfuant to tl.iis Agreement, That, for the due Performance of each and every the fl above-mentioned Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Brijlol. Mu fl er Rolls, above-mentioned Articles, Agreements, and Acknowledgment of their being voluntary, and without Compullion, or any other clandell:ine Means being ufed, agreed to and figned by us; in Teftimony whereof we have each and every of us, under affixed our Hands, the Month and Day againll: our Names affixed, and in the Year of our Lord One Thoufand Seven Hundred and Places and WitntfTtt to nch Man's Pay in the River. WagetperMonth, Whole Wagct. Timo cl Men's Names Qiiality. Signing the R.un, d Entry. Who!<. Half. for e Voyage. s. ---------f'URTHER PAllT If. 18th. Nov. 1711. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PAIT D. 1Jriflol.-Mu.fter Rolls, &c. FURTHER ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT, Received from the Colletl:or and Comptroller. ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT, indented, made, and fully agreed upon, this Ninth Day of June, in the Year of our Lord One thoufand Seven hundred and Eighty feven, and in the Twenty-eighth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, and fo forch, between Thomas Phillips, of the City of Briftol, Mariner, and Mafter of the Ship Thomas, of Briftol aforefaid, of the one Part ; and che fevcral other Perfons whole Hands and Seals are hereunto fet and fubfcribed, the intended Mates, Officers, and Mariners of the faid Ship, of the other Part; as followeth; viz. Firft, The faid Maces, Officers, and Mariners, in Contideration of Two Months Wages to them now in Hand refpetl:ively paid by the faid Thomas Phillips, the Receipt whereof they feverally acknowledge by figning their Names over-againft the fame, under the general Receipt hereunto indorfed, and alfo in Contideration of further Wages to be paid them in Manner herdnafter mentioned, do for themfelves feverally, and not one for che ocher, and for their fe'veral Executors and Adminiftracors, covenant, promife, and ag r ee co and with the faid Thomas Phillips, his Executors and Adminiftrators, Succe!fors and Affigns, by thefe Prefents, that they the faid Maces, Officers, and Mariners, and every of them, lhall and will repair on Board, and proceed in the faid Ship, in the feveral Stations and Capacities fet over againft their refpetl:ive Names under che general Receipt, on their now intended Voyage from che faid Port of Briftol to Africa, and from thence to fome Port or Ports, Place Ol' Places, in America, and from thence to her Port of Difcharge in Great Britain, and do and fhall, in all Things, obfrrve, perform, and obey the Orders and Diretl:ions of the faid Thomas Phillips, or his Succelfors, during the faid Voyage, without any Manner of Denial, Mutiny, and Retiftance; nor lhall not, nor will not embezzle, purloin, or wilfully or negligently fpoil or injure any of the Goods or Merchandize on Board the faid Ship, or any of the Stores thereof, but do and lhall perform their Work or Butinefs in fuch Manner as good and able Mates, Officers, and Mariners, as they have refpetl:ively lhipt themfdves for, ought to do, conforming themfelves, in all Refpects, according to the Directions of the late Act of Parliament for the better Regulation of Seamen in Merchants Service; and alfo, that in cafe any of the faid Mates, Officers, and Mariners fhall defert from or leave the faid Ship, during the faid Voyage, and lhall be ablent therefrom Forty-eight Hours, without the Leave of the faid Thomas Phill i ps, or the Malkr of the faid Ship for the Time being, or any way embezzle any of the Goods or Merchandizcs on Board the faid Ship, or any of the Stores thereof, that then fuch .Mariner or Mariners fo deferting from or leaving the faid Ship, or fo embezzling as afordaid, fhall forfeit and lofe all his or their Wages and Pay then due. and it lhall be lawful for the faid Thomas Phillips, or the Maller of the faid Sh i p for the Time being, to keep and detain the fame Wages and Pay, any Thing herein contained to the contrary notwithll:anding : And further, cha t in cafe any of the faid Mates, Officers, or Mariners, or any of them, fhall lhip ar\y Goods or Merchandizes on Board the faid Ship, on his or their own Accounts, other or mpre than what they arc allowed by the Mafter of the faid Ship for the Time b e ing, or the Owners rhneof, th e n fuch Mariner or Mariners, fo !hipping fuch Goods or Merchandize contrary co the true Meaning hereof, lhall forfc:it and lofe all fuch Goods and Merchandize fo lhippnl, and it lhall be lawful for the Maller of the faid Ship for the Time being, to keep and detain the fame for the Ule of the Owners hereof and in cafJ: the faid Ship lhall be taken and feized, during th i s intended Voyage, bf Pirates, Enemies, or otherwife loft and call: away, no Wages lhall become due and pay a ble to the faid Mates, Officers, and M.irincrs, or either of them, any Thing herein contained, any Law, Ufage, or Cuftom to the contrary notwithftanding, Item, The faid Thomas Phillips. in Conlideration of the Premifes, for himfelf and his Succelfors doth covenant, promifo. and agree to and with the faid Mates, Officers, and Mariners, their Executors, Adminiftrators, and Affigm, hereby to pay them their refpective \.Yages, during the faid Voy a ge, at the fame Sum by the Month as fct down over-againll: each refpcctive Name under the general Receipt hereunto indorfed, fubjetl: to the Rdhitl:ions, Forfeitures, and Covenants as afore faid, and the Provifo hefeinafter mentioned, in Mannn following; (that is co fay) The Wages fuall commence from die Time pf the faid Ship's !aft failing from the Port of Brillo! for the faid Voyage, and end on her back at her Port of Difcharge in Great Britain; and before the faid Ship's Departure from her fir!t Delivery Port in America, One Moiety pf the faid Wages then due lhall be there paid them, in t!H:: Cur rency of the Country where fame Qlall be paid, !hall be deemed equal to fo much Sterling, or Engli{h Money and with i n Thirty Days afrer the faid Ship0s being entered at the Cull:om-houle belonging to the faid Ship's Port of Difcharge in Great Britain, the ocher Moi ety of tbe faid Wai;t:s, and all other for th!! Remainder of the faid Voyage (the Month's Pay in Hand paid. and the Penalties and forfeitures incurred by virtu e of the foid All: of Parliament, or of being foil: dedueted) fi1all be paid to the foitl Mates, Oiiiccrs, and l\Lir i ners !efpecbvi:ly, C?r to their refpect i ve Executors or Admjnillrators, in lawful Britilh ,Prov: d l d Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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l3rij1ol.-Mu)Jer Rolls, &c. Provided always, that if any of the fa id Mates, Officers, or Mariners, lhould happen to die, or fhip themfelves in His Majeily's Service, before the faid Ship's Departure from her laft Deliv ery Port in thtcn the whole \I\ ages to him or them then due-, fo il1ipping themfelves, !hall be paid t hem in the Currency of the faid Delivery Port aforefaid, and the \Vages due to him or them fo dyinis, lhall be accounml for the Currency of the faid Port, and co be brought Home in the faid Ship at the fole Rifque of the faid Executors and Ad ... miniilrators of the Perfon or Perfons fo dying, any Thing herein contained to the contrary notwithlbnding. Anney at kall:, fhall be entered inco by the (aid Party at Variance, for their Submiilion to fuch Award or Umpire; and that no AEtion or Suit out of the Court of Common Law or Equity, or any \Varrant, or any Procefs out of the Courts of Admiralty, or elfewhere, fuall be fued or profecuted, eit her by the 1:iid Thomas Phill i ps or his Succeffors, againll: the faid Mates, Officers, or Mariners, or by of any of dmn, againll: the faid Thomas Phillips, or his Succeffors, or againfl: the fa id Ship or Owners thereof, either than for until a Refufal co fubmit to fuch Aw.trd or Umpire as aforefaid. For enforcing the Covenant above mentioned, by each Party to be refpel::tively performed, each of the faid Mates, Officers, and Mariners do bind himfdf, his Executors, Heirs, and A< (L. S ) Mark. his John Shellard >< (L. S.) Mark. Pilot. (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S ) (L. S.) (L. S j (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) William Carew, Ship's Boy's Mark >< (L. S.) (L. S.) l Jofeph Cook, Ship's Boy'& Mark >< (L. S.) () Received PART If. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PAR T ll. Bri.flol.-Mu11er Rolh, &c. Received the refpeCl:ive Sum ftt againfl: my }.'Jmc Wages advani:ed me -----------------,---------.... ------MEN s NAMES. I. Thomas Phillips z. Mich' Crangle J William Garnett D his Attendance 4 John Higgins 5. Edmund Daney 6 D. Williams 7. Robert Snell 8 Seneay Parry 9. Samuel Parilh, his X Mark 10. John Weeks, his >< Mark 1 i. John Owens 12. Andrew Hunter 13. Evan Thomas 14. David Birt, his X Mark 15. John Clakc 16. Will'" Price, his X Mark I7. Timothy Sullivan 18. Will"' Hughs, his >< Mark 19. Jofeph Simons, his X Mark zo. John Loydd, his X Mark z1. Ambrofe Ginglc, h i s >< Mark Ditto taking him down 2.2. Hugh Evans, his X Mark z3. Roland Binon, his X Mark Ditto Ja' Hatton, his>< Mark z5. Tho' Emmett z6. Peter Swanfon, his X Mark 'J.7. John Bennet, his X Mark zS. Tho' Reed, his X Mark 'J.9 Chrift Yendall JO. Wm Morris, his >< Mark JI Rob' Bright, his X Mark .'.P Simon Hyles, his X Mark 33 lfaac Fudge, his X Mark J4 John Shellard, his X Mark -35. W"' Carew, Ship's Boy's X Mark J<' Jofeph Cook, Sh i p's Boy's X Mark 37 Tho' Brifl:ol, a Vlack Boy 01 Coa1mander Chief M.uc: 2' n \\'_""."';<."S p e r \f1mth. 5 + --3 3 D' 2 1 0 4h J) -1 I I 5 __: 4 -Surge on s M.lte 2 IO -Boatlwain 2 5 Gunner I IS -Armourer I 7 6 Carpenter 4 -D Mare 2 --Cooper J -Cook 1 1 10 Steward 1 I 5 -Armourer for the KingG<:orge I 10 Seaman 10 -Ditto --I IO -Ditto 8 D i rro j 1 10 -Ditto 1 l 10 Seamen Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ord' Ditto Ord' Ditto Ord' D itto Ord1 Ditto Ord' Ditto r .andfman Ditto Ditto Boy Boy Boy I 10 -I IO -I 10 -I IO --I -I 105-55--I I -1 I I .-18-1 1-18-1-18 10 6 4--6 1-5 3 10 -5 + 10-J 10-z 8 IS -4--6--3-2 10 -J-J-J-2 I6 -.J-J--10 6 3 --1--IO 6 J-J--3-2 10 2 IO 2 10 2 2 -I 16 __.. I I6 2 2 I07 19 2 2 110 I FURTHER Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Brijlol.-Mujler Rollt, &c. U RT H E R A R T I C LES 0 F AG REE MEN T, Received from the Collector and Comptroller. ART!CLF.S OF AGREEMENT, had, made, concluded, and agreed upon, this 1.:;th Day of July, in the Twenty-fifch Year of the Reign of otir Sovereign Lord George the Third, by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defen der of the Faith, and fo forrh, and in the Year of our Lord One thoufand Seven hundred and Eighty-five, between Stephen Madge, of thr. Cicy of Briftol, Commander of the Ship Pearl, of the One Parr, and the feveral Perfo11s whofe Names and Seals are hereunto fubfcr i bed and fee, intended Mates, Men, and Mariners of the Ship, of the ocher Part, as follows; viz PART 11. Whereas the faid Ship is now bound on a Vopge from the Port ofBriftol to the Coafl: of Africa, and from chence to Pore or Place, Pores or Places, of her difcharging and reloading in America, and from thrnce to her Port of Difcharge in Great Britain, as the End of her Voyage, in which faid Sh i p che faid fubfcribing Perfons have lhipped themfelves, as Mates, Men, and Mariners of the fa id intended Voyage: Now it is hereby agreed, and the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners, whofe Names are hereunto fubfcribed and fee, in Con!ideration of Two Months Wages to chem refpeltively advanced by the faid Stephen Madge, and now in Hand pa i d them, which is the Sum by them refpeCl.ively received, and fet down over-againft their refpeClive Names, under the general Receipt hereon indorfed; and alfo in Conlideration of the further Wages hereinafter covenanted to be paid to them, do for themfelves feverally and not jointly, and for their feveral and refpeltive Heirs, Executors, Adminiftrators, and Affigns; covenanr, promife and agree, ro and with the faid Stephen Madge; his Executors, Adminiftrators, and Affigns, hy thefe Prefc:nts, that they the faid Mares, Men, and Mariners, and tach and every of them, !hall and will repair on Board, and proceed on Board the faid Ship, during the faid intended Voyage; and lhall not, nor will not leave, depart from, or clefert the faid Ship during the faid Voyage, but lhall and will well and faithfully in all Things do and p e rform rheir refpeltive Works and Bulinefs, on Board the faid Ship, in fuch a Manner as good and able Mates, Men, and Mariners (as they have refpeClively lhipped themfelves to be) ought to do, and lhall and will behave themfelves refpectively to the faid Stephen Madge, and his Succelfors, Commanders and Chief Officers of the faid Ship, in all Things obferving, obeying, and performing his and their lawful Orders and Commands, that lhall be given to or laid on them the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners, refpectively, during the Con trnuance of the faid Voyage, in Relation of the Ship or her Cargo, or any Part thereof, and conform and demean themfelves in every Refpect according to the late ACl: of Parliament for the better regulating Seamen in His Majefty's Service. And it is hereby provided and agreed by and between the faid Parties hereto, and the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners are refpeltively contented and well pleafed, in cafe any or either of them lhall abfent himfdf or themfi:lves from or dcfert the faid Ship, during the faid intended Voyage, without the Confent of the Maller fur the Time being in that Behalf, and fir ft had and obtained in W ricing, fuch Perfon or Perfom fo abfcnting or deferting as aforefaid lhall and will, over and above Vorfrimres to the Ufe of Greenwich Hofpital, mentioned in and impol:ed by the faid Act of Parliament, forfeit to the Owners of the faid Ship all his or their Wages or Pay that may be then due; and that in C ;tfr the faid Ship lhould be taken, Jolt, or carried away (which God prevent) there lhall be no 'Wages due to them the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners, or any of them, ocher than they have received before or ought to have received at the Ship's delivering Port, according to the cruc Intent and Meaning hereof hereafter exprelTed, any Thing herein containctl, or any Law, Ufage, or Cuftom to the contrary nolwithftanding. In Con!ideration whereof the faid Stephen Madge doth hereby covenant and agree, to and with the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners, to pay them their refpective Wages (to wit) the fame Sum by the Month, and no more, which is fet down over-againfl: their refpective Names, fubfcribed to the general hereon indorfed, One Moiety of which lhall become due at the Second Port of Delivery, in that Currency or Proclamation Money, and all the Re!idue Sterling on her fafe Arrival at her Port of Difcharge in Great Britain. And it is hereby agreed, that in cafe any or either of the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners lhall enter himfelf or themfelves into His Majefly's Service by Land, or be impreft on Board any of His Majefl:y's Ships of War, or lhall happtn to die before the faid Ship s Arrival at her Pore of Difcharge in Great Britain, that then and in either of the faid Cafes all the Wages due to fuch Perfon or Perfons fo entering himfdf or themfdves, or be fo impreft into His Majefiy's Service, lhall be paid in the Currency of the IOand, Place, or Proclamation Money, where the faid Ship fhall be charged and reloaded in America, any Thing herein contained to the contrary notwithftand ing. And it is further agreed between the faid Parties hereto, that the faid Wages lhall not begin or commence; before the faid Ship's Departure from the Port of Briftol. And laflly, it is agreed by and becween the faid Parries h e reto, that in cafe any Difference, or Coricrover.fy, fhall arite between the faid Sce?hcn Madge, or his Succelfor, an-:! the Matt's, Men, aml Mariners, or any uf them, eicher on J\ccount of any Thing in thefe Prcfents con-Digitized by Go gle + tainetla Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART IJ, Briflol.-Mufler Rolls, &c. bioed, or any other Matter or Thing whatfoever, that lhall happen during the faid all fuch Matters and Differences thall, within Twenty Days after the faid Ship's Arrival ;t her Port of Difcharge in Great Britain, be referred co Three indifferent Perfons, to bechofen by the faid Stephen Madge, or his Succelfors, or Succelfur, Marter or Commander of the faid Ship, and fuch of the faid Mates, Men, and Mariners refpeEtively, or their Executors, Adrniniftrators, or Affigns, whom it may concern; the Award or Determination of any Two fuch indifferent Perfons to be chofen as aforefaid, co be final and conclulive, and the Bonds of Award of fufficient Penalty thall be entered into by the Parties for that Purpofe. And it is agreed, if any Action, Suit, or Profecution, either at Common Law, or Court of Admiralty, or elfewhere, fl-iall be brought, fued, or profecuted before, or until Rcfufal to fubmit to fuch Reference as aforefaid, the .l'crfon or Perfons againit whom fuch Aft ion, Suit, or Profecution as may be brought, fued, or commenced, thall be entitled to Recovery by any AEtion or Ar refl:, or any other lawful Method, of and from the Perfon or Perfons who fhall commence fuch Suit, or Profecution as aforefaid, the Sum of Fifty Pounds of lawful Money of Great Britain. In Witnefs whereof the Parties to thefe Prefenrs have haeunro intnchangeably fet their Hands and Seals, the Day and Year firft above witten. Charles Sloper, Mate -James Bungey, 2.d Mate Benjamin Kirby Abraham Webber Charles Vachell, Surgeon George Kennedy the Mark of Tho' :>< Purdie, D the Mark of 5J ames :>< Robertfon, D the Mark of wm X Johns, Half Seamen the Mark of Edw :>< Hilman, Boy (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) the Mark of Tho' :>< Bracey 15 T!iomas Burcham the Mark of Abrm :> Jofeph Collins, D0 the Mark of John :>< Templeton, D the Mark of Tho' >< Grimes, D the Mark of Dan' X Shipton, D the Mark of Tho' :>< Gillefpy, D Tho' Carpenter, D John 0!:1in, D the Mark of John X Johnfon, D the Mark of Wm :>< Smith, D the Mark of Elver :>< Ellis, D the Mark of Will. X Olinan, p Digitized by Go gle (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. s.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) the Mark of Tho' X Parah, D William Wodman, D0 Rob' Brodrick, D John Trim, D the Mark of Will. :>< Hutchings the Mark of vVill. X Williams, Seaman the Mark of John :>< D James Tiertell, Boatfwain Edward Gwicr, Boy Abr"' Clark a Boy, his Mark:>< the Mark of Frank X Kelly William Honiball John l'octer, Seaman the JI.I ark of John X Woodhoufe, D Witnefs (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L. s.) (L. S.) (L. S.) (L.S.) (L. s.) THO. BROWN. We, Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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N 1 2 J 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 t9 -llO 2t 22 23 24 zs 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 -2 43 44 45 46 47 4ll 49 l?.olls, &c; We, whofe Names are hereunto fubfcribed, do fi:verally acknowledge to have re ceived froni the within-named Stephen Madge, the feveral Sums of Money fet down over againft our refpeCl:ivt Names, in full for Two Months Pay within men tioned to be paid to us, ME N'S NAMES. Stations. \\rages per Month. \Vages aJvanceJ. ------Stephen Madge Mas' 5 --_,_ 10-Cha' Sloper Mate 4--8 Ja' Bungey 2'D0 J--6 Benj" Kirby 3' o 2 105 Alex' Webber +'b o 2 JO -5 Cha' Vachell Surgeon 4--8 Geo. Kennedy D Mate 2 10 -5 John Saunders Carp' 4 109--wm Lewis Mate l 15 -J JO wm Horwood Cooper J 5-6 IO -John Cunnifon Cook [ 15 -J 10 -Tho' Bray { Seaman 82 16 -Tho' Burcham Steward IS -J 10 Abr"' Hutchings Seaman I 10J Ja' Conway D' I IO -3--Ja' Collins o I 10J Ja' Templeton o 103--Tho' Grimes o JO -3 -Dan' Shipton o 1 IO -3 --Tho' Gillipfy o I IO -J--Tho' Carpenter o JO -3--John Q!iin o 10J--John Johnfon o IO -3--Will. Smith D I IO -J--Elver Ellis D IO -3--John Leaden D IO -William Ofinan D I IO-3-Tho' Low D I IO -J--Rob' Purdie . n IOJ--Ja' Brown HaJfD s2 IO -Henry Robertfon o s2 JOWilliam Johns n s2 I0 Edw' Hilman Boy s2 IO -Tho' Paran n I --I --William Woodman .... D J--I --R o bert Broderick D I --2--John Trim n J--2--J ohn Warder Lan d linan 5-2 IOWilli a m Hutchings S e am a n 1 0 3 --. Jame s Edwards Armour e r 103 Will. S e aman I JO3--J ohn Sh a w D' I JO -J--James Turrell Bo a tfwain 2 10 -5 Edw' Gwilt A Bo y 15 -I IO Abr"' Cl ark D' I O I -Frank Kell y n J O 1 --Will. H o n e yball Half Seaman 8 8 -John Pottt:r S e aman IO -3 John Woodhoufe D IO -3 PART II. PART II. p A n oiqitizedby Go gle OriqiMI from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART II, 17U. NoY.13th. Bri}lol-Dart1nouth-Liverpool.-Mufler Rolls, &c. An AC C 0 UN T of the Total Number of Seamen that were lcill: in the Velrels trading from the Port of Bri!l:ol to the Well: Indies, as appears by the Mutter Rolls returned to the Merchant Venturers of the fame Citv, the Tru!l:ces there for the ColleCl:ion and Management of the Fund for the I{elief and Support of Difabled Seamen, &c. under the Act of Parliament of 2oh Geo. 2"' Cap. 38. From 29th September 1786 to 29h September 1787 From 29'" Se{ltember 1787 to 291 September 1788 inclulive Nineteen Seventeen. Signed. J E R. 0 S B 0 RN E, Clerk co the faid Society 6f Merchant Venturers. Mujler. Rolls received from the ColleElor and Comptroller of the Port of Dartmouth. An ACCOUNT of the Total Number of Seamen that were loll: intheVeflHs trading from this Port to Newfoundland, from Michaelmas 1786 to Michaelmas i787, fo far as the fame appears from the Muller Rolls of the faid Ships. Number of Men Number of MendieJ Total Number of i.lrowned. on the Voya3,e. Men loft. ------1------------21 s Cu!l:om Hdufe, dated n March, 1789. NICHs BROOKING, ColleClor.; JOHN BROWN, Comp'. l I Liverpool.-Mufler Rolls, &c. ANSWERS, &c. FROM THE COLLECTOR AND COMPTROLLER. OF THE CUSTOMS. 111:. what is the Form of a Mufter Roll in this Port? It contains the Names of the Officers and Seamen that were on Board the Vdfel at her Departure from this Port, and of fuch as were fhipped Abroad, with t!1 e Time's when any, and which of them, died, were killed, drowned, ran away, or were difcharged, here or Abrqad, and the Time of the Ship's failing hence. N. B. Herewith arc two Rolls, filled up in the ufual Form. 2d. Does it di!l:inguifh the Time when, and the Place where, the Seamen belonging to each Ship are entered on Board, and either die, run away, or are difcharged? It the Time, but not the; it is however underll:ooCl, that the Firll: Date of Entry relates to thofe Men only who were !hipped here, and the fubfequent Dates to thof<:: who were taken on Board at Africa or the Well: Indies; and from the Dates it may ealily be afcertained whether any, and which, of the MC'n were difcharge
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Liverpool.Mujler Rolls, &c. It is ligned by 1he l'yhll:er; but ic is not the Practice to interrog:1te either him or the Owners of the Velfd upon Oath rcfjicCl:ing ic, or co ,n:quire chem co fwear co the Truth of it. 5th Do you believe that thefe Mufl:er Rolls are in general correct, and conta i n a true Ac count ,,f rbe feveral Fatl:s before !lated, particularly of the Times wh<:'n e-ach Seaman is en tered, or dies, rlins away, or is difcharged arid if defecl:i\e in any of thcli: Parciculars, affian the probable Caufes of foch Defett. 0When A pp! ication is made to the Truftees of che Seamen's Hof pi cal here for ReEef, by Perfons who have a Claim chereon, Reference is had to the Mufter Rolls co fre thac fuch Perfons are encitlcd to Relief from the Fund; and as on thefe Occaiions we cannot find, 11fter a ftritl: Enquiry, that :tny Mifl:akcs have been difcovcred, there is Reafon to conclude that the Rolls are in general correct, and contain true Accounts of the Times when each Seaman is entered, or dies, runs away, or is difcharged; aml, as the Informacion which the Rolls afford is fufficient to conduct the Bufinefs of che Hofpital, no other Particulars have been required. This, we apprehend, is the Cauf.: why thef.: Documents are defective with regard co fome Parts of che preceding 6th. What Number of Seamen
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l>ART n. Liverpool.-Muj}er l?.olls, &c. The Weft Indian bring Home as and fometimes more Men than they take hence. Moll: of the African Veffels are navigated with a lefs Number of Seamen on their Return to this Country, than they were on their Outward Paffage. Many Men leave their Veffels in the Weft Indies; for which various Reafons are affigned. It is urged, that Indif ference with regard to, and l'l"egleCl: of their Men, on the Part of their Mailers, who wilh to keep the Expence of their Voyage as low as poffible, the. Caufes which induce the Seamen to leave their Vcffels. In Excufe for the Mafters, 1t is fa1d, that the bad Behaviour of the Sailors is frequently the Occafion. Perhaps both thefe Reafons may operate. With regard to the ill Treatment of the Men, much depends on the Difpofition of the fuperior Officers; and Seamen in general are an inconfiderate Race; they are !eldom contented. When they quit an African Ship in the Weft Indies, they enter on Board fome other, often with another African Veffel belonging to this Port: Others of them engage themfelves on Board Veffels employed in other Trades; and fome enter on Board the King's Ships. Moft of the African Veffels return Home with fmall Cargoes, and they are worked with fewer Men than they took out. 10th. Do you believe that the Sailors that run away, and are difcharged from African or Weft Indian Ships, either in Africa or in the Weft Indies, ufually return Home, and in what Manner; and if they do not return Home, can you fay what becomes of them? We are of Opinion, that the Sailors that run away, and are difcharged from thefe Veffels, tither in Africa or in the Well: Indies, do ufually return Home, by engaging on Board other Britilh Veffels; fome, no Doubt, die, and others find Employment in navigating the fmall Veffels which go from one lfiand to another in the \Veil: Indies: Thofe that are faid to be difcharged in Africa, are not fent on Shore, but are transferred from one Veffel to fome other, or are employed in the fmall Craft engaged in trading there, and frt quently belonging to the fame Owners as the Velfel in which they went hence. 11th. Do the Sailors that are employed in the African Ships, ufually return Home in a worfe State of Health, or are they more fubjeCl: to become blind, or to have fore Legs and Swellings, than thofe employed in other Trades, particularly in Trades carried on be tween the Tropics; and if they are, in what Proportion; and can you affign the probable Caufes thereof? The Sailors employed in thefe Velfels frequently return Home in a worfe State of Health than thofe employed in the Weft Indian or other Trades (the African and Weft Indian Ships are the only ones which trade to the Countries lying between the Tropics, from this Port) and they often go out in a more debilitated State : They are more fubjeCl: co become blind, and to have fore Legs and Swellings. It appears that, in the Courfe of the laft 40 Years, 31 blind Sailors have been admitted on the Books of the Hofpital here, from Velfels in the African Trade, and only Two in the fame Period from Velfels in all other. Trades; but whether more Sailors have been admitted into the Liverpool Infirmary, from the African Veffels, on Account of fore Legs and Swellings, than from other Veffels, cannot be determined, as the Books of the Houfe do not mention the Employments of the Patients. In the Year 1786, 792 Patients were taken into the Houfe, of which 31 died.-In 1,787, 965 were admitted, and 31 of them died; of thofe in the former Year, 82 had fore Legs and Swellings, and of thofe in the latter Year 105. On the 2111: of Otl:ober Jail:, 118 Patients were on the Books of the Houfe; of that Number, 41 had been admitted on Account of fore Legs and Swellings, 29 of thefe were found to be Sailors, 13 of which had been difcharged from African Velfels, and 16 from Ships employed in other Trades.-Thefe Difeafes are attributed to the Men's having been employed in cutting Wood on the African Coaft, and in procuring Water there; to the conftant Ufe of Salt Provifions; and to Neglect, Want of Cleanlinefs, and bad Accommodations and we can with Truth report, that the Pratl:ice of trading on that Part of the Coaft where the Smokes moll: prevail, at an improper Seafon of the Year, is the Caufe of fome of the Men becoming blind. l'lth. Do the Seamen employed in the African Trade, in general, exprefs Dilfatisfatl:ion at the Nature of the Trade, or Climate, or at the Treatment they receive in it, more than they do in other Trades, and do they, in Confequence thereof, leave this Trade co go into other Trades ? and affign, if you can, the probable Caufes of any of the Circumftances before mentioned? The Seamen, in general, do not exprefo DiffatisfaCl:ion at the Nature of the Trade, or the Climate; but we are of Opinion, they do meet with levere Treatment from fome of the Mafters, and other Officers; but in fo large a Number of Velfels as are employed in this Trade, undoubtedly there are Commanders who treat their People with great Humanity. We are informed that fome Men leave this, and engage in other Trades, and afterward return to it again; and it is probable, that the Caufe of their firft quitting it may have been Severity Abroad, and Difagreements about Wages and Charges. Thefo Remarks are fubmitted, with the grcate!t Refpea, by Cuftom-Houfe, Liverpool, AR. 0 NS L 0 \V, Coll'. 13tQ Nov. 1788. E. RIGBY, Comp'. Port Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART IT. Liverpool.---Mujlet Rolls, &c: L 1 VER POOL-A Mufter Roll for the Bark from Africa and Dominica. Received from the Officers of the Cuftoms 17th October 1788. MEN-. NAMES. John Davis --Thomas Robinfon Robert Blackftock Francis Chrill:ian -James -Thomas Roberts -John Rawlinfon -Thomas Chriftwaite John Martin William Ell worthy Henry Billop -John Mafon -Thomas Bufton -J. D. Kings Akxander Munrow Samuel Jones -William Williams Villiam Pyeman -James Martin -Robert Stole -homas Parr --rancis Smartrool -T F \ iVilliam Loveday -ChriCl:ian Guy -illiam Stacken ofeph Hall -ohn Lynch -ho mas W atfon -homas Gregory w J J T T A B s J J N A w F Jexander Stewart oafwaines Coffee amuel Knight ames Trott -ames Watfon -icholas Redfon -rrhur Ford -illiAm Marfu -rancis Charles ,Phees of Time when entered. Abode. Liverpool 18 Augufl: 1786 D D D n n n n n n n n n 26 December 171!7 -'18 Augull: 1786 n D n n n D n D n D n n n n n 26 November -17 June 1788 ...... 22 July -5 D -3 D" -17 June -18 July -18 Augu!l: 1786 Time when diiCh;irged, run, llain, killed, hurt, or woundcJ. ----3 Sept. 1788 difcharged o -D Died 26th September 1787 Di!Charged 14th April 1788 o -27th Dec. 1787 o -3d Sept 1788 o -27th OB:. l]87 o -14th April 1788 D n Died -23d Feb. 1787 Difcharged 14th April 1788 D' -3d September D -14th April o -3d September o -14th April n -14th o o -27th Oct. 1787 Died -29th April Difcharged 14th D0 1788 o -3d September o n o 14th April o n Died -18th Auguft J7 87 D -29th Jan. 1788 Difcharged 3d Sc:ptember D n o n D D n D D" 10th Nov. 1787 n -3d Sept. 1788 o D D n D n D 20th July n -. 3d September n April :\0 of :\1 u
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Rolls; &c: PART If, i 0 RM OF ART IC L S OF AGREEMENT. Received from the Officers of the Cufroms. N. B. The Original is printed. ART I CLE S agreed upon for mannihg and fitting out on a Voyage to the Ship Mafter. Port of Liverpool, Day of IjS Then contraCl:ed and agreed, between the fevcral Perfons whofe Names are hereunto fub fcribed, being the Officers, Mariners, Sailors, and others, now agreeing to eriter on Board the good Ship or Veffel called the whereof is Mafter, lying in the Port of Liverpool, on the one Part, and the faid the Mafter of the faid Ve!fel, for and in Behalf of the Owners, of the other Part: That the Officers, Mariners, Sailors, and others, whofe Names arc hereunto fubfcribed, in Conlidera tion of the Sums advanced refpecrively to them, and fet oppo!ite to their feveral Names; and of the Monthly Wages alfo fet down to their refpective Names, do feverally and immediately agree to repair on Board, and proceed in the faid Veffel, and duly to ferve in their feveral Capacities and Stations as placed herein to their refpecrive Names, in her now intended Voyage, from Liverpool to and from thence back to. the Port of Liverpool, or fome other her difcharging Port in Great Britain or Ireland. That the \\-'ages, or Monthly Pay, to grow due to the faid Officers, Sailors, and others, belonging to the faid Veffel, for their Service on Board thereof this prefent Voyage, lhall be paid to and accepted by them within Thirty Days after the Veffel"s Arrival at Liverpool, or Ten Days after her Difchargc in Great Britain; and the faid Mall:er of the faid V dfel, doth agree to pay the faid wages :-Provided neverthelefs, that in cafe the Mall:er, or any of the Officers, Sailors, or others, belonging to the faid Veffel, lhall happen to die on their Paffage to or when trading there, or on her Patfage to, or at the Place of the Delivery of her Cargo, the Wages of fuch Perfon or Per fons lhall be paid to his or their Executors Thirty Days after the Veffel"s Arrival at Liver pool, or Ten Days after her D;fcharge in Great Britain or Ireland. And none of the faid Wages, or Monthly Pay, agreed for as aforefaid, lhall commence \Jntil the Departure of the faid Veffd from the aforefaid Port of Liverpool; and that the advanced Wages of them refpeetively received lhall be deduB:ed and allowed to the Owners and Freighters of the faid Veffel, wherefoever the Firft Payment of, their Wages ihall be paid. And it is further covenanted with the faid Mafter, by the faid Officers, Sailors, and others, belonging to the aforefaid Veffel, feverally and refpecrively, That each and every of them are duly qualified and capable to perform their rcfpecrivc Duties and Parts in the frveral Q!!alities and Stations they are now entered and !hipped; and in cafe it lhall appear upon a due Examination, in the Judgment of the faid Ma!l:cr of the faid Veffel, or other its Chief Commander for the Time berng, and Three or more of the ocher principal Officers of the faid Veffel, chat any of the faid Perfons are not qualified, but are incapable to act agreeable to the Capacity or Station in which fuch Perfon is fhipped as aforefaid, fuch Perfon or Perfons fo adjudged unqualified lhall make, or allow fuch Abatement to be made, in his Vv ages as the faid Mall:er and Officers for that Purpofe !hall adjudge and determine, in Writing figned by them; and the faid Perfon or Perfons fo adjudged unqualified lhall O:and to and abide fuch Determination of the faid Maftcr and Officers. And further it is declared and agreed, That if any of the Officers, Sailors, and others, fubfcribir.g this Co!ltracr, lhall defert or quit the Service of the faid Veffel, contrary to the true Intent and Meaning of thefe Prefents, or lhall mutiny, or caufe to ftir up any Mutiny, or !hall affault or ftrike the Ma!l:er, or Commanding Officer for the Time being, of the faid Veflel, or fhall embezzle any Part of the faid Vefi'd's Cargo, or if any Perfon or Perfons belonging to the faid Ship lhall take in or bring on Board, without the Knowledge of the Maller, any Goods contrary to the Act of Parliament lately made for that Purpofe, fuch Perfon or Perfons lhall be under the Punifhment inflitl:ed by Law, forfeit to the Owners of the faid Veffel all his \Vages then due, and all and every his or their Goods and Chattels then on Board the faid Ship or Veffel. And it is hereby declared, That a voluntary leaving or quitting the Service of the Veffel above Forty-eight Hours, without a Difcharge firll: had in Writing, from the Commander of the faid Veffel for the Time being, lhall be deemed a Defertion, within the Intent and Meaning of thefe Prefents. And La!l:ly, le is hereby declared and agreed, That in cale any of the Officers or Sailors fhall difobcy, or rcfuk to perform the rcafonable Commands of th e Maftcr of the faid Veffcl, an
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!'ART If, Lfverpool.-Mufier Rolls, &c. that it !hall appear fo tO the judgment of, and accordingly certified in Writing by Three or more of the principal Officers of the faid Veffel, with the Matter wherein fuch Difobedience confifted, every fuch Of!icer or Sailor !hall forfeit Cuch Sums to the Owners as fuall in fuch Certificates be appointed, not exceeding One Month's Pay for every fuch Olfence. And that the faid Mariners lhall alfo difcharge the faid Velfel, according to the Cuftom of this Port. In Witnefs whereof, they have hereunto fet their Hands and Seals, having figned Duplicates of the fame Tenor and Date. Time of Entry. Men's Names. ----Wages by tbe Monthj or Run. Money advanced. --------To whom When difpaid advanced charged, 4-licd, Money. or run. Total Wages. -------ARTICLES Digitized by Go gle Origiiial from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Liverpooi.-Mu)Jer Rolls, &c. ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT FOR A VOYAGE TO AFRICA AND AMERICA, Received from the Officers of the Cull:oms. The OHginal is a printtd Liverpool, 17& Articles of Agreement, indented; matie, eritei-ed irito, and concluded upon between Maller of the Ship of Liverpool, on the one Part; and the Officers, Seamen, and Marineri:, engaging to enter on Board the faid Ship, on the other Part; for the Purpofe o navigating the faid Ship, during her prefent intended Voyage, ror which fhe is now fitting at the faid Port, and then to proceed to Africa and AmeriCa, and from thence back co Liverpool, or other Port of Difcharge in Gteat Britain, when the faid Voyage will be ended, arid not foorler; viz. That for and in Conlideration of the Sums advanced, and Monthly, or other Wages ancl Privi leges, againll: each refpective Officer, Seaman, or other Mariner's Name hereunto fet, they leverally fhall and will immediately repair on Board the fod Ship, and perform the above mentioned Voyage; and the faid Mafl:er doth hereby agree with, and hire the faid Oflicer1, Seamen, and Mariners, and others, for the (aid Voyage, at fuch Monthly or other Wages and Privileges : To commence on the D1y the faid Ship proceeds pall: the Black Rock to Sea, and continue until the Ship's Arrival at her Port of Difcharge, when all Wages due are to be paid in Thirty Dars from the Time of fuch Arrival, and not fooner. And it is hereby further agreed, That One Half of the Wages of each Officer, Seaman, Mariner, or othe rs, from the Time of the Ship's Departure from the Black Rock, and until fhe hath been One Monrh at her final delivering Port in America, fhall be paid unto the faid Perfons, in the Curm1t Money of fuch deliver i ng Port, each Shilling of which is to be paid and received as if it was Sterling; and the Half Wages of all Perfons that may die, in the Courfe of the faid Voyage, to be fubjeCl: to fuch Exchange, and the faid Maftcr doth hereby agree to pay the faid Wages accordingly. If there be no eftablilhed Currency at the Place of Ddivery, or if 1he Place of Delivery be on the Continent of America, it is agreed, that the faid Half Wages lhall be paid at the Rate of Forty per Cent. And the faid Officers, Seamen, Mariners, and others, do hereby feverally promife and oblige them(elves to do 1hdr Duty, and obey all the lawful Commands of the faid Mafter, or other fuperior Officer on Board the faid Ship, in Craft or Boats employed in the Service of the faid Ship, or on Shore, during the Term of the faid Voyage, readily and wil lingly, :is becomes good and faithful Seamen and Servants; and lhall at all Places where the faid Ship lhall put in, or anchor at, during the faid Voyage, do their bell: Endeavours for the Prefervation of the faid Ship and her Cargo, and not negleCl: or refufe to do their Duty by Day or Night; nor fhall they go out of the faid Ship, or any of them, under any whatfoever, without Leave being, firft had and obtained from the faid Mafter or other Commanding for the Time being; that in Default thereof, they will not only be liable to the Penalties mentioned in the Act of Parliament, made of George II. for the bet1er Regulation of Sea:nen in the Merchants Service, &c. but will further, in Cafe they, or any of them, lhall defert or abfent themfelves, or himfelf, on any Account what focver, for Forty-tight Hours or upwards, without Leave of the Mafter fitll: being had in \Vriting, be l i able to forfeit, and do hereby feverally agree to forfeit to the Owners of the faid Ship, all the Wages then due, and every their Goods and Chattels, &c. on Board the faid Ship, renouncing, by the(c Prefents, all Right, Title, Demand, and Pretenfion thereunto for for 1hemfelves, the i r Heirs, Executors, and Adminillrators. And it is hereby further agreed by the faid Parties, That each and every lawful Command the faid Mafl:er, or his Succelfor, lhall think necdfary hereafter to ilfue, for the more effec tu;;) Government of the faid Ship, the Suppreffion of Drunkennefs, Immorality, and Vice of every Species, fba!I be fl:rit1:1y complied with, under the Penalty of forfeiting One Month's Pay to the Owners of the faiJ Ship, for each feparate Offence, by every Perfon fo difobcying. And it is forther agreed by the faid Parties, That no Officer, Seaman, or other Perfon, lhall be ent!tkd to, or demand, any Monthly or other Wages or Privileges, or any Part theoreof, until the fai d Ship arrives at her final Port of Difcharge in America, and then only the Half \V ages, in Currency, as before-mencioned; and whatfoever Damage or Lofs may hap pen to the faid Ship, hn Swres, or her Cargo, through Neglect, Embezzlement, or lnfufli. cie-ncy of any of t h e faid Offic ers, Mariners, &c the full Value fhall be made good to the Owners of the Ship, out of their Wages, and other Perqvi!ites and Properties, of all or every Perfon bekng;ng to the f.:id Ship; and it lhall be lawful for the Owners, or their Reprefen tative, to !1:op and withhold fuch Value on frttling their refpeCl:ivc Accounts. And i t i' herd') funher agreed, That any Perfon or Perfons that lhall mutiny, or endea vour to excir a or 1ha t lhall ftrike the faid Maller, or other principal Officer of the faid Ship or behave in a riotous or diforderly Manner on Board the faid Ship, Boats, or Craft, bef>des lie:: Pl111;fu,r.1.:nts infliCl:ed by Law, forfeit to the Owners of the faid Ship all the Wat,: s the" ,!, e, ond ail Goods and Chattels on Board the faid Ship, belonging to any f l,, : l f .ff, r" .!:r .__ ; .!;.:ndcrs. ; i r Aad i>ART n. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART tr. Liverpool.---Mujler Rolls, &c. And it is hereby further agreed, That every Perfon that fhall wage and enter himfelf on Board the faid Ship, in a Station th
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Liverpool.-Mu.fler Rolls, &c. PART Ir. Anfwers, &c. from the Committee of 'l'rujlees for the Management of the Seamen's Hojpital. I. A Mufl:er Roll comprizes the Names of the Officers, Seamen, and others, on Board the Velfd at the Time of her failing from htnce, and likewife the Names of fuch as were taken on Board during the Voyage, wich the particular Times when any of them died, were killed, drowned, difcharged, or deferred. A Copy of which is herewith tranfmitted. 11. It difl:inguilhes the Time when, but not the Place where, the Seamen and others are entered on Board, died, were killed, drowned, difcharged, or defem:d ; but their Lordlhips will be pkafrd to obferve, that the earliefl: Date in the Third Column relates to thofe only who were !hipped here, and che fubfequentoncs to thofe who were taken on Board at Africa or the Well Indies; and from the Dates in the fucceeding Column are !hewn whether any, and which of the People were: difcharged Abroad, or on their Recurn from Lhe Voyage to this Port. III. It does not explain thefe Particulars. IV. Neither the Mal1::r or Owners are required to make Oath to the Truth o( the Mufl:er Roll, nor are they or any of them interrogated upon Oath refpelting it ; but the Mafl:er always figns it. V. It is the invariable PraClice of the Truftees of the Seamen's Hofpital, to enquire very minutely into the Claims of fuch Perfons as apply for Relief from that Fund, and to examine the Mufl:er Rolls with great Care, to prevent Impofition; and, as they have never yet, in thofe Refcarches, found any Error, or entertained any Sufpicion of Deceit, they are inclined to believe the: Rolls are perfealy correct. VI. The Number of Seamen employed in the African Trade is not regulated by the Tonnage of the Velfds, but by the Number of Negroes intended to be purchafed, and the Nature of the Trade on that Pare of the Coaft where the Purchafes are to be made. The Veffels in the Windward Coafl: Trade take at leafl: One Sixth Pare more Seamen than thofe of the fame Burthen, for an equal Number of Negroes, to other Parts, on Account of the Trade being carried on by Boats; one of 150 Tons requiring at leaft 30, and frequently taking 35 Hands. Velfds in the Weft-Indian Trade generally carry about Seven People for One hundred Tons, One Half of which are experienced Seamen, and the Remainder Apprentices; thofe in the African Trade are in general manned with One Half experienced Seamen, Officers included, 3-Sths inexperienced Seamen, 1-16th new or green Men, and 1-16th Apprentices and Boys not indentured, but engaged for the Voyage. In Time of War the Number of green Men far exceeds the above Proportion. VII. The Wages of Seamen in the Weft Indian Trade are 30s. per Month, which arc paid on their Return in Britifu Coin; the Wages of experienced St'amen in the African Trade are 40s. and thofe of the inexperienced ones 30s. per Month, Part of which are paid at the Place of Sale in the Well: Indies, in the Currency of the Inand, and the Remainder on the Return of the Velfels to this Place in Sterling. This Difference in the Mode of Payment has been long efl:ablilhed, and we conceive was originally done at the Requell: of the Seamen in the African Trade; who formerly, when they were more difcreet than at pretent, ufed to inveft it in fmall Adventures, which produced to them fome Profit on their Return to Britain. VIII. Copies of the Articles mentioned are tranfinitted herewith. IX. Velfels in the Weft Indian Trade gt'ncrally bring Home as many People as they take out, though not always, which may be imputed to their fickle, unll:eady Difpofitions, feldom content long in the fame Ship. Velfels in the African Trade are frequently diftrelfed for Peo ple in the Weft Indies, owing to the Temptltions held out to them by the Perfons who keep little Punch Houfes on the Wharfs, who take every Method in their Power to inveigle them from their Ships, by which many, who were in very good Health on their Arrival there, owing to the pcrni<;ious EffeCls of new Rum, become debauched, and contract a Variety of Complaints, and, regardlefs of the Threats or Entreaties of the Officers of their refpeClive Ships, refufe to return to their Duty; but, on the contrary, in order to fupport their In ttmperance, are induced by the Keepers of thefe infamous Houfes to apply to iorne defpica ble Practitioner in the Law to bring J\Clions againft them for the Recovery of their Wages, and which the. Captaias of Velfels fubmit to pay (notwithfl:anding the Act of 11 and 12 of 4 William Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN I I l

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Jf. Liverpco!.-Mu}ler Roils, &c. William III. Chap. 7. Sec, 17, or of the :id of George II. Chap 36. Sec. 3, by which any Seaman or Mariner that lhall from the Ship or Velfd to which he lhall belong, in Parts beyond the Seas, lhall forfeit to the Owners the \Vages that fhall be due co him ac the Time of fuch Defertion) rather than fubjetl: their Veffds to Detention : So long as this Money lafts they are welcome Guefis, but no fooner is it expended than they are turned out of Doors, debilitated, friendlefa, and grievoufly afllitl:ed with Swellings, which frcquentlv reduce them to the Neceffity of applying to the Mailers of Ve/Tels bot1nd to Europe, t-0 work their Palfage Home without Pay; where, on their Arrival, they are obliged to go inco the Hofpital for Support, and in Hopes of being cured of their Complaints. The Defic i en cies occafioned by thefe Defertions are generally fupplied by Seamen who have kfc the other African Veffds, in Hopes of coming Home by the Run, or for a certain fpecific Sum, which always greatly exceeds the Wages which they would earn if agreed for by the Month. At other Times the Captains meet with Seamen who have inconfiderately left Vdids under Pretence of ill Ufage; probably fometimes that may have been the Cafe; but we are of Opinion, that the Treatment of Seamen, by the Captains and Officers in general, on Board of African Velfels, is as feldom attended with Rigour, as on Board the Ships in any other Trade. But it is to be obferved, that there is a material Difference betwixt the Well: Indian and the African Trade, as, ifthe Captain of a Veffel in the former has any rcfraClory Seamen on Board, he can difcharge or fend them on Board a King's Ship on his Arrival in the lflands ; ,.,.hic11 cannot be done in the latter on the Coaft of Africa, and therefore a ftrier Attention to Dif cipline is aofolutely ncceffary 1 but it is the lntcreft, as well as the Difpofition, of every Mafier of a Veffel, to avoid puni1hing his Crew, in the African Trade, as it would degrade them in the Eyes of the Negroes, and by that Means occafion the latter to be difconcenced; a Thing at all Times moll: ftudioully guarded againft; and as to the People being difcharged con.. trary to their own Inclinations, it is a lYiatter we have never heard of, or apprehend to be the Cafe. X. We are of Opinion, many of the Sailors that defert, or arc difcharged, in the Weft Indies, do return to England in other Britilh Velfels, though it is well known che Difordcrs attendant on their irregular Lives there, occafion the Death of many, and chat others get Employment on Board fmall Veffels, amongft the lllands; thofe which appear to be difcharged in Africa, arc not fent on Shore, but turned over to other Vellch in the fame Employ, or in navigating the fmall Craft engaged in trading on the Coafi. XI. Part of the Sailors employed in the African Trade, certainly do return Home in a worfc State o( Health than when they went out, occaCloned probably by the Length of the Voyage, and the conftant Ufc of Salt Provifions; they arc likewife more fuhjetl: to Inflam mations in their Eyes, th;m thofe in the Well: Indian Trade; as it appears by the Regi!ler of the Seamen's Hofpital, that, in the Courfe of the Jail: 40 Years, 31 blind Sailors have been admitted as Pcnfioners from Velrels in the African Trade, and only Three during the fame Time from Veffels not in the African Trade. The Africans in the Bight of Guinea are more fubjcd: to Inflammations in the Eyes, than any other Pare of the Coall:, it appearing to be Epidcmical; but from what Caufe it originates we cannot pretend to fay. XII. The Seamen employed in the African Trade are not obfe rvcd to exprefs more Dilfatisfaetion at the Nature of it, or the Climate, or at the Treatment they receive, than in other Trades; nor do they, in Confequence thereof, leave this Trade to go into others, morsthan they d,o in general in every other Trade. Signed, THos STANIFORTH, Prelidenr ARTICLES Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from -UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Liverpool.-Mufter Rails, &c.; ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT FOR A WEST INDIA VOYAGE, Received from the Committee of Truftees for the Management of the Seamen's Hofpital. The Original is a printed Form. Port Liverpool. :24th Day of November 178S Then contracted and agreed, between the feveral Perfons whofe Names are hereunto fubfcribed, being the Officers, Mariners, Sailors, and others, now agreeing to enter on Board the good Ship or Velfd called the Hope, whereof Thomas Pearce is Mafter, lying in the Port of Liverpool, on the one Part; and the fa id Thomas Pearce, the Mafter of the fa id Velfel, for and in Behalf of the Owners, on the other Part; That the faid Officers, Mariners,, and others, whofe Names are hereunto fubfcribed, in Conlidcration of the sums advanced refpet1ively to them, and fet oppolite to their feveral Names, and of the Monthly Wages alfo fet down to their refpeCl:ive Nam es; do feverally and immediately agree to repair on Board and proceed in the faid Velfd, and duly to ferve in their feveral Capacities and Stations, as placed herein to their rt:>fpeCl:ive Names, in her now intended Voyage from Liverpool to Jamaica, and at and from thence to fuch Place or Places as the aforefaid Mafter, or other Maftcr or Commander of the Velfel for the Time being, lhall direct; and from thence back to the faid Port of Liverpool, or fome other her difcharging Port in Great Britain. That the Wages or Monthly Pay to grow due to the faid Officers, Sailors, and others, belonging to the faid Ship, for their Service on Board thereof this prefent Voyage, lhall be paid to and accepted by them, within Thirty Days after the Vef fel's Arrival at Liverpoul, or Ten Days after her Difcharge in Great Britain; and the raid Malter of the faid Velfel doth agree to' pay the faid Wages accordingly. Provided neverthelefs, that in the Cafe the faid Mafter, or any of the Officers, Sailors, or oth=rs, belonging to the faid Velfd, lhall happen to die on their Palfage to Jamaica, or on her PalTage to, or at the Place of the Delivery of her Cargo, the Wages of fuch Perfon or Perfons Jhall be paid to his or their Executors Thirty Days after the Velfel's Arrival at Liverpool, or Ten Days after her Difcharge in Great Britain. And none of the faid Wages, or Monthly Pay, agreed for as aforefaid, lhall commence until the Departure of the faid Velfel from the aforefaid Port of Liverpool; and that the advanced Wages of them, refpetl:ively received, lhall be deducted and allowed to the Owners and Freighters of the faid Velfel, wherefoever the Firft Payment of their Wages lhall be paid. And it is further covenanted with the faid Maller, by the faid Officers, Sailors, and others, belonging to the aforefaid VelTcl, Jcverally arid refpectively, That each and every of them are duly qualified and capable to perform their refpective Duties and Parts in the feveral and Stations they are now entered and lhipt: And in cafe it lhall appear, upon a due Examination, in the Judgment of the faid Mafter of the faid VelTel, or other its chief Commander for the Time being, and Three or more of the other principal Officers of the faid Velfel, that any of the faid Perfons are not qualified, but are incapable to act agreeable to the Capacity or Station in which fuch Perfon is lhipt as aforefaid, fuch Perfon or Perfons (fo judged unqualified) Jhall make or allow fuch Abatement to be made in his Wages, as the faid Mafter and Offi cers for that Purpofe lhall adjudge and determine in Writing, figned by them; and the faid Perfon or Perfons (fo adjudged unqualified) lhall ftand to and abide fuch Determination of the faid Mafter and Officers And further, it is declared and agreed, That if any of the Officers, Sailors, or others, fubfcribing this Contract, lhall defert or quit the Service of the faid Velfel, contrary to the true Intent and Meaning of thefe Prefents, or lhall mutiny, or caufe or ftir up any Mutiny, or lhall a/fault or llrike the Maller, or Commanding Officer, for the Time being, of the faid Velfel, fuch Perfon or Perfons lhall, belide the Punilhment in flill:ed by Law, forfeit to the Owners of the faid Velfd all his Wages then due. And it is hereby agreed, That a voluntary leaving or abfe.nting themfelves from the Duty of the faid Velfel, without the Confcnt of the Mafter or Commanding Officer on Board, they lhall for feit fuch Sums as the Commanding Officer, and Two more Officers, lhall judge necelfary, not exceeding One Month's Pay. And it is hereby further declared, That a voluntary leaving or quitring the Service of the faid Velfei above Twenty-four Hours, without a Difcharge fir(( had in Writing from the faid Malter, or other Commander, of the faid Velfel, for the Time being, lhall be deemed a Defercion, within the Intent and Meaning of thefe Prefrnts. And laftly, it is hereby declared and agreed, That in cafe any of the Officers or Sailors lhall difobey, or refufe to perform the reafonable Commands of the Maller of the faid Velfd, and that lhall appear to the Judgment of, and accordingly certified in Writing by, Three or more of the principal Officers of the V elfel, with the Matter wherein fuca Difobedience con!if1C'"d, every fuch Officer or Sailor lhall forfeic fuch Sum to the Owners, as lhall in fuch Cercificatt'S be appointed, not exceeding One Month's Pay for every fuch Offence. And that che faid llull llfo
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PART n. Liverpool.-Muj}er 'Rolls, &c. Cu!l:om of this Port, In WitnelS whereof they have hereunto fct their I-lands, having ligned Duplicates of the fame Tenor and Dace. Time of Entry. To whom Whrn D ,_ I paid t\dva.n(' e char:;c:cl,l>rd, Total Wages .. Money. or Ru11. Naniet. Qi!ality. Wages by the Money Run or advanced. Munth. ______ ----------------------Port Digitized by Go gle Origil'kll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Li-verpool. -M ujler Rolls, &c. PART rr. Port of Livetpool, Slh Octobet 1788. A MUSTER R 0 Li.. for the Ship Molley Hill, John from Africa and Havannah. Simmons, Ma!l:er, Received from the Committee of Truilees for the Management of the Seamen's Hofpital. ,-r-;o nf Mumhs NAMES. Pbce of Time when ente r eJ. Time when d i ( c harged, nin, lbin, I ;mJ o,,, on AboJe. killcJ
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l'ART n. Liverpool.-Mjler Rolls, &c. ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT FOR A VOYAGE TO AFRICA, &c. Received from the Committee of Truftees for the Management of the Seamen's Hofpital. The Original is a printed Form. Liverpool, January 30th, 1188. Articles of Agreement indented, made, entered into, and concluded upon, between James Corbett, Maller of the Snip .lEolus, of Liverpool, on the one Part; and the Officers, Seamen, and Mariners, engaging to enter on Board the faid Ship, on the other Part; for rhe Purpofe of navigating the faid Ship during her prefent intended Voyage, for which lhe is now fitting at the faid Port, and then to proceed to Africa and America, and from thence back to Liverpool, or other Port of Difcharge in Great Bricain, when the faid Voyage will be ended, and not fooner; viz. That for and in Confideration of the Sums advanced, and Monthly or other Wages and Privileges, againll: each refpettive Officer, Seaman, or other Mariner's Name hereunto fer, they feverally lhall and will immed i ately repair on Board the faid Ship, and perform the above-mentioned Voyage ; and the faid Mafter doth hereby agree with, and hire the faid Officers, Seamen, Mariners, and others, for the faid Voyage, at fuch Monthly or other Wages and Privileges: To commence on the Day the faid Ship proceeds pall: the Black Rock to Sea, and continue until the Ship's Arrival at her Port of Difcharge, when all Wages are to be paid i n Thiriy Days from the Time of fuch Arrival, and not fooner. And it is hereby further agreed, That One Half of the Wages of each Officer, Seaman, Mariner, or others, from the Time of the Ship's Departure from the Black Rock, and until lhe hath been One Monch at her final delivering Port in America, lhall be paid unto the faid Perfons in the Current Monc;y of fuch delivering Port, each Shilling of which is to be paid and received as if it was Sterling; and the Half Wages of all Perfons that may die in the Courfe of the faid Voyage, to be fubjett to fuch Exchange, and the faid Mafter doth hereby agree to pay the '"aid Wages accordingly. If there be no eftablilhed at the Place of Delivery, or : f t:1.: Place of Delivery be on the Continent of America, it is agreed, That the faid Half Wages lhall be paid at the Rate of Forty per Cent And the faid Officers, Seamen, Mariners, and others, do hereby feverally promife and oblige themfelves .to do their Duey, and obey all the lawful Commands o( the faid Mall:er, or other their fuperior Officer on Board the faid Ship, in Craft or Boats employed in the Service of the faid Ship, or on Shore, during the Term of the faid Voyage, readily and wil lingly, as becomes good and faithful Seamen and Servants; and lhaU at all Places where the faid Ship lhall put in, or anchor at, during the faid Voyage, do their bell: Endeavours for the Prefervation of the faid Ship and her Cargo, and not neglcCl: or refufe to da their Duty by Day or Night; nor !hall they go out of the faid Ship, or any of chem, under any Pretence whatfoever, without Leave being firll: had and obtained from the faid Malter, or other Commanding Officer for the Time being 1 that in Default thereof, they will not only be liable t<> the Penalties mentioned in a.n Ad: of Parliament made 2d of George II. fonhe beuer Regulation of Seamen in the Merchants Service, &c. but will further, in Cafe they, or any of them, fhall defert or abfrnt chemfelves, or himfelf, on any Arcount whatfoever, for Forty eight Hours or upwards, without Leave of the Mall:er firft being had in Writing, be liable to forfeit, anctdo hereby feverally agree to forfeit to the Owners of the faid Ship all the Wages then due, and every their Goods and Chattels, &c. on Board the faid Ship, renouncing, by theft: Prefents, all Right, Title, Demand, and Pretenfion thereunta for ever, for themfelves1 their Heirs, Executors, and Adminiftrators. And it is hereby further agreed b'y the faid Parties, That each and ev<"ry lawful Command the faid Mafter or his Sur.cdfor lhall think necelfary hereafter to ilfue, for the more effoll:ual Government of the foid Ship, the Suppreffion of Drunkennefs, Immorality, and Vice of every Species, fuall be ftricUy complied with, under the Penalty of forfeiting One Month's Pay co the Owners of the faid Ship, for each feparate Offence, by every Perfon fo difobeying. And it is further agreed by the faid Parties, that no Officer, Seaman, or other Perfon, lhall be entitkd to, or demand, any Monthly or mher Wages or Privileges, or any Part thereof, until the faid Ship arrives at her final Port of Difcharge in America, and then only the Half Wages, in Currency, as before-mentioned; and whacfoever Damage or Lois may happen to the faid Ship, her Stores, or her Cargo, through NegleCl:, Embezzlemei;it, or lnfufficiency of any of the faid Officers, Mariners, &c. the full V a lue !hall be made good to the Owners of the Ship, out of tlieir Wages, and other Perquifices and Propert ies of all or every Perfon belonging to the faid Ship, and it lhall be lawful for the Owners, or their Rcprefentative, to ftop and withhold fuch Value on fettling their refpeCl:ive Accounts. And it is. her eby further agreed, That any Perfon or Perfons that lhall mutiny, or e11dea vo_ur to c:xcite a Mutiny, or that Jhall ftrike the faid Mafter, or ot h er principal Officer of the faid Sbip, or behave in a riotous or diforderly Manner on Board the faid Ship, Boats, or Craft, lhall, befides the Punilhments inflitted by Law, forfeit to the Owners of the faid Ship all the Wages then dtle, and all Goods and Chattels on Board the faid Ship, belonging to any fuch Offender or Offenders. 3 Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Liverpool.-Muj!er Rolls, And it is hereby further agreed, That every Perfon that !hall wage and enter himfdf on Board the faid Ship, in a Station that he is not fufficiently qualified for, on fuch Infuffi ciency being apparent to the Ma!l:er, and any other Two principal Officers of the faid Ship, all fuch difqualified Perfons fhall be fubjetl: and liable to foch a Redutl:ion of Monthly or other Wages and Privileges as !hall feem meet and fitting to the faid Ma!l:er and Two principal Officers to award, and all fuch Awards !hall be final. And it is further agreed, That the Officers, Seamen, Mariners, &c. !hall, according to the Cuftom of this Pore, dif charge the homeward Cargo, and clear the faid Ship Inwards, or pay the Expence of Porters to difcharge it, and clear the faid Ship, in lieu of themfelves. : If any Officers, Sailors, or Land men enter, or are taken into the King's Service, during the Voyage, then the faid Officers, SaiJors, or Landmen, agree to receive the full Amount of their Wages in the Currency of fuch Inand, each Shilling of which to be paid and received as if it were Sterling. That, for the full and due Performance of each and every of the above-mentioned Arti cles, and in Acknowledgment of their being fatisfaftory, and without CompuHion, or any other clande!l:ine Means being ufed, we have in Teftimony thereof voluntarily affixed our Hands a nd Seals, the Month and Day againft our Names as hereunder refpetl:ively written. It is alfo fu. rther agreed, That any Officer, Seaman, or other Perfon, fubfcribing thefe Ar ticles, !hall be liable, and hereby agrees, each for himfelf, if required, to ferve on Board any other Ship or Vell"el, in the fan;ie Concern with the .lEolus, upon the Coafl: of Africa, from thence to the Britilh Well: Indies, and back to Liverpool. Men s Wages by When di(charged, Time of Entry. Names. Qiiality Seals. the Month, Money advanced. died, or run. or Jtun. ----------' I I I I PART 1 .1. t Further PART II. ,. Digitized by Go gle Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PAR.TIL Seamen employed in the African 'rrade, &c. Further Information received from Mr. Norris, one of the Delegates from Liverpool, on the Subjell: of the African Trade, and parti cularly relating to the Seamen employed therein. 'r HE Muller Rolls are in general tolerably correct, in lb ting the p:micular Time at which any Perfon died, was difcharged, or ran away; but thev do not dill:inguilh between the Men who either entered or were imprelfed into His l\13.jctty' s Service, and thofe who were dijchargtd; nor do they take any Notice of thofe who, having ferved for fo:nc Time in Shal lops and Factories on the Coal!: of Africa, take their Palfage from thence to the Well: Indie, in Ships belonging to their Employers. One Half of each Crew ufually confill:s cf Officers and real Seamen ; the other Half o( ordinary Seamen, Landfmen, and Apprentices: The \Vhole may be divided into the following Proportions; One-fourth Officers, One-fourth able Seamen, One fourth ordinary Seamen, who have been a Voyage or Two at Sea, and One-fourth Landfinen and Apprentices. Befides the notorious Caprice of Sailors, which prompts them to fhifc their they claim, if not by Law, at leall: by Prefcription, a Right to their Difcharge on arriving from Africa in the Well: Indies, as being a Second delivering Port; and this they are encouraged by the Publicans to demand ; which, if refufed, any of the Attornies there are ready to procure for them; therefore a prudent Mall:er will comply with the Wilhes of his Men, to avoid a Litigation, the Expences of which he would have to pay. That Sailors, afcer they have received their Half Pay, lhou!d fornetimes run away, is nothing extraordinary, when it is confidered that, what with Two Months Pay advanced them at Home; an Order in Favour of Parents, Wives, or Children, to receive 10 s. 15 s. or per haps zos. per Month from the Merchant during their Abfence; and Slops, Tobacco, &c . to the Amount of the Balance of their Wages, they lhoul
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Seamen employed in the African Trade, &c. proceed to the Northward into cold Weather, they feel the EffeCl:s of their former Indifcre' tion; they want the necelI'ary Cloaths to proteCl: them from th.: Weather; and, when wet, they are ofcen deftitute of a Change of Raiment; they ger Colds, Fevers, fore Legs, and Froft-bitten Feet; and in Winter an African Crew often returns in worfe Health than a Weft Indian one; but in Summer they arrive, I think, in as good Health as the others. From the Length of an African Voyage, and the Time fpe11t in the Torrid Zone, a Com parifon of it to an Eaft Indian Voyage, with regard to the Health of Seamen, would be more in point than a Five or Six Months Voyage to the Weft Indies. I do not calculate the Wages to be higher in the African :han in the Weft Indian Trade. It is 30 s. per Month in the latter, which is all paid in Sterling; and 40 s. per Month in the former, One Half of which is paid at the Port of Delivery in the Well Indies, in the Currency of the lfland, which varies from +o I. per Cent in fornt', to 70 I. per Cent in others, worfe than Sterling. I think I can affirm, that, all Circumftances conlidered, Seamen are not worfe treated in the African, than in other Trades: Humane Commanders, and fuch it is every Merchant's Inte reft to employ, will always treat People well; for the Safety and Su.ccefs of the Voyage depend upon the Health of the Ship's Company, and the Harmony that fublifts between the Officers ancl Mt'n. The Proportion of Labour in African Ships is lefs than in others, from the Number of Hands which they carry; and Seamen in general exprefs no DiOike to this Trade, nor teftify any Reluetance to enter into it; many however, employed in it, are of a turbulent, refractory Difpolicion, and too frequently provoke their Officers to enforce their Commands, and to procure Obedience by Meafures which they would with to avoid. We are not without Inllances of Sailors intentionally provoking their Officers to llrike them, that they might en joy an Opportunity of commencing ACtions againll: them on their Return. Provifions of the very bell: are always laid in for an African Voyage, and in fuch as is deemed amply fufficient for it; but thould any unforefeen Event protraCl: it beyond the expeCl:ed Period, a wholefome Supply of the Country Viands can be, and always is, procured, as Rice, Yams, Pork, Goats, Fifh, Turtle, &c. As the Ships employed in the African Trade are generally Frigate b11i!t, I !hall confine my Defcription to them : In fuch a Ship, of zoo Tons, and 400 Negroes, the White People and Negroes would be difpot<:d of as follows: The Space between Decks is divided by Grating Partitions into Three Rooms, which are allotted folely to the Ufe of the Slaves, and are generally Five Feet Six or Eight Inches high, which admirs a Platform on each Side that runs nearly the whole Length of the Ship, and is about Five Feet Six Inches broad, or the ordinary Length of a Negro, and is fufpended ac nearly an equal Dillance between the Two Decks: Thefe Rooms, befides having fpacious Gratings over them in the Upper Deck, have a Row of Air Ports all round the Sides of the Ship, to admit a free Circulation of frefh Air. One of thefe Partitions is immediately before the Main Hatchway, nearly in the Middle of the Ship, and the Space before it is appropriated to the Men Slaves, who in fuch a Cargo as this may amount to 180. lmmediatdy behind them (or abaft them in the Sea Phrafe) is the Boys Room, which reaches from the Partition at the fore Part of the Main Hatchway to another about Three Feet abaft the Main-mall, and lodges commodiouOy about 70 of the biggell Boys. The .Women's Room extends from thence to the Stern of the Ship; their Number, including the biggeft Girls, amounts to abom JOO; the Remainder, 40 fmall Girls and JO finall Boys, are lodged in the Captain's Cabin. The Deck is conliderably longer than the Captain's Cabin, and reaches nearly to the Main-mall: That Part of it which projeCts bey9nd the Cabin is called the Half Deck, under which the Officers Ot>ep in Cots or Hammocks; and the Seamen, whofe Turn it is to Oeep, have Hammocks Oung for them under the Booms, which extend from the Main. ma!l to the Fore-mall: This whole Space is covered and proteCl:ed from the Weather by a painted Canvas Awning, which is Water Proof. This, in a warm Climate, is a comfortable Lodging; and the Sailors continue to occupy it in pre ference on their Palfage to England, until the Coldncfs of the Weather compels them to go below; and it affords this Advantage to the Safety of the Whole, that, as a Prefs of Sail is carried, for the Sake of Difpatch, by Night as well as in the Day, on the Palfage from Africa, the Seamen are all ready at Hand in Cafe of any fudden Squall occurring, which might be fatal were the Men below. The Price of Slaves has rifen from IZ, 1.41 and J 5, in different Parts of Africa, lince 1763, to J8, zo, and zz, which are the prefent Prices: And the Merchant is reim burt'ed by nearly an equivalent Rife in the Price in the Weft Indies, which has advanced in the fame Time from about [.. 28, to. 35, which is nearly the prefent Avenge Price in the Britith IOands. 8 :J>ropofed PART tr. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART JJ. Propofed Regulations for preferving the Hedtl1 of Seamen and Slaves, &c. MR. DALZELL delivc.-red, in Writing, an Anfwer to the Q.'.idl:ion Whe-ther the Ships could be better conftruCl:ed for the Health of the Sl:ives, or other Precautions be taken for the Purpofe," as follows :-My Ideas do not fuggdl: any Improverr.enr that could be made with rt>gard to the ConftruCl:ion of the Generality of Ships now in the African Trade; but I am of Opinion, that fome Regulations might be adopted, not only for the better Prefervation of the Slaves, but of Seamen in all long Voyages.-It is an important Confideration to a Ma ritime Nation, and ought to be deliberated upon colleCl:ively bv experienced Men-The Voy ages of Anfon and Cook exhibit the moll: convincing Proof> of the: fuperior Advantages that may be derived from Experience and proper Precautions-Mr. Gullan, a Surgeon, and af terwards a Captain, from the Port of Bri11ol, preferved 300 Slaves for the Fortnight that immediately preceded thcoir Arrival at Barbadoes by
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. III. Treatment of SLAVES in the W:EsT INDIES, and all Circumftances relating thereto, digefted under certain Heads. PART Ill. Digitized by Go gle A Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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III. THE Committee, before they proceed to fubmit to your Majelly the Information they have collected refpecting the Treatment of Slaves in the Weft Indies, think it proper to take Notice, that the Gentlemen who act as Agents for the feveral Hlands, deGred that in giving their Evidence they might be conGdered, not as acting in their Character of Agents, but as Individuals; and that they were affifted in fome Cafes, particularly with refpect to the Hlands of Jamaica and Antigua, by Gentlemen who_ had been long reGdent in thofe Hlands re f pectively, and who attended the Committee with the Agents for the fame. The Agents deGred leave that they might tranfmit to their Confl:itu ents the feveral Heads of Inquiry delivered to them, for the Purpofe of obtaining the moft complete and authentic Intelligence thereupon. And the faid Heads of Inquiry having been alfo tranfmitted to the Governors through the Channel of your Majefl:y's Secretary of State having the Department of America and the Weft Indies, Anf wers thereto have been received from many of the Governors, Councils, or Affemblies, according to Paper D in the Appendix. Jamaica, A. N 1, 2, 3. A. No I and 2. WHAT is the legal Power which Mafters have over their Slaves in each of the Britilh IOands in the Weft Indies? P .\RT JI!. Mr. Fuller, What is the Protea ion granted to Slaves by Law in each of the Britilh Illands ? Agent for the Vi de AbftraCl: of the Laws of Jamaica, Appendix to this Head. A. N I and 2. Mr. Chif. holme. The Committee are of opinion, That the Confolidated Slave Aa lately paired, will furnifh Ccmmittee the bell: Anfwer to thefe Hc:ads of Inquiry, and do therefore refer thereto for Satisfaction in of the Coun th i s refpetl:. cil of the Jnand. N. B The Two Reports from the Houfe of Alfembly of the Illand of Jamaica are placed in the Appendix to this Head. A No 3 For w!llt Offences are Slaves fubjeCl: to their Mailers CorreClion ? for what are they amen 1. le co the eflablifhed J urifdiaion of the IOand, and in what Manner are they tried ? Mr. Fullrr, For all finall Mifdemeanors againft their Malter, or their Fellow Slaves, by the Mafler or Agent for
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Jamaica. A. No 5, 6; A. No 5 PART Ul. Are Negro Slaves frd at their Mailers Exprnce, or by their own Labour; and when fed by their Mailers, with what are they fed, and in what ? By the Laws of Jamaica, every Proprietor is obliged co allot One Acre of good Provilion Mr. Fulltr, Ground to every Four Negroes belonging to him : This is meant for their own private Cul-Agent for the tivation : And belides this, the have in all the Plantations an unbounded Liberty to lfland; Mr. Long, and cultivate as much Land as they pleafe. But as the major Part of them are improvident and Mr. \.:bil.hegligent, there are few, if any, Elhres, the Owners or Managers of which do not keep a hohne large Tract of Ground cont1antly flocked with fome or other of the various vegetable Spec i es, foch as Plantains, Yams, Cocoa, Potatoe, Cafi'avi, &c ; and who alfo take every feafonable Opportunity of fowing many Acres either of the Maize or Guinea Corn, and the diffrrent Kinds of Pulfe and Legumina in ufe then In addition to thefe, every wellregubtecl Ell:ate imports Herrings or Salt Filh, or both; Flour and Peafe Twenty or Twenty-five Barrtls of Herrings to every One Hundred Ne groes (including all Ages) is the common Allowance. Every i nduftrious Negro breeds Hogs ancl Poultry for his own and Family Ufe, or for Sale:-, and for his own Benefit. Thefe Articles fupport amongft them a very extenlive and lucrative Commerce, which they carry on uninterruptedly, as well with the King s Ships and Troops on that Station, as with the Shipping in general, the Towns, and the Country Marhts, and Plantations, by which Means thefe Negro Slaves are of Nine-tenths at kaft (or nearly the Whole) of the fmalkr Silver Currency (Rials and Piftarins) now in the IOand ; nor has there t'xifted an Example within our Knowledge, that the Owners of fuch Negroes have deprived chem of any Part of fuch their Acquilitions, which by long Practice and Ufage are univerfally conlidered as their own Property, Righc, or Pecu!ium, which tht'y keep or difpofe of, and devife at their own Pleafure. And fome there are, who are rich enough to purchafe their Freedom, if they were of opinion it would render their Condition more comfortable and happy than it is ac prefent. Slaves employed in the Culture of Lands are allowed by their Mafters certain Proportions Commirree of Land, which they cultivate for their own Support and Maintenance. Theft' Lands are of the Coun for the moft part found equal to fupport .and fufiain the Slaves to whom they are refpectively cil of the allotted; and, excepting the Time of Crop, chey are allowed, in general, One Day in every lfland. l'ortnighc (independent of Sundays) for the Purpofe of cultivating them. In addition to this, they are, in general, ferved weekly, or once a Fortnight, with Herrings, or other Salt Fifh, after the Race of a Herring or other fuch Filh per Day: They arc alfo allowed Salt as they have occalion co a!k for it. Where Lands cannot be allowed them, or where they are inade-quate, or when the Seafons happen to fail, the Mafter furnilhcs Slaves, in general, with Corn, at che Rate of about Six per Wet'k, or an adequate Supply in Flour, belidcs the faid ufual Supply of Salt Herrings, or ocher falced Filh: Domellics and Tradcfmen, who arc employed in and about the Towns, or have no Connexion with Plantations, are in general, if not univerfally, at Board-wages. The late Confolidated Slave Act alfo an authoritative Regulation in thcfe Refpects. A. N 6. How are Negro Slave$ clothed, lodged, and fecurcd again!\: the Inclemency of the Seafon? State the Law and the Practice. Vide Appendix to this Head. All: 3S. 1696. Sec. 3, -t> 5. The gennal Clothing in Jamaica is what is called Ofoaburgh Linen. On every wellMr. Faller, regulated Etlate, the annual Allowance is from Ten to Twenty Yards to every Man; from Agentforihe Seven to Fifteen Yards to every 'Woman; and in proportion to the younger People. To iOaod; every Negro, a \Vorfted Cap, Bonnet, or Hae, belides a Woollen jacket, or Welch Blanket, to the Men ; and a Petticoat and Blanket to the Women. The Petticoat is on many Eftates bolme. of Perpecuana; a of common Check Linen is given on fome Eftates to the principal Negroes, fuch as Boilers, Drivers, Waggont'rs, and Tradcfmen; and fevcral of our Planters furnilh Handkerchiefs, Knives, Scifi'ars, Thread, Needles, and lhort Tobacco Pipes. The Jamaica Law enjoins fufficient Clothing to be given, and inflill.s a Penalty on fuch Owners as d i fobey that Injunction. In general, the Negroes in Jamaica are well clothed; and there are very few Sugar Eftaces where the Negroes do not, from their own private Earnings, provide themfelvcs with extra Clothes for Sundays and Holidays. The Nt'gro Slaves on the Plantations in Jamaica, in general (except in calamitous Yt'ars), raife more Provilions than they can confume. They carry the Overplus to Markee, and commonly lay out the Money they receive for it in Fineries, or in Salt Beef, Pork, or Fifh, and fomctimes in Spirituous Liquors. Before a Planter makes a Purchafe of imported PART III. 13 Slaves, Digitized by Go gle Origjrial from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART ru. Committee of the Coun cil of the IJlaod. Jamaica. A. N 7, 8. Slaves, he prepares Houfes for them, allots a Portion of Ground flocked with Provilions; and moll: Planters alfo give them a Breed of Hogs and Poultry. The ellablilhed Negro Slaves live in Houti:s perfeC1:1y convenient to themfrlves, and adapted to the Climate; the Size is proportioned to their Rank and Family. When they require to be rebuilt or enlarged, fufficient Time, Materials, and Affi!lanre are allowed them for thofe Purpofes. Upon the whole, we believe \hem to be far bater clothed, lodged, and fed in Jamaica, than the Peafantry of Europe in general. Are there many Injfances in which the Majfers or Overf.:er; treat the Slaws, either with refpdl lo their Food or Clothi11g, not in conformity lo what JOU ha-ve above Jhit
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Jamaica. PART Ill. their Value; this is ufually from 81. to 10 I. per Cent. the Hirer being refpon!ible for any Lofs. cil of the In the Two latter lnll:ances, the Slaves fo hired ufually remain on the Land where they are IOa<>d. hired to work, and are clothed, lodged, and fupported in like Manner as the other Slaves on the Plantation. A. No 9 Are any Days, or Hours in Days, fet apart in which the Slaves may labour for themfdves ? State the Law and the Practice. The Practice is various. On many Ell:ates, Half a Day in every Week. On others, an extra H alf Hour at Dinner Time; and out of Crop Time, occa!ionally a whole Day, when they are attended to their Grounds by the Overfeer, for the more orderly Dill:ribution of their Labour. Sundays throughout the Year are Days of Rc:ll:, which they have entirely to themfelves Holidays at Eall:er, Whitfuntide, and Chrill:mas, fettled by the Jull:ice of each Parilh or Precinct; and the Ar.niverfaries of the great Earthquake and Hurricanes; their Working Hours are Eight, or not exceeding Nine in the Four-and-twenty. This is anfwerc:d by the Confolidated AC\:, to the Directions whereof the PraCl:ice ufually conforms. A N 10. Have the Slaves any Portions of Land affigned them for the Purpofc: of cultivating them for their own Ute? State the Law and the PraCl:ice. Mr Fuller, Agent for the IOand ; Mr. Long, a nd Mr. Chif. holme. Commi ttee of the Council of the !Oand This is anfwered i n the Repl i es to the 5th and 6th Qydlions. Mr. Full.r, Agent for the In aod; Mr. Long, and Mr. Chilholme The Confolidated Slave Act, and the former Part of the Anfwer already given to the: 5th Committee nuere, furnilh the bell: Anfwer to this Head. of 1he Coun
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PART JII. Committee of the Council of the lflnd. Vide id Re port in the Appendix to ibis Head Mr. Fuller, Agent for the Jfland; Mr I .ong, and Mr. Chif. holme. Committee of the Coun cil of the lfiand. Mr. Fuller, Agent for the 111and ; Mr. Long, and Mr. Chilholme. Jamaica. A. N I 2, I 3 Orher Cat1C9 there may be of this and other Maladies, whid1 the P;atlitioners are beA: acquainted with. We may add the EffeCl:s of Witchcraft or Obeah, which, whether they arife from a difrem pered Imagination and Credulity, or from Poifon fecrctly adminilkred, are very fatal many of the Slaves. The LegiOacure of Jamaica, in order to check, as much as it lies in its Power, this ddhuCl:ive l'ratlice, infliCl: Death upon Convietion of Obeah-men or pretended \Vizards. Of the Children born here, it has been remarked, that One-third die of the 'Tetanus or Locked Jaw, before the Ninth Day from their Birth, and of thofe who furvive this Period, One-half too frequently perith by Worms, or the Yaws, before they attain the Age of Five Years. Whether thefe Difordc-rs are equally defrruEtive to the Children of Free Negroes, the medical Practitioners can bell afcercain. In regard to the Children of the White Inhabitants, they are in general not liable preciCely to the fame Dillempers; fuch as the Yaws for Example, and venereal and other hereditary Taints, which unquellionably conduce fo much to the Mortality obCerved among the Childre:i of the Slaves; buc we cannot admit the fame Difparity between the Two Claffes of Children, as is found to ex ill in Great Britain and o:her Northern Nations, between the Otfspring of che labouring Poor, and the Children of Parents in more opulent Circumfrances, becaufe the Prefervation of the Infant Brood in Jamaica is fo very important an ObjeCI: with the Planters in general of that IOand, that no Care, Attention, and Endeavours, are wanting for that Purpofe. Negroes are fubjeCl: to certain Difeares to which White Inhabitants are not, fuch as the Yaws, BoneAch, Tetanus or Locked Jaw, Elephantiafis, and Coco-bea, or Arabian Leprofy; they are alfo fubjeCI: to inveterate Ulcers, with which, as well as the Tetanus, the Whites are rarely afflicted; for the Caufes of this, the Commitcee refer to the Examinations of the feveral medical Pcrfons, before a Committee of che Houfc of Alfeml.>ly, gi\en in a Report tranfmitted co the Secretary of State. A. N 12. What, Care is taken of the Slaves in Sicknefs? Are there any Laws or Regulations for that Purpofe? What Provifion is made for them when old or ditablnl; and are their Ma!lers obliged, in fuch Cafes, to maintain them ? On every Ellate is an Hofpital (commonly called there a Hot-houfe) \Vhere the lick Negroes are attended by a Doetor. In Jamaica, the Dollor's P.iy is 5 s. per Head per Annum. which includes the Charge of Medicine and Attendance, for every Negro belonging to the Ellare; and he is paid extra for chirurgical Operations, fuch as Fractures, Inoculation, and the like. The Owners of many E!lates fupply their Hofpitals every Y car with Alforcments of Drugs and Medicines from Great Britain. Di fabled and fuperannuated Slaves, in that IOand, are cloathed, fubfilled, and in every refpeCl: treated wich the fame Care as the other Slaves; fuch is the Praetice. The Laws are filent upon this Subjeet. As to the Old and Difabled, the Jamaica Laws have no fpecial DireClion, but only enact, that every Perfon manumitting a Slave, lhall give Security for paying fuch freed Slave an Annuity of 5 I. for Life. AC\: palfed in 1774. But if the Allowance be nor, by jt1bf<:quent Act, raifed to 10 I. per Annum. An Hofpital is provided for the Sick, and a Docror is appointed to attend it; which he does Two qr Three Times a Week as of courfe, and ofcner if Neceffity requires. The Hofpital is properly provided with Medicines, Wine, Sago, &c. \Vhen the Negroes become old or difabled, their Mailers are obliged by Law to maintain them. For the Particulars in this RefpeCl::, the Committee refer to the Confolidated Slave Acc. A. N 13. \Yhat is the general Period of the Lives of Negro Slaves? Is it of equal Duration with that of White 1 nhabitants, or Free Negroes ? The Duration of their Lives (meaning the Native Blacks) is in general equal to that of the Free Negroes, and longer than that of the Whites. Bur, in confidering this Q!!e!lion, due Regard mu!l be had to local Differences of Situation. The Jowell: Situations, fuch as Vallies, and the Banks of Rivers, and Lagoons, .are the moll unhealthy; and in fuch Situations in general, the Negroes will ever be found the moll di!lempered, lickly, and thort-lived. The N acive Slaves, if indullrious and fober, in general attain to the more common Periods of human Life: The\Vomen in general outlive the Men. As great Pare of the Sugar Ellates are Lowlands, the Whites as well as the Blacks are fubjeCl:: to the fame lnconveniencies in point of Health, if they live at their Works. There is no Doubt but the Negroes in Jamaica, whether 1 Free Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART JU. --Jamaica. A. N 22, 23, 24, 25, 26. Ifraclites ever to enquire of the oremon Ob, which is tranOated in c;iur Bibh Charmt'r 01' Wizard, Divinator aut Sortilegus."--" The Woman at Endor 1s calkJ Ottb or Ob, tranOated Pythoni1Ta, and Oubaios (he cites from Horus Apa/lo) was the Name of tht Bafilifk or Royal Serpent, Emblem of the Sun, and an ancient oracular Deity of Africa." This Derivation, which applies to one particular Seti:, FfObably of a very celebrated religious Order in remote Ages, is .now rn Jamaica the general r_o denote thofe Africans who in that IO and pracbfe W 1tchcraft or Sorcery, comprehending al lo the Clafs of what are called Myal-Men, or thofe who by means of a narcotic Potiun, made: with the Juice of an Herb (faid to be the or Species of Solanu111) which occafions a Trance or profound Sleep .of a certain endeavour to convmcc: the: deluded Spectators of their Power to reanunate dead Bodies. As far as we are able to decide from our own Experience anJ Information when we lived in the llland, and from the concurrent Tellimony of all the Negroes we have ever con verfed with on the Subjett, the Profeffors of Obi are, and always were, Natives of Africa, and none other, and they have brought the Science with them from thence to Jamaica, where it is fo univerfally praCtifed, that we believe there are few of the larger Ellates po1Tdling native Africans, which have not One or more of them. The olde!t and molt crafty arc thofe who ufually attraCI: the greate!t Devotion and Confidence, thofe whofe hoary Heads, and a fomewhat peculiarly harfh and diabolic in their Afpect, together with fome Skill in Plants of the medicinal and poifonous Species, have qualified them for fuccefsful Impofition upon the weak and credulous. The Negroes in general, whether Africans or Creoks, revere, confult, and abhor them; to thefeOracles they refort, and with the molt implicit Faith, upon all Occafions, whether for the Cure of Diforders, the obtaining Revenge for Injuries or lnfults, the conciliating of Favou.r, the Difcovery and Punifhmenc of the Thief or the Adulterer, and the Prediction of future Events. The Trade which thefe Wretches carry on is extremely lucrative; they manufacture and fell their Obiu adapted to different Cafrs and at different Prices. A Veil of Myftery is ftudioufly thrown over their Incantations, to which the Midnight Hours are allotced1 and every Precaution is taken to conceal them from the Knowledge and Difcovery of the White People. The deluded Negroes, who thoroughly believe in their fupernatural Power, become the willing Accomplices in this Concealment, and the ftoutell: among them tremble a' the very Sight of the ragged Bundle, the Bottle or the Egg-lheHs, which are !tuck in the Thatch or hung over the Door of a Hue, or upon the Branch of a Plantain Tree, to deter Marauders. In Cafes of Poifon, the natural Effects of it are by the ignorant Negroes afcribed entirely to the potent Workings of Obi. The wifer Negroes hcfitate to reveal their Sufpicions, through a Dread of incurring the terrible \Tengcance which is fulminated by the Oliab-Mm againlt any who lhould betray them; ir is \'cry difficult therefore for the White Proprietor to di!tinguilh the Obia Profejfor from any other Negro upon his Plantation ; and fo infatuated arc the Blacks in general, that but few Inftances occur of their having a1Tumc:d Courage enough to impeach thefe Mifcreants. With Minds fo firmly prepotTe1Ted, they no fooner find Obi jet for tbtm near the Door of their Houfe, or in the Path which leads to it, than they give themfelves up for loll:. Whe11 a Negro is robbed of a Fowl or a Hog, he applies direCl:ly to the Obiab-Man or Woman;; it is then made known among his Fellow Blacks, that Obi is Jtt for the Thief; and as foo11 as the latter hears the dreadful News, his terrified Imagination begins to work, no Rcfource is left but in the fuperior Skill of fome more eminent Obiab-Man of the Neighbourhood, who may counteraCI: the magical Operations of the other ; but if no one can be found of higher Rank and Ability, or if after gaining fuch an Ally he lhould ll:ill fancy himfelf affected, he prefcntly falls into a Decline, under the incelrant Horrour of impending Cala mities. The flighteft painful Senfation in the Head, the Bowels, or any other Part, any cafual Lofs or Hurt, confirms his Apprehenfions, and he believes himfelf the devoted ViCl:im of an invifible and irrefill:ible Agency. Sleep, Appetite, and Cheerfulnefs, forfake him, his Strength decays, his dill:urbed Imagination is haunted without Refpice, his Features wear the fettled Gloom of Defpondency ; Dire, or any other unwholefomc Subftance, becomes his only Food, he contracts a Habit of Body, and gradually finks into the Grave. A Negro, who is taken ill, enquires of the Obiab-Ma11 the Caufe of his Sickncfs, whether it will prove mortal or not, and within what Time he lhall die or recover ? The Oracle generally afcribes the Diltemper to the Malice of fome particular Perfon by Namt", and advifes to fet Obi for that Perfon; but if no Hopes are given of Recovery, immediate Defpair takes place, which no Medicine can remove, and Death is the certain Confequenct". Thofc anomalous Symptoms, which originate from Caufes deeply rooted in the Mind, Cuch as the Terrours of Obi, or from Poifons, whofe Operation is flow and intric.ite, will baffle the Skill of the able!t Phyfician. Confidering the Multitude of Occalions which may provoke the Negroes to exercife the Powers of Obi againll: each other, and the aftonilhing Influence of this upon their Minds, we cannot but attribute a very confiderable Portion of the annual Mortality among the Negroes of Jamaica to this falcinating Mifchief. 6 The Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Jamaica. A. No 22, 23, 24, 25, 26. The Obi is ufually compofed of a Farrago of Materials, mofl: of which are enumt>rated in the Jamaica Law(a), viz. "Blood, Feathers, Parrots Beaks, Dogs Teeth, Alligators Teeth, Broken Bottles, Grave Dirt, Rum, and Egglhells." With a view to illufl:rate the Defcription we have given of this Practice, and its common Effdl:s, we have fubjoined a few Examples out of the very great Number which have occurred in Jamaica; not that they are peculiar to that Ifiand only, for we believe fimilar Examples may be found in other Wefl: India Colonies. Pere Labat, in his Hi!lory of Martinico, has mentioned forne which are very remarkable (b ). It may teem extraordinary, that a Practice alleged to be fo frequent in Jamaica lhould not have recc:-ived an earlier Check from the Lt>gifiature. The Truth is, that the Skill of Come N<:grot's in the Art of Poifoning has been noticed evt>r fince the Colonifl:s bc:-came much acquainted with them. Sloane and Barham, who practifed Phylic in Jamaica in the lafl: Cen tury, have mentioned particular Inll:ances of it. The fecret and infidious Manner in which thi. Crime is generally perpetrated, makes the legal Proof of it extremely difficult. Sufpicions therdore have been frequent, but Detections rare: Thefe Murderers have jometimes bern brought to J ullict>, but it is reafonable to bdieve that a far greater Number have efcaped with Impunity. In regard to the other and more common Tricks of Obi, fuch as hanging up Feathers, Bottles, Egglhells, &c. &c. in order to intimidate Negrot>s of a thievilh Difpolition from plundering Huts, Hog-ll:yes, or Provilion-grounds, thefe were laughed at by the White Inhabitants as harmlefs Stratagems, contrived by the more fagacious for deterring the more fimple anquently buried in One Day; others were taken ill, and began to decline under the fame Symptoms. Every Means were tried by Medicines, and the moll: careful N urling, to preferve the Lives of the feeblefl:; but in fpite of all his Endeavours, this Depopulation went on for above a Twelvemonth longer, with more or lefs. Incermiffion, and without his being able to afcertain the real Caufe, though the Obiab PraBice was ll:rongly fufpt"cted, as well by himfelf, as by the Doctor and other White Perfons upon the Plantation, as ii was known to have been very common in that Part of the Ifiand, and particularly among the Negroes of the Papaw or Popo Country. Still he was unable to verify his Sufpicions, becaufe the Parients conll:antly denied their having any Thing to do with Perfons of that Order, or any Knowkdge of them. At length a Negrefs, who had been ill for fome Time, came one Day and informed him, chat feeling it was impoffible for her to live much longer, the thought ht"rfelf bound in Duey, before the died, to impart a very great Secret, and acquaint him with the true Caufe of her Diforder, in hopes that the Difclofure might prove the Means of flopping that Mifchief which had already fwept away fucb a Number of her Fellow-Gaves. She proceeded to fay, That her Step-mother (a Woman of the Popo Country, above Eighty Y old, but fiill hale and active) had put Obi upon her, as fhe had alfo done upon thofe who lately died; and that the old Woman had practifed Obi for as many Years pall: as !he could remember. (n) Atl 24 Sell. 10. patfcd li60. l'ART III. D (b) Tome ii. p. 59 447 499 506. The PART llf. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART llJ, Jamaica. A. N n, 113, :241 25, 26. The other N t"grors of tht' Plantation no foonn heard of this Impeachment, than they ran in a Body to their Mafl:er, and confirmed the Truth of it, adding, that the had carried oa this Bu!inefs ever !ince her Arrival from Africa, and was the Terror of the whole Neighbourhood .-U pon this he repaired di redly wich Six Whice Servants to the old Woman's Houfe, and forcing open the Door, obferved the whole ln!ide of the Roof (which was of Thatch), and every Crevice of the Walls, fiuck with the Implements of her Trade, confifting of Rags, Feathers, Bones of Cats, and a thoufand other Articles. Examining further, a large earthen Pot or Jar, clofe covered, was found concealed under her Bed.-lt contained a prodigious of round Balls of Earth or Clay of various Dimenfions, large and fmall, whitened on the Out fide, and variouOy compounded, fome with Hair and Rags or Feathers of all Sorts, and ftrongly bound with Twine; others blended with the upper Section of the Skulls of Cats, or fiuck round with Cats Teeth and Claws, or with or Dogs Teeth, and fome Glafs Beads of different Colours; there were alfo a great many Egg!hells filled with a vifcous or gummy Subfl:ance, the of which he negleded to examine, and many little Bags fiuffed wich a variety of Articles, the Particulars of which cannot at this D1fl:ance of Time be recolleCted. The Houfe was infl:antly plllled down, and with the whole of its Contencs committed to the Flames, amidfl: the general Acclamations of all his other Negroes. In re gard to the old Woman, he declined bringing her to Trial under the Law of the IOand, which would have puni!hed her with Death; but from a Principle of Humanity, delivered her intu the Hands of a Party of Spaniards, who (as !he was thought not incapable of doing fome tri fling Kind of Work) were very glad to accept and carry her with them to Cuba. From the Moment of her Departure, his Negroes feemed all to be animated wich new Spirits, and the Malady fpread no farcher among them. The Total of his Lolfes in the courfe of about Fifteen Years preceding the Difcovery, and imputable fokly to the Obiab Prat/ice, he eftimates, at the leaft, at One Hundred Negroes. B. A Wainman (or Waggoner) belonging to the fame Plantation happened to lofc a Stet'r one very hot Day, on the Road leading to the Shipping Place. The poor Fellow, exceed ingly vexed at this Accidenc, immediately went to a noted Obiab -mtin, who lived near the Spot, and after paying him the ufual Fee of 2 s. 6 d. defired to know che Caufe of his being fo remarkably unfortunate, whilft the other \Vainmen travelling the fame Road, and on the fame Day, had loft none of their Cattle? He concluded with peticioning for Obi to h put, that the other W ainmen might fuffer equally with himfelf, or that bt might not be fo particu larly diftingui!hed for ill Luck. c. It may not be defirable that we lhould mulciply Examples, to lhew the Prevalence of this Superftition; we lhall therefore only add one more, in order to difplay the Influence of ir. over Negroes even of tender Y ears.-As a Gentleman was travelling not long fince from Spa ni!h Town to Kingfl:on, in Jamaica, arcompanied by his Servant (a Negro Boy of ahour the Age of 12 or 14 Years), who rode a little way before him, the Boy on a fodden ftoppcci fhort, turned about in a very great Fright, and refufed to proceed; his Mafter, furprifed at all this, defired to know what was the matter wich him 1 the Boy pointed with a Look of Anxiety to fomething on one Side the Road, which at lafl: his Maller difcovered to be nothing more than a Glafs Bottle hung by the Neck upon a Scick which was fixed in the Ground. It was quite in vain for him to argue the Cafe ; for neither Threats nor Perfualion could prevail upon his Servant to pafs it, nor would he proceed an Inch till his Malter had difmounted, and by break ing the Bottle deftroyed the Obi. Mr. Fuller thinks that Obeah, or Oby, comes from ;q,,r, St'rpens, and that it is a manifeft Trace of the Manichean Herefy, which prevailed for many Years in Arabia, Egypt, and Africa, and might poffibly take its rife from the Temptation of Eve in Paradife (a). As for the Word Myal, it may poffibly come from the Greek Word l'";w, doccre ea qu:t: ad Res facras feu divinas pertinent, infl:ruere in Sacris initiare: or from l'"w claudo, premo, oc culto; from whence "'"'"' might alfo poffibly be derived, and ics Derivatives l'"'"f'"'' "'" J'-"'"flO>, , &c, (a} The \Vor!hip of the Snake was fo prevalent in the Year 1727, that the King of Whidau loll his Country by trufling to the Snakes, his Gods; who he was certain would not permit the King of Dahomey to paC. the River on the Frontier of his Territories. Vidc Snel&rave, p. 13. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART II(. The following Paper relating to tiie Obeah-men in Jamaica, was delivered by Mr. Rheder. OBEAH-men are the oideft and mo ft artful Negroes; :1 Peculiarity marks them, and every Negro pays the greate!l Refpect to them, they are perfectly well acquainted with medicinal Herbs, and know the poifonous ones, which they often ufe. To prepolfefs the Stranger in favour of their Skill, he is cold thac they can reftore the Dead co Life; for this Purpofe he is lhewn a Negro apparently dead, who, by Dint of their Arr, foon recovers; this is produced by adminiftenng the narcotic Juice of Vegetables. On fearch ing one of the Oheah-men's Houfes, was found many Bags filled with Pares of Animals, Vegerables, and Earth, which the Negroes who attended at the Sight of, were ftruck with Terror, and begged that they might be chriftened, which was done, and the Impreffion was done away. In confequence of the Rebellion of the Negroes in the Year 1760, a Law was enacted that Y t'ar to render the Practice of Obiah, Death. The Influence of the Profrlfors of that Art was fuch as to induce many to enter into that Rebellion on the Alfurance chat they wer e to be invulnerable, and to render them fo, the Obeah-men gave them a Powdn with which they were co rub chemfelves. On the Firft Engagement with the Rebels Nine of chem were killM, and many Prifoners taken: Among the Prifoners was a very fenfible Fellow, who offered to difcovn many im portant Matters, on condition that his Life lhould be fpared, which was promifed. He then related the Part the Obeah-men had taken, One of whom was capitally convicted and fen tenced to Death. At the Place of Execution he bid defiance to the Executioner, telling him that it was not in the Power of White People to kill him; and the Negro Spectators were afton ilhed when they faw him expire. On che other Obeah-men, various Experiments were made with Elec trical Machint's and Magic Lanthorns, which produced very little Effect; except on one who, after receiving many fevere Shocks, acknowkrlged his Mafter's Obt'ah exceeded his own; I remember fac ing Twice on Trials of Obea-men, who were convieted on felling their Noftrums, which had produced Death. To prove the Fact, Twu Wilndfes are necdfary, with corruborating Circumfrances. The following Paper was delivered by Mr. Fuller, refpeCl:ing the Evidence generaily required for the ConviCtion of Perfons who have been tried on the Charge of practifing Obeah. THE Gentlemen to whom this Q!!efl:ion was particularly referred, having never fat upon, nor attended any Trial of this Kind, cannot, from their own perfonal Knowledge, take upon them to explain the Nature of the Evidence, which has been generally required for cooftituting a It-gal Conviction in fuch Cafes. Of the Jamaica Plancers now in London, they have, after the moft diligent Inqui ries, beeia able to meet with only One who has anendrd any fuch Trials; and they regret exceedingly, that the Intelligence which they obtained from him did not appear fufficiently (a) pertinent. The Clerks of the Peace in the feveral Pariilies or Precintts of J 1maica, whofe Duty it is 10 attend thefe Trials to take Minutes of the Evidence, and to record the Proceedings in their official Rolls, might probably furniili vcrry ample Information as to the Proofs which have generally operated to ConviCl:ion. Bm we do not know of any Perfon now in who has acted in that Capacity, and therefore can offer nothing fatisfactory on the Subject of the Q!!e!lion now propofed. Obeah PraE!ice. jamaitn, .if.} AMONG the Domeftics of a Planter in the Parilb of Vere, were Two Cqfe I. Negrdfes who had fuckled Two of his Children, and a Negro who ferved him in the Capacity of Butler or Waiting-man. The Infant which was nurfed by One of thefe Women to die. Her Mifbehaviour after this was fuch as obliged her Mafter to turn her out of his Houfe, and fbe was ordered to work among the Field Negroes. The Butler, who was her own Brother, highly incenfed at this, fbewed fomc Symptoms of Difconcenc, which were not much regarded; but, in the courfe of a few Days, the W acer of a Well from which the Family had their daily Supply, was obferved to be very much dif eolourcd, and intolerably fetid. His Mafter, imagining thefe might be the natural Effects of Stagnation, ordered the Well to be drawn till it was fuppofed to be nearly drained. But notwithfianding this the Water fiill continued ill-coloured, naufeous to the Tafte, and offc:nlivc t() the Smell. A Man was then let down, who brought up a white Fowl in a (a) Mr.Fuller has the Cafes, which we 'ollcllcd, and they are annexed hereto. Digitized by Go gle very Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART Ill. Jamaica. A. N 22, 23, 24, 25, 26. very putrid State, without Beak or Claws, which had all been cut off. This Fowl was proved to have belonged to the Butler's Grandmother, refiding upon or near the fame Planc ration. On further Examination, a large of Indigo Seed was fifhed up from the Bottom of the W c::ll. Thefe Circumfl:ances occafioned Sufpicions of fome mifchievous De fign. The Houles of all the Negroes were fearched, and at one of them, inhabited by a near Relacion of the Butler, a Calibajh or Bowl was found, out of which a gremijh Li1uid had been recently emptied. This Circumfl:ance brought to mind, that a Phial containing a Liquid of fimilar Appearance, had been noticed in the Butler's Pantry, who, upon the firll: Rumour of a Search, had conveyed it away. Still it was undecided upon whom the Sufpi cion ought to fall, till the Cook came voluntarily to his Mafl:er (apprehenfive for his own Safety, if Poifon lhould be privately thrown into any of his Dilbcs), and gave poficive lnforrr.acion of his having overheard the Butler threatening Revenge, and vowing that he would buy Jome Obi to put for h i s Majler." Upon the Evidence of chis Menace, the confequent Impoifoning of the Wa:er, and the other Circumfl:ances, the Butler was brought to Trial, conviCled, and fentc::nced co Tranf porcation. The Reditude of his Sentence was confirmed by the Man's free Confeffion im mediately before he was put on board Ship. Second. A valuable Negro had for his Wife a Negrefs who relided on a neighbouring Plantation. This Woman fell fuddenly into a Decline, without any knownCaufe, and langui!hing for fome Time, conrraB:e
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PART III Jamaica. A. No 30, 31, ---'Wainman to Currency Blackfmith J40 to '200 Bricklayer 140 to '200 Midwife J50 to 200 Head Drivers 12.0 to 150 Boilers JOO to 120 Mulemen 100 Cattlemen JOO Tradefmen. -Smhh., Coopm, I Copper-fmiths, Carpenters, Mill-wrights, Wheel-wrights, Joiners, 100 to '200 Brickmakers, Mafons, Blackfmiths, DoCtors --I fi l Superannuated Men and Women -5 to 40 n enor f h S 60 to So p Youths o bot exes nces. Infants 5 to 20 to 30 Committeeof The Value of a Creole Negro Man is about 1001. Currency; a Woman about 90 !.-The bell: Negro Man newly imported is worth about 701.; a Woman 6ol. Mr. Fuller, Agent for the Ifland ; Mr. Long, and Mr. Chilholme. A. N 30. Has the Produce of each of the Illands increafed in proportion to the increafed Number of Negro Slaves ?-And, if it has not fo increafed, what Reafon is to be afligncd for it? We can furnilh the Accounts of the total Sugar produced in Jamaica at a few Periods; from which there appears a very conliderable lncreafe of that Article of Produce. As to the other Articles, Coffee, Cotton, &c. we have not the fame Data. The great Improvement made in (next to the Article Sugar) has, for fome Years pall:, conli!l:ed in the Culture of Guinea Grafs; of which a great Number of very extenlive and very flourilhing Plantations have been formed, and are ftill forming, in the mountainous and interior or central Parts, where vaft Numbers of Horned Cattle, Horfes and Mule$, are annually bred, pallured, or fattened. J 1,000 Hoglheads of Sugar produced in the Year 1722 33,155 Ditto Ditto 1739 44,8co Ditto Ditto 1761 85,200 Ditto Ditto 1775 105,400 Ditto Ditto 1784 Coffee has been fluccoating on account of the Duties.-Cotton but lately relieved and increa(. ing.-No Cocoa vValks to fpeak of in Jamaica; the Augmentation would no doubt have been much greater, if this IOand had not lately (from the Year 1780) been vilited by Six Hurricanu, whofe Devallations not only brought total Ruin upon feveral ftourilhing Ellates, but occalioned epidemic Difeafes, and partial Famines, dellruccive to many Thoufands of the Negro Slaves: We cannot but exprefs a Wifb, that Inquiries may be direCted in luch a Manner, as to procure foll and authentic Information of the Mortality of Slaves, and the Lofs of Property, which were caufed by thofe fuccceffive Calamities, particularly affecting the Parifbes of St. Elizabeth, Wejlmore/and, Hanover, St. James, 'I'rf/awney, St. 'J'bomas in the Eajl, and generally the reft Qf that Ill and. N. B. The Number 105,400 Hoglheads !lated in the Anfwer, as the of the Crop of the Year 1784, was not the exported, but the made, or what are ufually called Curing Houje Hoglheads. So many having, according to the Accounts procured from the Spot, been actually filled in the fcveral Curing Houfes. But the Deductions by Wafte, and for what were retained for the Ifland Confumption, are not afcercained. The general Opinion is, that about 91,coo Hoglheads of 15 Cwt. Average are the Number exported in feafonable Years from that lfland. Commiiteeof It is conceived, that the Produce of this Illand has increafed in proportion to the increafed th e Council Number of Negroes, while the IOand has been umler no Vifitacion of e x traordinary Cala:nicy. of the Jaand. Mr. Fuller, Agent for the Jfland; Mr. Long, andMr.Chif holme. A. No31. What Number of Acres has been in Cultivati on in each Year, diftinguilhing the Proportion of Acres that has been appropriated to the Culture of Sugar, Cotton, Coffee, Cocoa, Ground Provilions, &c.; and what has in each Year been the Produce thereof refpeccively? Cannot be anfwered here. Committceof It is impoffible to fay what Number of J\crei is in Cultivation 111 each Year in different 1he Council Produces. d 1he lfland. Digitized by Go gle 9 Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Jamaica. A. N 32, 33, 34, 35 A. N 32. What is the Mode of cultivating and preparing the Ground for Sugar, Cotton, &c. refpeCtively? P .-\RT III Refer to the Ifiand for Anfwer. Mr. Fuller, Agent for the l 1hnd; Mr. Long, and Mr. Chifholmc. The Mode of Culture mull: necelfarily diffc:r with the Diffrrence of the Soil. Committee of the Coun cil of the lfland. A. No 33 What Soil is moft favourable for Sugar, Cotton, &c. and how far is the Soil capable of Improvement by Manure ? We obferve in Jamaica a great Variety of Soils-The Cane thrives heft in deep rich Mould, and on a Clay Bottom, and where are frequent. In the old Ellates, which have been under Culture for thefe 100 Years or upwards, Manure in great Abundance is abfolutely necelTary. Thole Situations where Canes thrive bell:, are in general the very worll: for Cotton and Coffee, which will not anfwer where Rains and Floods are frequent, or the Soil very wet. The far greater Part of the Land at prefent under Culture for Canes in Jamaica, is wholly unfit either for Cotton or Coffee. A more particular Reply can only be obtained from the Ifiand itfelf. Mr. Fuller, Agent for the Inaod; Mr. Long, and Mr. Chif. holme. . Committeeof Different Manures are made ufe of as the Soil may requirt', as an England; but no Lime ts the council here ufed as Manure. of 1he lfland, A. No 34 What Difference is there in the Produce per Acre of different Plantations in the fame Year, when not expofrd co any extraordinary Accident ? In anfwering this Inquiry, feveral general Obfervations mull: be premifed in reference to Mr. Fuller, ']amai&a. forthe 1 ft. The Difference of Produet fo far as depends on unequal Supply of Rains. The Two grand Periods of the Year, when the rainy Seafons (or great Rains) are corn-Mr. Ch1l monly expcClcd, are May and OClober; and when thofe Supplies arrive with Regularity (but holme. of late Years the May Seafon has too frequently failed) the Diftribution of Rain, though not equal in all Parts of the ll1and, is yet univerfal ; but between thefe Two Periods, a due Frequency of Showers is requilite for earh Sugar Eftate, in order to fu!l:ain Vegetation, and thefe are very unequally bellowed, depending not only on the DireClion in which the Mountains and Hills are ranged, but on the Point from which the Wind may happen to blow; and on the Extent of che Clouds ; for it very often happens that an Ellate from its particular Situacion, receives Showers for feveral Days, when the next adjoining Eftate, from its Difference of Poficion in refpeCl co the High-lands, Winds, &c. does not get a Drop. ::idly, is to be cunfidered the elfrncial Difference which arifes from the Difference of Skill and Attencion in manuring, planting, weeding, moulding, and the general Operations in this Refpell-, as well as in the other manufaCluring Procefs, by which the greace!l: poffible of Sugar is to be extraCled. Thefe Confiderations being premifed, the re!l: mutl: depend upon the of Soils, which, in Jamaica, are various in each Dill:ricc at large, and al moll equally fo on the major Part of the Ellates themlelves. We believe that the Average Produce, One Year wich another, of the whole 111and does not amount to much more than Half an Hogfhead of Sugar per Acre ; particular Spots may yield much more. The Inquiry pnhaps ought, for greater SatisfaClion, to be direCted to foch Gentlemen as are now re!iding in the 111and. The Difference of Produce per Acre on different Plantations is very great; much this Refpea depends on the Difference not only of Soil but Mode of A. No 35 By what Caufes are Crops on d i fferent Parts of the fame Ithnd parti.illy alTcel:ed? 10 Council of the lilanJ. In Jamai ca, by p a rtial Rai ns, partial Droughts, Floods a nd I Iur1 i c anes the Bhfl: and Mr. Fulh, Rats not to mention the g reac Dil'parity occalion t d b y m?re or kfs Skill in Management, or uy the healchy or unhealthy Seate of the or C H:1; .".tktjCJary or lnackqu.tcy in Loog,and!\lr. point Chilholme. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PA RT IJ[, Committre of the Coun cil of the lllnd. Mr. Fulltr, Agent for the Inand; Mr. L ong, an l Mr. l.:hi lholme. Committee e>f the Coun
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Jamaica. k N 39, 40; ..j.r, 42. PART llf. The Negroes are univerfally difpofed to be fiothful and indolent 1 they are in general no Committee longer difpoled to work than while they find it necdfary to do fo for immediate Subfiftcnce; of the Coun-t here are however fome Exce1itions. cil of the lfiand. A. N" 39 Could an European Confticucion fubfifl: in a Well: India Climate, under the Labour necelfary for culcivating a Well: India Plantation? \Ve have every Reafon to believe it would not: The Nature and Confl:itution of an European nre not fo wdl adapted to retain even Life, much lefs to fupport Field Labour, either in the Climate of Guinea, or that of the Well: Indies, which is analogous to it. Mr. Fulltr, Agtnt for the lfland; Mr. Long, Mr. Cbifholme. It is not poffible for an European Confl:itution to fubfift in this Climate, under the Labour Committee necdfary for cultivating a Well: India Plantation. of the Council of the lfiand. A. N 40. ls the Labour of Cattle, and of what Species and in what Proportion, ufecl in the Cultivation of a Wefl: India Plantation? In Jamaica, Oxen in general are ufed in ploughing, "'here ploughing is prafticable; fome Mr. Fulltr; (but they an: few) make ufe of Horfes for the fame Purpofe. Mules are chiefly ufed for Carria&e on ll.eep Acclivities and Roads; in other Places the 'and r. Carriages are drawn by Oxen.-1 he Mills are tlirned by Wind, Water, Mules, Oxen, ot Mr C!hifHorfes. holme. Horned Cattle are ufed on many Sugar-works, in ploughing and harrowing the Land; Committee and on all, Cattle and Mules are ufed in carrying the Canes to che Mill, Manure to the of the CounGround, Copper-wood to the Works, and any other Draught-labour where they can poffibly the be applied : The Labour of Slaves is, however, abfolutely necclfary, after the Plough, to pre.;. an pare the Land for the Plane, A. No 4r. Could the of Cattle be increafed, and could their Labour be fubftituted for that of Slaves in a grealer Extent than it is at prefent? In Jamaica the of Cattle is daily increafing, and may certainly be increafed very Mr. Fuller, confiderably, by continuing to open and fetcle new Breeding Farms: How far the Affiftance Agent for of Cattle, in rhe Cane and other Culture, can be extended. beyond what it is at prefent, may the lfland; Mr. Long, depend on a Variety of Circumllances, befl: learnt by inquiring on the Spot; for it is pre-and Mr. fumed, that rhere arc fome Thoufands of Acres now in Culture, which, from their rocky and Chifholme: inacccffible Nature, cannot be worked by the Plough; and many more Thoufand Acres yet in Wildernefs, on which, when cleared, the Plough may probably be ufefully employed: Cattle, we believe, are already employed in all the Operations of the Jamaica Hufbandry to which their Affillance is applicable. There is a Sufficiency of Cattle in this Inand for Work, and alfo for the Butcher, and Committee confiderably more than could be maintained but for the IntroduClion of Guinea GrJfs. of the Coun-No Negro-labour is applied, when it is poffible co fubfl:icute the Labour of Cattle or Mules. A. N 42. Have cliff.:rent European Tnllruments of Hulbandry from Time to Time been introduced in the Cultivation of Planraciuns in the Wefl: Indies, and is it likely that the Ufe of them could be extended, or further Improvements in this refpeCl be applied, to lighten and abridge the L1bour of Slaves in cultivating Wefl: India Plancations? No Improvements by Machinery, which have come within the Knowledge of the Planters, and are calculacecl to lelfrn or facilitate human Labour in Jamaicn, have been left untried or unadopted, wherever praCticable. Mr. Fuller, Agent for the Iaand; Mr. Long, and Mr. Chif holme. The Plough, Harrow, Hoe, Bill, Axe, Spade, Scythe, Hatchet, Waggons, Carts, and Committ in general all Kimi. of Implements of llulbandry ufed in Great Britain, are ufed in like 0f the Coun-p ART III. F manner c1l of the Digitized by Go gle IOnd. Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART Ill. Mr. l'ullrr, Agent for 1hc Jfland ; l\'lr. Long, and Mr. Chilholme. Jamaica. A. N 43. mJnner in this 111.rnd: The Labour of Slaves is greatly reduced wherever the Plough is ufrd; as the Plough is coming daily into more general Ule, the Labour of the Slave is likely to be con!iderably lightened thereby. A. No 43 What is the whole Number of Acres in the In and of Jamaica, and how much of that Part thereof, which is at prefent not cultivated, is capable of being brought into Culture ? During the Government of Sir Thomas Lynch, above 100 Years ago, Colonel Taffe! and Mr. Rogers were fent to Jamaica, by Order of his Majdly King Charks the Second, for the Purpofe of mlking an aCtual Survey and Mcafurerncnt of that !Oand. Thefe Gentlemen reported, that its Length was and Breadth from 2 to Of which they fuppofe
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Jamaica. A. N 44, 45, 46, 47, 48. Of the reR: we can fay nothing authentic. Since the Time when Mr. Ellis gave his public Statement, Culcivacion has been conliderably extended, Settlements multiplied, and Produch increafed ; but as this Q!iellion, and the Two fucceeding ones, lead into a very minute lnveftigation and Detail; we are fenfible, were we co offer vague Conjdl:urc, inftead of fubftancial Information, it would be very unfacisfaCl:ory; and we have only to llment our Want of fufficienc Lights to guide us in fuch multifarious Inquiries, which we think may be made in the Jfiand itfrlf with better Succefs. The additional Heads of Inquiry, it is prefurued, were intended more immediately to be anfwered from the Leeward JOands; the Magnitude and Extent of this IOand make it diffi cult to anfwer chem with Accuracy. le is fuppofed the whole Number of Acres in this Illand is about 3,500,000, of which One-fifth may be in Cultivation; and Three fifths of tht Re mainder capable of being fo. A. N<> 44 How much Land is there in the Jfiand of Jamaica, which is not private Property? PART III. Cl'lmmitree of the Coun c i l of the lfl 10J. "We beg to refer to what we have faid upon the SubjeCl, A. N' 43, Mr. Fuller, Agent for the !Oand; Mr Long, and Mr. Chifholmr, The greacell Parr of the Land which is capable of Cultivation is already private Pro Committeeof the Council of the lfland percy. A. N" 45 What Proportion of the Land which is private Property in the Ifiand of Jamaica is now in Culcivation ? We beg co refer to what we have faid on the SubjeCl:, A N 43. Mr. Fuller, Agent for the !Oand; Mr. Long, and Mr. Chifholme It is fuppofed One-fourth. Committee of the Coun cil of the llland. A. N" +6 and +7 What Proportion of the Land now in Cultivation in the Illand of Jamaica would, from Situation or Soil, admit of the Ufe of the Plough? In how many Plantations in the faiJ IOand has the Plough been known to be introduced for che Purpofe of preparing the Land for Cultivation? A confiderable Part of the Land now in Cultivation, we believe, is prepared with the Plough;. but in regard to the Number of Acres or Proportion which is laboured in that Manner, we mull beg co refrr to the Planters refident in the llland, as we poffcfs no certain Knowledge of thefe Particulars. 'Ve cannot fpeak as to the exaCl: Number, but can only fay, that the Plough is very commonly, though not univerfally, in ufe in Jamaica.-A more precife Anfwer can only, we think, be obtained by Inquiry among the Planters refident there. Mr. Fullor, Agent for the lfland; Mr. Long, and Mr. C.:hif. holme. The Plough has been ufed upon a great many Plantations, for the Purpofe of preparing the Commiite Land; but it is not poffible to fay on how many, with Precilion, as the Ufe of the Plough of the Counhas been, and now is, incrcalir.g dailv, as has been already faid in Anfwer to the Q!i::ere of cil of the h H d f I Ifland. t e ca so nqu1ry. A. N +8. How many Slaves in the whole are employed in the Ifiand of Jamaica, in the Culcivacion of Sugar, Cotton, Coffee, Indigo, &c. &c. and how many in menial Services, in making Roads, filhing, or any other Employment? As we are not polfrtred of any fuch Specification, we mull beg to refer to the 111and, where Mr. Fuller, alone a facisfaCl:ory Anfwer to fuch Inquiries can probably be colleCl:ed. Agent for the N. B. The annual Returns made to the Receiver General's Office in this Ifland, for che IflanJ; Mr. Levy, ftate only the N utnbers which have been given in at che quarterly Long, ;rnd Mr. Meetings of Jun ices and Vellries in each Parilh, but not the whole Amount holme aCl:u. ally exilling in the JOand; the Proprietors of any Number not exceeding Five (fomecimes more) are feldom noticed. In the Parilh of Sc. Mary, a few Years fince, 500 Negroes were found, upon Inquiry, for whom the Poll-tax had neither been de-2 Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Jamaica. Appendix. THE Firft Part of the Appendix is an AbftraCl: of the Jamaica Laws for the Government the Negro Slaves, beginning with the Aft of 1696. The Firfl Column is the Law as it or the then ftood: The Second, Third, and .Fourth Columns, are the Alterations that have been h1ade fince that Time. I have added at the Fnd the ACl: of 1681 ; but as it dot's not dillinaty appear in that Aet, whether the Servanis mentioned therein are Negroes, or indl'nted Whites, I have placed it at the End of the Abllraet, and have marked it at Bottom with the Letters A and B. I have alfo added fome of the Claufes of the French Code Noir, to fave their Lord!bips Troubk; as by this Means they may immediately compare their Code with our Jamaica Code, aod may be acquainted with the Reafoning of the French upon the Neceffity of the Employment of Negro Slaves in the Sugar Colonies, which "'ill be found in Page (29), Column z, of the Abflracc of the French Code Noir, at the End of the Appendix. I have alfo added an Account of the Slaves imported into Jamaica from 177z to 177 5 inclufive. And alfo an Account of the Maroon Negroes in the Year 1770; fince which, and before which Time, I have feen no other Return of them. And alfo an Account of the Number of Negroes and white People in Jamaica in 1787. And alfo a Paragraph taken out of the Jamaica Paper for the Councy of Cornwal in that lnnd, relative to the New Regulations in refpeCl: to the Negro Slaves. Refolution dated 29th November. The Paper the 8th December 1787. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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I N B. Baptifm, ( 7 ). Badge to be worn by Free Negroes, (II). Barracks, (14), (15). Beggars, &c. (24). c. Clothes, ( 1 ). Compaffing Death of Ma!l:er, (J). Cudjoe Articles, (14), (15). (17), ( 18). Clergy, ( 16).-Jurifdiaion, (17). Cattle, killing, ( 16). Coroners and their Duty, (6). o. Difmembering, (2). (9). Drumming, (5). (19). Dice, Cards, (9). Deferting to French or Spaniards, (11). (23). F. Food, (1). Fire Arms, (16). Freeing Slaves, (20). (22), (23). Digitized by Go gle D E x. G. P. Gunpowder, (15). Grants and Devili:s, (14). (:o). Poifoning, (4). H. R. Hiring, (6). Rebellious and Runaways, (8). Holidays, (7). (19). Receiving ftolen Goods, (23). Horfos, keeping, (10),(23), (24). Huts and Hovels, ( 11 ). I. Inveigling, ( 1 2 ). Jurors, (22). Ina, Laws of, (9). L. Livings, Value of, (28). M. s. Striking Maller, ( 1 ). Scealing, (+) Slaves, Pcrfonalties, (i) Slaves fold in Families, ( 13 ). Slaves confined in Gaol, their Maintenance, (25). Squibs, (12). T. Murdering a Slave, (6). Tickets, (3). ( 1 S). Mafl:ers and Servants, (13). Trial, (5). (21). Maroon, (14), (15). (17), (18). Trying Slaves, Mode of Proceed ing, (25). 0. One only punilhed, except for Murder, (3). Obeah, (18). w. \Vhite People, for introducing, (11), (12). (15). (26). Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1696. Jamaica. ACl:s relative to Slaves. Afr 38. I. Owners not to give Slaves leave to go out without a Ticket. JI. Slaves for firiking a White Perfon punifhed at the Difcrnion of Two J ufiices and Tlrn:e Freeholders, with Death, or other Punifh mcnr, according to their Dikretion. Ill. Men Slaves to have Jackets and Drawers; and Women Jackets and Petticoats, or Frocks, once every Year. IV. Slaves Complaint of Clothes as above not being given to them to be difmilTed upon the Owners coming before the J ufiice and mak. ing Oath that the Complaint is unjufi. V. Confiabks fworn not to neglect their Dmy. VI. Owners of Planta tions fhall have One Acre of Ground, well planted, with Provi fions, for every Fi\ e Slaves VII. Penalty of 401. on the Provofi: Marfhal for employing Run away Slaves; or fuffer ing them to want Pro vifions, dry and con venient Lodging, fo that they die in his Cufl:ody, 50 !. Vlll. Or difpofing of them before they have been Twtlve Months in Cufiody, or ocher "' ife than by Au El ion, 200 I. Currency. IX. Penalty of ;,ol. ori Perfons who take up Runaways and bring them not to their proper Owners. X. Marfhal to detain Runaways till the Owner reim buries him. "XI. Penalty of 501. on Marfhal fuff<:nng E1:. capes. PART m. Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix. PART m. 1781. V. 3. ACI: 91. XV I. Slave offering vio lence, by firiking, or otherwifc, any 'White Perfon, conviJ:ed by Two J ufiices and Three Freeholders, punifhed at their Dif cretion, not extending to Life or Limb; pro vided fuch fi:riking be not by Command of his Owner, Overfeer, &c. or in lawful De fence of his Owner, &c. Vide Code Noir. 1724. XXVJI. et XXVIII. 17i4 V. 3. ACI: 33 No Slave to be manumitted (except by the LegiOative Body) either by Deed, Will, or otherwife, uncil the Marter Oiall have given Security to the Churchwardens to allow him an annual Sum of 5 I. during his natural Life. 1781. V. 3. AC\: 91. J Repeating Chute. II. All Poffelfors of Plantations to allot a XXH. fufficient of Land for every Slave he fhall ha"e in l'of. fi:ffion, as and for the proper Ground of every fuch Negro or ether Slave, ar.d allow him or them fuflicicnc Time to work the fame. And alfo all Mafl:ers and Owners fhall plant in Plantain Walk and Ground Provifions, at leafl: One Acre of Ground for every Four Negroes; which Lands fhall be kept in Plancerlike Condition, for the Maintenance of tl:eir Slaves, under the Penalty of 50 I. III. In cafe they have not Lands proper, they are to make good and ample Provifions for all their Slaves, under Penalty of 50 I. IV. Poffelfors of Slaves to clothe them once a-Year, with proper and fufficient Cloth ing, to be approved by the Jufl: i ces and Veftry, under Pen airy of 50 I. V. Slaves taking up H unaways, or inform ing againfi Slaves, or thieving, &c. intitled co a Re ward, fuch as the Ju!lices !hall chink reafonable 1736. AC\: 111. V 11. Two J ufi : ces n'ay infliel Puniilicnent 011 indented and hird Sc::rvants mifb e heaving themlelves f:ich as t tl:em !hall feem con venient, according co the Nature of the Cafe, not extending co Lili: or Member. N. B. Indented Srr vancs are gen er JIJy \'Vhite Servant s ; r ucn< ed in Engbr.d. H ( I ) Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART I!I. 1696. XII. Slave caking up a Runaway !hall have the whole Benefit there of; and if any Perfon fhall deprive him of it he !hall forfeit treble the Value. XIII. Slaves Houfes to be fearched for mif chievous Weapons; if any found, may be burnt ; and if any ftolen Goods Chall be found in the Cuflody of a Slave he !hall fulfer Death, Tranf ponation, Difmember i11g, or other Punifhmtnt, at the Difcre ticn of Two J uflices and Three Freeholders, or the m.1jor Part ; One ro beajullice. Vide N. B. 1717. XIV. Penalty of 201. on a Malter refuCing the Searcl1 of his Slave's Hout<: XV. Provifo the Search demande d be authorffed by a Jullice. XVI. Penalty of 100 I. on Perfons ftealing, hiding, or employing another Perfon's Slave. XVI I. Slave hiding Run aways, !hall be fevere ly whipped, by Order ofa J ufliceof the Pt: ace. XVIll. 5 Reward to any Freeman or Ser vant that !hall kill or take any rebellious Slave; 40s. to a Slave for the fame, and a Serge Coat, with a red CrolS on the right Shoulder. XIX. Slave continuing away Twelve Months, deemed rebellious, if he has been Three Years in the llland; and !hall be tranfpon ed by Two J uftices and Three Freeholders. XX. Tranfporced Slave returning to be taken up and executed. XXI. l'lanmion deferted for Six Months to be ruinated and deftroyed, lefl it b ec om e a Recep tacle for Fugitives. XXII. Corn-Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. 1717. Aet 64; IV. No Slave to be dif membered at the Will and Pleafure of his Mafier, Owner, or Employer, under Pe nalty of 100 I. co be recovered in any Court of Record, againfi the Perfon who thall dif mernber or order the difmembering of fuch Slave or Slaves. 1766. Repealed. ( z ) Appendix, 1781. V. 3. Ace 81. VI. No Mafier to mutilate or difmember a Slave or Slaves of his own, under Penalty of 1001. VII. Nor the Slave of another, under Pe nalty of rno I. and fuch other Punilhment as the Court trying and convicting !hall think proper to infliCl:, and liable to an Action of Damages. VIII. Any Perfon wantonly beating a Slave, not his own Property, fhall be fubjelt to an lndic1mcnt in the Su preme Court, Court of Affize, or Q!iarter Scffions, Fine and Imprifonment, ar the Difcrction of theJ udges or J ufiices in the faid Courts. Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1696. XXII. Commiffion Offi cers to purfue Runa ways; to have 40s. per Head for Slaves taken, brought in alive, and 20s. per Head for Slaves killed, or driven home. Neglecting Duty to forfeit 201. XXIll. Juftice to iffue Warrants for apprehending and trying of Felonies, Bur(';la ry, Robbery, burning Houfes or Canes, 1e bellious Confpiracies, or any other capital Offence, to affociate another J uftice. The affociated J uftices to fommon Three Free holders ; proceed to Trial; lhall give Sen tence of Death, Tranf portation, Difmember ing, or any other Pu ni!hment they lhall think lit to inflict, and caufe immediate Exe cution to be done ( Wo men with Child only excepted), &c. &c. XXlV. Slavecompaffing or imagining the Death of any White attainted, by open Deed, before Two Jufl:ices, or Three Freeholders, to fuffer Death : And petty Crimes, Trefpalfes, and Injuries fi1all be heard and determined by any of his Majet1y's Jufiices. XXV. Jufticf', Freehol der, or Mar!hal, ne glecting his Duty, fur feits 201. Currency. XXVI. Provided that wheA any of the above Crimes lhall be com mitted by more than One Slave that !hall deferve Death (Murder only excepted), only One of the Criminals !hall fuffer Death, as exemplary to the reil, who are to be returned 10 the Owners, after having received fuch Puni!hment as the J uf tices and Freeholders fhall think fit to inflitt. The Owner or Owners cif the Slave or Slaves delivered b1ck to bear propor:Jamaica. Appendix. .1781. V. 3. Act 91. XVII. A Slave who !hall be found at theDifl:ance of Eight Miles from the Houle or Plantation to which he belongs, with out a Ticket or other Permit, deemed a Run away. XV III. Perfons taking the m, intitled to Re ward, if Six Days ab fent, though not Eight Miles from their Ha bitation. Other Regulations relating to Runaways. 1774. XXIV. Elfplained in ACl: 141. S. i. Compaffing and imagining the Death of arry W hire Per fon, lhould be deemed and adjudged a Crime of as high a Nature as Murder, and lhould be puni!hed as fuch with Death, S. ii. though the bloody Purpofe was prevented bdore any Murder was commit ted. XX VI. This Claufe ex plained in Atl: 141. S. iii. in cafe of a real Confpiracy : J uftices and Freeholders in demnified for having given Sentence ofDeath on more Slaves than One. And S. iv. Juf tices and Freeholders empowered after Trial fo many Negro or O ther Slaves, convitted of any capital Crimes, as they !ball think con venient for the public Safety; or to tranfporc fuch Slaves, or to infliet fuch other Puni!hment as they fi1all think fit. ( 3 ) Digitized by Go gle r .\RT J!T. Origirlal from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART Ill. 1696. proportion ably the Lofs of the Slave put to death, and the Damage done to the Par ties injured, as ihall be allotted by the J ufiices and Freeholders. XXVII. Jufl:icesmayde tain any Perfon's Goods who refofes co pay. XXVIII. Penalty on Perfons concealing Slaves guilty of any ca pital Offences. XXIX. Any White Ser vant taken ftealing Wood, or Timber, or Bark, convitl:ed before Two J ufiices, his Owner or Mafl:er hall forfeit 31. Currency. If a Slave !ball be fo con vitl:ed, the J uftices fhall condemn him to ferve che Owner or Pro prietor of the Land Six Months, without any Satisfaction given to his Maller. XXX. If any Perfon hall kill a Slave, ftealing or running away, that fhal! by N ighc be found out of his Owner's Ground, Road, or Pach, and refufeth to fubmic ; fuch Perfon iball not be liable to any Damage or ACl:ion for the fame. XXXI. Juftices and Vef try, &c. !ball appoint a certain Place in each Parilb for the Trial of all capital Offences committed by Slaves, and a Record kept by the Clerk of the Peace, or Clerk of the Veftry, who is obliged to give his Attendance. Fees to be paid by the Parilb, if the Slave hall foffer Death, but by the Owner, if tranf porced. XXXII. Slaves attempt ing to poilon any Per fon whatfoever, White o r Black, Free or Slave, alchough the Poifon were never taken, or if taken, Death did not enfue, the faid Slave or Slaves, together with Acceff a rie s convitl:ed before Two Jufl:ices Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix,' ( 4 ) Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1696 and Three Freeholders, fhll be adjudged guilty of Murder, and lhall fuffer Death by Hang ing, Burning, or other Way or Means, as to the J ull:ices and Free holders fhall feem moll: convenient. XXXIII. Such as have been Slaves and made free, and Cuch as are now Slaves, and lhall hereafcer be mde frt:e, for capital Offences to be tried and adjudged by this Act ; and the Evidence of a Slave again!\ them to be good ;;nd valid to all lments and l'urpofcs. XXXIV. Penalty of 40 Shillings on Owner, Overfrer, or Commif fion Officer, fuffering Drumilling, or Meet ing of any Slaves not belonging to their own Plantation, to rendez vous, revel, beat drum, or caufc: any other Dif turbaoce on Sundays or Holidays, whereby they have taken Liberty to contrive and bring to pafs many of their bloody and inhuman TranfaCl:ions ; -but forthwith endeavour to difperfe by himfelf, Overfeer, or Servants; and not being able to do ir, to give Notice to next Commiffion officer to raife a Num ber of Men fufficient to do it. Po.T Ill. Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix. This Claufe repealed in 1748, Act 153, Claufe iii. as far as relates to Negro born Slaves, and afterwards manu mitted, to be tried by Two J uftices and Three Freeholders. And for the future, all fuch Ne groes, Indians, and Mulattoes, manumit ted, or otherwife free, !hall be tried in fame Manner as if they were born free Evi dence of Free Negroes, Indians, or Mulattoes, good again ft each other, but nut againll: any Negroes. Indians, or Mulattoes, that have the Liberties of White Perfons by any Law of the Hland 1 nor u11til they have been free Six Months. Guilty of Perjury, to fuffer Pains and Penalties of wilful and corrupt Perjury. ( 5 ) PART In. I Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. 1696. XXXV. Penalty of 40 Shillings on Perfons permitiing Slaves to hire out themfelves, or hiring Slaves, except of their Mailers, or permittingSlaves to travel, or Owners con tracting with Slaves, for Liberty to employ themfel?es as they !hall think fit. XXXVJ. Slaves buying or felling any Goods, but for their Owner's Ufe, or belonging to the Owner, exprdfed in a Ticket ; on Com plaint to a J u!lice, to be whipped by Order and at the Difcretion of the J u!lice; and the Buyer or Seller lhall forfeit IO I. XXXVH. Any Perfon willingly, wantonly, or bloody mindedly kill ing a Negro Slave, co:nicted by Verdie\ or Confrffiun, in the Supreme Court of Judicature, fhall be ad judged guilty of Felony for the Firft Of fence, and have the Benefit of the Clergy; but the Second lhall be deemed Murder, and the Offender foffer according to Laws of England, Forfeiture of Lands, Tenements, Goods and Chattels only excepted, XXXVIll. Mailers of Boats, Wherries and Canoes at Port Royal, to give Bonds of 501. Sterling, not to carry a Nrgro without a Ticket. XXXIX. Juftices and Freeholders to do their Duty in the feveral Claufes in this Act when Martial Law lhall happen to be in force, as they might have done in Time of Common Law. XL. No Slave lhall be free by becoming a Chriftian. For Jamaica. Appendix. 1751. Act 183. I. Whereas the faid Law of 1696 is of doubtful Conftruction: For ex plaining the faid Law, and for inAieting fome further Punilhment on the Offenders ; If any Perfon whatfoever lhall willingly, wantonly, or bloody-mindedly kill any Negro or Slave, fuch Perl-On or Perfons fo offending, fball, for the Firft Offence, be guilty of Felony, and have the Benefit of Clergy, and lhall fuffer as a further Punifh ment, an lmprifon ment for fuch a Time as the Court before whom fuch Offender lhall be tried, lhall ad judge, not exceeding Twelve Months. II. Shall pay 6ol. to the Owner. Ill. Any Perfon convict ed of the Firft Offence, wantonly, wilfully, or bloody-mindedly fhall kill any Negro or Slave, fuc h Perfon fo olfend i ng, afcer the Convic tion, lhall fuffc:r Death for the fa id Offence, and not otherwife. IV. ConviClionnoctoex tend to corrupting the Blood, or the Forfeit ure of Lands, Tene ments, Goods, or Chattds. 1770. V. 3. Ad: 5 I. Coroners, upon Notice or Information of any Body being found dead, to caufe the fame to be viewed, and an lnqui ficion taken thereon, agreeable to the Laws of England. Fees to be paid him on the View of a White Perfon, or a Pcrfon of a free Con dition, out of the Goods and Chattels of the Perfon found dead; and if fuch Perfon lhall be a Slave, by the Church wardens of the Parilh where the lnquifition fhall be taken. If in Gaols, by the Receiver General, Ad: to be printed. ( 6 ) Digitized by Go gle 1781. V. 3. Act 91. XXXVll.1696and 1751 fully confirmed and en forced. Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1696. For Payment o f D t bts and Legaci e s, Slaves d1 emerl rnkcn as ail mher Goods ancl Chattels arc, i n the Hands of the Exe;:u tor s or Admini!hators 1 as man y as are necelfary to pay Debrs and Le gacies to be fold ; and the remaining Slaves deemed as Inheritance, and !ball accordingly defcend. Children of Sla ves !ball remain or revert as their Parents do. XLI. Slaves afiigned for Dower, liable co pay Debes, but not Legacies. XL!!. Prov ifo, That no thing in th i s Act lhall hinder any Perfon, pofk!Ted in his own Right of any Slave or Slaves, to frll, or by Gift or o therwife difpofeofthem during his Life-time ;. whichSale, &c. !ball be a Bar toClaim of Dower. XLIJI. Legal l'urchafes of Slaves for good and valuable Con!idera t i ons, good, as if they had been by Deed in Writing. XLlV. Books to kept, wherein Entries fhall be made by the Clerk of the Peace, or Veftry ,of Slaves bought and fold. XLV. All Mafters and M iftreffes, Owners, or in their A bfence Over frers, !ball, as much as in them lies, endeavour the lnlhuction of their Slaves in the Principles of the Chri!lian Reli gion, to facil i tate their Conver!ion, and lhall do their mmoft to fit them for Baptifm; and as foon as conveniently they can, !ball caufe to be ba ptifed all fuc h as they can make fen!iblc of a Deity, and the Chriftian Faith. XLVI. Ju!lices, at the Firft Seffion in every Year, lhall and appoint the Number of Holidays at Cbn!lmas, Eaftcr, Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendi x ( 7 ) PART nr Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. 1696'. Eafler, and Whitfun tide. XL Vil. TheJ ullices lhall publilh this AC!:. every Firfl Sdlions rn the Year, under the Penalty of lOI. XLVIU. Penalties how to be recovered; under 40 Shillings, by War rant of J u!lice; above, by ACl:ion of Debt, Bill, Plaint, or Information, in any Court of Re cord. XL!X. Repeal of Two former ACts, One 25th Charles I I. the other the 4:h of James II. 1699. AC\: 40. An AC!: for railing Parties to fup prefs rebellious and runaway Negroes. l. Preamble. Whereas the rebellious and run away Negroes have of late murdered feveral of the Inhabitants thereof, as well White Perfons as Negroes, plundered and de!lroyed many of the fmall and Out-fet tlements, Officers em powered to purfue and reduce them. II. Officers and Soldiers Pay. III. SatisfaCtion to Ja' Hammond, IV. Payment for Slaves freed for Services done again!: the French. 1717. Act 64. repealed 1781. An ACI: for the more eff'eCl:ual punilhingof Crimes committed by Slaves I. For the encouraging of the Difcovery of Crimes committed by Slaves, Owner profe cuting his Slave lhall, if convicted capitally, receive the Value of him. II. Provifo, That no One Slave lhall be appraifed above the Sum of 401. Currency. III. Penalty on Commif fioner not paying the Value to Owners of Slaves. Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix. Repealed by Ad: J 24. I 740, as too expenfive to the Public; laid up on the Parilh where the Offence was tried, and the Slave valued and executed. Repealed by the above Act. Act l 24. repealed again by Ad: 163. 1749, whereby the Expence is to fall on the Parilh where the Offrnce was committed. ( 8 ) OriqiMI from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1717. Act 64. IV. No Slave f113Jl be dif membered at the Will and Pkafure of his Mafter, Uwner, or Em ployer, under Penalty of 1001. to be recover ed in any Court of Re cord, again ft the Perfon who lhall difmember, or order the difmem bering of fuch Slave or Slaves; One Half to his Majefty, the other Half to the Informer. V. If a Slave having been One whole Year in the JOand, !hall abfent him felf from his Mafter for the Space of Thirty Days, convictecl by Two J ufiices of the Peace, and Three Free holders, it !hall and may be lawful for fuch Juftices and Freehold ers to order fuch Slave to be punifhed by cut ing off One of the F ctt of fuch Slave, or in flicting foch other cor poral Punilhment as they lhall think fit. Vide Code Noir, 1724. xx xii. N. B. In the Year 1717, when Law was paired, the wild Ne groes or Maroons were in Polfcffion of Three Towns in the moun tainous Pam of the l111nd. The Treaty with Cudjoe was not made till 1738, nor completed wih till 1740. The Laws of Ina are more fevere; fuch as putting out Eyes, gelding, cutting off!s or Fout. Vide Dugdale, Ori?;ines Judiciales, London, 1680. p. 83. Sec alfo the 33 Henry 8. c. 12. S. 2 7. the cuttin;s off the Right Hand for ftrik ing in the King's Pa lace, and all the For malities for carrying it into fxecution. VI. Slaves playing with Dice, Cards, or any other Game whereby any Profit or Gain can arife, on Complaint to a JufPART Ill. Digitized by Go gle Appendix. PART rn. J 749 Act I 59; Slave run away Six Months, convicted, to fuffer Death, or fuch other Punilhment as Jhall be inflicted by the Juftices and Freehold ers JI. The Owner not to be paid his Value. IV. Slaves harbouring Slaves, &c. Runaways, Death, or fuch other Puni!hment as above. V. Profecution to be commenced within One Month. VJ. Or Three Months for a Slave. 1749. Aa 165. Slaves not to carry Fire Arms withouc a Ticker, under Pain of corporal Punilhmenr, not ex tending to Life or Member. t781. V. 3. Aa 91. Repealing the Act of 1717. tee Page (2) in the 4th Volume. K Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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P.'1RT f!I. 1717. Atl: 64. a J ult ice, !hall be whipped through the Town, or the molt public Place in any Parifh. VII. Retailers of Rum and Punch not to fuffer Sia ves to game, or meet to drink therein, under Penalty of 40 Shillings. VIII. Penalty of 10 I. Currency,on Overfeers, Proprietors or Atcor nies, fuffering Negroes to meet together by beat of Drum, blowing Horns, beating Barrels, Boards, Gourds, or ocher lnftruments of Noife; or fuffering above Five Negroes to alfemble in his Planta tion or Settlement. IX. The above Penalty to be levied by Warrant of a J ultice of che Peace. X. Officers may enter all Places to prevent Drummi ng, &c. and Concourfe of Negroes. XI. J uftices neglel'tiQg their Duty, forfeit 101. Currency. XII. No Mulatto or gro (Free Negroes, and Indians having S ettlements and Ten Slaves thereon, always excepted) fhall keep any Horfes,Mares, Mules, Aires, or neat Caule whatfoever on Commons, on Penalty of forfeiting the fame: Half to the Informer, the H alf to the Poor. Vi d e Prov ifo. XIII. Provided neverche lefs, That anv Two of his Majefty's J uftices of the Peace in every Precinct may licenfe any Mulatto or Negro (not being a Slave) to keep any fuch Sto c k during good B e haviour. XIV. To th e Intent it may be k n own who are F ree, every F ree Mu latto, Negro, or In dian, not having a S et tlement of Ten Ne groe s !h all furnilh him!i:lf with a Certificate from Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix. ( IO ) Origil'kll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1717. Aft 64. fr:im the J u!lice, under h i s Hand and Seal, and wear a public Badge of a blue Crofs upon h i s right Shoulder, ocher wile to be ufed as a Slave paffing without a Ticker. XV. To be publicly read every Six Months. XVI. Copy to be deliver ed to every Parilh in the rnand. 1718. Act 66. An Act for the EncOU ragement of volun tary Parties to fup prefs rebellious and runaway Negroes. I. Governor may commiffion Perfons to com mand Parties to purfuc runaway Slaves. JI. Claufe of Encourage ment. Ill. Ditto to Hunters, &c. IV. Negroes going off the Inand to the French or Spanifh Colonies, to be tried by Two J uf tices and Three Freeholders, and fuffor fuch l'ains and Punilhmencs (according to the Na ture of thdr Crime) as they lhall think fit. Y. Provifo not to repeal or difannul former Aets 1719. AC\: 67. VJ. Penalty of 50 I. on letting Houfes to Slaves, and fuffering them to work for Hire, or to build Cottages and Huts in the Sa vannahs and \11/a!le Grounds, which have ofcen occa!ioned Thefts and Robberies. VU. Jufiice, upon Com plaint of Huts, &c. be ing erelled, !hall order them co be pulled down and defiroyed, under Prnalty of 50 1. 1721. ACt 68. An Act to encourage the fettling the North Eall Part of this IOand. This Ad is worthy the Obfervation of the Lords Commiffioners; and Jamaica. Appendix. 1732. At97. VI. Negro Huts and Ho vels in the Front of the Town of Kingfion to wards the Sea, which render it very liable to be fet on fire, to be razed and pulled' down. VII. Penalty of t0l. for ereCting Huts hereafter in the Front of the faid Town. 17 36. Aft 107. for introducing Wh11e People, for fub fifiing them for a cer tain Time, and provid ing them with Land that they may become Settlers. 1770. V. 3. ACI: r; Further Regulations in regard to building Huts near Kingfion. ( II ) Digitized by Go gle P.'\RT III. Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART 111. 1721. Ad 68. and alfo Act 7 5. for the fame Purpole in 17:i2, and alfo Act 78. in 1723, for 'ncou raging White People co come over and become Settkrs in this liland. 1719. Act 67. To prevent the enti cing or inveigling of Slave s from the l'of feffors, and for pre venting the Tranfportacion of Slaves, by Mortgagers, &c. and for regulating Abufes committed by Slaves. I. Pen a lty of 40s. for every Day s illegal Detainer of another's Slave. Repealed 1766. II. Chief J uftice, or any Two J uftices, may order the Slave to be refl:ored : Perfon s dif ob e ying an Order of the Grand Court for feit 501. Repealed 1 766. llI. Penalty of 501. on Chief Jufiice, not do ing bis Duey, as above. IV. Penalty of 1001. on certain Defcripcions of Perfons fending Ne groes off the l!hnd. V. Slaves hiring them felves out to work, without Confent of their Owners, &c. in Writing, and teftified by One or more of the J uftices of Peact!', lball be whipt at the Dif cretion of the Ma. giftrace, not exceeding One-and-thirty Lathes. 1733. Ad 101. For dividing the lfiand, &c. &c. and for the more fpeedy and ef fedual fuppreffing the rebellious and runaway Negroes. Worthy Obfervation. Alfo Act 103. To prevent the mak in g throwing, or firin g of Squibs, Ser p e nt s Rockets or other Fireworks. I. Digitized by Go gte Jamaica. Appendix. 1725. Atl 83. To inflict further and ocher Puni lhmenr s on the Tranfgrelfors of Two fi:veral Acts, the one intituled, An Act for the better ordering and governing of Shves; and the other in ticuled, "An Atl to prevent the incicing or inveigling of Slaves." I. The fame Penalties as the former Aet 67. and One Year's Im prifonment, without Bail or Main prize, upon any Perfon, proved to the Satisfatlion of Two Judges of the Grand Court, or Three Juftices of the Peace, to to have enticed, in veigled, bid, concealed, or employed, the Slave or Slaves of any other Perfon. Repealed 1766. II. Slaves convicted of hiding or entertaining a Slave to be punilhed, according to the Difcretion of Two of the Judges o( the Su preme Court of Judi cature, or Three J uf. tices of the Peace. III. For the more eafy Recovery of the 1001. Penalty. Repealed 1766. IV. Free Negroe, con viCl:ed as above, for feits his Freedom, and is to be tranfported. 1753. 1780. Atl 74. V. 3. Forfeit 1001. Six Months lmprifonment. In this Act are many other Regulations in regard to inveigling Slaves, detaining, hir ing, fending off the Iiland, &c. 1753. Act 198. Penalty of 1 al. on Per fons hiring out Slaves to them!Cl ves. 1764. V. 2. Atl n Extended to Soldiers 17So. V. 3 Act 74. Any Perfon clanddlindy frndi ng off this Inand, or marking or defacing the Mark of any othrr Perfon's Slave, Death, without Benefit of Ckrgy. ( I 2 ) OrigirKll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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17 33. ACl: 10.1. I. White Perfons offend ing to forfeit IOI. or be whipped. II. Negroes, Mulattoes, Indians offending, to be whipped 1 not exceed ing Thirty-nine Lalhes. 1735. AB: 105. For the more effeCl:ual directing the Marlhal's Proceedings, and regulating there of. X. Slaves !hall be fold fingly, unlefs in cafes of Families, when a Man and his Wife, his, her, or their Chil dren, are not to be fold fingly, and work ing Cattle to be fold by the Yoke all others fingly. 1735. AB: 106. To prevent Hawking and Peddling, and difpofing of Goodi clande!hnely. I. Negroes, Mulattoes, Indians, hawking, for feit the Goods. II. Provided fold with out a Ticket. Ill. Not to engrofs ation Provifions under pain of Thirty-one Lalhes. IV. Not to fell Sugar Canes without a Ticket from the Owner. V. Perfons buying Sugar, Rum, Cotton, Ginger, Coffee, Cocoa, Cho colate, forfeit 10), 1736. AB: 111. To prevent Abufes committed by en tertaining, conceal ing, or carrying off any of his Majefty's Soldiers, White Men or Women, Ser van ts or Slaves, &c. and deciding Dif ferences between Malter and Ser vant. IV. CommandersofShips not to work any Slave without hiring him from his Owner. VI. CarryingoffNegroes, Felony without Benefit of Clergy. PuT Ill. Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix. ( 13 ) PAllT Ill. L OrigilKll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. 1736. ACl: 11 r: VII. Juflices to mfl1Cl: Punilhment on indent ed or hired Servants, as to them lhall feem convenient, not extending to Life or Member. VIII. Differences be tween Maflers and Servants to be decided by Two Juflices. 1738. All: 120. For confirming, exe cuted by Colonel Guthrie, Sir F. Sadler, and Cudjoe, the Commander of the Rebels: For paying Rewards for taking up and re ftoring Runaways, and making Provi1ion for Four White Perfons to refide at Trelawney Town, and for granting Freedom to Five Neg roes who. were Guides to Parties. Articles of Pacification figned at the Camp near Trdawney Town, March r, 1738-9, in cluding Captains Cudjoe Ac com pong, Johnny, Cuffe e, and Quaw, and feveral other Ne-. groe s Vide ACl: 126. 1740; Articles with Q!,1ao for Crauford's Town and New N a nny Town. 1739. Atl 123. For v e fling a Number of N eg roes in the Crown for the Ufe of the Barracks, and cutting and clearing of Roads, &c. &c. I Twenty able Neg roes allotted to e a ch of the Twdve Barracks. 11. To be paid for by a Tax. III. To b e employe(,f in building B a rracks, &c. IV. Receiver General to purchafe N e groes, in fiead of thofe that die. VIII. Penalries on employin g Negr o es allot ted to their Service. Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appenix, 14 ) Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1739. Act 123. XI. Negroes raifd for the Barracks veiled in the Juilicesand Ve!lry, for the Ufe of the Parifbes from whence they were taken. 1740. Act 124. Taken notice of in Act 64, 1717. 1740. Act 126. Articles of Pacification between Colonel Ben net and the Commander of the Re bels, for paying Rewards for taking up and re!loring runaway Slaves, and making Provilion for Four Whi1e l'erfons, to re fide at Crawford's Town, and New Nanny Town, and for granting Freedom to Two Negroes who were Guides to Colond Bennet. 1741. ACl: 133. Further Encouragement to Colooel Cudjoe and Captain 1744. Act 141. Taken notice of before, Page 3. S. xxiv. and XXVJ, 1744. Act 142. Regulations in regard to felling Gunpowder, and prevent felling Fire Arms to Slaves. 1747. Aet 149. For explaining, &c. an Aft for introducing Whi1e Peo ple into this !Oand, fublifl:ing them for a certain Tin:< and providing them with Land, that they may become Settlers, &c. &c. 1748. Act 152. An Act for regulating and felling the Liv ings of the Clergy, and afcertaining the fame; and giving .., the Jamaica. Appendix. 1749. Act 155. Another Act to encou rage White People to come and fettle. I 7 49 Act I 57 Another Act 10 the fame Purpofe, and giving a Bounty to Artificers. 1750. ACl 167. To encourage New Comers to take up and fenle Lands in the Parifh of Port land 1733. ACI: 197. For encouraging New Comers. I. Governor empowered to make new Grants near Manchioneel Harbour. llI. Not exceeding Twenty Acres to any One Perfon. 1758. V. 2. ACI: ro. Debes incurred by White Seiders remitted. Atl: JI. Another Act for the Encouragement of Whiie Seiders. Act 13. Another Act to the fame Purpofe. ( I 5 ) Digitized by Go gle PART JI. Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. 1748. Ad: 152. the Bilhop of LondonEcclefia!lical Ju rifdiftion over them. ACl 153. For making Free Ne groes, Indians, and Mulattoes, Evidence in all Caufes againft one another in all the Courts of this IOand. III. Manumitted Slaves to be tried as if born free. IV. Mu!t be manumitted Six Monihs before he gives his Teftimony. 1749 Ad: 165. To prevent the de!line killing and marking of Cattle, and for the better regulat ing of Hunting. VI. Felony for Slaves hunting without their Mailers, Overfeers, or fome other White Perfon, by him or them deputed. VII. Slaves not to carry Fire Arms without a Ticket, under pain of corporal Punilhmenr, not extending to Life or Member. 1751. Act 178. For the better Order and Government of the Negroes belong ing Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix. 1752. ACl: 188. An Ad: for making Prov ilion for fuch Perfons as may arrive from any of his Ma je!ty's Sugar Co:o nies. I. Commiffioners to eXJ mine New Comers, that have come with an Intention to refide here, and to order the Receiver General to pay to every fuch Perfon the Sum of 201. to re imburfe the Fxpences of Palfage and Support after Arrival. 175 0 Ad: 174. Slaves Evidence again fl: Slaves for Crimes committed on the High Seas, wichour Oath. II. Not to extend to Crimes committed in their Palfage as Merchandife, or from this llland to the Fren c h or Spanilh Coa!ts. III. Continue in force Twenty Years. ACl: 24. V. 2. VI. Slaves having Fire Arms in their Pof feffion, or Bayonet, Sword, Cutlafs, Lance, or other Military Weapon, Death ; or fuch other Punilhment as the J ufiices and Free holders lhall think proper to inflict. VII. Having Tickets ex cepted. IX. Own e rs fulf e ring it, forfeit 1001. 1766. Act 43. Another Ad: to the fame Purport, addin g in the Title, '.'. And for c:ncou-'176 9 v. 2. J\Cl: 68. Further e m powe red by add i tional R eg ulation s Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1751. AC\: iS. ing to the fevcral Negro Towns, and to prevent them from purchafing Slaves. I. Wild Negroes to be tried by the Whire Men refiding in the Town to which the Offender belongs, and Four of the Negroes of the faid Town. II. Government may grant Commiffions as above for trying them. Ill. Two Juilices and Three freeholders may try them as Free Negroes were ufually tried, and punifhed before the palling this Act. IV. Trial and Acquittal ro be a Bar to any Proceedings for the fame Offence. V. abfenting from the Negro Towns without Leave, upon Conviction to be tranfported. VI. As likewife for enticing Slaves to run away. VII. WiU Negroes purchafing SI.ins, forfeit the fame. Ptnalty of 1 ool. on the Seller. 1756. v. 2. Atl 6. !-'or vefl:ing runaway Slaves, not claimed by their Proprietors within a certain Time, in his Ma jefl:y, to be employed in the Service of the Public. J. The Time Twelve Monchs. Right of Infants, Ferne Coverts, and Abfentees, proceCled. Ill. Provofl: Marfhal's Fees to be paid by the Receiver General. 1757. 2d V. Afr 7. For dividing the Hland into Three Coun. ties, and for appointing Jultices of Af fize, PART III. Jamaica. Appendix. 1766. ACl +3 couraging the faid Negroes to go in purfuit of runaway Slaves.''. J. Negroes tried by the Commanding Officer. II. Governor to grant Commiffions for Trial. III. To be tried as Free Negroes were before palling a former ACl of 1748. IV. Trials a Bar to fur ther Proceedings. V. Free Negroes abfent ing themfelves from their refpetlive Negro Towns, to be deprived of their Freed om. VI. Enticing Slaves to run away, forfeit their Freedom .. VII. 1001. Penalty on their purchafingSlaves. VIII. Encouragemencfor taking Runaways. 1778. V. 3. Act 62. 17 56. ACl 6. Repealed. II. Receiver General to colleet all the King's Negroes, and expofe them fingly to Sale. 111. The Money to arife from fuch Sale fhall be to his Majefl:y for the Support of Govern ment. 1780. V. 3. Afr 75 Many Regulations in re gard to the Maroon Negroes and their Su perintendants, and Ef tablifhmencs of Pay to their Officers and Men, of Parties belonging to the feveral Negro Towns fent out co fcour the Woods, and take up runaway Slaves. ( 17 ) Digitized by Go gle PART 111. M Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. Jamaica. Appendix. 1757 2dV. ACl: 7. fize, and Oyer and Terminer, in Two of the faid Counties. 1758. V. 2. ACl: 9. To afcertain the Boun daries of the Negro Towns, &c. I. One Thoufand Five Hundred Acres in T,relawney. II. One Thoufand Acres in St. Elizabeth. III. V dl:ed in the Maroon Negroes and their Heirs. Penalty of 5001. for intruding upon them, or dill:urbing their Polfeffions. 1760. V. 2. ACl: 24. To remedy the Evils arifing from irre gular Affemblies of Slaves, prevent pof feffing Arms and Ammunition, going from Place to Place without Tickets, and for prevencing the PraClice of Obeah; and to rell:rain Overfeers from leaving Efiates under their Care on certain Days, and to oblige all Free Negroes, Mulattoes, or In dians, to regifkr their Names in the Vefiry Books, and to carry about them the Certificates, and to wear the Badge of their Freedom, and to prevent any Captain, Mall:er, or Supercargo of any Veffel bringing back Slaves tranfported off the Inand. I. Neglect of JuCl:ices 51. Penalty. II. Conll:ables to attend Negro Markets, by Order of J ufiices ; negleCting, forfeit 40s. 1781. V. 3. ACl: 91. IX. No Slave to be per mitted to go off the Plantation, or to travel from one Town to another, without a Ticket, expreffing Time and Place, under Penalty of 40s. to be recovered from the Malter or Owner, who is exempted from the Pe nalty upon proving he gave fuch a Ticket, or that the Slave went without his Confent; in which Cafe the Slave to be committed to Gaol and whipped, not exceeding Thirty-nine Lalhes. Ju ll:ice fail. ing to do his Duty forfeits 51. X. Conftables to attend the Negro Markets on Sundays, and take up Slaves without Tickets, under Penalty of 40s. XXII. Free Negroes granting Tickets deem ed guilty of Forgery. XXIII. White Perfons granting fuch Tickets guilty of Forgery. XXIV. KeepersofWork.; houfes and Gaol Keep ers to ad ve rtife Na mes, Marks, and Sex, of every runaway Slave in their Cuftody. XXV. Workhoufe ers may publicly fell Slaves, who have been in Cuftody Twelve Months, 1781. V. 3 ACl: 91. Obeah-men and Women convicted by Two J ull:ices and Three .Freeholders, Death, or Tranfportation. ( 18 ) Digitized by Go gle Origiflal from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1760. 111. Negroes to have dif cretionary Holidays, not Two following one another, on Penalty of 501. JV. Penalty on fuffering Drumming, &c. JOol. V. Overfeers fuffering the fame, Siii: Months Im prifonment Vl. Fire-arms and Wea. pons, Death. VII. Having Tickets, excepted. VIII. Tickets in force for One Month, IX. Slaves to have no military Weapons, on Penalty of 1001. X. Slaves pretending to fupernatural Power ; Death or Tranfporta tion. XI. Owners not to be abfenc on Sundays (ex cept in Time of Di vine Service or mili tary Duty); forfeit 51. XII. Free Negroes to have their Certificates attef.l:ed, and wear their Badge. XIII. Penalties on J uf tices, Vef.l:rymen, and Conll:ables, 501. XV. Charge of fearch ing for Negro's Title to Freedom to be made good to him by the Parifh. XVI. Maf.l:ers of Ships forfeit 1001. bringing Negroes Jamaica. Appendix. 1731. V. 3. Act 91. Months, giving Thirty Days Notice to pay Mile Money, &c. and the Overplus to the Receiver General for the Public. '.X.XVI. To be paid by the Public for fuch Slaves as die in their Cufiody within Twelve Months, provided the Owners are not known. XXVJI. Gaol Keepers, &c. not to work Slaves fent into their Cufiody, under the Penalty of 1001. 1781. V. 3. Aa 9r. XI. The fame, under Pe nalty of 501. 1781. XII. Mall:ers fuffering Drumming, &c. Pe nalty 1001. XIIL Officers, Civil and MilitJTy, empowered to enter Plantations to prevent it. XIV. Owners and keepers fuffering it, Six Months Imprifon ment ; but not to for bid the Slaves meeting together, and playing and diverting them felves in any innocent Amufement. XV. Slaves to have no military Weapons. 1761. ACI: 29. To renew their Cenifi cates only once in Seven Years. ( 19 ) Digitized by Go gle Ill. Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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l'.\RT III 1760. Negroes back from Tranfporcation, or Six: Months Imprifonment. XV III. Penalty of 51. on J uftices on not reading this Act at the Q!!arter Seffions. V. 2. Act !25. An AC\: to make free feveral Negro and Mulatto Slaves as a Reward for their faith ful Services in the late Rebellions. 1761. V.2. AC\:28. To prevent the ln_ con veniences an ling from exorbitant Grants and Devifes made by White Perfons to Negroes, and the Ilfue of Negroes, and rcllrain and limit fuch Grants and vifes. I. Preamble. II. The Evil. Ill. Policy. IV. Real Ellates, though bequeathed to Negroes, &c. to go to the Heirs at Law. Pcrfonal Eflates, though bequeathed,togounder the Statute of Diflri bution. V. Intentions to eva d e this Afr provided againft. VI. Tru!lees not allowed to demur to Bills in Equity VII. Negroes, Mulattoes, or other Perfons not born in Wedlock, and being a Mulatto, incapacitated to purchafe more than 20001. in Reality VIII. Perfons re!ident in Great Britain excepted for a Time. IX. Perfons may devife 20001. only, a nd no more, to any Perfon, as before. X. Excepting Abfcntees; for a Time. XI. Deeds already re corded ratified. XII. Perfons of the Fourth Degree may claim. xm. Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix. ( 20 ) Origil'kll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1761. XIII. Perfons may Cue in the Supreme Court, or in any Court of Equity. 1766. V 2. ACl 40. VI. Stealing or carrying off S l a ves, or defacing Marks; Death. Not a II owed the Benefit of Clergy. VIII. L'" nalty of 200!. and Twdve Momhs Imprilunmenc, for in veig l ing, hiding, en ticin g harbouring, or employing Slaves, con irary to this AC!:. IX t'rovifo; co indem nify Executors, Admi ni!hators, &c. &c. X. Taking Slaves from P t rfons who have had Poff Ilion Six Months, forfeit 2 col. XI. Pcrfons holding Slaves under Leafe, to deliver them up at the Expiration of the Leafe, under Pains of thi s Act, with Exception and Provifo. XII. J ullice co iffue his to apprehend Inveiglers. XIII. l'rovoll: Marfhal to fummon Twencyfour Freeholders to form a Jury of Twelve of the fai d Freeholuers. XIV. Inveigled Silves to be produced at the of XV. Judf!e or Jufl:ice to fommon Wicndfes, and to impofe a Fine on \Vi;ne!ks not appear-1ng. XVI. Perfons in Ourefs, being legal Wicnefi'cs, to be produced on fuch Trial. XVII. Provoll: Marfhal to r turn Warrants to Judge, under Penalcy of 501. Currency. XVII. Provifo. XVIII. One Judge, or Two J ufiices, aurhorif. ed to proceed co Trial ; Form of a!fJciati11g; Pc:nalcyof501.onJ ult ice refufing to alfociate. XX. Complaint to be made within Twelve Months. I' ART III. Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix. N ( 21 ) PART III. ---OrigiMI from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. I 766. v. 2. AEt 40. XXI. Jurors not attending forfeit 501. XXII. Clerk of the Peace to draw the Charge : Form of the Chargt". XXIII. And enter upon Record all Affidavits, Warrants, &c. &c. XXV. Jurors Oath. Evidences Oath. XXVI. Jurors not to depart till Inqueft returned. Form of Inquifition. XXVII. After Inquell: returned, the Slave te> be delivered to the Claimant. XXVIII. No Certiorari till after Judgment. XXIX. Clerk of the Peace paid zos. each Day; negleeting forfeits 1001. XXX. In cafe of Acquit tal, Complainant to pay Co.!l:s; on Refufal,com mitted to Gaol. XXXI. Penalties recovered by Warrant of Difhefs. XX:XIII. Jury drawn in Nature of a Ballot. Provifo. Ditt1>. XXXVI. To proceed t<> Trial, in Martial Law. XXXVII. Witnelfes protcEtcd. XXXVIII. Pcrfons ag arieved to have Re in the Supreme Court. XXXIX. Deputy Marlhals to give Notice when Replevins arc lodged. XL. Palfed for Seven. Years . 1761. V. 2. AEt 30 To make free a Negri} for d ifcovcring a re bellious Confpiracy, 1763. Atl: 34 To make free another Negro for the fame. 1760. Atl: 25. To make free a great Number of Negroes for the fame. Digitized by Go gte Jamaica. Appendix. ( 22 ) OrigirKll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1764. V. 2. Act 36. To make free another Negro for the fame. 1767. V. z. Act 48. To make free Two Slaves for the fame. 1768. V. 2. Act 60. For the more effectual preventing Negroes and other Slaves from defrrting from their OwneH, and depart ing from this 1 Oand in aclanddl:ineManner. I. Preambk. Slave attempting to go off the Ilhnd, and other Slave or Slaves aflift ing,-Death, or other Punifhment, at the Difcretion of the J uf tices or Freeholders. II. If Two are tried, the Ringleader to fuffer Death. lir. Free Negroes aflif.1: ing to forfeit their Freedom. IV. Penalcy of 2001. on l'rovofl: Marlhal not tranfporting them in Six Months. V. Found at large after wards, Death. VI. Penalty cf 1001. on White Perfons aflifl:ing them. VII. Perfons .affif.l:ing may be proceeded againl.l:, whether the Principal is convidcd or not. 1768. V. 2. Act 62. To ir.fliCl: further Pu nifhment on Per fons receiving fl:olm Goods, knowing them to be ftolen. 11. Perfons receiving fiolen Goods to fuffer Death, upon Convic tion in his Maje!l:y's Couns of Judicature. 1778. V. 3. AC!: 64. An A.:t to prevent Negro or other Slavc:s, from keeping Horfes, Mares, Mules, Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix, 1771. V. 3 ACl: 10. The ACl: of 1768, No. 6. repealed. II. Provifo, if Two or more Slaves belong to more than One Planta tion, Death co be in flifted on the Principal or Ringleader. Ill. The fame, nearly. IV. Nearly the fame, ex cept caufing them to be fold, and the Money 10 be paid to the I{ e cei ver General, for the Support of Governmtnt. And Twelve Months Im prifonmenr. The fame. To be printed. I 7;6. V. 3. Att 54. Act 10. repealed, viz. the ACl: eftablifhing a l'a troling Party in each l'arilb. 1777. V. 3 ACl: 57 ACl: co prevent Mailers of Ships, and other V ctrels, from clan deftinely carrying off this lfland Negro or mher Slaves. J. Taking, without a Cer tificate, 5001. Penalty. II. To be returned fafe, or forfeit 5001. IIJ. Knowingly taking off, without Confent of the Owner, Death ; wuhout Benefit of Clergy. ( 23 ) PART UL 17q1, V. 3. Aet 91. 1:ntorced. 1781. Claufe VII, 1768. Enforced by Claule XLVI!. and Clauft XLVIII. Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. 1778. V. 3. ACl: 64. ML1les, or Affes. I. Poffdfors of Planta tions and Penns, having Horfes, and the uputed Property of Slaves, to produce the fame, to be fold Lllider Penalty of 501. II. Suffering fuch Horfc s, &c. to be kept on fuch Plantations, forfeit 201. III. To make Oath that no Horfes, &c. on their Property, belong 10 Slaves. IV. No Slaves, nor any Perfon in Trull: for them, to purchafe any Horfe, &c. under For feiture of 201. V. To prevent ll:ealing of horned Caule, Sheep, and Goats : Any Slave, having a of Beef, Veal, Mutton, or Goat, exceeding Ten Pounds, and con vieted thereof, lhall be whipped in fuch Manner as the Magill:rate fhall d ireet; and if a larger or greater Quantity, exceeding Ten Pounds, convicted be fore Two J ull:ices and Three Freeholders, fhall fufFer fuch Punilh ment as they 111all think proper 10 infliet. 1780. V. 3. ACl: 82. An ACl for efiablilhing public Workhoufcs in the feveral Parilhes in this lfland. I. White Perfons, Free Negroes, Mulattoes, loitering and refuling to work for the ufual and common Wages, wanderingabroad, beg ging, deemed Rogues and Vagabonds. IV. Conftables to appre hend. V. Juftices to commit. VI. White Perfons to be kept feparate from People of Colour. 1781. V. 3. AC!: 85. An Act for giving an additional Allow ance for the Support ot Negroes confintd rn Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix. 178r. V. 3. AC!: 91. XL. PoffdTors of Plant ations not to fuffrr Slaves to keep Horfes, Mares, Mules, A!s, or Gelding, 201. Penalty. XLI. To make Oath that none of the Horfes, &c. belong to Slaves, 201. Penalty. XLII. No Slave to pur chafe any Horfe, &c. no Perfon to fell or give a Horfe to a Slave, under l'rnalty of 201. Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1781. V. 3. Ace S5. in Gaol for a certain Time. I. Madhals, and Gaol Keepers of the Coun ties of Surry and Mid dlcli:x, empowered to charge all Owners and Proprietor' of Slaves in Gaol, after the ka1e ot 15d. per Day, inllead of 9d. hrretofore al lowed to be charged. 1781. V. 91. XXVlll. Mode of Pro ceeding with refpect to Slaves upon Complaint of their having commilted Fdony, Bur glary, J{obi1ery, burn ing of I-Joules, Pieces, rebellious C<>n fpiracies, compafiing or imagining the De3lll of a White Perfon, or any other capital Offence, char lhall fubjec1 fuch Slave to fu!fcr Death, Tranfporcacion, or any other kvere Punilhment. J ullice lhall ilfue his Warrant to take the Off.:nder, and for all Pcrfons 10 come before him that can ,give: Evidence; and if it appears that the Perfon is gui ly, he 111.111 cu:nm1t him to l'rilon, and cer1ify 10 the next Ju!li ce 1he Ca11li-, and h;m to alT:;ciat1:. The J uilice' fo alfociaced lhall illue thrir War rant to fum mon a fut'ficienc Number of heeliol,iers, noc kfs than Fi fo chat T hrte of foch Freeholders may be chofen by Ballot, fetcing fo1 chtl1e Mm er, the Day, Hour, and Place, perfonally to ap pear before 1 he fa1d Parties. The Free holders lhall be fworn to judge uprighcly and according to Evidence. The major P:1r1, One of them being a J uilice, to determine, and lhall give Sentence of Death, Tranfporta1ion, or fuch other PARTlll. Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. Appendix. PA!lT lfT, 1;81. V. 3. AEt 91. l'uni!l:menr, J3 thev lhJll think proper inll1tt, and cauJC: the fame co be carried into l'xcn1tion (Women with Child excepted, whoJC: Execution lh:1ll be rer:iiced till Delive;y). The J uf1:1ces may relpite, the Term not exceeding Thirty Days, or until the Pie.Iii.ire of the Commanda in Chief lhall be known. XXIX. In all Trials of Slaves, Two Days Notice to be given to the Owners. XX X. In all C!Cs Siavcs arc ; ut upon Tri al hv Owner, &c. and are k:i;cnccd 10 de, the Jufl:ices ll1Jll inquire inco the Value of rhe Slave, whJt d1t (h 11cr ought to receive, aml cc-rtify the fame, not ex;;ecd ing 401. XXXI. Tlie Parilh in which the Cn:i:e was committed to pay the Value of the Slave executed. XXXV. lwoJufticesto hear and
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PART tit. 1681. Atl2. An ACl: for regulatine Servants. I. Mafters to keep One White Man Servant to the Firft Five Slaves 1 One to the Second Five, and for every Ten, afcer the Firll: Ten, One. II. Maflers to inform Conll:ablesof the N um. ber of hired Men and working Slaves. Ill. Conflables to demand an Account every Six Months, under Penalty of :201. IV. Time of Service for indented Servan1s. V. 10! for employing any Free Perfon with out a Certificate from the !all: Employer. VI. 101. Penalty on tradincr with ServaAts, or without Con fent of the Owner. Vil. Punifhment of Vio lence of Servants to Mall:ers, &c. VIII. Overfeers wafting Goods. IX. Fathers of Ballard Children lhall indem nify the Parifh. X. Free Man marrying a Servant, Penalty 20!. to be paid to the Malter, and the Ser vant to be free. 1783. V. 3 ACl: 107. An Atl to exempt from Taxes fuch of his Majell:y's of North America, Bay of Honduras, and Mofquico Shore, as, from Motives of Loyalty, have been, or !hall be, obliged to relinquifh and abandon their Pof feffions in that Country, and rake refuge in this lfland with Intent to fettle here. Preamble. To incrcafe the Num ber of Inhabitants, as tending to the Security, Wealth, and Di!Jitized by Go 8 e Jamaica. Appendix. ( 26 ) Ori!JiMI from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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1783. V. 3. ACl: 107. and Profperity of the llland, exempt from Duties upon their Slaves brought with them frotn Paro chial Taxes for Sevrn Years, from Charges of patenting Lands. Perfons from Honduras or the Mot: quico Shore entitled co the fame Bene fics. 1681. Ad 1. XI. Suits between Mat ters and Servants to be determined by Two J uftices. XII. Penalty of 201. on MJft:ers turning away lick or infirm Servant, under pretence of Free dom, or otherwife. XIII. That no Servant whipped naked, wi thout Order of a J uftice of the Peace, upon Penalty 51. XIV. Four Pounds of good Flelh, or Four Pounds of good F1fh, together with fuch Plantation provifion, as may be fufficic:nt. XV. Clothing for indented Servants. XVI. A Chriftian Servant not co be buried till viewed by the Juftice, Con!lable, &c. XVII. Entertaining ano ther's Servant. XVIII. Hiding ditto, Thirty-nine Lafhes on the naked Back. XIX. Riding, or carry ing Goods, on ano cher's Horfe. &c. XX. XX!. XXll. Relate to Runaways. N. B. Jn this whole ACl: it is difficult to diftin guifh between the in dented White Servanr, or Black Servant, and the Negro Slave In the Margin, they are called Slaves ( B) pro. mifcuoully. oiqitizedby Go gle Jamaica. Appe11d.;x, ( 27 ) PART JIT. OriqiMI from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART Ill. Jamaica ACl:s. 152. 1748 An ACl: for regulating and feeding the Liv ings of the Clergy, and afcercaining the fame, and giving che Bilhop of London Eccldiafiical J urif. diction over them. J. Settles annual Sti pends. II. B1lhop of London's J urifdiCl:ion. I 11. How far to extend IV. Beneficed Mini!lers, adjudged Freeholdt>rs, voce at FleCl:ions with out taking the Oath of Le Code Noir Dans ks Colonies Fran<;oifes, 17:z4 .. Art. XXVll. L'efclave qui aura freppe fon maicre, fa ma it relTe, le mari de fa maicrelTe, ou leurs enfans, avec contulion ou dfulion de fang ou au vifage, fera puni de mort. Art. XXVlll. Et quant aux exces & voies de fait qui li:ront com is par Jes efclaves contre les perfonnes libres, vou Ions qu'ils foiem fevere ment punis, meme de mort, s'il y echeoit. Art. XXXII. L'efclave fugitive qui aura ete en fuite, pendant un mois; a compter du jour que fon maltre l'aura denonce ajuftice, aura /es oreilles coupies & fera marque d'une fleurde-lys fur une ipaule, et s'ils recedive pen dant un autre mois a compeer pareillement du jour de la denonci ation, ii aura le Jarret Coupe, et ii fera marque d'une fleur-de-lys fur l'autre epaule; et la troificme fois ii fera puni de mort. Art. XXXVllI. Defen dons auffi a tous nos fujets 'Jainaica; Appendix Stipends per Annum. St. Catherine Sc. Thomas in the Vale Sc. Dorothy Kinrdton Vere Clarendon Port Royal St. Andrew St. John St. Thomas in the Eafi St. David St. George St Mary St. Anne St. Elizabeth W efimordand Hanover Portland Trdawney (q). JC<_J 2CO 200 250 2CO 250 200 zoo 200 250 JOO 100 200 200 200 2:,0 200 100 ( 28 ) Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Le Code Noir. fujets des-dies pays, de quelque qualice et con dicion qu'ils foient, de donner ou faire donner de leur autorire privee la queftion ou tonure, fous quelque pretexte que ce foit, ni de leur faire, ou faire faire au cune mutilation de mem bre, a peine de con fifcation des efcla ves, et d'etre procedc con cr'cux extraordinaire ment ; leur permellonJ feulement, /ors-qt/ ils croi ront q11e Ieurs e;claves /'aurcnt mfrili, de les faire cnchainer, et bat tre de verge ou de cordes. Art. XX XIX. Enjoignons aux officiers de jullice ccablis dans le die pays, de procC:uer criminelle ment, concre les mai tres, et les command eurs qui auront tui Ieurs tfclaves, ou leur auronc rnutile Its membres ctant fous leur puif fance ou fous leur di rcction, et de punir le rneurtre felon l'atrocite des circonftances; et en cas qu'il ait lieu a l'ab folucion, leur permet tons de renvoyer, tant Jes maitres que les com rnandeurs, fans qu'ils ayent befoin d'obtenir de nous des letcres de grace. PAkT Ill. Digitized by Go gle Jamaica. De par le Roi. Ordonhances de Monfeig. le Due de Penthievre, Amira) de France. Code Noir, p. La chaleur de ces Cli mates, la temperature du nocre ne permettoic pas aux Fran<;ois un travail aum penible que le defrichment des terres inculc de ces pays bru ; ii falloit y fup pleer par des hommes accoucumes ii l'ardeur du foleil, et a la fatigue la plus extraordinare. De Ja, l'imporcaiion des negres de l'Afrique dans nos colonies. De la, la necejfiti de l'efda vage pour foumetcre une multitude d'hommes robulles a une petite quantice de Franfois tranfplantes clans ces iOes. Ee on ne peut difconvenir que l'tf clavage, dans cc cas, n'ait etc diC\e par la prudence, et par la politique la plus fage. Umquemenr dellines a la cuhure ne nos colonies la neceffite Jes y a in troduits cette meme les y conferve, et on n'avoic jamais penfe qu'ils vinlfent trainer leurs chaines jufqu'au, fein du roy aurne. 31 Mars, 5 April 1762. Appendix. Page 438, Negres dete nus en F ranee. D'ailleurs, Jes negres en general font des hommes dangereux ; prejque pas un de w1x auxquels vous avez rendu la liberti, qui n' en ail abufi el qui ne fa foil porti a des excts dangereux p'ur la jocieti. Code Noir, p. 66, 67. Lettres Patentes du Roi. Mars 1696. Louis, par la grace de Dieu, au milieu des foins que nous donnons a la dffenfe de nos ecats contre touces les puif fances de !'Europe, nous ne lailfons pas d'avoir l'attencion ne celfaire fur tout ce qui peuc concribuer au bien de nos peuples; et par ticulierement fur le commerce, done la con tinuation peut encre tenir l'abondance dans le royaume, et y ap porcer Jes richelfes ctrangeres ; et comme celui qui fe fait au Sinegal et fur la cote d'Afrique, ell un de plus conjiderables, cane par le trafic de cuirs, gommes, cires, mor phil, poudre, et ma tiere d'or, et autre marchandifes fines, que par Its negres, qu'on porte aux illes de I' A merique, Ji nfrej/aires pour la culture des jucres, 1abac, cotans, indigos, l': -Le Code Noir. et aucres clenr<'.es <]Ui font : !c pays en Fi Jnce, er ;: nos fujets tirmt de Ji grands mlfmtages. Nous avons ri:fulu de main tenir ce impGrtant, &c. &c. CodeNoir, p. r3r. 1726. Et comme nous voJlons alfurer Ii libertc a ce et trailer !es negoctans, el marcbar.ds, qui fentreprmdront pour donner ITIO)'en de le. ren
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PART IJJ. Jamaica. NEGROES imported from AFRICA into the IOand of jAMAJCA, and Duty on them, and exported from the faid Uland, and Drawba1:k on them, Yearly, frum 22d September 1 702 to 177 5 Ne ol No. of N503 3,804 6,617 2.134 3,662 6,724 4,128 4'378 5,789 2,372 6.jbl 7,551 6,253 5,120 5,064 3,7J5 8,469 6,824 6,852 10,297 11,703 51350 10,499 10,104 13,552 7,4J3 4,5;0 4,851 313 8,995 7,695 6,787 5,362 4,255 5,067 8,755 4,703 Jo,898 10,430 6,858 3,587 4,8+0 6,117 7,661 9,551 J z,713 145.l j 343>751 :---None Ditto Ditto Dicto Ditto Diuo Ditto Dino Ditto Ditto Ditto Dino Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto ptr Head 5s. ptr Head JOS. Ditto Dino Ditto Ditto Dino Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto ptr Head 15s. ptr Head Jos. Ditto Dino Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto 327 481 :221 1,669 897 J,379 J,27 5 1,191 J,r.32 J,903 2,712 3,507 1,089 2,872 3153 2,247 3,161 2,8t5 1,637 3,263 4,674 3,569 3d88 4,112 i,555 986 4,810 5,222 5,708 5,288 5,176 1,666 2,200 1,647 2,240 2,070 598 495 562 792 1,368 J,331 1,JH J,5ol 3,378 2,426 2,128 721 713 1,038 9;)2 1,592 598 None Ditto D11to Ditto D1tto Ditto Ditto Ditto Dino Dino Ditto Die to Diuo Ditto Ditto Ditto Dino Dicto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Dino Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Dir to Ditto Dino Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Diuo Di: to Ditto Ditto None Ditto Ditto Dicto Ditto per Head 1 I. Ditto Dir to Ditto Dicro Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto None Diuo Ditto Ditto ptr Head 1 I. Ditto Dir to D'.tto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto D itto ptr Head 1 l. 10. l ptr Head 1 I. difallowed, as per Council Minutes, id January 1732 Ditto per Head, 1 I. on Purchafe Ditco, to Sepcember 301h Ditto, 17 5oto17 7 5,inclulive Ditto Dino n;uo D1tto Ditto Dino Ditto Die to Ditto Ditto Ditto D ino Ditto Ditco Ditto Ditto, 174J to 1749, diuo Ditto, 1702 to J7 ditto Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Jamaica. PART III. No of No. of Negroei No. of Nefoe' imported. Duty. exporte Drawback. Duty on Export or Purchafe, ------------------------------1756 46 11,166 per Head 1 o s. 1,902 None per Head 1 I. 1757 32 7,935 Ditto 943 Dino Ditto 17,;8 11 J,405 Ditto 411 Ditto Ditto 1759 18 5,212 Dino 681 Dito Ditto 1i60 23 7>573 Ditto 2,368 Ditto Ditto 1761 2y 6,480 Ditco 642 Ditto Ditto 1762 24 6,279 Ditto 232 Ditto Ditto 1763 33 I0,079 Ditto r,582 Ditto Ditto 41 10,213 Ditto 2,639 Ditto Ditto I 76; 41 8,951 Ditto 2,006 Ditto Ditto t766 43 10,208 Ditto 672 Ditto Ditto I ;67 19 3,248 Ditto 375 Ditto Dicto 1768 27 5,95o Ditto 485 Diuo Ditto 1769 19 Ditto 420 Ditto Ditto 1;70 2-i 6,824 Ditto 836 Ditto Ditto 17;1 17 4,183 Ditto 671 Ditto Ditto 1772 2l 5,278 Ditto 923 Ditto Ditto 17/3 49 9,676 Ditto Boo Ditto Ditto 1774 79 I 8,44.8 per H' 21. 10s. 2,511 per Head 21. Ditto difallowed 1 775 39 9,292 Ditto 1,629 Ditto Ditto ----------6_n 153,975 22,728 1,453 343 751 114,286 ----------2,090 137,014-----------R ET URN of M AR 0 0 N S, 20th Oltober r 770. i--2 13 i,C.,;.. Towns. -2 cw "" .; .;; A u c ll B 0 ::-: A !!!: ------------Trelawney -85 18 121 Charles -53 8 75 N annv or Moore Town 42 8 40 Aecom pong -22 7 29 Scots Hall 14 4 19 ------Total 216 45 284 Digitized by Go gte .; ""' a 0 "' ----68 70 44 46 20 26 15 23 I 4 ---148 169 L; t"jl; ...... 0 u ct ;! w" -362 '226 136 119 42 --885 Fort Frederick -Town Superintend' Diuo -Ditto -Ditto -Houfe bad Repair. Ditto. No Houfe. Houfe bad Repair, No Houfc. OrigirKll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. Jamaica. R E.V I_E W of the State of the Ifland of JAMAICA. Produc<. Other Settle-I Countirs. Negrou. Sugar Ellates. Hhds, Sugar. ments. Cattle. ------------------------------Middlefex 87,100 323 31,500 917 75,000 Surrey 75,600 350 34,900 540 8 0,000 Cornwall 93,000 388 39,000 561 69,500 Total -1-0-5,400 Twenty Pari!hes, in which arc Thirty-fix Towns and Villages, Eighteen Churches and Chapels, and about Twenty-three thoufand white Inhabitants. EXTRACT from the CORNWALL CHRONICLE, 8th December Ii87. J A M A I C A. Thurfday, November <9th. THE Houfe went into a Committee on the Confolidated Slave Bill, and continued to fit upwards of Three We underftand, that. by this Bill, t?e whole Sr!l:em of the Law n:lpeCting Negroes 1s inmely changed. A Council of Protecbon 1s eftabh!htd m each Parifh ; and many humane Provifions are introduced, for rendering their Condition as eafy and as poffible. It is alfo made Felony, without Benefit. of Clergy, to murder a Slave: A Claufc: which, to the great Honour of the Houfe, palfed without a fingle d1lfcnting Voice. Digitized by Go gle Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Jamaica, Appendix. It has bren alTcrted wi1h Confidence, that Barbadoes was cuhivared by White People. I have my Doubls about ii. An Englilh Ship was drove into that lfland by Accident. The Earl of CarliOe's Patent palTed. Twenty Ye.ars afterwards Richard Ligon arrived there. He found that Sugar-making was then but newly practilcd; and 1ha1 whillt he lived in the lOand there were reckoned in it about 50,000 Souls, not includ;ng the Negroes, who were thought 10 amounc to more than double the Numbers of the Chn!lian<. He arrived in September 1647; the lnhabi1ancs were at this Time fo grievoully afflicted wi1 h a pdlilential Diforder, viz. the Y <.'!low Fever, that before a Month was expired after his Arrival, the living were hardly able to bury the dead. He fpent about Three Years in the lOand. He was adviled, upon Enquiry, to purchafe a Plantation ready !locked with Servants, Slavrs, Horles, Catcle, &c. Colonel Modiford, who was a Palrenger in Ligon's Ship, immediately treated with Major William Hilliard for Purchafe of his l'lan1a1ion, viz. 5co Acres of Land, with Dwdling Houfe, Mill, Boiling Houfe, Gardening Houfe, Stables, Smith's Forge, W arehoufos for Provillons, Hout<:s for Negroes, and Indian Slaves. 96 Negroes 3 Indian Women, with their Children 28 Chrillian White Servants (a) 45 Working Cattle 8 Milch Cows 12 HorJes and Mares 16 Affos For a Moiety of all which he was to pay 70001. Sterling. Acres zco employed in Canes 80 and upwards Pallure 120 Wood 30 Tobacco 5 Ginger 5 Cotcon 70 Provifions 510 From the above Account I am unavoidably led co concl11de, that 200 in Canes could not be cultivated by 28 White Servants; and finding that there were 96 Negro Slaves upon it at th< fame Time, and that this was only at 23 Years at molt af1er our firft fetting foot upon that Illand, it frems perfectly clear to me that the lOand of Barbadoes was cultivated by Negro Slaves, and not by White People, as has been alferted (I think) without .Foundation. (a) Confilling or PMIT III. 6 Overfee" 14 Common Servants, or 8 or 10 \Vomen Servants Q PART llf. Mr. Fuller, Agent for the llhnd. 16:4or 162s16:7 1647. 1650. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PARTJll. Jamaica, Appendix. Firfl Report of the Committee of the Houfe of Afii.:mbly of the lflanJ of Jamaica. Preft:nted the 16th Day of Odober 178!!. Mr; SPBAKER, YOUR Committee appointed to examine into, and report to the Houfe, the various tlons and Charges, whic'1, by the Letters of our Agent, and the Minutes of the Houfe of Commons of Great Britain, appear to be contained in a great Number of Pe1i1ions prefented to thac Honourable: Houfe on the Subject of the Slave Trade, and the Treatment of the Negroes in this, and the rert of his Majety's Sugar Colonies; to report the Proceedings and Refolutions of the Britilh Parliament 1hereon ; and further, to confider whether it may be proper for the Houfe to adopt any, nd what Meafures on this imponant Occafion, and to report their Opinion thereon to the Houfe; do report, That it appears to your Committee, from the Minutes of the Britilh Houfe of Commons, that Ptti1ions have been prefented from dilfrrent Corporations, and refpectable Bodies of Men in Great l:lritain, pr 1ying the lnterpofition of Parliament in abolilhing the Slave Trade; wherein many of the faid Petitioners, not content with fiating various Abufes in the Tranfporration of Ne groes from Africa, have ventured to bring forward many general unqualified Allegations, in refped of the Condition and Treatment of the Slaves employed in the Cultivation of this, and others of his Majefty's Colonies in the Weft Indies; charging, that the People fo employed are either expofed to the arbi1rary Will of avaricious and unfeeling Talk-mailers, without any Pro or Means of Rtdrds, even in Cafes of the moll atrocious Injury, or placed under the Dominion of a moll mercilefa and tyrannical Syftem of Laws; that thefe Laws are executed with l I he Derention of Ships on the Coaft ; in prohibiting the Purchafe of Slaves who lhall appear t;; have been kidnapped, or deprived of Liberty contrary to the Ufage and Cufio:n of Africa; and in compelling the faid Ships to tranfport an equal Number of both Sexes, and to provi e Vtnt:lat,;rs, and a fufficient of Provifiom, efptcially Water. It feems not to be underllood in Great Britain_, that the lnh_abitants of the Weft have .no Concern the S_hips trading to Afnca. The African Trade 1s purely a Brmfh l rade, earned on by Brmfh Subjects rc:fidina in Great Britain on Capitals of their own. The Connection and lntercourli: between the Planters of this IOand, and the Merchants of Great Britain trading to Africa, extend no further than the mere Purchafe of what Britilh At1s of Parliament have declared 10 be1 legal Objc:Cls of Purchafe. Your Committee a1e further of opinion, That as to the Charges and Allegation' brouaht againft us, with regard 10 the Treatment and Situation of Slaves in this IOand, it is ntcdTary eafy to difprove the lame, by demontrating, 1 ft, That Nt'groes in this llland are under th<' Proidlion of le nient and falutary Laws, fuited to their Situation and Circumfiances: 2d, That 1he Slave Laws are executed with Humanity, Mildnets and Mercy: 3d, That the Laws have made Provifion t<> grant Slaves Days of Rell, and to prevent their being in want of the Necdfa1ies of Life: And. 4th, That the Decreafe of our Slaves does not arifc from the Caufcs all
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JaJ11aica, Appendix. Second Report of thl! Committee of the Houle of Afiembl y of the H1a!1d of Jamaica. the 12th Day of November 1788. Mr. SPEAKER, YOUR Committee appointed to examine into, and report to the Houfe, the various Alle"'a tions and Charges which, by the Letters of our Agent, and the Minutes of the Houfe of co"'m mo.ns of Great Britain, appear .ro be contained in a great N um brr of Petitions prelenred to thai: Honourable Houfe on the Subject of the Slave Trade, and the Treatment of the Ne"'roes in this and the rell: of his Majdly's Sugr Colonies, and for other Purpofes, have, in purfu":ince of the Powers granted them by the Houle on their Firll: Report, proceeded to collect Evidence to tlifprove the faid Charges and Allegations, by demonll:rating, 1fl, That Negroes in this lfiand are under the Protdtion of lenient and falutary Laws, fuiced co their Situation and Circumftances PART rJt. On this Subject we have to obferve, That it appears by the Letters of our Agenr, that certain Head of Inquiry were tranfmitted to him a frw Months ago from a Committee of the Lords of his Majefty's moll: Honourable Privy Council, many of which related to the Condition and Government of our Slaves, and in Anfwer thereto an Abll:ract of moll: of our ancient Slave Laws was laid before their Lordfhips ; to which, if neceffary, Reference may be had; but it feems not to have been underftood by our Agenr, that in 1781 many of thofe Laws were repealed, and all the fubfifting Laws, and Claufes of Laws, refpecting the Order and Government of Slaves, were confolidated and brought into One Aft. This Act is known by the Name of the Confo lidated Slave Act, and having expired on the ; I ft Day of December 1 784, has fince been renewed with Amendments. By the faid Act of 1781, C!aufes 2d 3d, all Polfelfors of are obliged, under the Penahy of 501. to allot Provifion Grounds for each of their Slaves, to allow chem fufficient Time to work the fame, and alfo to keep in proper Culrivation One Acre of Land at leall for. every Four Negroes, in Plantain Walk and Ground Provifionsl cxclufivc of the Negroes Grounds, and in cafe the Owners or Polfeffors have not Hands proper for chat Purpofe, they are required to make fome other ample Provifion for the Support of their Slaves. By Claufe 4th it is enacted, That every Maller, Owner, or Poffelfor of Slaves, !hall, under the fame Penalty, provide and give 10 each Slave proper and fufficient Clo1hing to be approved of by the J uftices and V dlry of the Parifh. By Claufe 5th, Slaves giving Information of Thefts, or other Crimes and Mifdemcanors, arc tntitled to pecuniary Rewards; which is One Proof, among others, chat our Laws confider Slaves as capable of holding Properry, and will protect chem therein. By Claufe 6th, the Penalty of 1001. is laid on any Maller or Owner who fhall mutilate or difmembcr anv Slave or Slaves. By Claufe 7ch it is enacted, That in cafe any Perfon fhall mutilate any Slave the Property of another, fuch further Punifhment fhould .be inflicted, exclufive of the aforcfaid Fine, as the Court fhould think proper, and at the fame Time the Owner of the injured Slave is allowed to purfue his Remedy for Damages at common Law. By Claufe any Perfon wantonly beating a Slave, not his own Property; is liable to be indicted for the fame, and punifhed by Fine and Imprifonmenc. By Clatife 28th, further Security was given to Slaves, by altering the Mode of Trial of fuch flood charged with rapital Offences; for by former Laws fuch Trials were directed to be held before Two J uftices and Three Freeholders indifcriminately chofen 1 whereas by the faid Act of 1781 it was enacted that rhe Freeholders on fuch Trial lhould be chofen by Ballot, and out of a Number nor leis than Five. When -we reflect chat many of thefe Clan!es were Provifions of our ancient Laws, and irt par .. ticular that the Penally on the Mafter who lhould mutilate or difmember his Slave was enacted fo long ago as the Year 1 717 ; and "hen we confide'. further chat the faid Act of 178 I was in full force until 3111: December 1784, we cannot fuffic1ently exprefs our Aftondhment and Con cern that refpectable Bodies of Mrn lhould have fub:cribed Names to Allegations, which a little Inquiry muft have convinced chem were totally groundlets. On the 31 ft December 1784, the Confolidated Slave Law of 178 I (as hath been already obfcrvcd) expired, and it appears by the Minutes of the Houle chat on the 20th Day of OCtober 1784, a Commirn:e was appointed to bring in a Rill 10 revive and continue the fame 1 but fo .many Improvements and Amendments were propofed for giving further l'rotetl10n and Sec_urny to Slaves, particularly in the Mode of Trial capital Offen.ces, t.hac it thought adv1.fable difperle throuohout the Jnand printed Copies of the new B11!, with the mrcnded Altcrauons, in order that the full Senfe of the Country thereon might be colleCtcd againft the next Selrton ?f Much prellir.g 13ufinefs prevented it into a Law in 1785 and 1786, and tn 1787 the Alfembly was dilfolved; but the new Afiembly, which met m October 1787, among 4 the Digitized by Go gle Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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P.-\RT III. Jamaica, the firtl Obie.:ls of their Attention, tock th; Subj Cl into their Conrideration, and paffc:d the Con folidated Bill w:1id1 is now in furre, whnrin, among other antl Amendments to the Act of 1781, it may be lufficirnt to rnu1nrae the following: By Claufe 4-th. l{q!,u:ations an: made to prevent_ be11_1g deferr<"d in _future by their Owners, on account ot Age and Infirmity; and by a fubfequrnt Cl.wk th<" Ju!b'.e_s and_ Vdl:ry of each Town nd l'arifi1 empowered to lay a Tax upon the lnhab11ants for providing food, medical Care A ttrndnce on Slaves already dcfamJ by their Owners, and who are difabled from Labour, by Sick nefa, old Age, or orherwifr. And in order ?1ore effdlually w enforce the Regu lations of tormrr Laws rtfileding the and Clot hing of Slaves, It IS rnackd by Claufe 6th That every Mailer, Owner, or Attorney, !hall under a Prn.1lty of 501. give 1n to the Vetlry, on Oath, an Account of the Quantity of Land in Ground J'rovi!ions (over abov.: the Negro Ground;) for the Ult of thrir Slaves; or in cafe there are not Lands proper tor the PLTpoft", an Account on Oah of t:ie Merns adof'ted for the Maintenance and SL1pport of their Slaves, and alfo ondn t-,c like Penaltv give in an Account of the Clothing aftually ferved to each Slave. By CIH1k yth, The P;nalty on Perlons mutilating or their Slaves_ is increafed, 1::-y add -ng 10 the Fine ot 100 1 . inAietd by former Laws, the Puc1!hment of lmpnt.,nment, n?t cxceedinoTwelve Momhs, and 111 certain Cafes mutilated Slaves are to be declared Free; and m all fUch Ca:es the Court is authorifed co direcr that the Fine of 1001. be paid over to the Jufiices and Vellry of the Puilh, who in con!i:leration thereof arc: tn allow to !uch Slave declared free 101. per Annum for Maintenonct: and Support during Life. _By the fam_e Claufe the: and Vclliy a e a Council of Protdlion, for the Purpoks of mak10g lull lnquuy mto the Mutilation of Slaves, and for prolecut10g to l'..ffi:ct f,1ch Owner or Owners as may have been guilty thereof. And by Claufe 10th it is enacted, That in cakany lntormation is before any Jufiice of the Peace, that any '.:'lave or Slnes is or nre mutilated and con fined, It !hall and may be: lawful for fuch J ullice of the P
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Jamaica. Appendix. I'. \ RT Ill. In the Parilh of Trelawny, containing 19,318 Slaves, the Number of capital Convictions an-I Executions were Seven in the faid Interval. In the Parilh of St. James, containing 18,546 the Number of capital Convictions and Executions were Three in the faiJ lntenal. ti Jn che Pari!h of Hanover containing 17,612 Slaves, the Number of capital Convictions an Jemnny; and Care lhall be taken by the Gaoler, or Deputy-Marlhal, that the Criminal is free from Intoxication at the Time of his Trial, and from thence, to and at the Time of his Execution, under the Penalty of 51.: And the Mode of fuch Execution is directed to be, hanging by the Neck, and no other. It is likewife provided, That where feveral Slaves are capitally convicted for the fame Offence, One only lhall fuffer Death, except in Cafes of Murder or Rebellion. But the Committee cannot quitthis Subject without obferving, That the Number of Negroes at this Time actually living within this IOand, is much greater than appears on the Tax Rolls from whence the preceding Statement is taken; for in molt Parilhes of the IOanJ it is cuftomary to exempt Pcrfons who have not more than Six Negroes from the Payment of Taxes on Slaves, where by many of the Negroes (efpecially in the Towns) are not given in to the: different Vdhies, and the Returns of a great many other are fraudulently concealed. We judge, after diligent lnve!l:igation, that the whole Number of Negro Slaves now actually in the IOantf, are 240,000 at the lcaft. On the Third Ground of Inquiry we are to demonftrate, That the Laws have made Provif1on to grant Slaves Days of Relt, and to prevent their being in want of the Necelfaries of Life. Although we conceive that chis Alfertion has been fufficiently el1ablilhed by the Recital already given of fuch Claufes of our Laws as relate t) the Subfiltence of our Slaves, yet as the \'fords fufficient Time" in one of the Claufes referred to, left a difcrerionary Power in the Maller, we !lull take occafion, in a fubfequent Part of our Report, to 01ow that the Legifiature has provided a Hemedy again!t any poffible Abufe of fuch difcretionary Authority.-But the further Difcutlion of this Subjeft is deferred until we treat of the new Slave Bill patTed the prelent Sellion. On 1he Fourth and laft Ground of our Refearches, namely, ro demonllrate, That the Decre.ile of our Slaves does not arife from the Caufes affigned in the Pecitiom prefcrHed to che Britifh Hou(e of Commons, but from other Caufes not imputable to us, and which the Pt'ople of Great Britain do not feem to comprehend;" 1he Committee, after diligent Inquiry and lnvelligation, are of opinion, that the following are the principal Caufes to which the of our ought jufily to be imputed :-Fir!t, The Difproportion between the Sexes in the annual Importations from Africa. Second, The Lofs of new Negroes on, or foon after their Arrival, from epi demic Difeafes brought from Africa, or contracted in the Voy ige. RefpeClir.g the Firftof thefe Caufes, the Commi[[ee have examined the moll confiderable African Factors rtfiding in this lfiand as to the relative Numbers of Males and Frn1ales imported and folJ annually for feveral Years palt; and it appears from the Examina1ion of Robert Hibben, EfquirC', a Member of this Houfe, that of 16,15 Negroes imported and fold by Me!Trs. Hibbcns ar.d Jackfon between the Years 1764 and 1774, 10,149 were Males, and 6,145 Females. It likewife appears from the Examinacions of MetTrs. Coppells, MetTrs. Rainsfords, Mt:tTrs. l\1ures and Dunlop, and Alexancer Lindo, Merchanr, that out of Slaves fold by them colleClivtly within thefe Seven Years laft pact, 1he Number of Males was 20,487, and of Femaks 12,391. The relative Proportion of the who1e is Five Males to Three Femaks. We annexed to this Report, ExcraCls from the Books of the aforefaiJ FaClors, as produced by them to this Commictee, and from which the above S1a1ement is formed. They are marked N 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 With refpeCl to the Second Caufe of furh Decreafe, our Inf Sale; and if the fan;e l'roportion ol lJt'aths be allowed to PART Ill. R the: Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Jamaica. .Appendjx, thould be extended to the 3 tll of January then next enfuing ( 1785); but at the fame Time he informed the Houfe, that he was not at liberty to deviate any longer from the Regulations which had been ellablifhed in Great Britain. From the 31ll of January 1785, therefore, the Ports continued !hut, and the Sulferings of the poor Negroes 1n contequence thereof, for fome Months afrerwards, were ell:treme 1 providentially the Seafon became more favourable about May, and conliderable of Corn and Ground ProviCtons were gathered in by the Month of Augull, when the Fourth Scotm happened, and the Liemenant Governor immediately lhut the Pores againll the Exporcation of any of our Provilions ro the French and Spanilh Jflands, which were fuppofed to have fulfaed more than ourfelves ; but not thinking himli-lt at liberty to permit the Importation of Provifions irt American Velfels, rhe Produetions of the Country were fuon exhaulled, and the ufual Attendants of li:anty and un whokfome Diet, Dropfies and epidemic Dyfenteries, were: agatn dreadfully prevalent in the Spring and Summtr of I 706, and proved fatal to great Numbers of the Negroes in all Parts of the Countr y. On the 20th of Oltobor in that Year happened the Fifth dreadful Hurricane, which again laid walle the leeward Parilhes and completed the Tragedy. We decline to enlarge on the Confequences which fullowed, ldl: we may appear to exaggerate; but having endeavoured to a>mpute, wich as muc 1 1 Accuracy as the Subjelt will admit, the Number of our Slaves, whofe J)ellruftion may be fairly attributeli to thefe repeated Calamities, and the unfortunate Meafure of interdtt'.ling foreign Suppl es, and for this Purpole compared the Imports and Returns of Negroes for che lafl Seven Years, with thofe of Seven Y e;rs preceding, we hefitate not, after every Allowance for adventitious Caufrs, to fix the whole at 15,000. This Number we firmly b&lievc: to have perilhrd of Famine, or of Difeafes contracted by fcanty and unwholefome Diet1 between the latter End of 1780, and the Beginning of 1787. But the mo!l: general and prevailing Caufes of the Decreafe of our Slaves, and which are abundantly fufficient to account for the Lofs which is not already accounted for, are palpable to every Obfervcr; th('y are undoubtedly, Firlt, che great Proportion of Deaths that happen among Negroes newly imporred (exclufively of the Moriality which has been !l:ated to occur before Janding); and frcondly, the Lofs which prevails among the Negro Infants that are born in the Country. Of the larrer it is believed, that One-fourth Pare peri01 within Fourteen Days of the Birth; but we can form no precife Ellimate of the proportionate I .ofs of new Negroes, foafmuch as the Difeafes with which many of them are affiiB:ed put on various Appearances, and are of a ndious and lingering Nature, and may therefore be Cuch as are common both to the new Negroes and the old. Neverthelcls, in order to collclt the bell: Information in our Power on Subjects fo interell:ing to the Community, we have thought it necelfary to cake the Examination thereon of fome Gentlemen who are eminent in the Knowledge and Praltice of Phylic and Surgery. To t hefe Examinations, which are marked t\ 6, 7, and 8, the Committee refer, and are happy to ob fcrve, that it is extremely probable the Regulating ACl lately paffed by the Britilh Parliamc:nr, when further matured, will greatly contribute to le!fen in future that dreadful Mortality which. tnere has been too much Caufe 10 lament, as well in the Voyages from Africa, as among the Negroes after their Arrival in che Weft Indies. With fuch happy Confequences refulting from ihe beneficial Provifions of the faid ACl: of the Britilh Parliament, and the Encouragement which has been given, by a Btll paired in this Jfland chis prefent Seffion, to the Overfeers of our Planca tions, to induce rhem to take all poffible Care of the new-born Infants, as will hereafter be more particularly mentioned ; the Committee have no Reafon to fuppole that the lncreafe of our Negroes by Generation (from the Time chat the Sexes lhall become nearly equal in point of Num bt r) will fall fuort of the natural Increafe which occurs among the labouring Poor of Great Britain. The Committee might here conclude their Report; but having referred to a new Bill, which has pa!fed the Houfe this prefent Seffion, for giving further Protection and Security to our Slaves, ard for altering the Mode of Trial of Cuch as lhall be charged with capital Offences; we think ourlclves called upon, in Jullice to the Houfe, to fuhjoin an Abridgment of the principal Claufcs a11d Prov11ions contained therein. The diftinguilhing Feature of this Bill, as the Title imports, is the Alteration in the Modes of Trials of our Slaves, by referring all capical Olfences to the J urifdietion of the Courts of Seffion which are held every Three Months in the feveral Precinlts and Pari01e& of the lfiand. By this Regulation the Offrnder will have the Security both of grand and pe1it Jury, and even the Sufpicion of Partiality or undue Influence will be obviated. It is further enac1ed, That no lefs than Three Jullices, One of whom to be of the Quorum, lhall confti1ute a Court at the Trial of Slaves at the Quarter Seffions; and that if the Jury apply to the Court to fufpend the Execution of the Sentence uncil the Pleafure of the Commander in Chief is known, the Court !hall be obliged to fufpend the fame for Thirty Days. Petty Offences, for which no Punilhment exceeding Fifty Lalhes, and Six Months Confinement to hard Labour, is affigned, are cognizable bt-fore Two Jultices of the Peace; and it is declared, That neither the Courts of. Seffion, nur the J nflices, !hall have Power to ordrr any Slave to be mutiL1ted or m.iimed for any Offence whatfoever. By another Claufe Encouragement is given to all Mailers and Miftrc:lfes, Owners, or in their Abfence, Overfeers of Slaves, as much as in them lies, to endeavour the ln!l:ruB:ion of their 4 Slaves PART JlI; _ __. Digitized by Go gle Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. Jamaica. Appendix. Slaves in the Principles of the Chrifiian Religion, thereby to facilitate their Converlion, an
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Jamaica. Appendix. PART III. N 1. AC C 0 UN T of Negroes imported from Africa, fold by Hibberts and J ackfon, from the Year 1764 to 1774. 1764 Per Snow Ofwego Snow Ford Ship Capcain Ship Black Prince Ship Tryall Ship J upicer Ship Anamaboe Ship Caco Ship Ingram Ship Sociecy Ship Dolph i n Ship Ameli a 1765 Ptr Ship Ship Sandwich Brigancine Sam Sn o w Plumper Ship Marlborough Ship Cornwall Ship Rumbold Ship K ing David t 766 Per Ship India Queen Ship Efthcr ->. Ship Ingram Brigantine Thomas Ship Captain _.. Ship Knight Ship Jenny 1767 Ptr Ship Society Snow Peggy 1768 P e r Ship Sociecy 1769 Per Ship Bloffom Snow Peggy --" Ship Ann Snow Hannah Ship King David Ship Lanc a!hire Witch Brig William Ship Nancy i 770 Per Cor fican Hero Ingram Ship Benin Ship Unity Ship Society Ship Indian Snow .Hannah 1771 PerShipJamaica 1772 Per Snow Africa Ship Ingram Snow Hannan I/73 Per Bri g Will Br i g Bee 1774 Per Bri g Lively Ship Jenny PART Ill. Digitized by Go gle ------------------.._ ------------Imported from --Anamaboe Bonnv Anamaboe Dino Old Calabar Ditto Anamaboe Calabar Anamaboe Whydah Anamaboe Calabar Anamaboe Old Calabar Angola Anamaboe Ditto Angola Bonny Calabar Ditto Anamaboe Ditto Angola Windward Coafl: Whydah Ditto Ditto ...... Benin Windward Coafl: Ditto Benin Ditto Windward Coa!t: Cal a bar Windwatd Coafl: Ditto An:imaboe Windward Coafl: Ditto Benin Anamaboe Diuo Cal a bar Anamaboe Windward Coafl: Anamaboe Die to Dirco Papaw Anamaboe Gambia Calabar Carried over -s Male!. --1 73 127 189 96 295 146 263 294 205 168 250 224 206 197 149 187 184 232 271 188 208 212 195 183 153 130 89 173 113 236 131 I13 134 I 8.f. 98 SS 96 153 20s 184 146 186 150 81 201 108 164 178 160 69 59 74 99 -8864 Fema]ea. Total. -JOO 273 130 257 93 282 50 146 14r 436 81 227 111 374 104 458 90 295 140 30!1 106 356 120 344 105 Jll 118 315 92 241 97 28483 267 76 308 137 408 130 j18 175 383 129 g+i 86 ?.81 90 273 75 n8 t58 28a 107 196 I 1.3 286 101 214 115 3SI 62 IOl 214 142 276 78 262 S9 157 60 115 64 16() 87 240 89 294 95 2 7 9 t89 335 221 407 128 278 97 178 94295 +3 151 81 245 96 274 72 232 62 131 33 92 21 95 84 183 -----5371 Origil'kll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART m. -.!1ppendix. Im ported from Males. Females. Total. ---------------Brought over 8864 5371 14,235 56 73 129 128 75 203 + Pw Snow Robert Windward Coaft Snow Woortman Anamaboc Snow Marcia Calabar 83 83 166 210 62 272 151 B+ 235 Ship Marquis Rockingham Anamaboe Snow Grace ..Bonny 222 100 312 182 93 275 253 16+ -17 Ship Corlican Hero Ship Rulfell Ship Hawke Wmdward Coaft -----J0,149 6105 16,254 A true Extract from th<; Books of Hibberts and Jackfon. ROBT HIBBERT. ACCOUNT of Negroes imported from Africa, and fold by Melfrs. Coppells. Imported from Males. Females, ------l7h November Per Ship Molly Gold Coaft 450 161 William -Calabar 179 102 1783 May Eagle -Gold Coaft 301 156 July Tartar Angcila 362 166 Auguft George -Gold Coaft 437 170 Decqmber St. Leger -Angola 365 179 '1784 Mari:h LiverpOQI -Bonny 219 152 April Tom -Gold Coaft 330 150 William Old Calabar 187 JOO Junci Molly -Gold Coaft 334 188 Brookes -Gold Coaft 36+ 216 Garnett -Gold Coaft 197 12:i Auguft Rafe -Bonny '.226 143 September Mungo -Gold Coaft !IJ! 130 November Tartar -Bonny 230 191 George -Ditto 302 198 Decomber Highfield -Gold Coaft 205 146 Viper -Gold Coaft 342 177 1785 February Benc:diCl: -Ca la bar 95 125 Liverpool -Bonny 277 214 March Elizabeth -Gold Coaft 375 i98 1787 July Elizabeth -Gold Coaft 374 165 J 788 1'"ebruary Betty Whydaw 185 ------6641 3739 -----True from the Books of the different Firmes, THO. ASPINALL. Digitized by Go gle Origirlal from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Jamaica. Appendix. No 3 AC C 0 UN T of Negroes imported from Africa, fold by Mclfrs. Rainfords. Imported from Males. Females. ---------t779 Per Ship Rumbold -Anamaboe 179 79 Rumbold's Prize 180 111 1780 Rumbold -Ditto 358 127 1783 Vultme -Bonny 304 221 Be Ilona -Whydaw 243 168 -Bonny 392 261 Edwards Old Calabar 267 1 35 -Bonny 247 20[ Stag -Ditto 168 c36 Nancy -Ditto -292 1711 Golden Age -Why daw 249 254 Vulture -Bonoy 352 3 2 5 Jane Ditto 285 248 Clementina -Ditto 204 187 Molly -Anamaboe 346 177 Gregfon -Bonny 17 5 14c Per Brig Iris -Anamaboe 219 76 Per Ship Vale -Ditto 231 122 Gregfon -Bonny 194 158 Tom Benin 153 127 King Bonny 216 272 -------5254 3 698 The above is a Lil\ of furulry Cargoes of Negroes fold by Rainford, Blundel, and Rainford. SAMUEL RAINFORD. No 4 ACCOUNT of Negroes imported from Africa, and fold from 1781 to 1786 by Mures and Dunlop. Seii;_ N a mes. Commanders ------------.. -p __ Date 1781 /\tlanta -James Charles 279 129 Camden Thomas King 345 18+ 1782 -Rumbold Tho' Molineux 311 185 Mars Rob' Patterfon 207 68 1783 -Neptune Thomas Jolly 243 178 Trelawny -Willm Thoburn 312 13.of. 1784 Africa -James Charles 342 193 Be Ilona -Fra' Holland 243 200 Elliot .__ Ja' Clemenfon 444 280 -John Renolds 243 215 1785 -Albion -John Muir 25 4 117 Old England -John Gellin II I 54 1786 Fenton -John Harrifon IIO 64 Trdawny -Willm Thoburn 24!1 100 MungQ Silas Jenkins 35 22 Molly ]Qfias Hort 121 67 -------3849 2 190 ------MURES and DUNLOP. PART IIT. --oigitizedby Go gle Origifkll from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Jamaica. Appendix. No 6. The Examination of James Chifholme, of the Parilh of Clarendon, formerly a Membet of this Houfe. SAITH, That he fiudied Phy!ic at Edinburgh, hath praeti(ed in this !Oand upwards of Twenty Years, and that during Fourteen Years of the Time, he hath had the: Care of 4000 Negroes and upwards. Saith, That a great Proportion of Negro Infants peri!h between the Fifth and Fourteenth Days after their Births, he believes nearly One-fourth Pare of all that are born. The Species of Te tanus by which fo many Negro Children are deftroyed, is by medical Writers under che Name of Opifthotonus, or that Kind of Spafm in which the Mutcks that bend the Spine back wards, with tho(e of the lower Jaw; only arc affected. It is commonly a(cribed to One of the Three following Caufcs: 111:, An Affeltion of the Bowels arifing from the Meconium or Freces (lodged there before Binh) not being fufficiently purged off. 2rlly, From oblhuclt-d Perfpiracion. 3dly, From the Irritatioo occafioned by the improper Treatment of the Sore remaining alter the umbilical Chord has dropped off. He is of opinion, it feldorn or never proceeds from the fir(t Caule; for it is a very common Cuftom with the Midwives to give the Children a good deal of Oil and Sugar foon after they are born, by which they are mllch purged: Notwi1hfianding Children fo created are frequently attacked with this Complaint, be!ides l:lowel Complaints, whether in Children or Adults, though ihey frequently occafion Convulfiom, and fomecimes Palfy, yet he believes they never occafion fixed Spalin In regard co the fecond Cau(e, although he makes no doubt it may occafion this Complaint in Children, as he has certainly feen it do in Adults, yet he is inclined to think it feldom does. His Rc-afons are, that when this Complaint rnkes place in Adults from obfirulted Perfpiration, it generally runs out co a great Length, and is not ge nerally fatal; whereas the Complaint in the Infant we are now creating of, always terminates in a tew Days, and is almoft univerfally fatal. Further, chis Complaint in Infants confiantly makes its Appearance between the Fifth and Fourteenth Day after Birth; but Children are not more fubjeCl: to Colds at that than at any ocher Period. The Third Caufe appears generally, if not in every lnftance, to occafion this Diforder; it is univerfally known, that whatever villicates or irritates the minute Branches of Nerves, whether by Punlture, Laceration, Burning, or Fric tion on a raw Place, will, in tropical Climates, occafion this Complaint even in Adults, but much more readily in the tender Bodies of Infants. We alfo know, chat in Negro Children, after the umbilical Chord has fallen off, the raw Part, after being !lightly covered with Lint or Rag, is bound round with a coarfe Cloth, and that in a few Hours is foaked in the Child's Urine, in which State it is fulfered co remain, producing a Degree of Irritation much more than fufficient to produce this Spafm. When it is confidered chis Complaint takes place between the Fifth and Fourteenth Day only, it mull: be allowed to be excited by fome Caufe that is alfo confined co the fame Period; but the Caufe juft mentioned is the only one chat occurs at no ocher Period in Life, as far as we know. Saith, That if he is right in his Theory refpeCling the Caufe of this Complaint, it will be fuppofcd that the Remedy is obvious, as it will be only direlting a greater Auention to be paid to the Dreiling and Cleanlinefs of the Infant during the l'eriod above alluded to; but limple as this may appear in Theory, thofe who are much converfant with Negroes will be aware of the Difficulty, if not Impoffibility, of putting it in practice in a Degree fufficirnc to an(wer the Pur pofe; for fuch is the Ignorance, Obfiinacy, and Inattention of Negroes, lo little Regard have they for each other, and fo averfe are they to executing the Directillns of White People, whm repugnant to their own Prejudices, that he believes the Evil can never be wholly remed ed, while we are obliged to employ Negroes as Nurfes. Being afked, Whether he hath not obferved a great Mortality among Negroes newly im ported, and to what Caufe or Caufes he imputes the fame, Saith, Thata very great Number of newly-imported Negroes arc: loft by D&afes, the predif pofing Caufcs of which they bring co this Country along with them. Moll: new Negroes, when firll: landed, arc much fubject to putrid Complaints, from a fcorbutic Habit contralted during the Voyage, which frequently manifrfts icfdf foon area they are landed in puirid Dyfcn teries, or by foul Ulcers tending firongly to Mortification. Many Negroes, while aboard, are afflicted o,vith the moll: virulent venereal Complaints, others have 1he Yaws, fome malignant Ul cers; all of which, when che Day of Sale draws near, are, by the Management of the Ship's Sur geon, dried up, and the morbid Matter repelled into the Sytrcm, fo that the Surface of the Skin 1ball appear clean and fmooch for a Time; but which afterwards creates the moll: dreadful Com plaints, too frequently baffling all Attempts to cure. (Signed) James Chilholme. PAkT III. T PART Iii __ __.. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART II!. Jamaica. AjJpe11dix. No 7 The Examination of Adam Anderfon of the Parilh of St. Ann, PraClitioner of Phytia and Surgery. SAITH, That he had the Rudi ments of Phylic and Surgery in Aberdeen: That he afterW;1 rds ltudied at Edinburgh, Leyden, and Lon don, and has praCiired Phy lie in this Ill.ind u p wardJ of Twenty-eight Years, and formerly, with a Partner, had the phylical Care of near .Four Tll01.l fand Slaves. Examinant is of opinion, That One-fourth Part of the Negro Infants perilh before the Ninth D a y from the Birth, of the Tetanus or locked J1w, a Difordt:r which the Negroes call the Jaw-fall; and that its affeel:ing Infants of that Age i s peculiar to c[, c Wdt Indies: That he is of opinion, One-tenth Part of the White Infants peri01 in the fame Manner. Examinant faith, That he made Inquiry when in Great Br i tain about Four Years ngo, and could hear of no fuch Diforder: That he is warrante.I to fay, it is peculiar to the W<:tt' Indies. from a la 1 e Publication of the famous Dr. Cullen of Edinburgh, w h o, in treating of the locked Jaw in Infants, fays, He fpeaks only from Inform a tion, for he nc\'er met w i th it in the Courfc of his Practice." Examinant faith, That he has made Inquiry among the mon fcnlible Negro Women, :ind that he never could learn the Diforder was known in Africa. Examinant faith, That he i111 putcs the Cat1fe to the Irritat i on of a putrid Matter generated ac the Separation of the umbilical Chord, previous to the which generally happens fro111 the Fifth to the Seventh Day : hat the D i forder may likc wi!e proceed frorn C
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Jamaica. Appendix. N 8. The Examination of John Q!ier, PraClitioner in Phylic and Surgery. SAITH, That he tludied Surgery in London, and Phylic at Leyden, and ferved his Ma jefiy as an Affillant Surgeon in the Military Hofpitals, in the former \Var, in Germany: Thie he has praC\ifed in this JOand for upwards of Twenty-one Years: That for che greater Pare of that Time he has had from 4 co 5000 Slaves confiancly under his Care in the P of St. John and Sc. Thomas in the Vale, and of late Years in the of Clarendon. Saith, That the local Circumfiances attending Difference of Situation in this lfland, occafion fo great a Diverfity in the Difeafes co which the lnhabicants of differnit Parts of this Councry are fubjetl, that very few Obfervations ch, reon will be found to be univerfally true: That heh as not in general obfcrved any very great Mortality amongil Negro Infants foon after tht:ir Birth, in that Pare of the Country where he practifos; nor any peculiar l)iJi:afe, to which they are more fubjeCl: than any other Children would be un.Jer the fame Circum!bnces; namely, Firll, The known \\'ant of Cleanlincfs, ariling from the obflinate of Negro Women to their old Cutloms; particularly to one fo evidencly milchievous in a warm Climate, as chat of not fhifring the Child's Clothes for the firfi Three Days after ics Birth ; and fometimes from a De ficiency of Linen, and ocher Necelraries proper for a new.born Infant. Secondly, The Narure of cheir Habitacions, fometimes fuffocating wirh Heat and Smoke; at other when che Fire fubfides, efpecially by Nighr, admitting the cold damp 1\ir through innumerable Crevi:es anu Holes of the Walls, which are feldom kept in proper Repair; which fudden Tranficion from Heat co Cold, by occalioning peripneumonic Fevers, he thinks to be the moll: general Caufe of the Death of new.born Negro Infants in chat Part of the Country where he pratl:ifes. And, )a!Uy, the injudicious Cullom of fuckling a new-born Child for the firft Week after its Birth, or longer, with the Milk of a Woman who often has a Child ar her Brea ft a Year old, or perhaps oldt:r. Saith, That in his Opinion difficult Labours happen as frequently among Negro Women here, as among!I: the Females of. the labouring Poor in England ; but char he has noc obferved chat a greater Proportion of the Infants of the former perifh in the Delivery than of the Luter. Saith, That he docs not conceive the Tetanus, or locked Jaw, co be a Difeafe common to Iofants in the Part where he practifes: That he apprehends there may be Reafon co fuppofe that a Symprom, which generally attends approaching Death, from whatever Caufe ir may proceed in Children, viz. a l'aralylis of the Mutdes of rhe lower Jaw, has been frquemly miftaken, by People unacquainted with Medicine, for the Tetanus; as he has often obferved the fame Name: \0 be given in common Difcourft: to both thofe Affections, rhcugh of fo different a Nature. Saith, That Negro Women, whether Slaves or Free, do nor in his Opinion breed fo fre quently as the Women amongft the labouring Poor in Great Britain: That he afcribes chis chiefly to the promi!Cuous Inrercourfe whkh the greater Number of Negro Women indulge tbcmfelves in wirh the ocher Sex: That he believes che Abortions, which he thinks to be rather frequent amongft them, to be afrribable to the fame Caufe: That he has not met with any Cafes of Aborrion wbich he could fairly impu:e tO ill Ufage or exceffive Labour: That moderate Labour is beneficial to pregnanr Women, as being the befi Means of prefcrving general Health Saith, That the Cuftc>m of carrying young Children into the Field in the Manner and with the Precautions it is now praetifed, is by no means hurtful to the Infants. Sairh, That he bdieves chat a greater Number of Children under rhe Age of Ten Years 01l thcm commonly to arift: from want of food or li:verc Labour. 0 (Signed) J. PART I[[, Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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l'ART lll. Jamaica. The following Papers being detached Pieces of Evidence referring to the Hland of Jamaica, Parts of which it was difficult to arrange under the foregoing Heads, the Committee have therefore thought proper to infert the fame here at Length. N 1, Letter from Lieutenant Governor Clarke to the Right Hon. Lord Sydney. !\0 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, feveral Papers tranfmitted by Edward Long, Efq. as ferving to illufirate fome Palfaoes in the Anfwers from Mr. Fuller and the other Gentlemen. N 9, of Mr. A!hley on the U le of the Plough in Jamaica. N I. Letter from Lieutenant Governor Clarke to the Right Honourable Lord Sydney, dated Jamaica, December 9, 1788. Mv Loao, BY his Majelty's Packet, Greyhound, which arrived here on the 25th ultimo, I had the Honour to receive your Lord!hip's Letters of the 1 jth of Septembrr, and the 2d of October lalt; and by his Majdly's Packet Roebuck (difpatched by Exprefs), which arrived here on the 29th ultimo, 1 had the Honour to receive Mr. Nepean's Letter of the 17th of OCl:ober. From the Minutes of Council herewith tranfmined, your Lord!hip will perceive that I loll: no Time in taking the necelfary and molt dftll:ual Steps to procure full and fatisfaCtory Information upon the feveral Heads of inquiry relative to the Slave Trade, and the Treatment of Negroes in thefe Colonies; and from their extenf1ve Nature, and the Danger of giving Mifinformation t1pon a Subjetl: of fo much Importance, I conceived that too much Cauti on could not be obferved in procuring it, which has been the Caufe of my not fooner having it in my Power to fubmit it to your Lord!hip. I fear it will fiill he found defeetive; but thi s with fuch Information as has already been furni!hed by the Report of a Committee of the Alfembly upon this very interefiing Subject, is, I believe, all that can be had from this Quarter which may at all be relied on;' and I hope it will arrive foon enough to meet any Difcuffion upon the Merits of it in Parliament. I need not add the Anxiety of all Ranks of People upon this Occafion: They conceive the Profperity or Ruin of the Inand to depend upon the Ilfue of a in which their All is involved; and I cannot, under fuch Circumll:ances, withhold my Tdlimony againll: the apparent Mifreprefenta tions upon which the Clamour relative to them appears to be founded in England. I have the Honour, &c. Alured Clark". N 2. Dirt-eating. THIS is another very pernicious Cullom which the imported Africans bring with them to Ja m a ica, and it is more frequently remarked among the Popos than the Natives of any other Country; but we do not affirm pofitively that Negroes from other Pares of Africa may not likewile be addicted to it: The Earth which they ltarch for, and devour with fo much Avidity, is a fapo nacrnus Mark. We are told that Cakes of a fimilar Earth are publicly fold at fome of the African Markets; and it is probably in Imitation of that PraCtice, that .1boo, or Earth-Cakes, are ven ded among the Negroes at Spanifl1 Town in Jamaica. They arc compofe
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Jamaica. PART JrT. Machine, and all the internal Parts, Lips, Gums, and Tong ue, are quite pale; iniomuch that the whole Mafs of their Juices feems to be no better than a watrril11 Lvmp h A Planter having not long fince purchafed Ten Negro"s jull imported from Africa, che Party, on their Way to his Planmion, chanced 10 efpy a Vein of this in a B.rnk by ri1c S ick uf the Road, and lhouted for Joy at the Difcovery It is doubtful whether their Fon, he Jenlibly t o uched with the Viciffitude of Fortune which had reduced the Chief from a State of luch Eleva t i on and Authority in his own Country, to be the Companion in Servitude of his own Slave. He i:nmediacely withdrew, frnt for the Cabocero to his and having b y means of a trully Imerpeter re c eived a Confirmaron of tl1e Scory from his own Mouth, he executed a :\1Jmr:niaion, rhc 1' ART III. U l'urDigitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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I' ART III. Jamaica. Purport of which was explained to him, and accompanied with a Declaration to this Effect: "Yott are now no longer a Slave, but at full Liberty to go wherever you pleafe If it be your Choice to return to your own Country, I will endeavour to have you fafely re-conveyed. But, if you preftr re maining here, your Condition !hall be as comfortable as I can poffibly render it." The allonifheJ Negro, in a Tranfport of Delight, fdl on his Knees, and embracing the Hands and Feet of his Benefactor, bcdewed them with Tears of Gratitude; thtn, thanking him in Terms the mo!l exprc:f five of his Feelings, faid, That as ic was fo kindly left to his own Option whether to revilit Africa or remain where he was, he would freely confefs, there was among his Companion5 a youn<> Negrefs, whom he wilhed to have for his Wife, and if the would but confrnt, he lhould fraying in Jamaica, and ending his Days with her. Sir Charles confulted the Girl, lhe made ne> Objection; a Spot was affigned for their Habitation upon a Part of his E!late1 here they lived to gether very comfortably for many Years, in the Courfe of which their Felicity was heightened by the Birth of feveral Children. Sir Charles's Bounty did not terminate with his Life; for in his !aft Will he bequeathed Freedom to the Wife and Child0ren. Nor was the former Liberality ill bellowed; for the poor Fellow conceived an inviolable Attachment to the Perfon and Intereft of his Friend, and was of very great Service in the Rebellion of Negroes which happened in r j6o, when by his In fluence over thofe belonging to Sir Charles's Plantation, moll of whom were Coromantees, he effectually reftrained them from joining wrth their mutinous Countrymen. No 5 Whether Europeans are capable of enduring Field Labour in the \V ell Indies. WHOEVER imagines that Europeans are capable of enduring Field Labour in the Well-Indies, ought to recollect what his own Feelings were, when the Thermometer during the Summer Sea fon has rifen in England to So0 in the Shade. He would figure to himfelf a fucceffive Cuntinu ance of ir, and then decide on the Humanity of forcing Englilhmen to dig the Earth in any l'art of the Globe where that is the mefne Degree of f11aded Heat throughout the Yer; and where the Heat in the open Field is often from 15 to 32 Degrees higher. The mefne Heat on the Coaft of Jamaica is So0 ; and on the Coaftof Africa it is about 80 to 82. In this Temperature, which is congenial and pleafant to the Negroes, an E:igl11hman cannot labour in the Field without imminent Danger to his Life. But on the other Hand, it is of that Kind in which the Negroes are found to be capable of undergoing great bodily Exertions with out impairing their Healtji or diminilhing their Enjoyrnents.--Africa, the natale Solum of the Blacks, is notorious for being the Grave of almo!l every European who ventures thither to make any Stay. In the lfle of St. Thomas the Blacks do not appear to fuffer from the Climate; yet fo fatal is it to the Whice Inhabitants, that Portugal is obliged to replace them every Two Years. Doctor Chalmers informs us, That in South Carolina, in the Year 1752, during the Months of June and July, the Weather was hotter than ever had been remembered chere. The Thermometer !lood in the Shade at 115, and the Heat out of the I )oors was too crreat for his Inftrument to meafure; yet his Negroes alfured they preferred that Sort of \V to the Winter's Cold (a)." It feems as if the Senfation of Eafe, and the corporeJ! Exertions of an European, terminated at nearly the fame Point where thofe of the African brgin. Nature probably has ordained this Difparity, and appointed the Limits to each. The Negro, who toils in the \\.dt Indies under 80, or even 96 of Heat, is in his natural Elemenr. But an European labouring in the fame Manner, ;inder the fame Expofure, would infallibly be feized with a Fever of the moll violent end dangerous Species. It is true, we cannot adduce an ExJmple direftly in point, becaule it has not been ufual for Europeans to be employed in that Manner; but there are Examples in abundance to be met with in thofe Drudgeries to which that hardy Kace of Men, our commori Seamen, have often heen compelled to fubmit in thofe Climates, and which are fo applicable by Analogy to the ordinary Labours in our Sugar lfiands, as to eUablifh the Proof of this lnaptitude molt convincingly. In the Year 1733, when Government had refolved that a Fort and Srorehoufes lhou!J be ereCted upon Lynch's (or Navy) lfland, at Port Antonio in Jamaica (which at that Period was a)moft entirely Woodland). the Engineer, Colonel Lillr, perceiving that Twenty Negroes, who were then employed in clearing it, did not' make tlut Progret's in the Work which his l'dajdly's Service required, prevailed upon Governor Hunter and Rear Admiral Srnart to conlenc that a large Detachment of Seamen, drawn from the Squadron on that Station, might be employed for that Purpole. Dr. Linde has recorded the Conkquences of this Meafure. There a'.c (fays this experienced Prac1itioner) fome Services of fuch a Nature that chey cannot well be pnfurmed in hot and unhealthy Countries by Europeans, without imminent Danger of their [ kalth Lives. The tirlt is that of cutting down Woods, or cleHing the Ground from t ie Trees, t h e Shrubs, &c. When the Lion, Spence, and fome other Ships of War, were employed at Port Digitized by Go gle (a) Chalmers, Hill, Difeafe of Sou1h Carvl1na, v. 1. p. 18. Antonio Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Jamaica. Antonio in clearing Navy Hland of Wood, the Men, while in the AC!: of cutting it down, were feized with a Fever and Delirium. The Phrenzy attacked a Man fo fuddenly, and with fo much Fury, that w i th his Hatchet, if not prevented, he would have cut in Pitces the Perfons who ftood near him; and thofe who were feized in this Manner, and were left to remain on Shore, either died or fuffered a dangerous Fit of Sicknefs. He gives feveral other Examples, and among
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PART Ill. Jamaica. Q1antity exported, but Q?antity made; or what are ufually called CuriJtg.boufe Hoglheads ; lu many to the Acrnunts upon Spar, been acrnJlly filled in the feveral Cunn<>-houks. But the Deducbons by \\ atk, and tor what were retained for the IOJnd Confumption are not afcerrained. The general Opinion is, that about 9 t ,coo l-log01eads, of 15oo Weigh; Average, are the Number exported in feafonablc Years from that lOJnd. No 9 Mr. Alhley, concerning the Ufe of the Plough on his Ellate in Jamaica. 1 N acdition to what has been before l'cated as lnformaion r e ceived from fome of the A!!ents for the Britifh In ands in the \.Y cl'c Indies, and in the Returns made from the fa id Inmds, to the concerning the Ule of the Plough in the Culcivation of Sugar Plantations in th.: faid llbnds, the Committee examined Juhn Alhley, Efq. (now of Cookham) who had been re commended as a l'crfon who had f,imfrlf made Experiment of the Ufe of the Plough upon his Eftate in Jamaica; and his Evidence is as follows: Mr. Afhley was born in J .1maica, and inherited an Efiate there, which himlelf converted into a Sugar Plantation. He made little ufe of the Plough until .the latter Part of the Year i83, till which Time his Plantation never rielded more than 115 T1crces of Sugar. From the great l>rounht they experienced in Jamaica in the Year 1782, the Crops were very fmJJI in the Years 1783 and 1784; and Mr. Afhley finding himfelf much incumbered, and f..-aring to run further in Debt for the Purchafe of Negroes, he determined to make a more extenfive Experiment of the Ute of the Plough, and made the Experiment accordingly from November 178 3 to May i 784. He opened frefh Land to enlarge his Plantation, and di I it with the l'; and the Conkqurnce was, thJt with the fame Strength of Negroes, without the -.ddit1on of One, he m1de abuut 235 Tie1ces of Sligar, double the he had made before-but Mr. Afh!cy d,fircd leave to oblerve, chat the Year 1785 was a remarkably fine yiekl:ng Year. The Number of his Negroes (including Children and infirm Negroes) was all this Time Ninety-fix; ot that !\umber he )lJd Forty on his Field Lift, but feldom worked above Thinytwo at a Time. l\'lr. Afhley left the Itland in June 1785, and wilhed the Ule of che Plough to he con t i nued on his Plantation, but finds it has not been done-his Overfeer always makes Excules, and fays, it will interfere with the Ule of the Cattle, which are wanted for Crop Time ; but Mr. A lhlr.y differs with him, as the Land may be ploughed in che btter I' art of the Year before Crop Time begins. Mr. Afhley is of opinion that Overfeers have a Prejudice againll the Ufc of the Plough, from Dillike to be driven out of their ancient Mode of Cultivation. Some few of the Overfeers purchafi: Negroes to let out to hire, and where that is the Cafe, it m:iy be their Incerefi not to abridge the Labour of Slaves, Mr. A01ley being alked, Whether the Soil is not fometimes fo dry as not to the Ufe of the Plough ? replied, He never fuund it fa-that he ploughed in the Time of the greatelt Lr.:iught-:hat his Plantation was ficuated in a very flat Country, fubjeCl: 10 great Droughts, which make their Crops very precarious. Being afked, Whecher the Ground is not fumetimes too hilly or too llony for the Piough ? he faid, That in fome Pam of the Hland the Ground cenainly is too hilly; but he has been told that the Farmer in this Country fomecimes ploughs in Ground as lleep as can well be con ceived. Mr. A1hky cannot fay but there may be Parts in Jamaica tou !'cony for the Plough. Hdng afked, If the very fieep Ground is ever ufed as a Sugar Plan:ation, he faid a great deal of very fieep Ground is ufed for Sugar Plantations, and the furelt Crops are on chofe Grounds, as they experience a more regular Succeffion of S<:afons, from their Situation in the interior Part of the iflJnd. Mr. Alhley being atked, Whether the Cattle in fo hot a Climate bear the Labour well ? re plied, They cercainly do bear it well, and added, 'that his Cauk were in as good Order when he left off ploughing as when he began, for he always plou1;hed from Day-light to Nine o'Clock in the Morning, and in the Evening from Three o'Clock till Dark, by wh 1d1 means the Cattle and the Ploughmen refted during the Heat of the Day. Mr. Alhley was afked, What he conceived would be the Difference of Expence between plou ghing and holing an Acre for Canes? and replied, An Acre will employ Forty Negroes, on an Average of Soil a Day, to dig it fit for plJnting Canes; and a Jobber was paid in his Time 71. Currency (equal to 5 I. Sterling) for doing it. Mr. t\lhl<'y broke up an Acre in a Day, working only at the Periods above-mentioned w1d1 Two Sets of Oxen, each Set confi!bng of bght Oxen (One for the Morning and One for the Evening) to One Plough; and it took him Half a Day more to put it in che fame Order for planting t'le Canes, as che Land dug by Jobbers. But without the previous Operation of breaking up che Land (which L1bour in many Soils may be fpared) he has holed Two Acres a Day witl1 Two Spells of Oxen to the Plough, and has found it antwer full as well as Land by l\'egro Labour. The Land holed by Hand is never entirely broken up, there being an intermnli.1te Sp::ce of Land which has no< b<:cn dug, upon which they pllll up the Earth out of the I 9 Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Jainaica Mr. Alhley is of opinion, founded upon Experirnce, that Land holed by the Plough is more likely to produce good than Land holed by the Labour of Negroes, becaufe the Ground is more complerely lhaken by the Plough than by the Hoe. He cannot fay at what Rate per Acre a Jobber would undertake to plough, as he never knew an Acre ploughed by Job. Mr. Afhley, though he generally ploughed with Oxen, fometimes put Two Horfc:s as Leaders in the room of Two Oxen, and found them fiand the Labour as well as the Oxen Mules wtll trained would fiand the Labour bener than either. Mr. Alhley being afked whether his Ellace produced as much lince the Ufc of the Plough was difcontinued as before when it was ufed? replied, It had not; but that might be owing to various Circumllances He rather imputes the falling off to che \\'ant of Rains, for although the Plough has not been made ufe of, there has been no Want of Labour, as he has purchafed more Negroes, and has hired Jobbers occafionally, but his Expences therefore have been higher Mr. Afhley obli:rved that he wilhed here to explain that in that Part of the llland where his Ellate is fituated, the Labour is not fo great as in many other Places, as the Canes will bear a Repetition of cutting for Eight or Ten Years, without re-holing or replanting the Land; whereas in fome Efiates lituate in other Parts of the llland, One-third of the Sugar Land muft be replanted every Year, not bearing to be cut above Twice, that is Once in Plant and Once in Raccoon. On thefe Efiates, therefore, the Plough would be much more ufeful, than in chat Part of the )(]and where his Property lies, provided they arc not hilly Plantations. And Mr. Afhley is of opinion that the Stock employed in grinding the Sugar Cane might be employed as foon as the Crops are over, until they begin again (fay Six Months Space at leaft) in ploughing the Land without the Addition of Stock upon the Plantation or Detriment to them. PART III'. Mr. Afhley added, that he found the Negroes learn the Ufe of the Plough very readily, though at firfi the Negro fet to Plough feemed to think it an Hardfhip on him, to do the Labour (as he termed it) of all the Field Negroes But as it wa$ necelfary to have One Negro to drive the Oxen in the Plough, Mr. Afhley took care to have him trained to holding the Plough ; fo that in fact there were Two Ploughmen to One Plough ; when the one was ploughing the other drove, and by changing their Situations relieved each other, fo as to make the Labour light. Mr. Alhley being afked, Whether he could ftate to the Committee the of Sugar his Eftate produced each Year? replied That could he recoiled: the exact Quantity he had made each Year, and the Number of Slaves he polfelfed at each Period of Time from his firft fettling, it would be of no manner of Ufe; for, as he had already mentioned, the Seafons are fo very precarious in that Part of the Itland where his Ellate is lituated, that fome Years they do not make to pay the contingent Charges, and in are ample'. x Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Barbadoes. What is the Nature and Extent of the Punijhment injliEleJ by this Co111t? 'The Punijhment they i11j/i!;1 is, Whipping al their Dijcretion; but though thtre iJ 110 Law that limits the Number of Stripes, I the Prat/ice is gcvemed by the Mofaic Law, and never exceeds tbe Number of 'Thirty-nine Stripes fer mry One Offence. For capital Crimes, Ha11gi11g is tbe Punijhment; but in Cafes of lnfurreElion, the Governor and Council, as I have beard, Jometimes injlitl higher Punifb menls, /ucb as expo.Jing Negrces in a Cage, a11d jlarving them lo death. Art Slaves, guilty cf Offences, ufually Jent lo be punijheJ by the public Officer; or are Pu11ifhments inj/itled by the Maj/tr or Manager? In 'Io-.1;11s Slaves are ufually Jent to bt punijheJ by the Public Officer: In Plantations i11 the Countr)' they art ufually pu11ijbed by the Mafter or Overfen-. Is the Pou:tr of inj/ifli11g Pu11ijbments by the Majler or Manager exercifad in ge11era/ 'Uiith undue Severity? I think in gmera/ not. 'There certainly may be lnjlances of Cruelty now; there were many more formerly 1 but the 'J'reatment of Slaves is become, of late rears, more mild and humane. Since what Period is the 'J'reatment of Slaves become more humane? About 'Twenty rears agg, and more particularly jince the Hurricane of the 10th of Otlober J 780. Are capital Exec11tions frequmt in the If/and of Barbadoes? Y'ery rare. I tbinl: they Jo not e11ceeJ above 'Two or 'Ibree in a rear. PART JJJ For fuch Fauks as the Maller deems Offences, for which moderate Correetion ought to be Governor applied, as well to prevent fuch Offences in future, as for Example fake. They are amenable to Parry. the JurifdiCl:ion of the llland for Theft, for Mutiny, for Murder, for Burglary, for Alfaults and Bauery, for burning Houfes and Cane Fields, and tried by a Court held by Two fworn tices of the Peace, and Three Freeholders, Men of Property. From this Court Appeals lie to the Court of Errors. They are fubject to their Mailer's Correction for all Tranfgreffions whaifuever, and to the Governor Criminal JurifdiCl:ion of the llland for all heinous Offences commiued, or attempted to be commilled, P:''Y';:Jrby them; as Murder, Burglary, Robbery, &c.; and are alfo punilhable capi1ally for killing or 1 er wcr. maiming of Cattle, Horfes, &c. and for flealing above the Value of 11 d. ; for all which they are to be tried by a Jury, confilling of Two Jullices and Three Freeholders, by the joint Concurrence of whom thl'y are acquitted or condemned; from which Sentence, however, if of Con't'iCl:ion, there lies an Appeal to the Governor and Council, who may reverfc or affirm the fame, or give fuch other Judgment as they think proper. The Law, in further Tendernefs to them, llas direCl:ed the Juftices who try them, when the Offence is not heinous, nor the Slave an old Offi:ndcr, to endeavour to accommodate the Matter, and to prcfcribe fuch Methods as they 1hink proper for faving the Life of the Slave; and if the Profccutor does not accede therero, they fhall certify the whole Proceedings to the Governor and Council, who lhall make fuch Order therein as they lhall fee fit. However, the Owner and the Profecutor generally accommodate the Offences Qf Slaves between themfelves; the Confequence of which is, that there are but very fow Slaves e1'ecuted here, although daily guilty of Offences for which they would certainly fuffer in England. They are liable to their Mailer's Punilhment for all fuch moderate Offences as are not otherCouncil or wife provided for by Law, which are committed againft him or h i s lnterell, or within the Limits 1bc llland. of his Property. They arc amenable to the eftablifhcd Juri!diClion of the Country, in common with the W bite Inhabitants of the llland, for all Offences again ft the Peace of Socieiy ; for fuch as are not capital, the Punilhment before a Magillratc is limited to 'Thirty-nine Lalhes, who is himfdf competent to take cognizance of thefe : But for Felony, and all capital Offences, fuch J ullice mull join with him the next J ufticc, and they mull fummon, by their Precept, 'J'bree liibllantial Freeholders, who, being previouOy fworn by the J uflices, conllitutc, with them, the Court. But from their Sentence, in cafc of Condemnation (and in that Cafe only), .there lies an Appeal, by Writ of Error, to the Governor and Council. See ACl:, No. 82, Claufe 12th; and allO ACl: 180, Claufe 1 ll. No+ To what Penalties are Mailers, or thofe who aa under them, fubjelt, if they tranfgrefs the Laws made for the Protection of Negro Slaves, or in any RefpeCl: exercife ACl:s of Cruelty to wards their Slaves; and to what Courts are they in fuch Cafes amenable? They are fubjeCl: to Fines in cafc they put a Negro to death. The Maller, in futh Cafe, is Mr Brath tried at the Grand Affizes, where there is a regular Judge and Jury. What is the Fine for lei/ling a Negro? fembly of 1hc Iflaod 'Iht Law pa.ffed 8th AuK"fl that if any Slave under Pumfhment by his Maj/er, or his Order, foal/ f1'ffer in Life or Limb, no Per/on jha/J be liable to a11J Fine for lht fame: But if any Per fan }hall wantm/y or &r1'ell] lei// his ow.11 Slave, b1 }hall pay into 1he 'Trtafury 151. If he intt11tionally fa lei/I the Digitized by Go gle Slaie Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Barbadoes. A. N" 6, 7. t imt, which continues with occalional lntermiffions from January to the y have a fre e U ( of the Sugar Cane, and have alfo Syrup from the Builin g -ho u lrs whrn at work And w i :l1 rcfpect to all Provilions on their refpei'.tive PJ.incations, they are f u re to t;et a conliJt1abie L'.,rt lr : ore than what is allowed them by their Owners There is allO on every Plantation a Proportion of Rum, Su g ar, anJ rcf, rved for c!. c occalional Ufe of the Slaves in damp \\leather, and the more:: d:fficult \Vorks. Thev an alfo permitted co ra ife Hogs, Goats, and feathered Stoc k of all Kinds; fo thar tho:c ar.J
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Barbadoes. A. N 1 o, 11, 1 2. There are few P!Jntations which 3llow their Slaves any fd Times to labour for themfdves. There are about two Hours in the Day allowed them as a Recefs from Labour, and for taking their food: Sundays are of courfe their own, and a few Holidays in the Year, as Good Friday, and the Days fuccerding the fell:ivals of Chriilmas, Ea!ler, and WhitfundJy. The Law has made no provifion in this Cafe. p ART ur. Governor Parry s for ... thcr Anfwcr, There is no Law regulating this Matter; but the PraClice is to allow them from One to Two Council of Hours at Noon. They have a!IO Half an Hour in the Morning allowed for Breakfall:: Half the lflnd. Holidays are alfo frequenrly allowed them on Saturdays, and Sunday is a Day of courti: totally exempt from Labour, as are alio the ell:ablilbed Holidays after Chrill:mas, .Eailer, and Whit fun tide. A. N 10. Have Negro Slaves any Portions of Land affigned them for the Purpofe of culrivating them for their own Ufe State the Law and .the Practice. They have Portions of Land amgned them bv long ell:ablifl1ed Cull:om. PGo emor 4 arry. There are fmall Portions of Land annexed to each Negro Houfr, but not affigned as Part of Go ernor their Subfiltence; and thne is alfo in moll: Plantations a Field of Land called the Negro Ground, the Profits of which are taken to the Ufe of thofe who cultivate them, independently of the 1 er n wer. Allowance they receive from tht>ir Owners in common with other Slaves. See the Council's Anfwer to Fifch A. N II. Are Negro fuhjea to any peculiar Difeafes to which White lnhabirants, or Free Negroes, are not fubjeet, aRd if they are ro affign the Caufes? They are more liable to take Difeafes from their Numbers and general Inrercourfe; and fome times by the too free Ufe of Rum, which they !leal. Epidemical Difeali:s often make great Havoc among them, but they are not peculiarly fubjecc to any Difcafe which does not alfo attack the White Inhabitants. Council of chc Iflaod, Governor Parry It doe1 nor appear that Slaves in this Jaand arc fubjeCl: bitants are not allO fubjeCI:. to any Dileafes to which other lnha-Governor Parry's fur ther Anfwer. As far as rxpuience can enable us to judge, there arc no Difeafes to which Sla\es are fubjecc Council of which free Negroes and White Inhabitants are not liable t-o. the Ifland. A. N 12. What Care is taken of the Slaves in Sicknefs? Are there any Laws or Regulations for that Purpofe? What Provifion is made for them when old or difabkd, and arc their Mall:ers obliged in fuch Cafes to maintain them ? Great care is taken of them in Sicknefs. When they are old and difabled they are well taken care of, better now than formerly; there is however no Law for it: They have Family Connec tions with other Negroes, and are ufeful in watching over them. Does a NeJ!,rO prefer working in the Houfe or in the Field! 111 the Houfe, no Doubt. With refpefl to the Ejlate of the Society for propagating tbe Gofpel, is then any Difference from Situation between that and other Ejlates in the Jjland, particularly wilb re.fpefl 10 1be Air, the naJure of the Soil, the Water, and Eaft in procuring it? Are any Regula/ions adopted on this Ejlate different from tbofe 011 I/her Ejlates with refpefl to the Managemmt frealment of the Negroes, parlicular/y with refpefl lo rearing of Children ? Ras the Produce of this Ejlate been in proportion to other Ejlaus of the fame Size and Nature? Wilb rtfpeB to the Situation, tbere is nothing particular that I know. '!'here are 'J'wo Parts of the E_!late, one of which is jituated on a Hill, the other on Jbe Shore below it. I did 11ot obferve any parli1ular Difference between theft 'J'wo Parts of the Ejlale. I attribute the Healthi1ufs of the Negroes lo the greal care tbal bas been taken of them; my principal ObjetJ, when I look the Ejlate under my Direflron, was to promote the Jncreafe of tbe Negrots, rather than Jo a/lend Jo /be f2...uantity of Land brought into Cu!Jivation '!'be great point in the Management of Negroes is to keep them employed, but not lo oi-er-work them. Mr. Brath Mr. Brath waite, Agent for cbe Af. fembly of tho lOaod. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. Barbadoes. A. N i :z. Mr. Brathwaite delivered in the following Account of the Births and Deaths of Negroes on the Efiate belonging to the Society for propagating the Gofpd, from the 2d May 1i8 3 to the 31!t Dectmber 1785. Total Number of Slaves 273 Born 21, Died 19 And from the 1!t January to 31!t December 1786, Born 1 1, Died r 3. In Three Years and Eight Months, the total Amount of Birchs, 32 Deaths, 32 Total, Men Women Boys Girls 62 70 66 75 2 73 Atcount of the Annual Increafe and Decreafe of Rock-Hall Negroes. Number of Negroes 297 Yc-ars. Born. Died. lncieafe. 1767 r, 7 0 1768 6 17 0 1769 8 11 0 1770 5 7 0 1771 8 16 0 1772 3 23 0 1 773 IO 7 3 1774 IJ 7 6 1775 II 7 4 70 102 13 -N .B. In the fir!t Six Years, the Decreafe 45. In the !alt Three Years, the lncreafe 13. The Account continued. Years. Born. Died. Increafe. 1776 10 I l 0 1777 II II 0 1778 12 9 3 1779 5 5 0 1780 9 7 2 1781 10 JI 0 1782 6 JI 0 1783 I 6 0 1784 6 18 0 1785 6 23 0 76 112 5 Decreafe. I II 3 :i 8 20 0 0 0 45 Dcciute. I 0 0 0 0 I 5 5 I :i 17 41 1786 No Return made of the Births and Deaths this Year, but only that there was a Decreafe of. Three. Years. Births. Deaths. Decreafe. 19 146 214 68 Deaths, near 4 per Cent. per Annum Births, about 2f per Cent per Annum. Decreafe, about 1 per Cent. per Annum 2 Account Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PA RT III. Barbadoes. A. N" 14. from promifcuous Concubinage, particularly when any of the Women live at a Dilhnce from the Plantation of the Man. It is the lnterell, and therefore the Wilh, of the Planter to prevent this ; but he is afraid to interfere too much in it. N. B. Mr. Brathwaite delivered in the Pdper hereafter inferted relating to this Subject, as well as to tl;e Converlion of Negroes, viz. Extra2 of a Letter to John Brathwaite Efq. Barbadoes, the 10th of Augull 1 ;84. A great deal is to be faid on the Topic of converting of our Negroes, and the more it is re fleeted on, the greater are the Ad_vantages .apparent fro:n the C_ompletion, and the more nu merous and important the Difficulues attending the Execution of ct. At all events, the Work muff be carried on without Compu/f:on, or any 'Thing like it: Our Religion forbids it, and the Event would lhew, chat we had enOaved wi1hot11 convincing their Mind91 that is to fay, that we Jiad made their Condition more ahjeet than before. One or Two Ideas have occurred to me on this SubjeCl:, which I will venture to give you in the C?nfidence of Frirndlbip. le is notorious that Polygamy is univerfally pratlifed among them. Hence each indh1id11al Ntgro M1m, in conk quence of his having Three, Four, or more Wives, and perhaps Children by all of them, ha> very extenfive .Family Connections, originating from various Sources, all of which have an equJl Claim upon his Heart and //jfetlio11s, and Senfe of Honour. Now, in atcempcing their Conver fion, would it be jafe, would it be right al One Stroke to cut afunder all thele Bonds of Union, in fpite of all the Rdillance of Inclination and fupporcd Duty, and to fubflitute Rellrictions, which, when forcibly impofed, would be intolerable to Beings ufed IO the1 contrJry Habits, and would at !all be done away with the ul!er Ruin of every Principle of rdigious lnllitution with which they had been efl:ablilbed? Or lbould we rather be facisfied to proceed more gradually i11 the Affair, by reprefenting to them the natural lnconvenirnces of Polygamy (fuch as its aug menting the Occafions of conjugal lnliddity, and weakening the conjugal Auachment, without fatisfying che brural Appetite vitiated by Variety; its dellroying dome!lic Peace, by introducing a Conflitt of oppofite Interells with each female Acceffio11 to the Family ; ics increafing parental Cares, and diminilhing parental Enjoyments, by the Jealoulies of the Children, as well as of the Wives), and recommending to them to ahandon the l'raClice of it, as Death, or the Caufes ge nerally operating a Separation from their Wives, left them at liberty to adopt a more temperate Manner of Living? Should we, I fay, be fatisfied with this Mode of Procedure with the grow11 Negroes, and admit them by Baptifm into the Chrifiian Covenant, without waiting for that Event, with the Hope that Refletlion, excited and direC\ed by Chri!lian Motives and Doctrines, would produce the Change afterwards upon better and more tailing Principles than they were capable of being atluated by before? The is important, and as far as I have prefumetl to anfwer it to myfelf, I think that the lamr Plan would be more rational and proper upon the wbolt. l woultJ however thew them, that their Connection with many Wives was tolerJted, but not approved of: That in faet, the Women thev called their Wives, were only their Concu bines, and that a Chrillian could. have but One Wife at a 'Time, to whom he was bound to be faithful ; and that I hoped in Time to fee them aet accordingly, from their own Conviaion of the Propriety and Advantages of it; and that till then I could not confecrate the Union, formed between any Negro Man and Woman, by the Marriage Rites in Pratlice among the White People; but mult leave them to the Inconveniences and lnlidelities of fuch a Marriage State as theirs, depending upon the temporary Caprice, Partiality, and Prejudice of the Parties: Yet I lhould remark to them, that I lhould infill on their not i11creajing the Number of their nominal Wives, by taking ochers after Baptifm and religious lnllruC\ion; for then their Sin of lsnorance would becorne a Sin of wilful Perverfenefs; and in like Manner that the rifing Gcncra : ion, bap tized in their Infancy, mull be contented with One Wife, joined 10 them upon Chr:llian Prin ciplt-$. Another Point to be taken into Conlideration is their Employment of Sunday. Should you forb!d them to employ that Part of the Day, not dedicated 10 Divine Service, in cultivating their litcle Plantations, what would they fpend it in? Is it to be conceived that they would be betcer Chrir tians for Oeeping away tour or Five Hours of the Sabbath, than for fpending them, to increatt: their own and their Families dometlic Comforts in an honell Way? l lhould think, therefore, thlt they lbould be taught, that the Work they were not to do on that Day was the Devil's IVork, and that the Leifure allowed them by it from their Mafl:ers Wcirk was to be improved in a fober virtuous Manner, not in wandering from Home, and reforting to idle Company, IO drink, and quarrel, and fight, and !lral, but in doing good to themfelves and Families, without doing barm to any Bod.,v elfe. I am much of opinion that this Circumllance will be found necdfary; tor it is imprad icble to anempr to give chem intellefl11al Occupations, by means of li1a.Hy lnfl:ruftion con1111un1carrd 10 the General ty of good Chriflians or better Men. And, in the fecond Place, ym1 know a wrll as I do, that the Nature of our Proprrtirs here will not admit of fo large a l'ur. c.on of T:111e being taken up in te.1ching them to re .. d, and advancing them from the RuJi. mrn
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Barbadoes. A. N I 5. cur:icy ar.J Rea
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PAR"rIH. Barbadoes. A. N 15. Years ___ 'm_i:orted. Exported -------li64 70,706 3'936 None mentioned. 176.s 72,255 3,228 Ditto. 1766 73,651 4,061 Ditto. 1767 74 656 4,154 Ditto. 1768 7 6,27 5 4,6i8 Ditto 1769 75,658 6,837 Ditto 1770 76,334 5,885 Ditto. 1771 75,956 2,728 D i tto. 1772 74,485 2,117 Ditto 1773 74,206 1,269 Ditto. 1774 74,874 --1775 7 4,410 Total 38,843 1776 74,103 2,436 1 777 72,578 --70,706 1778 69,935 Total 41,279 68,270 1779 68,295 178 0 68,270 In 16 Years I don't find, by 1he Paper from which this is copied, that any Slaves were imported during this Period atcer the Year 177 3. JOHN BRATHWAITE. 10th OClober 17 S o. 1781. Years. ----1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 The Hurricane, 63,248 Negroes. Negroes given in. ---------63,248 None paid th i s Year. 62,258 61,808 62,775 62 115 Imported. Exported. -----------------1, 138 None ftated. 3o3 Ditto. -Ditto. -Ditto. 120 Ditto. 511 D i tto. 2,072 Mr. Brathwa i te obferved, that there is no Statement of Negroes exported in the Two preceding Accounts, though there is no Doubt t hat fome were exported; confiderably more, however, in the Firft Period ftated in the Accounts, than in the latter. Mr. Brathwaite alfo delivered in the following Account of the Lofs of Negroes and Cattle killed by the Hurricane in 1780 ACCOUNT of the Damage done by the Hurricane in Barbadoes, Oll:ober 10, 1780. Parifues Negroes killed Horfes ditto. Cattle ditto Amount of Damages done -----------------------. s. d. St George -128 32 934 102,282 0 0 St. James -JOB 24 514 100,765 16 3 St. Thomas -84 22 650 J04,115 17 6 St. Andrew -47 4 325 66,656 11 0 St. Jofeph -63 10 343 61,071 s If Sr. Peter -48 13 614 7 4,(17 I 14 9 Sr. Lucy -33 5 335 28,784 8 9 St John +9 14 260 61, 522 3 6 St. Philip 180 16 +63 116101 I 9 3 Sr. Michael -916 43 83+ 412,28+ 18 91 Chrill: Church -377 211 1,334 192,398 10 If ---------2 033 211 6,6c6 I,320,56+ I 5 01 But th ere is not a Doubt a great many were fent from Barbadoes to Tobago, Demcrary, Dou Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART Ill. Go,ernor Parry Council of the Jlland Mr. Bmh. Barbadoes. A. N 19, 20. Have you not heard that the religious Orders in the Frmch ljla11J,s are of great Servia in the lnfirufliotl a11d Management of the Negroes? I belit'Ve that the Minijlers who afl as Conf e.ffers are great Serv .'ce in thrje Rejph9s. I ufed to thinlc, Hal the Negroes tnre bet/er treated in the French Jjiands than in ours; but I have lately changed my Opir.ion from obferving from the Accounts of }rench Writers, that they require a greater Supply lo keep up their exifti11g Stock than we do. 'fhe annual Confumpti v n of the French is from 5 10 10 and 15 per Cent. as they jfate it. Slaves and their Children are not in general baptifed. They are not. A. N 19. What Religious In!litutions are there for the Benefit of Negro Slaves in each of the lllands in the Well Indies? waire, Agent Vide Mr. Brathwaite's Anfwer, A. N' 18. for rhe Affembly of 1he Ilhnd. Governor l'arry Governor Parry' s further Anfwer Council of the !fiand. There are no particular Religious Inllicutions for the Negro Slaves in this IOand. Religious Inllrutlions have been offerrd them, but they teem always unwilling to atcend. N2y, 1t 1s well known that they have been in Thdt at the Time whrn the Humanity of the Mafler has led him to give them rdigious inllruction. There is an lnllitution arnongll Mr. Codrin5ton's BrnefaClions for the lnflruEtion of the Slaves on thole Two which he has g i ven to charitable UJes, in the Principles of Religion. But there is n'l general lnflitution of this Sort, except what may be fuppofed to be intended as fuch by a vny old Act concerning Prayer; which enaCls, That for the better Information of all Sorts of Perfans concerning God and the true Religion, the refpeClive Minillers of this Jfind, in thtir teveral Parifh Churches, on evrry Sunday in the Afternoon, do there publicly exerciJe the Dur y of Preaching and of Ca1ecl1i fin6, and quellioning all the Youth, and others, that Jball come before them, in the Points of the l hnllian Faith, and endeavour, by Juch to inllruCl: them concerning God and the Fundamentals of the Chrillian Religion, and all the Articles of the Chrillian Faith. There have been fome itinerant Preachers hert', of the Moravian SeCl:, who, as wdl as the Miniller under Mr. Codrington's lnllitution, have endeavoured to inftruCl: them in the Principles of Reli g ion, with what EffeCl: on their Faith is uncertain, but apparently without any on their Morality, owing, it is to long dbblifhed Habits of Vice amongll Slaves, not eafily to be correCted amidll the evil Communication of all, and the Prevalency of the Example of fuch Parents on their Children. Their Superllirions allo feem to be almoJt infurmountable, and mull ever be a great Obltacle to their ty coGceive themldves bewitched), that it would require the ablelt Divines tc> undeceive them, at leall no Attempts by the Preachers here have been fuccefaful. There are many Slaves, who .ar e brought up in White wtio have Ideas of the Supreme Being and a future Exiflence; but they do not feem to be better Moralilh than their unenlightened from Africa. In fatl:, moll of the narive Blacks have form: No tions of God and a future State. Neither does there leem to be any material Difference in this rtfpect between Free Negroes and Slaves, although the Education of the former is better, as they are frequently taught to write and read, and are inllrutted in the Chriftian Fai1h. On the contrary, by b<'ing more free, they are mo r e licentious, and having more Property are more debauched, and rather contribute to the greater Corruption of Slaves. There are no particular Religious Jnnirutions for the Negro Slaves in this IOand. Religious lnftruC\ion has been offtred them, but they frem always unwilling to attend to ir. A large Property was bequeathed by Mr. Codrington to the Society for the Goli1d, to form a School for the White Inhabitants, and to give lnlhuction to the Blacks. A. N 20. Are any M1flionaries fent from England for rhe lnfiruetion of Negro Slaves, nm! what has been 1heir S11cctfs ? If unfuccefsful, to Cauli:s it to be artribmed ? Digitized by Go gle Vide Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Barbadoes. A. N :2r, 22, 23, 24. Vide Mr. Brathwaite's Anfwer, A. N 1 S. No Miffionaries, that I have heard of, are fent into this Inand for their Inllruaion. A large Property was bequeathed by Mr. Codrington to the Society for Propagating the Gofpel, co form a School for 1he White Inhabitants, and to give lnllruClions to the Blacks. No Miffionaries of 1he Efiablifhed Church have come hi1hcr to our Knowledge. A. 21. Are the Miffionaries more fuccefsful in the lnflruetion and Converfion of Free Negroes than in the ln!l:rultion and Converfion of Slaves, and to what Caufes is any Difference in this RefpeCl: to be imputed ? Vide Mr. Brathwaite's Anfwer, A. N 18. Anfwered before. Vide Governor Parry's An!wer, A. N 20. Already anfwered. Vide Council's Anfwer, A. N 20. A. N" 22. Whether Negroes called Obeah-men, or under any other Denomination, practifing Witch craft, ex1lt in the Iaand of Barbadoes? Negroes formerly called Obeah-men, but now ir.ore commonly called Doflors, do exill: in Barbadoes; but I underftand that they are not fo many at prefent as formerly, and that the Num ber has diminifbcd greatly in the courfe of the la!l: Twenty Years. PART l!f. Mr. Brathwaite, Agent for the Affembly of the Inand. Governor Parry. Council of the lfland. Mr. Brath waitt-, Agent for the Af fembly of the Ifland. Governor Parry Council of the lfland. Mr. Brath waire, Agent for the Af fembly of the Ifland. There is hardly any Ell:ate in the llland in whi, h 1here is not fome old Man or \\Toman who Council of :tffeets to polfrfs fame fupernatural Power. Thcle are called Obeah Negroes, and by tht.: fuperthe Ifland. itilious Negroes much feared, A. N 23. By what Arts, or by what Means, do the Obeah-men caufe the Deaths, or otherwife injure thoft: who are fuppofrd to be influenced thereby? And what arc: the Symptoms and Effects that have been oblerved to be produced in People who have been fuppofc:d to be under the In fluence of 1heir Practices? The Arts they praCl:ife are in general like thofe adopted in Europe, by the more cunning and ddigning, to operate on the Paffions and Credulity of weak and fuperlliiious Minds, not ex actly !lmilar to Animal Magnetifm, but as ridiculous, and perhaps as difficult to be defcribed. Indeed they take care to keep fecrec their fuppofed Art, panicularly from the Whites. The Symptoms produced on Perlons by their juggling Tricks are as various as in Europe, when fudden but va!l painful AtfeClions of the Mind are brought on. I underll:and the moll general are the Lofs of Appetite, great Li!llefnefs, Languor and Debility, with a Propenfity to eat im proper and indigellable Food, declaring frequently that they are bewitched, ancl going moping about all day long: Hence Ob!l:rultions, Swellings of the Extremities, Tympany, Death. Of their Am we know nothing; but of the EffeCls produced by them, on tholC: on whom they are c:xerciled, are a Dejection of Spirits, and a gradual Decay. A. N 24. Are the Inll:ances of Death or Difeafes produced by the Arts or Means praltifed by the Obeah rnen frequent ? The lnllances of Death or Difeates are lefs frequent now than formerly in Barbadoes. The preli:nt Rare of Negroes there, being for che moll part Natives, are more civilized; and from being better informed, they are not fo eaf1ly deluded: I am told that the Obeah-men act now pri;1cipally as Fomme-tellers. Some of them Knowkdge in Simples, and can apply tht'm wi1h Surcels in the Cure of Wounds. From 1heir Knowkdgt: of l'oifons they would do a great deal of Mifrhief, were they not rcllraine
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Bar/Jadoes. A. No 34 N January 1754 (l 71.) December l 764. (178.) -January 1765. ( 178.) December 1775. (19:i.) Years. Added. Born. Male. Female. Died. Male. Female. 1776 3 2 4 3 1777 7 z 5 6 4 2 1778 3 2 7 4 3 1779 7 I 6 3 I z 1780 z I 10 6 4 1781 z 0 2 7 4 3 1782 7 3 4 4 2 2 lj83 z I 5 z 3 1784 8 4 4 4 3 1785 7 4 3 7 4 3 1786 5 z 3 z 0 2 z6 53 20 33 59 33 z6 January 1776. N 192. December 1786. N. Firll: Period of 11 Years. Born 34 Died 75 Decreafe 41 Second Period of 11 Do. 39 42 3 Third Period of 1 1 Do. 53 59 6 33 126 50 An Account of the Number of Sldves at different PerioJs on the Eftatcs of the following l'erfons: John L. Blackman's Eftate. l Thomas Daniel's Eftate. I Afhley's Eftate. Slaves. Slaves. Slaves. Year 1784 190 PART Ill Year 1779 -191 Year 1762 209 I 1787 192 171Sb 197 I : 86 2+8 None purchafed in the Time. Nine purchafed in the Time. Four givc.-n to Mr. Afhlt:y by a I Three died of the Small Pox Rdation in 1n5 by Inoculation. Sociery's E!late. I J.B.'.:; Windward Eftate. I J. B May 1783 273 In Thiny-threc Years. In N 1nttc:c:n Y cJrs. December 17S6 -273 Birrhs 126 Births -142 Births -32 Deaths -17b L>caths 210 Deaths -37 Decreafe -50 Oecredf<' 68 Number at fir!l -178 1ftJ,rnuary 1767 -297 Purchalt-d 8.+ December 1785 2l'.J Preltnt Number 212 None purchalcc.l. This depends wholly on the Force of Management, and the of Swck upon each Governor Eftate. Parry. Under the fame Circumftances che Produce of Lands throughout the IOand, it is conceived, Governor would be equal : Bue Crops art: partially affc:EtcJ by various accidental Cauics in different l'am of Parry's fur . the llland, as Inequality of Rains, and the partial I" ffdls of Blafts, Vermin, and lnk({s; lu chat thcr ,\nfwer. Crops are ti:ldom equally good all over chc l!lanJ, frnall as ic is. The Produce of the Earth is liable to be affdted by fo many Caufc:s, that it will vary ex-Council of ceedit>g y, without any extraordinary Accident. the lfiand PART III. c c Digitized by Go gle A .No Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Barbacloes. A. N' 38, 39 l'.\RT IJI. The Free Negroes are fo proud and indolent, that many of them will not labour for their Governor own Maintenance, but become Beggars, and are frequently fopporttd by the Parifh they Parry. belong to. 1t is conceived that it would not be po!lible to cultivare Plantations in the Weft Indies by the Labour of European5; the fame having been formerly found impraeticable when the l11and was th;;r;,.t:;r, under much lefs Cultivarion than at prelt:nt; nor could they be cult i vated by Free Negroes, unlt:fs their Numbers were more than equal co the prefent Numba of Slaves, as there would be many of them who would noc work, that being the Cafe with them at prefent; for although many of them are in great \Vant, and might earn at fame Times of the Year, Two Shillings a Day, and their Feeding, yet they will not i;erform the flighteft Work in the Field; nor would the Situation of the Whi te be fafe when furreunded by fuch Numbers of unprincipled Perfons equally free with himftlf, and without Controd: Nor could it be worth the Planter's while to culcivate his Lands at the Price they would exact when there were no other Labourers. This may he well fa i d to be impollible; Europeans wanting Conftitutions adequate to fupport the Council of the lfland. Heat, and Free Negrots the proper Induftry required to cultivate the Lands. A. N 38. 'What is the Difpofition of the Free Negroes with refpeCl: to Labour, particularly continual or diurnal? I have anfwered this Queftion in another Place. Vide Mr. Brathwaitc's Anfwer, N A. 37. Mr. Drath waite, Agent for the Af fembly of the Jaand. The Free Negroes are in general fo proud and indolent that they will not be enticed to Work; Governor many of them are fo poor as co be maintained by their different Parifhes, and there is fcarcely an Parry. lnftance of their living in any private Service. I do not underftand that the Free Negroes of Barbadoes ever hire themfelves out to till the Land, although they fometimes do as domeftic Servants.-If they hold Lands as Tenants annual, at Will, or in Fee, they are fometimes known to a!lift in the Cultivation of them. Some of the Females are good Houfewives, and conduce the Bufinefs of their Families within Doors, others fupport themfdves by the Pro!litution of their Perfons. Some of the Males are Muficians, and others pur-fue the mechanical Profetlions, in the Exercil!: of which, a Sufpicion is amply ju!lified, that many of them clsnddtinely offend aga i n It the Laws; and I mufl: frankly own my Opinion to be, that thofe living by finifter Practices far exceed the Number of thofc who do fo by the means of honeft lnduftry. Governor Parry's further Anfwer. A moll: fettled Averfion: So far from addicting to continual and diurnal Labour, they Council of are with Difficulty enticed to the Exercife of any handicraft Art: Free Negroes arc the Pefts of our the Jnand. Sociery, the Receivers of ftolen Goods, and the Encouragers of Slaves in every Kind of Vice. A. No 39 Could an European Con!litution fubfift in a Weft India Climate under the Labour necelfary for cuhivating a v.-ell: l1;dia Plantation? Certainly not; I have given my Reafons in my Anfwer to the la!l but one. Mr. BrathwaitC', Agent for the fembl y of tht JOand. It is imagined that an European Con!litution could not fubfift long in this Climate under the La Governor bour necellary for the Cultivation of Lands here, not becaufe fuch Labour is greater than many Parry. Labours in England, but bec:iufe the Labour here mull be performed in an intenfi: Heat of Sun, with but litt!e Variation throl1ghout the Year, and is what an European Conftitution cannot long refiit-But this Fervency of Climate feems by no means unfriendly to the Conllitution of the Black lnhabirnnr, nor even painful to his Feelings; on the contrary, in his Hours of Relax ati on from Labour, he expofes himfdf to the warmeft lntluence of the Sun, and courts his in preference to the Shac!e. Even the black Infant of Six Werks old is cxpofed to the Meridian Heat without any ill Eff::OCl: on its tender Skin. There has been ne> fingle Inftance of an European dedica1ing himftlf to any Thing like hard I .aCouncil of bour, or expofing h;, 11fdf to the Sun, who has able to fupport the Heat of this Climate; nor the rnand. do we think it pollibk. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART Jlf. Bar!Jadoes. A. N 40, +1, +2. A. N 40. Is the Labour of Cattle, and of what Species, and in what Proportion, ufcd in the Cultivation of a Well India Plantation? The Labour of Affes and of Mules, in the Article of Carriage; might be increafed to the Bcnefic for the ACof the Planter. The Attention of the Planters has for fome Time been turned tu the Eafc: of their frmbly of the Negroes in this refpcCI:. llland Goernor The: La hour of horned Cai.tie and of Horfes is elfentially necdl'ary, and the Proportion dtpends Parry. upon the Size of the Ellate, and the Succefs of the Crop. Govornnr The Labour of Cattle and of Hones (when the Planters are in Circumllances to pur<'hafe the latter) Parry's foris chiefly employed in eetting in the Crop, (arrying it to Market, is generally found more th., ;\.nfwer than fufficient for the Stock on each l'lantatton, as mory of them die tn confequence thereof; neither is the Number eafily increafed, as foreign Cattle art" very perilhable here; and if the: Stock of Cattle could be increafecf, it does not appt'ar from the Mode of Culcure which, by Experience, has heen found bdl for Suaar, that their Labour could be fubllitut whicn chey nm.ft be appli e d ; betides, ac lea It ; One-fifth Part of the llldnd confi 1 of hill, L ar.d>, tco lke p to admit of che UJC: of t h e Pl0ugh. AoJ io this, thH rholc Lands w1i: d 1 ore fit :ire deep and heavy Soil s an.I require to be culturt:d in 1he dry Salons, to b e p : q,ared f u r p;ar.tin g when the Hain s kr i n, which are here periodic.ii. :\t this Time of P ep:1r;1" n n, lttl'h S oils an: l
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Barbadoes. A. N PART IH. in the llland of Barb:idoes, the Planters, from Principles of Humanity, now employ a greater fembly of the Number of Negroes in performing the fame Work than were formerly employed. lflaod This depending fo much upon che private Property alfo of Individuals, and the Number of Governor Slaves re!ident in the feveral Towns, fo differently employed, it becomes impoffible co reduce Parry the Proportion to any Cercaincy. 1t is imagined, that about One Eighth Part of the Slaves here are employed in domefiic and other Services. The ochers are Plantation Slaves, and deducting from the latter the aged and in firm, the lick, the pregnant, the young, ahd the abfent, there are fi:ldom more than Two Thirds of 1he Slaves on a P!Jntation who contribute to its Culcivation. About One Third of thefe are what are called Field Negroes, as being the firongeft and ableft bodied. The younger perform alfo fome Works in the Fidd, but leis laborious, as weeding, &c. The Culcivation therefore is, One fuch Field Negro (including the Labour of the others) to One Acre of Canes, and in fome Parts of the Country which are more laborious, Two Field Negroes to One Acre of Canes, and One fuch Negro (including alfo the Labour of the others of the Second Clafs) to Three Acres of Cotron. Governor Parry's ther Anfwer. Every Fid Provilions Potatoes Caffava Boni vis I j A. 56 46 I 14 ll 9 13 16 3 34 3 Goats 302 Loll: this Year Three Negroes and Thirty-eight Head of Cattle, the dreadful Effects of the Hurricane. 31!1: December 1781. A. R. P. 2 10 1 1 Cane Land Old Canes 155 2 18 Provilion and Wall:e Land Young Canes Second Crop Canes Indian Corn 195 Negroes 64 Head of Horned Cattle 8 Horfes 15 Hogs 55 Sheep 5 Goats Guinea Corn Pigeon Peafe Yams Eddocs Potatoes Caffava Bonivis A. 46 50 17 42 120 9 7 10 14 2 14 331 An Increafe of Three Negroes this Year, a Decreafe of Two Head of Cattle; bought Four Negroes this Year, and One Cow; alfo Three Horfes. 31ft Mr. Brath waite, Agent for the Af fembly of the lfland. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. Bar!Jadoes. A. N 50. 31 n December I 782. A. R. P. ia10 1 1 Cane Land 155 2 .18 Provifion and Waite Land J95 Negroes 66 Head of Cattle 8 Horfes 16 Hogs 55 Sheep 7 Goats Old Canes Second Crop Canes Young Canes Indian Corn Guitiea Corn Pigeon Peafe Yarns Ed does Potatoes Ca1fava Boni vis An Increafe this Year among the Cattle One Head; bought this Year One Cow A. R. P. 110 1 1 Cane Land 155 2 18 Provifion and Walle Land 193 Negroes 63 Head of Cattle 8 Horfrs 10 Hogs 66 Sheep 8 Goats Old Canes Second Crop Canes Young Canes Indian Corn Guinea Corn Pigeon l'eafe Yams Eddocs Potatoes Bonivis : . :: .... +) Qi A 50 13 5+ 30 110 13 9 148 Of 9 3151 A. 54-10 59 37 JOO 13 8 ll ll 10 313 Loft this Year Two Negroes and Nine Head of Cattle; bought this Year Eight Head of Cattle. A. R. P. 210 1 1 Cane I.and 155 2 18 Provifion and Wane Land 365 3 19 196 Negroes 65 Head of Cattle 7 Horfes 7 Hogs 80 Sht'ep 6 Goats Old Canes Young Canes Se c ond Crop Canes Guinea Corn lhdian Corn Pigeon Peafe Yams Ed does Potatoes 'Boni vis Turmeric A. 59 53 35 67 25 8 15 ... 5 18 290 An Jncreafe this Year of Three Negroes; bought thi4 Year Twelve Head of Cattle; loft th i s Year Eight of Cattle, and One Horfe. J Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. Governor Parry. Governor Parry's fur ther Anfwer. Council of the Inand. Mr. Brath waire, Agent for the Af fembly of the Inand. Governor Parry. Bar/Jadoes. A .. N" 52, 53 The Manure is made from Horfes, Horned Cattle, Mold, and Cane Tra!h. The Manure is generally made ufe of in this Hland confifis chieAy cf the Dung of Cattle, Horfes, Hogs and Sheep; together with Tra!h, green Bu!hes, and Mold. The Manure is made from Horfes, Horned Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, Cane Tra!h, Mold, and the Offals of the Sugar Works. A. N 52. If in general the Planters were to employ Mules and Cattle in carrying out the Manure, would it not be for the Advantage both of the Negroes and the Owners ? Vide Mr. Brathwaite's Anfwer, A. N 40. The Mules are not found fo convenient to this Bufinefs; and the Negro-labour is better adapted for carrying Manure about the fame Fidds in which it is raifed : buc, in order to affi!l: the Nrgroes, Manure at any Difiancc-, or from the Buildings, is conveyed by Cans drawn by C attic or Horfes. Governor From the Mode of cultivating the Cane Planr, ic is fcarccly praaicable to carry out the Ma Parry' fur-nure by Cattle and Mules, the Holes for that Plant being large, deep, and clofc together: And ther Anfwer. the Labour of carrying out the Manure over Lands prepared for Cotton, is by no means fo difficult for the Slaves as to make the Ufe of Cattle and Mules for that Purpofe a material Object in favour of Slaves, when it is confidered alfo, t:iat their Labour would be nearly as great in loading and unloading the Beafis, and attending them in their fcveral Traverfes over the Land. Couocil of From the Manner in which we are obliged to hole the Land for Canes, it is impoffible to throw thdflaod out the Dung to the Cane-holes in any ocher Manner than by the Negroes. In order to affilt them, Manure at any Dillancc-, or from the Buildings, is conveyed by Cam drawn by Cattle. A. No 53 Upon a Plantation with a given Stock of Negroes, and yielding on an Average a certain annual Quantity of Sugar, what may be fuppofed to be the nett Income to the Owner, if living on the lfiand, after dtoduaing the Charge of maintaining and cloathing his Negroes, the Wear and Tear, and other neceffary Expences; and what the nett Income to the Owner livin" in Great Britain ? 0 Brath-No Man can anfwer this Qucllion with RefpeCl: to future Years. With refpeCl to the pall, I ii:.nt will make up and lay before the Committee a Statement according to my Opinion. With refpeCl: to the Management of an Efiace by the Owner relident, or by a Manager wh e n the Owner is Ifland abftont, it depends upon the comparative Capacity of fuch Owner and li.Jch Manager. But in general it is natural to fuppofe, that the Prcfence of the Owner is of great Advantage Governor Parry. This depending entirely on the private Concerns of Indi viduals, it cannot poffibly be afcer tained without making a comparative Review of Gentlemen's private Income. Governor The Refidence of the Owner in this IOand, or his Relidc-nce in Great Britain, it is concei\ed, Parry's forwould make little or no Difference in the nrtt Income of his Plantation, fuppofing it to be under 1bcr Anfwer. the fame Mode of Management. Council of We do not fee any necelfary Difference in the nett Income of a Perfon living in England or thc lfland. the Weft Indies. This de-pending entirely on the private Concerns of Individuals, it cannot poffibly be afcertained without making a comparative l{evicw of Gentlemen's private Income. The following Papers being detached Pieces of Evidence referring to the Hland of Barbadoes, Parts of which it was difficult to arrange under the foregoing Heads; the Committee have therefore thought proper to infert the fame here at Length. N Letter of lntlruaion to Samuel Ellwicke Efq from the Committee of Council in Bar badoes, on Lhe Abolition of the Slave Trade. N 2. Letter from Mr, Senhoufe to Mr. Granville Sharp, refpetling the Advantages acifing from the humane Treatment of Slaves in the lfiand of 12 Digitized by Go gle N 3 Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Barbadoes. N 3. Extra& of a Letter from Governor Parry to the Right Honourable Lord Sydney. N 4 and 5. Two Petitions inclofod in the above Lrtter, on the Subject of fome Pawns carried from the Coaft of Africa by Captain Bibby of the Ship Molly. N r. Letter of Inllrul'tiona to Samuel Eflwicke, Efq. from the Committee of Council in Bar badoes, on the Abolition of the Slave Trade. SIR, Barbadoes, Feb. 22, 1788. WE, the Committee appointed to correfpond with you, as Agt'nt to the Council, beg leave to call your Attention to a Subjeet of a very interefiing Nature to the commercial Inccreft of Great Britain, and to the Welfare and Profperity of this Illand. Endeavours we underll:and are uung, and a Bill, we hear, is to be introduced into Parliament, for the Abolition of the Afri can Negro Trade to the Britith Weft India Ifiands. If Succefs fuould attend this Meafure, this llland mufi be effcCtually ruined. To you, who fo well know our Situarion, and how impoffible it is to cultivate our Lands without a regular Supply of Negroes for that Purpofe, it will be un necelfary to enlarge on this Subje<'t. You know full well, that Trade, like Rivers, will find its Courfe; if this Trade is ftopped to the Britilh IOands, it will increafe more rapidly to thofe Inands belonging to Franct', Spain, and Holland; that while additional Strength is given to thoft: foreign Countries, Great Britain mull be moft elfentially injured in her Commerce, and in her Marine dependent on that Commerce; that while thofe Countries increafe their Sugar and Cotton Tr
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PART III. Bar'1adoes. No" .>' There have been purcha(ed lince (i.e. in the Year 1777) 32 Slaves, which, added to the former Number, make 147. There are at this Time upon the Plantation of the original Srock, and of thofe lince bought as above-mentioned, together wich the Defcendants of both, 163; confequently the lncreak d.iring the above Period, nocwithfl:anding feveral Cafuahies, has been 16. Hut it is necelfary to obferve, that it is probable the Jncreafe would have been !hi! more, had not Five Negroes belonging to the E!l:ate been killed by the Hurricane which happened in chi3 lfiand in the Year 1780. The late Manager upon his Lord!hip's Plantation, as well as the Gentleman who now ha1 the immediate DireCtion of its Cultivation (and who is delervedly at the Head of his Prolfeillon), have both repeatedly alfured me, that they believe the Slaves thereon to be the mo!l: orderly and tractable Set in the ltland, which is another pkaling Confequence of proper Treatment; and now that they are got into fo regular a Train, a more rapid future lncreali: may be reafonably expeckd. The la!l: Year the Jncreafe was Three, and the Year 1784 added Eight to the genera? Stock. The other lnfiance which I beg leave to lay before you is, concerning my own Plantation, fituated fiill further to windward than the noble Lord's above mentio1m.l, of which I became Polfelfor in the Month of July 1774, with 119 Slaves. There have been purchafed !ince that Time Five Negroes, and Three have been fo!J, Two therefore muft be added to the original 1 19. Befides which, in the Year 1784, the .Plantation Slaves were increafed Twentyfeven, by the Beque!l: of a Relation, who then died. Thcfc teveral Numbers, taken together, make the Total 148. There are this Day upon the Efiate, of the above Stock and their Defcendants, 161 ; of courfe the I ncreafe has been Thirteen. But it muft likewife be obferverl in this Place, that Three were killed by the Hurricane above mentioned: That Tbree more apparently died in confequence of it, and Five others died by Cafualties. One Hundred and Thirty-eight Slaves belonging to thofe two Plantations were inoculateJ in the Year 1781, but one of whom died, and that one was old and infirm. Thefe Infiances, together with fome others, of which I have Information from good Authority, although they did not come fo immediately under my own perfonal Oblcrvation, have a 1lrong Tendency to prove, that if Negro Slaves be well fed, properly clothed, comfortably lodged, not overworked, and duly taken care of when lick (which I can affirm has been the Cate with thofe above mentioned), the Owner's Humanity will in a few Years be amply rewarded by a valuable Jncrea(e in his Property, and will need no further Supply in the Manner now fo ju!l:ly condemned: And I am warranted in this Idea by the uncommon Proportion of fine healthy Children of both Sexes upon thefe two Plantations (the nacural Confequence I prefume of fo long a Courfc of proper Treatment), who promife to be more than fufficient amply co !lock them both at no very ditbnt Period. I am of opinion, that the Treatment of Slaves in general in the Brici!h Weft India Inands is greatly altered of late Years for the better: The prclent is an Age of Liberality, and thefe unhappy People have in fome Degree benefited by the general Improvement in the Manners of Mankind. But it is neverthelefs to be apprehended that Humanity, even when aided by fo powerful an Auxiliary as Self-incere!l:, too frequently gives way in fordid Minds to Cruelty and Oppreillon; foch Men (for fuch l fear there are) preferring a prefent paltry Advantage to a more fub!l:antial and honourable future Good. Your laudable Elfom, terminate where they will, cannot fail of beneficing this unfortunate Race of Men. Even the Inquiry alone (Chould it unluckily proceed no further) will have, I conceive, delirable Elfeets: It will naturally bring the Matter heme to every Man's Feelings, and, by forcing them to examine more minutely into their own particular Conduct, neceflanlv improve the good in the Management of their Slaves, and I !incerely hope will make the bad better. I have the Honour to be, Sir, Your mo!l: obedient and very humble .Servant, ,V. Senhou(e. No 3 Extrall: of Letter from Governor Parry to Lord Sydney, dated BarbadoeB, May 13th, I 788, tranfmitting two Petitions. TO the African Slave Trade, upon the Coafi, I cannot venture to fpeak, not being fuffi ciently acquainted with it; but am fearfol fuch monfirous Ab1ifes have crept into it, as to nl.lke the of the Briti!h LegiOature abfolutely necdfary ; and hJve to l.tment, chat it falls JI 10 Digitized by Go gle Origi11al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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l3rrrbadoes. ro my Lot to pofrcfs your Lordfhip with the unplcaling lnfo1matiCi11 contained in the incloled Petitions, which is fully demonflrative of the !hamtful Prac1ices carried on in that unnatural Commerce. I have now to inform yout Lordfhip that the S::hooner Gainfhxounh, menti ined in thefe Petitions, came to anchor in Carlifle Bay the 27th of l .. lt Month, ab":iut Eioht o'Clock at Night; and the Ship Molly failed in at Day-break the next Morning, when Gamble, the Mfl:er of the Schooner, .went on board her, and had a good deal of ConverfJtio;i with Bihby, rhe Mafter of the Molly, refpeCl:ing the Pawns mentioned in the Petitions; and inflead of corning immediately to me; fuffered the Ship to fail away at Eight o'Clock, and did not brin"' the Petitions to me until near Two 1 and that I believe he would not have done, had he not 0been obliged to apply for a Permit 10 pafs the fort; therefore, the only poffible Means left me to afford any Rdief to the poor diflrelfed Petitioners wJs, to lend after the Ship to Dominica (to which Porr I found lhe was bound), to endeavour to recover the Pawns there, which I have the Pleafure to inform your Lord!hip has been done, and they are gone back to their enraged Parents in the s,hooner Gainlborough, which will, I tru!t, procure the Rdeafe of the miferable Petitioners, who are, I hope, as innocent of the Conduct of Bibby as I am willing to fuppofe them: But the Behaviour of Gamble was fo extraordinary, that I cannot help having my Suf picions; and I was yellcrday cold that he had private lnfiructions from the Petitioners not to prefent the Petitions to me, if Bibby would quietly relign the Pawns; which leads me to believe hat there was a general Combination, in thefe unwarrantable Practices, amongfl all the Mafiers of the Veffcls then in Cameroons River. Your Lord!hip is perfetlly informed of the nefarious Practices of the African Trade, and the cruel Manner in which the greater Number of the Mailers treat their Seamen : There is fcarcely a Velfd in that Trade that calls at BarbaJoes, from which I have not a Complaint made to me, dther by the Maller or the Seamen, but more frequently (and generally with greater Reafon) by the latter, who are often !hamefully uled; for the African Traders at home, being obliged to tend out their Ships very ftrong handed, as well from the Unhealchinefs of the Climate as the Neceffity of guarding the Slaves, foon feel the Expencc: of Seamen's Wages; and as foon as they come amongtt thefe IOands, and all Danger of lnfurreclion is removed, the Mafters quarrel with their Seamen upon the mo!l: frivolous Pretences, and turn them on fhorc upon the firil: IOand they !lop at, fometimes with and fumetimes without paying them their Wages; and Barbadoes, being the windward Stltion, has generally a large Proportion of thefe Men thrown in upon her; and forry am I to fay, chat many of chefe valuable Subjdls are, from Sicknefs, and the dire Necefficy of entering into foreign Emplvy for Maintenance, loll to the Britilh Nation. The Evil your Lordtli : p will, I am fure, view in the fulle!l Extent of its Magnitud<", and apply a much better Remedy than I have Abilici
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PART III. Barbadou. Dauohters, and Relations, in Cameroon River; and we William and James Bean have no Refource for our Lives and Liberty, jointly agree for the Behalf ofour Owners Property, to difpatch the Gainfborough, Captain Gamble, to the Iaand of Rarbadoes, where WC learn c.aptain Bibby is to receive his Inll:ruetions from his Merchants to what lfland to to fell his Ne groes. We William and James Bean, your moll: do pray your moll: worthy Excellency to detain, or caufe to be detained, fa1d Ship. Molly, Robert Bibby until the aforefaid Thirty Sons, Dauohters, and Relauons, are dd1vered to Captain Gamble ol the Schoiner Gainfborough, in orde:" that they be brought back to their that rhe aforefaid Thirty Pawns may be known. The Kmg and Traders have fent with Captain Gamble a Black Man named James who is well acquainted with the faid People tbat Cap tain Bibby carried off in a clandefiine Manner. (Signed) William James Bean, N 5. Petition. To His Excellency the Governor of Barbadoes. I }AMES M'GAUTY, Mall:er of the Ship Othello belonging to Mclrrs. Thomas and William Earle, jun. and Co. Merchants in Liverpool; 1 William Willoughby, Mall:er of the Barque John belonoino to Camden and Calvert, Merchants in London ; and I lfaac Nixen, Maller of the Ship Fillm'.' to John Filher, Merchant of Liverpool being on Shore on the 1_4th of Februarv on the 1:.xecution of our Merchants Bufinefs, were fe1zed by a Body of the Nauves armed, who iay in Ambulh on purpofe to take us, which they effeeted, and dragged us up to their Town, where they treated us in a moft favage and barbarous Manner, and loaded us with lronl on account of the imprudent Bthaviour of Captain Robert Bibby, Malter of the Ship Molly be longing to Mdfrs. Gregfon and Co. Merchants of Liverpool, who carried off Thiny Pawns, wh<> were the King and Traders Sons, Daughters, and Relations. The King and Traders declare, that the greatell: Part of the Slaves and Ivory was paid to the faid Captain Robert Bibby for the Rdeafe of their Sons, Daughters, and Rdations, who were in pledge on board the Ship Mollr whtn the faid Captain Robert Bibby refufed releafing them. And on the 15th lnftant the Natives in a tumultuous Manner atrcmbled together, when I James MGauty, 1 William Willoughby, and I lfaac Nixen, were brought before them, when they de manded in the firll: place the Pawns that were on board our refpcC\ivc Ships, and threatened in a moll: !hocking Manner to put us to Death if we rcfofed; whereby I James MGauty for the Pre fervation of my Life as above, I William Willoughby for the Prefervation of mine, were forced to fend off Orders to our refpective Ships to fend the Pawns on Shore, when I James MGauty did dtliver up Thirty-two Pawns, which were all I had on board for upwards of Eighty Slaves a and I William Willoughby did deliver up Five Pawns, which were all I had for Twenty Slaves or upwards; and the King and Traders funher declare that they will not fettle this Bufinefs, with out the Schooner Gainfborough goes in purfuit of Captain Robert Bibby, and brings back their Sons, Daughters, and Relations, &c. to the River Cameroons. I James MGauty, fending the Schooner Gainfborough, put off from Time to Time, did on the 18th lnll:ant difpatch the Schooner Union with Five Slaves, and a Letter informing the faid Captain Robert Bibby of every Particular, and our unhappy Siruation; but not having an Opportunity to have it figned by lfaac Nixen or William Willoughby, 1 James MGauty ligncd it, and fent it off as aforefaid, that Captain Robert Bibby might not appear ignorant hereafter. We James MGaucy and William Willoughby having had feveral Confultations with the Traders concerning making Trade on Shore, and finding we could not poffibly in their extravagant Conditions, did confute with Captain lfaac Nixen of the Ship Filher, to make a joint landing of our fcveral Ships Company, and endea vour to regain our Liberty, which was efleCled on the 24th about Two o'Clock in the Afternoon: And we James MGauty and William Willoughby verily believe that our refpective Voyages arc entirely ruintd, the Natives being determined to make no further Trade with either of us, nor pay the above Dehts, until their Sons, Daughters, &c. are returned, and debarring us of Wood, Water, or any Country Provifions; therefore we lhall be forced to kave the River immediately, and on that Account we think our Voyages ruined as before. We pray your Excellency to take no:ice of our Cafe, and are with great Refpeet, Your Excelltncy's moll: obedient and moll: Servant<, (Signed) James MGauty. William Willoughby. lfaac N ixen Dated on the Ship Othello at the River Cameroons, Coall: of Africa, this Firll: Day of March m the Year of our Lord One Thoufand Seven Hundred and Eighty-eight. The above Extraet of a Letter from Governor Parry, together with the Two Petitions, were referred, by Order of the Committee, to your M_ajefiy's Attorney General, who was direll:ed to confider what Steps it nught be proper to take towards bringing the Offenders to public Jufiice. by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Antigua. A. N 1, 2, 3. A. N r. WHAT is the legal Power which Mailers have over their Slaves in each of the Britilh lllands in the W e(l Indies ? P 1\R T Tlr. Mr. HuTCHINSON.-The Laws of the Ifland of Antigua, after providing for the Safety of the MclTrs. Hut Lives of Slaves, and guarding their Perfons from the Danger of fuffering any wanton Cruelties, chinfon leave their Mailers every ocher Power over them: Firll, becaufe Mailers having an abfolute Pro-J'"1 perty in their Slaves, and therefore the greatell Inrere!l: in their Prefervation, Health, and Weifare, the Laws fuppofe them worthy of being intrufted with fuch a Power. And, in the fccond Dr. APlace, becaufe the common Safety of the White Inhabitants, and the very Exillence of their dau. Plantations, depend on the Ma!l:ers having every Authority over their Slaves that is ncce1fary to enforce their implicit Obedience, and keep under due SubjeClion on all Occafions. N. B. The Laws above referred to are, An Afr patred in the llland in the Year 1694, viz. N" 89. N" 130, paired in the Year 1i02. N 176, paired in the Year 1723. The )all: re lates to the Trials of Negroes by Jury, paJTed in In Antigua the Power which Mafters have over their Slaves is not unlimited, as in many Council and Countries, but fomewhat refembles the Power which Lords exercifc:d Ol'er the Vaffals when the AITembly of Tenure of pure Vilhnage prevailed. Slaves are Property, and difpofable by Will or Deed. the llland. Mafters have a Power to corrett their Slaves ; and it is effential to the Relation of Mafters and Slaves that fuch Power lhould exi{l; for otherwife the necetrary Subordination due from the one to the other could not be kept up. But the Power of Mailers does not extend to the taking away of Life or Limb. There is no Law prefcribing what Species of Punilhment the Ma!l:er may inA;a; but in Pral\ice, the Punilhment is generally a Whipping upon the bare Po!l:eriors, not t'XCecding Thirty-nine Lafhes, and frequently within that Number. A. N 2. What is the Protection granted to Slaves by Law in each of the Britilh lfiands? Mr. HuTCHINSON.-A frw Years ago, in cafe any free Perfon whatever was convicted of murMlTrs. Hut dcring, maiming, or difmembering a Slave, the Law at Antigua inflitled a heavy Fine propor-chinfon and to e.ich Offence, and required the Party convitted, in either Cafe, to be imprifoned until Burton, joint he had paid the 1:-ine a
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.PART m. Council and All'embly of the llland. Antigua. A. N + the Ofi'ence. And In cafe of ConviClion for any r;;piral and fentenced to die, the Law, in order to take away the Inducement a M a lter would othcrwife have to conceal and kreen his Slave from condign Punifbment, enritles the M:ifter after Execution, to a cerrain Sum, to be paid out of the Treafury of the Colony, as an Equivalent fur the Lofs of fuch Slave. There is no Law which declares the Offn lhall be burnt, or attempted to be burnt, fuch Slave or Slaves, and his and their Acceffories, Concealrrs, or A being Slaves, !hall be adjudged Fdons, and fuffer Death. And by the fa id Act, if any Ch.di con ceal or harbour a runaway Slave knowingly, or if any Sl,ve th di be taken fighting, or if any Slave lhall draw a Knife upon another, the Offender fhall be publicly whipped by Order of a J uftice of the Peace; and if any Negroes, being of the Age of Sixteen, !hall run aw.iy in a Gang or Number, amounting to Ten, or upwards, from any One Planation to which fuch Slaves fhall bdong, and lha:t continue runaway for Ten Days or more, then One of the faid Negroes, fuch as the Juflices !hall think the greateft Offender, lhall fuffcr Death as a Fc:lun." Hy an Act of the Legifiarure palfed in 1784, Jf a Slave con:imits any heinous or felonious Crimr, he is to be rried by a Court conlifting of Two Juftices of the (One being 1,f the and a Jury of S i x White lnhabitonts 1f the Slave is found guilry by the Jury, the Juftices pronounce Sentence of Death, or orhcr Puni!hment, according to the Nature of the Offence. If Sentence of DeJth is pronounced, the Execution is not to take place until Fuur Days after; and the Jufliccs are required, under a Pe nalty, to give notice ot fuch Sentt'nce to the Perfon in chief Command in .i:he Hllnd witl1in Thirry-fix Hours after paffing thereof: But if the Offi:nce of which the Slav" is conviCled dorh not merit the Punilhment of l)eat h, then the J ull:ices ar" <"mpowcred to inflict a corporal Pu. nilhmcnc at fuch Time and in fuch Place as they !hall think p1oper. The Evidence of One Slave againft another is admitted; but not againlt a Free Pcrfon There are frequent lnftances of Slaves conviaed ot capitI Offences being pardoned upon the Recommendation of J uftices and J urtcs, who in all Cafes have dilcovered a D;fpufitiaa m clinable co Mercy. The J uftices, in adjudging capital Puni!hments upon Sl ives conviCl:ed, govern themfclves either by colonial Laws, or by the Laws of England, as rhry may apply. The corroral Punilhment inflicted by Magiftrates is gener ally a public Whipping; the Number o Stripes fddom eir"ed Th' rty-nine La!hes, and is freqt1<"ntly contined wirhin thJt Number. No lnfiance within Memory can be pruduced of a public Whipping being immo derate. A. N 4. To what Penalties are Mafiers, or thofe who act under them, fubje.:t if they tranfgrefs the Laws made for the Protection of Negro Slaves, or in any l{cfpeet exercifc: Aas of Cruelty to wards them; and to what Courts are they in fuch Cales amenable? Hut. Mr. HuTCHJNSON.-As well Maficrs as thofe who ad: under them, being fubjdl: to rhe Pun:fh. ments before ftaced, for the Crime of murdering, maiming, or dirmember ing a Sl.1ve, are amenable for the fame in the Courts of Grand Seffion,, and mull be jgdiCled and tried, as near rhe IOand, as may be, to the Forms of proceeding in England to crimi nal Caufes, and Dr. A l i Does bir. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Cl iQ" ;:::t: r.;:j" c:: z < m ::i::i tn d ...., i.Q" .,., =I' :3: r;:i _3 n :i: z -----Saturday Sunday Monday Tue(day Wednefday Thurfday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuefday Wedn efday Thurfday Friday Sdturday Sunday Mooday Tuefday Wednefday Thurfday Friday S atur d a y Sunday \ londay Tuefday Wednefday Thurfda y Fr i day Saturda y S unday 1-i: .., -s :. .0 0 ..:; J 80 39 20 2 3 83 4 84 39 1 7 39 16 5 79 39 21 6 79 39 21 7 79 39 21 8 79 39 20 9 10 78 39 21 ll 78 39 21 12 78 39 21 13 78 39 21 14 78 39 21 15 78 39 21 16 t7 75 39 24 18 74 39 25 19 74 39 2 5 20 73 39 26 21 76 39 23 22 76 39 23 23 24 85 39 15 25 83 39 17 26 84 39 16 27 83 39 17 28 8 1 39 19 2C; 7 8 39 2 2 30 J 0 U R N A L, September 1787. .. "' ... .., Q. .., .;, ..It u ;.. 0 !; u.i -0 -0 bl) c: ; ,,; c: "' "' c; "' u c: >. .., "' a u .., E -0 "' DA IL Y REM ARKS. "' '-c: "' 0 .c :> u 5 IS 16 8 43 1 G r eat Gang continued holding A. M.-All Hands in their Gardens P. M. 1 All Hands in their Gardens -5 15 16 8 43 1 Continued holding-fmall Gang weeding-Mules carryinl!'. Dung I -5 15 16 8 43 1 Contin ued Ditto Ditto Continued Ditto Ditto --5 15 16 8 43 J Continued Ditto Ditto Continued Ditto Ditto 5 15 16 8 43 1 Continued Ditto Ditto Continued Ditto Ditto --5 1 5 1 6 8 43 l Finilhed poling A. M.-Mending Roads P. M .-Ditto Ditto 6 15 16 8 43 1 Great Gang mending Roads A. M.--All Hands in their Gardens P. M. -1 All Hands in their Gardens --6 15 16 18 43 1 All Hands weeding Canes next Pafture-Mules carrying Dung --6 15 16 18 43 1 Continued Ditto Ditto --6 15 16 8 43 1 Continued Ditto DittO> --6 15 16 8 +3 1 Continued Ditto ---6 15 16 8 43 1 All Hands trafbing and moulding the Pcons-V cry rainy W eather-M?les ftopped -6 15 16 8 43 l All Hands weeding Dato -1 All Aands in their Gardens -6 15 16 8 43 1 Weeding w)th great and Gang joined-Sick1y owing to the Weather -6 1 5 16 8 43 1 Continued Ditto-Mules carrying Dung --6 15 16 8 43 1 Mending private Roads-Ditto --6 15 10 8 43 J Continued Ditto-All Hands in their Gardens P. M.-Ditto --6 15 1 6 8 43 I Continued Ditto-Mules carrying Dung --6 15 16 8 43 I Continued Ditto Ditto Dttto --1 All Hands in their Gardens ---6 15 1 6 8 43 All Hands weeding Canes-Mules carrying Dung (:, 5 16 8 43 Trafhing and moulding Cattle Penns Ditto --6 15 1 6 8 4J All Hands weeding Ditto --6 15 16 8 43 All Hands weeding Ditto --J S 16 8 43 Continued Ditto-All Hands in their Gardens P. M.-R. --6 15 16 8 43 Continued Ditto __, -All Hands in their Gardens -' Weather. -------Fair Showery -Fair Showery -Ditto -Ditto -Ditto Ditto -Fair -Ditto -Ditto -Ditto -Ditto -Rain -Ditto -Ditto -Ditto -Fair -Ditto -Ditto -Ditto Showery Oit10 Showery -Ditto -Fair -Ditto -Rainy -Ditto -Fair > z 0 r;: I "'

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Antigua. A. N I I. In anfwering the he confines himfdf 10 the perfonal Knowledge he acquired, during a Refidence at different Periods of Twen1y YeJrs ac Ancigua, whrn:, in his profeffional CJ pacity, he had daily Opportunities of obferving the Tre,tmrnc and Condition of the SIJve s ; and as a Judge of the Supreme Courr, occaliou co remark the Degree of l'roceClicn affo;ded them by the Laws of the Colony. le is well known in 1hat Colony, that not only by private Suggdlions, I.Jue by occafional Puo lications, he endeavoured to point out fuch Circumllances as m : gl1t rrnr!cr the Condition of Slaves more eafy and comfortable, and he Aatters himli:lf his Elfons wrrr nor His lntereft cannot be affetted by any Dectrcnination of Legilhture, with reliit"Cl co the Abolition or Regulation of the Slave Trade; for though he was formerly Proprietor of many Slaves, he ha, not for fome Years been poffclled of any Properry of dur; and with much SatisfaCl:ion he reflech that in the Transfer of his Property, he i:irocured lot his quondam Servants the ProteClion of a humane and inddgenr Maller. As fome of the Queries are complic o tr.d, he found ic nt>ceffry to fubtlivi.'e them. As feveral of the Queries allude to the rdacivc Condition of the Free Negroes and the Slaves; it may be proper to remark, that in Antigua the Proportion of the formt>r, whether born frre, or who have obtained Frt'edom by Indulgence or by Purchafe, is fo fmall, that no dt'cilive Eftimate can be formed of the Advantages derived from that Circumftance over a State of Slavery. But fo far as a limited Analogy m3y tend co e!l:ablilh a general Axiom, feveral of thofe people cmanciplted by Dr. Adair and ochers, in1lt' d of deriving lkndic from their new Situation, be came indolent and \llorthlefs, being often decelted cicha in harbouring che runaway Slave, and employing chem in their own Service, or in giving 1hrn1 Encouragement co roo their Mailers, by becoming the Receivers of ftolen Goods ; and yet thofe People hati, by unremiccing lndullry, ac cumulated the Price of their Freed<11n. Dr. Adair is inclint>d co believe therefore, that the emancipated Negroes do not enjoy any folid Advantages over well-difpofed and rndu!lrious Slaves. Are the Negroes fubject co any pect1liar Difeafes to which White lnhab:tarits or Free Nt>groes arc not fubjeCl? and if they are fo fut'ijetl, affign t'1e Caufes. Slaves may be divided into the Domdlic, the Mechanic, and the Labourer: The Two former are not mon: unhealthy than the White Inhabitants; nor are the laccer fubjeCl to any peculiar Difeafe, derived from their Occupation; though by labouring during Nine Hours, expofed co the Rays of the Sun, but much more by other Circumftances to be conlidered hereafter, they arc more fubjeCl to endemic Difeafes than the other Slaves, but much klS fo than Seamen, Sot. diers, or other White Perfons on their firft Arrival in that Climatt>, owing co the Conftitutions of the latter not being affimilated to the Climate; and therefore a much greater Proportion of them fall Vi.:lims to the endemic Difeafes. Hence it may be inferred, that the Mortality in that Climate is not fo much the Refute of Labour as of Situation, for the Occupation e ven of a Field Slave is not fo fevt>re as thnt of a Day-labourer in thi:; Country. Other Circumftances, more than mere Labour, feem to injure the Healths of t_his Ddcription of Slaves: 1ft, Their fudden Tranlition from Labour to the almdl fedencary Employment of colleCling Grafs for the Plantation Horfes; durinO' which Time, and by being unnc:ceffarily detained afar wards, for the Purpole of being they are cxpofcd co the noxious N ishc Dews. 2d, Their frequent Migrations afttr Work to other Plantations, ofcen very dillant, for the Purpofe either of merry-making, or of vili1ing their Hulbands or Wives, fo thJt the greatdt Part of the Night is often confumed in from and their Mailers Ulates. 3d, The Scantinefs, and fometimes the bad ot their Foods; for though indu!l:ri. ous Maves have generally fo many other Re!Ources, as (independent of their weekly t\llowance) to procure them not only the Neceff.ries, but even (to them) the Lu11uries of Life; yet it too frequently happens, that in the Diftribucion of Provifions, a proper DitlinClion is not mJde be tween them and the indolent and thriftlc:fs 1 fo that the latter by their lmprovidrncc: are rcndered worthkfs and even noxious by Habits of Depredation. But in bJrren Soils, and during long Droughts, when the Grounds allotted to each Slave are not produClive, even the induflrious Slave may fulfer when a ComFenfation is not made by an lncreafe of the weekly Allowance, and by giving them Foods nutritive ;;nd invigorating in proportion to their Labour. Though this Dirtrefs 01ay undoubtedly fometimes be owing to lnattentir>n or ill judged Parli mony, yet it more: frequently proceeds f1om real Inability to apply an adequate Remedy from the Scarcity or bad of imported Provilion. During Dr. Adair's tall: R.:fidence in Antigua f'rom 1777 to 1783, a SeriC's of dry Weather having almoll toully fupprelfed the Growrh of the indigenous Vegecablcs, the Supplies from the Mocher Country lieing precarious, the Quality of the Provifaon imported from thence being fomctimes bad, and our lntercourle with the Northern Colonies being inrerrupted; thefe con curring Circumftances probably produced, but certainly exafperated, a very fevere and fatal Epidemic which p r evailed at that Period. l'ARTlll. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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PART III. Antigua. A. N I I. Thouoh thefe bcal accidental Evils might perhaps in fame lnll:anccs have been alleviated hy due and Furelighr, yet it was totally impolfible co obviate them intirdy, the concurring Caufos being inevitable. Under the Influence of thefe Caufes, Antigua, and (Dr. Adair believes) other of the Britilh Jnands, fuflained an immenfe Lofs of Slaves during the American War; and fuch hereafter may be their Fare, if during a Series of dry Seafons their Supplies of Provifion from the Northern Colonies fhould be irregular, fcanty, or intercepted. What Care is taken of the Slaves in Sicknefs? Are there any Laws or Rrgulations for that Purpofe? What Provilion is made for them when old, or difabled ? 111:, A medical Man is employed to prefcribe for the Sick,. and One or more aged female Slaves co attend them. There are no Laws or Regulations for this Purpofe ; nor is it likdy any Laws could be framed to enforce 1he Performance of this and limilar Duties with due Etfecr, lhould the Maller refill: the united Motives of Humanity and Self-interdl:. zd, When the l'ropriecor relides upon the Plantation, his Jnterell: mull (indepenclent of ocher Motives) be a powerful Incentive co attend co, and fupply the Wrnts of his lick Slaves. It is probable:, however, that in the Abfence of che Maller, the Manager may not always be fufficiently attentive to this very elfenrial Parr of his Oury; but if the medical Man as he ought, no very grofs Neglects or A bufes in this rtfpect can be commincd: And Dr. Adair verily believes, that the lick Slaves in general enjoy more Com:orts. and better Accommod;itions than the indigent Sick in any Councry in Europe. But it is not in this relpect only, that the medical Man may be of effemial Service; knowing profeffiona!ly, as he oughr, "Q!JiJ narura faciar, aut ferar," he is peculiarly qualified to point out the and of the l\ou. ri!hment necelfary for the Slaves even in Health, according to the Nature of the Seafons and 1he Degree of their Labour. 3d, Dr. Adair believes there is a Law to oblige the Proprietor to provide for his and dif abkd Slaves, to prevent their being a Burthen co the Public; bccaule in the only Jnll:ance he recollects, the Evil was remedied by the Inrerpofition of a Magifirate. He fufpects, however, that the weekly Allowance allotted them from the Plantation, may ofo:n be fcancy, though this Deficiency is, he believes, made up by the Kindnels of their Relatives ; at lealt he does not recollect an lnlhnce of any Slave of this Defcriprion being expofed co want. What is the general Period of their Lives ? Is it of equal Duration with that of White Inha biranrs, or Free Negroes? I fi, The Age of Ne.groes cannot be afcertained; but fa far as Appearances may be relied on, a confiderable Proportion of the Slaves feem to attain old Age. 2d, Hot Climates do not feem to be favourable 10 Longevity; but this Circumfiance affects the White Inhabitants and Free Negroes equally with the Slaves; nor does Dr. Adair, fa far as his Recollection frrves him, believe chat the Labour of the latter rends to abridge the Term of their Lives in any confiderable Degree. Can any Caufes be affigned which impede the natural lncreafe of Negro Slal'es? Several Caufes may be 1 tl:, The enervating Heat of the Climate, which difpofes to A bore ion. zd, The Practice of Polygamy. 3d, The Incontinence of the Female Slaves. The very premature, and debilitating of the Sexes, and .rhe frequent to procure Abortion in the younger Females, with a view of preferving their Perfons lo,nger 1n req:1ell:, and chtrrby inducing Sterility. 4th, The Indolence ot the pregnant Females during the lall: l\fonths of Geftation. The ex ceffive Indulgence of both Sexes in the Ufe of fpiriruous Liquors and Tobacco, the Men parci cularly, by which they are much enervated. 5th, The general Pracl:ice of fockling their Children to ihe End of che and even the Third Year, a PraCtice perhaps founded in Cullom, b .1t more probably adopted by the to protract the Period of Indulgence granted them on account of che necc:lfary Auc:ntion to their Infants. 6 _1h, The injudicious. Choice frequently macle in the Purchafe. of African Slaves, by pre femng adult Males al.way.1 confiirute a confidrrable of the Number imported) for the Purpofc of deriving 1mmrd1are AdvancJge trnm their Labour. But thefe Adult' beinr habituated tn Indolence. in their native to.which they more attached than the Slaves, oftrn. lullen and refraltory 111. their new S:rnanon, and either elope or gradually decline in Spirit and 1n He;ilth; and when feized with Difeafe, are apt to neglett or reject the Means of Helief, But when young Slaves (and a conliderable Proporrion of them. Females) are purchafed, though fame Years elapfo before the Planter can have the Benefit of their Labour, he is in the Event amply replid by the Necefficy for annual Snpplies being much ldfcntd, I h Digitized by Go gle Original from IJNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Antigua. A. N u. lt has been confidently afTerted, that the Planters ufe the moll inhuman :E:xpedients, not only to prevent their Female Slaves from breeding, but even to deflroy the infant Progeny, becaufe it is more profitable to purchafe Slaves fit for Labour, than to rear the Infants This, like many other Allegations againfl: the Well: India Planters, is an Imputation equally falfe and malignant; for One Slave born or reared in the Colony, is equal in Value to Two of the fame Age imported (mere Infants excepted); and fo confcious are Planters of this Truth, that the Value of a Female Slave is always enhanced by the Number of her Children. Particular Inll:ances have adduced to prove that an lncreafe of Slaves mull: always be the Confequence of mild Treatment, and from thence a general but falfe Inference has been drawn, That the annual Diminution of the whole Number of Slaves mull: be foldy ou;ing to the combined Caufes of hard Labour, fcanty Fare, and harlh Treatment. Dr. Adair admits that there may have been Inltances of a Lofs of Slaves fuflained by fither or all of thefe Caufes; but ii> far as his Obfcrvation has extended, he avers it to be his firm Belief that the lnftances are m111ch fewer than have been alleged. Dr. Adair has been informed that in fome Plantations there has been an annual Increafe of Slaves without l'urchafc of African Negroes, but this rare Cirn1m!l:ance has not been attributed to the proper Caufos, which he will endeavour to affign. 111:, The judicious Choice of African Slaves at the Settlement of the Plantation. 2_d, The Practice of fome provident and wealthy Planters of purchafing either native or feafoned Slaves, of which frequent Opportunities occur, either when they are publicly fold under Executions for Debt, or on other Occafions; and if thefe accidental Additions are not brought into the Account, as they feldom or ever are, 1he Compuiation is fallacious ; but granting that no fuch Additions have been made, Dr. Adair from his very ex1enfive Experience avers, that the lnftances of fuch annual lncreali: without Purchafe mull: be exceedingly rare. 3d, But the chief Caule of this annual Increafe in particular Plantations is, that in every Co-. Jony there are Situations which are more healthy, the Soil more loofe and produClive; and con fequcntly under theft Circumll:ances the Slaves are more healthy, their Employment lefs laborious, and their Prov1fion more ample. In general however there is an annual Decreafe of 1he Slaves, which, though no accurate culation has been mac!e, may be eftimated at 1 f or z per Cent. and in fome unhealthy Planta tions it is perhaps double ; but that this Decreafe ought not to be attributed to hard Labour and harfh Ufage is rvidcnt, becaufc in unhealthy Plantations the Mortality of the Whites keeps pace with that of 1he S:aves, and alfo from a Confideration of the following Circumftance : Sir John Pringle, in his Trea1ife on Army Diftafes, has calculated that the annual Lofs in our Armies in Flanders (betides thofe Men who were killed and died of their Wounds) was 1 in 17; but of the Regiments fent to the Well: Indies, and the Seamen ftationed there in Ships of War, the Lofs is certainly much greater l and even of thofc Perfons who go to refide in a civil Capacity a very confiderable Proportion die annually (a). Dr. Adair deems it his Duty to vindicate the native White or Creolia"n Inhabitants from an Afperfion that is as cruel as it is unjuft, viz. That they are peculiarly hJrlh to their Slaves. Dr. Adair, from long Experienct>, folemnly avers, that they are much more kind and indulgent to them than the Britilh, Irifh, and North American Proprietors and Managers (Dr. Ado ir is a Briton), who fometimes afford lamentable Proofs of 1heir Departure from 1he Principks of Li berty and the Diet.ices of Humanity. This Charge againll: the Creolians has been countenanced by an artful Infinuation, that they inherit a Spirit of Rapine and Cruelty from Buccaneers and Convicts their Predecdfors. Unjuft and malignant as the Inference is, with refpeCl: to any of our Well: Inands, the FaCI: is only appli cable to our quondam Polfeffions in North America, and U> One only of our Sugar Colonies; the Importation of Convicts into the Leeward lfiands having been effc:Cl:ually prevented by Law, Are many Children born of Negro Slaves, and in what Proportion are they reared? Though fome Female Slaves are fufficiently prolific, yet Reafons are affigned under the preeecling why they are not generally fo. No Calculation has been made of the Proportion reared, but it is certainly much lefs than of White Children, for a Reafon to be given under the next One Caufe of the Mortality of young Slaves is the lnauenion of the Mother, whofe natural Affection for her Offspring does not feem in general to be fo ardent as that of White Women. Another Caufe is, that in fome Plantations the Mothers are not allowed a fufficient Proportion of Provifion for their Children, and therefore, deeming them an Incumbrance, they are lefs foli citous about their Prefervation; but chis Evil has, of late Years, been lefs frequent than form_erly_; and in well-regulated Plantations, the Children of CJrekfs Mothers are daily fed under the Eye of the Mi!l:refs. (ti) Lord Kaims, in hia Hillory of Man, aflerts, that in Jamaica che a11nual Dccrca(e of Slaves is 7 p1r ttn/.; buc he mufl have been milinformcd. PAll.T III. Are: PART IIT. Digitized by Go gle Origir1al from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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Antigua. A. N I I. But adri1itting the Po!Tibility of rcrlraining the Planter from importing Slaves in any Manner whatfoever, the Ruin of the Colonies will be foona effceled, and the Sugar Trade more fpcedily transferred to other Nat ions. Sugar now hecomes aln1olt a Ntcelfary of Life, efpecially in this Kinfidom, mu
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r ART m. Antigua. A. N 1 I: Stories of wanton or ddiberate Cruelly excrcifed upon the Slaves, feldom merits any Credit; for when the Slaves arrive in the Well: Indies, unlefs an Epidemic has prevailed in the Ship, they generally go on Shore hale, luily, and in good Spirits. It will be expeeted that Dr. Adair lhould be more explicit on the Subjetl: of their Treatment after they become the Property of the Planter. The Love of Power is to be a ruling Paffion in the Mind of Man; and the Hillary of Mankind affords ample Proofs, that in the Exercife of unlimited Power he is too apt to exceed the Bounds of J oil ice and Humanity; and therefore it would be uncandid abfolutely to deny the Stories that have been tolerably authenticated refpeCting the harlh Treatment of individual though probably much exaggerated. But it is fo far from being Matttr of Surprife that fome Inll:ances of wanton or deliberate Cruchy have been brought forward on tolerable Authority, that it is really furprizing they have not occurred more frequently in our Weft-India Colonies. But do none fuch occur even in this Country? Without attributing to the Weft India Planter a larger Proportion of the facial Virtues than he really poffdfes, or venturing to inquire inco his real Motives when he ftems to exercife thofc Virtues towards his Negro Servants, he is, at lea!l:, actuated by One very powerful Incentive -the Confideration of his own lr.terelt. Slaves are a very valuable, but a very precarious Property; and thofc who arc imported from Africa require, for feveral Months after their Importation, affiduous Attention and great Indul-gence. On their Arrival at the Plantation, they are generally committed to the Care of an experienced Slave of their own Country, and are, for a confiderable Time, exempt from any Duty that can be deemed laborious. Even after they enter on their Occupations, much Care is nefel